Environmental Journalism in South Asia PDF

THE GREEN PEN
THE GREEN PEN

Environmental Journalism in
India and South Asia
Edited by
Keya Acharya
Frederick Noronha
Copyright © Keya Acharya and Frederick Noronha, 2010
[The copyright of each essay rests with its contributor(s).]
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilisedâ•¯in any
form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying,
recording or by any information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publisher.
First published in 2010 by
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The Sage Team: Rekha Natarajan, Rachna Sinha, Anju Saxena

and Trinankur Banerjee
To all the authors of this anthology
who have contributed so generously in good faith,
and to all the many journalists who have kept
India-ej active and useful over the years.
Contents
Foreword by Darryl D’Monte xi

Preface by Frederick Noronha and Keya Acharya xvii
Section One
nvironmental Journalism and Environmental
E
Reporting
1 Environment Stories, among the Most Challengingâ•… 3
Lyla Bavadam
2 This Separate Categoryâ•… 12
Kunda Dixit
3 Environmental Journalism at the
Time of Economic Liberalisationâ•… 20
Richard Mahapatra
4 Environmental Journalism since Economic Liberalisationâ•… 28
S. Gopikrishna Warrier
5 The Most Serious Newsâ•… 35
Sunita Narain
6 Writing about the Birds and the Beesâ•… 38
Keya Acharya
7 My Words, It’s Still Fun!â•… 45
Sudhirendar Sharma
8 Problems of Aesthetics and Misplaced Altruism:
Media and Environment in Northeast Indiaâ•… 51
Kazimuddin (Kazu) Ahmed
viii The Green Pen
9 Good Journalism, That’s Allâ•… 59

Kalpana Sharma
10 Media is No Longer the Fourth Estateâ•… 64
Devinder Sharma
11 Lost in the Smogâ•… 72
Dionne Bunsha
12 Tourism and Beyond: Does Environmental Journalism Matter?â•… 79
Frederick Noronha
13 Environment Journalism, Maldivian Styleâ•… 86
Ahmed Zaki Nafiz
14 Uphill and Downstream in Pakistanâ•… 95
Beena Sarwar
Section Two
Science, Health and the Environment
15 Good Science, Environment Journalism and the Barriers to It!â•… 109
Pallava Bagla
16 Environment, Exotic Diseases and the Media: Emerging Issuesâ•… 116
Patralekha Chatterjee
Section Three
Wildlife Journalism
17 At the End of a Dark Tunnel, a Faint Lightâ•… 127
Nirmal Ghosh
18 Tiger Defends the Biodiversityâ•… 135
Malini Shankar
Section Four
Environment and Water
19 The Media’s Role in Water and Sanitationâ•… 151
Sahana Singh
Contents ix
20 Water Journalism Warrants Better Attentionâ•… 157

Shree Padre
Section Five
Reporting on Disasters
21 Dispatches from the Frontline: Making of
The Greenbelt Reportsâ•… 171
Nalaka Gunawardene and Manori Wijesekera
22 Floods: Blacked Out but Realâ•… 184
Sunita Narain
23 Turbulence: How Volunteers Cyber-Responded to a Tsunamiâ•… 187
Peter Griffin
Section Six
Photojournalism
24 Stop All the Clocks! Beyond Text, Looking at the Picsâ•… 203
Max Martin
25 What Does One Photograph Do To Depict a Flood?â•… 208
Shahidul Alam
26 It Was a Long Journeyâ•… 213
Nandan Saxena
Section Seven
Communicating on the Environment
27 Paradigm Shift in Agricultural Communicationâ•… 225
Shivaram Pailoor
28 A ‘Global City’ vs the Environmentâ•… 232
Ardeshir Cowasjee
29 Wild Panther in Miramar? Goa on the Verge of
Environmental Hara-kiriâ•… 236
Nandkumar Kamat
x The Green Pen
Section Eight
Gender and Environment
30 Reporting Gender and Environment: Beyond Tokenismâ•… 251
Laxmi Murthy
Section Nine
Environmental Movements
31 The Grass is Greener This Sideâ•… 261
Meena Menon
32 The Chipko and Appiko Movementsâ•… 271
Pandurang Hegde
Section Ten
An Anil Agarwal Reader
33 Media Gamesâ•… 285
Anil Agarwal
34 Saying It with Picturesâ•… 288
Anil Agarwal
35 No Screen Presenceâ•… 291
Anil Agarwal
About the Editors and Contributors 294

Foreword
Darryl D’Monte
When I look back at 30 years of writing about the environment, I realise

that many seminal occurrences are due to chance or intuition, rather than
a clear-cut, well thought-out decision. I was editing the Sunday edition
of The Times of India throughout the 1970s and my brief was to steer clear
of politics. Business, I ought to remind younger readers, wasn’t even an
issue worth discussing those days: it was left to the Commercial Editor.
Environmental issues were just beginning to become newsworthy.
One day towards the end of 1977, a slim green pamphlet landed
on my desk titled ‘Report of the Task Force for the Ecological Planning
of the Western Ghats’, not exactly a subject which would have set the
Arabian Sea on fire. The 19-member task force was headed by the well-
known naturalist Zafar Futehally and concluded, among other issues, that
the Silent Valley hydel dam across the Kunthipuzha river in the western
ghats in Kerala would destroy ‘one of the last vestiges of natural climax
vegetation of the region and one of the last remaining in the country…
and various adverse ecological consequences will follow’.
I cleared a Sunday editorial on this report with my formidable editor,
Girilal Jain, who was solely preoccupied with political issues. But he
issued me a caveat, which I still recall: ‘make sure your argument isn’t
unscientific’. Those days, the battle lines were clearly drawn: reason was
on the side of the hard-headed ‘developmentalists’ and those who were
opposed to them—and they weren’t too many—were guilty of fuzzy
thinking.
In the early 1980s, I resigned as the Resident Editor of the The Indian
Express in Mumbai and was at a loss as to what to do. It occurred to me that I
should write a book, dealing with three major environmental controversies
of the time, in the context of the development versus environment debate.
These were Silent Valley, the Mathura oil refinery near the Taj Mahal and
the natural gas-based Thal Vaishet fertiliser plant near Mumbai.
xii The Green Pen
When I applied for a Homi Bhabha fellowship to do the research, I was

somewhat intimidated by the interview panel. The head of the Nagpur-
based National Environmental Engineering Research Institute asked me
how I, as a mere journalist, could possibly make sense of the mathematical
‘constants’ that are used in the complex calculations of how a smoke
plume—from a refinery chimney in the case of the Mathura refinery—
would land on a site 40 km away. I was not even aware of what constants
were but, gathering my wits, replied that it was our job as journalists to
be confronted by complexities we couldn’t understand every day of our
working lives. Our task was first to comprehend these and then to convey
them in a manner that readers could follow.
I had been active in the civil liberties movement till the mid-1970s.
During the emergency, we had to disband the Association for Defence of
Democratic Rights, because this could invite trouble. Soon after I began
my research on the book in the 1980s, I met an acquaintance who asked
me what I was doing. When I told her about the book, she admonished
me: ‘So you’ve moved from being concerned about people to being
concerned about things?’
The remark stung me at the time; such stray comments always catch
you off-guard. I wondered if I had let the side down and abandoned my
commitment to protecting human rights. It was only in the months to
come, when I was engrossed in my research, that I realised that far from
there being any disconnect with human beings, the environmental crisis
lay at the heart of such concern. My intuition, I was happy to learn, hadn’t
deserted me.
Later, Anil Agarwal struck a balance in the environment versus
development debate by citing Gandhiji and his exhortation to look to
the needs of the last man, the Antyodaya. If his needs are given topmost
priority, the purpose of all ‘development’ schemes becomes transparent.
Agarwal added a nuance when he stated that actually in this country, the
last man is a woman, thus lending a gender dimension to the debate.
Most journalists, I suspect, come from a background in social sciences.
I had studied economics but wasn’t aware at the time that both economics
and ecology stem from the same Greek root—oikos, meaning home or
house. Thus, economics is the science of good housekeeping, making
sure that the household accounts are in order and expenditure doesn’t
exceed income. Ecology, on the other hand, concerns itself with ensuring
that the home is well stocked with resources that go into people’s well-
being. There is now a respectable International Society for Ecological
Economics.
Foreword xiii
I had to battle with unfamiliar natural sciences constantly during my

research into these three quite diverse case studies for my book. Silent
Valley, in particular, called for some insights into botany, forestry and
zoology; the Taj case into chemistry and conservation, not to mention
mathematics; and the Thal fertiliser plant into industrial location policy.
Politics permeated each and every stage of the discourse. In Silent Valley,
the threat to a rare species called the lion-tailed macaque, a denizen of this
forest, led to a fiery debate between development and environment and
prompted the pro-dam lobby to exclaim: ‘Are monkeys more important
than men?’
This was my baptism in environmental journalism and extended
research. Earlier, as a Sunday editorialist in The Times of India, I had criticised
conservationists for being uncaring about the conditions of tribals in
forests. Later, environmentalists welcomed me to their fold and believed
that I had crossed over. But I continue to argue that in this debate, humans
and wildlife must co-exist, without one being promoted at the cost of
the other. The argument got very heated over the recent report of the
Tiger Task Force headed by Sunita Narain, who contributes to this book.
Elsewhere, she asked a question which no one can easily answer: ‘How
is it that India’s poorest people live in the most resource-rich areas of the
country?’
In the 1980s, I was in Bandhavgarh National Park in MP when an adivasi
was killed by a tiger as he was bending over the forest floor to collect some
produce. More than my gory photographs of the hapless man, with his
head nearly severed by a single blow from the mighty cat’s paw, what
lingers in my memory is the image of the forlorn widow, clad only in a
tattered sari, without a blouse. Her legs were bow-legged with anaemia
and I think, in retrospect, that even if she had been saved from the fury of
the beast, she would have succumbed, sooner or later, to sheer starvation.
Baba Amte once described central India to me as the country’s
cummerbund, which is an apt metaphor, considering that this waistband
contains the forests and minerals and some of the rivers which make up
our natural wealth. Is it an accident that the Naxalite movement has taken
root precisely in these most wretched regions, now extending to one-
sixth of all the districts in the country? Many conservationists, in their
admirable zeal to protect endangered animals, have not paid as much heed
to endangered countrymen. In this book, Richard Mahapatra recounts
some basic truths about poverty. The suicides of farmers is as much an
environmental issue as it is a matter of agricultural and trade policies, not
to mention the utter callousness of politicians.
xiv The Green Pen
I relate these personal instances not out of any exaggerated sense of

my own contribution to environmental journalism but because they
address many of the concerns expressed in this book. Speaking for myself,
I am sometimes referred to in public as an environmental activist and
sometimes as a journalist. When I was an editor, as I was when I rejoined
The Times of India in the late 1980s, I never spoke about environmental issues
on public platforms, confirming environmentalists’ worst fears that I had
become a member of the establishment! But I continued to write about
the environment in this country and elsewhere in the newspaper. I prefer
to call myself an environmental journalist and I see no harm in doing
that. It requires a certain degree of specialisation, particularly with today’s
complexities regarding environmental treaties, trade and technology.
No such opprobrium attaches itself to being a business journalist or a
political journalist. Why should environmental journalists feel defensive
about themselves? As for the argument that it creates a special category
which seeks privileges and is not subject to the same checks and balances
as other forms of journalism, me thinks the proponents of this line
of thought overstate their case. Do business journalists tell the whole,
unalloyed truth, or are they susceptible to be swayed by particular interest
groups, particularly in an era when media houses are themselves investing
in companies? And, by the same token, are political journalists not guilty
of planting stories to embarrass their sources’ rivals? In other words,
aren’t they also ‘committed’ and not objective?
The admonitions that several contributors to this book address to
environmental journalists actually apply to all scribes. There are good
journalists and bad journalists on every beat. At the same time, there is
certainly a strong case for not ghettoising environment by allocating a
page or section to it every so often. It has to compete with other stories
for the front page, the city page, the international page, the editorial
page, the business section and even—as pollution issues during the
Beijing Olympics indicate—on the sports pages. While that is true of the
mass media, the fortnightly Down to Earth is one of the best environmental
journals anywhere in the world.
There is actually a surge in environmental reporting throughout the
world with the publication of the fourth report of the Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change. The skeptics are being silenced, although they
raise their head from time to time. It may well be true that this is a cyclical
phase and that the environment will undergo a downturn in the years
to come. But it is difficult to see how, with oil and food prices going
through the roof. I would argue that it is the short-sightedness of the
Foreword xv
media—particularly with the emergence of editors who don’t write a

line themselves these days—that is responsible for a general neglect of
environment and development.
If one sees the international opinion polls on environmental issues
conducted by the Toronto-based organisation Globescan, environment—
particularly when it is linked to health—figures amongst the top three
concerns in every society, both in industrial and developing countries,
across all classes and communities. That is a message which politicians
don’t understand; that is a message which bureaucrats don’t understand;
but, most of all, that is a message which the media itself doesn’t understand.
An increasingly globalised media in this country is dumbing down with a
vengeance, trivialising all issues: ‘amusing ourselves to death’.
Ecology has been originally defined, as long ago as in the mid-19th
century, as the study of the relationship between living organisms and the
environment. Humans, as much as wildlife, are integral to its concern,
which is why its variant has subsequently been termed human ecology.
Ecology always enjoins us to look holistically at the entire picture, not
one dimension of it. As Agarwal always emphasised, environment and
development are two sides of the same coin, or two sides of the same tree
trunk, as Kunda Dixit paraphrases in this book. As a die-hard environmental
journalist, I can only hope: may the tribe increase!
Preface
We both belong to the second generation of environmental journalists in

India, if you could call it that. Pioneers like Anil Agarwal and editors like
Daryl DeMonte preceded us. So when we met up in Goa recently, and
got talking about the changing situation in the environmental journalist
scenario, a thought struck us.
Even as the environmental crisis gets worse, and even conservative
business-as-usual politicians are getting around to accepting mega-threats
like global warming, the space for environmental journalism is shrinking.
Things are not as rosy as they once were.
The lack of demand could indeed kill the supply. Where is the next
generation of environmental journalists from India going to come from?
In this context, the least we could do is to not forget our history. When
we proposed to SAGE-India a book of this nature, our intention was to
ensure that the upcoming generations could read about the past. Read and
know what went into the field of environmental journalism in years not
so long ago.
This book puts together the ideas and experiences of many women
and men who reported from the frontlines and offers an engaging insight
into the debate on environmental writing in our region through deep and
varied viewpoints from seasoned journalists. We hope it will inspire an
upcoming generation of journalists about what is possible.
We are grateful to SAGE-India for making it all possible.
Keya Acharya, Bangalore, keya.acharya@gmail.com

Frederick Noronha, Goa, fn@goa-india.org
November 2008
Section One
Environmental Journalism
and Environmental Reporting
1
Environment Stories, among the Most
Challenging
Lyla Bavadam
They are about issues that most people do not think are important.
Often they do not directly impact peoples lives and so nobody sees the
environment as their responsibility. Consequently, people have an ostrich-
like attitude to issues till they are too big to ignore. Once they are out of
control and are reported on, both the people who report them as well as
the issues themselves are considered as problems. To make matters worse,
what is reported is sometimes far from the reality. And the icing on the
cake—till very recently environment reporting was considered a niche
area of journalism not worth pursuing.
No icing, just bread and butter

Though lots of factors contribute to a high level of frustration for
environment reporters, the aggravations are nowhere near as high as that
of people directly involved in the preservation and conservation efforts
of wildlife, water sources, open spaces, forests and biodiversity; in the
regulation of chemical pesticides, pollution, energy consumption and even
human population growth—in short, in the task of environmental justice.
And that is one of the reasons why journalists write on the environment—
to provide that crucial link between field workers and citizens and policy
makers, to be the back up, so to speak, for the people who are out in
the field and in the laboratories working for the environment. While
environmental articles may not have had a big impact on direct policy
making it is indisputable that they have played a big role in making people
aware of environmental issues.
The prevailing attitude towards the environment is to see nature as a
‘resource’. Thus, trees are not trees—they are timber or potential carbon
4 Lyla Bavadam
sinks. And wildlife sanctuaries are sanctuaries only in name since wildlife
has to share the space with tourists, poachers, tribal people, etc. The
predominant belief is that nature exists only for human consumption.
This mindset that stems from a ‘people-first’ belief is possibly the greatest
hurdle to any environmental movement and, consequently, a hurdle to
journalists who write on the environment.
With numerous ‘human issues’ on the boil, till recently it was
considered outrageous in India to hold a brief for the environment.
While the towering morality of the ‘people-first’ brigade still manages to
intimidate and accuse environmental writers of misogyny (an accusation
that is unreasonable and hitting below the belt), there is an urgent need
to speak out for the needs and rights of beings other than humans. It’s
not as if those who work for the environment have not been doing
this but they have been forced to couch their ideas in a safe manner, in
ways that will not seem offensive, fanatical or extremist. Following the
cue of environmentalists, environmental writers have also soft-pedaled
issues and in the cases when it is a conflict between man and nature they
have usually kowtowed to the human element in the story. It’s time that
environmental writers stopped being apologetic and wrote hard-hitting
pieces about issues that are as critical and life threatening as those that
human rights activists work with. A diffident article actually undermines
the cause. In fact, along with the change in confidence required by
environmental journalists, it is time for the human rights brigade to also
change their tone, open their minds and include the environment as a part
of their battle plan.
After all, environment issues fit into the category of underprivileged,
weak and helpless in exactly the same way (if not more) as the other
issues that human rights activists deal with.
The lions’ historians

There is an African proverb that says, ‘Till the lions have their historians,
tales of hunting will always glorify the hunter’. The proverb is about
power, control and law making. Environmental journalists have to play
the role of the ‘lion’s historians’. They have to put across the point of view
of the environment to people who make the laws. They have to be the
voice of wild India.
The present rate of human consumption is completely unsustainable.
Forest, wetlands, wastelands, coastal zones, eco-fragile zones, they are
Environment Stories, among the Most Challenging 5
all seen as disposable for the accelerating demands of human population.

But to ask for any change in human behaviour—whether it be to cut
down on consumption, alter lifestyles or decrease population growth
— is seen as a violation of human rights. But at some point human rights
become ‘wrongs’. It’s time we changed our thinking so that there is no
difference between the rights of humans and the rights of the rest of
the environment. Environmental journalism has a role to play in this
change. A more proactive stance and campaign style has to be adopted by
environmental writers. And this will not, as feared by some, compromise
the ethics of good journalism.
Consider the example of India’s vanishing wild spaces. At a time
when species are close to vanishing there is a critical necessity to declare
vast tracts as areas reserved solely for wildlife. It is issues like this that
cry out for environmental journalism to write aggressively about and
make a case for some of India’s 90 national parks and 501 sanctuaries to
remain completely free of human interference whether by tribal people
or for adventure sports or building resorts. In the last few decades, under
various guises we have exploited and systematically destroyed our wild
areas and proved that we are incapable of managing them. Only 4 per
cent of the country’s landmass is now wilderness. And this too is now
at risk because of The Scheduled Tribes (Recognition of Forest Rights)
Bill, 2006.
To say that tribal people have a right to forestland is an idea that is out
of balance with changes that have taken place in the lives and expectations
of tribal people themselves. They are no longer the custodians of the
forests. Because of ‘development’ they are dependent on facilities that
actually have no place in forests. To give them forestland is a death knell
for forests and to expect tribal people to live like their ancestors did is a
death knell for them.
If they are given forestland they will have to also be provided with
modern housing, schools, roads, medical facilities, etc., and if this is
done, then the forest is no longer a forest. It is not a violation of their
rights to say this. If any violation of tribal rights did take place then it
was when they were made to ‘modernise’ and shun their own culture,
lifestyle, dress, education, and medicine, and join the ‘mainstream’. If
that was a mistake (and so far no one is acknowledging it was so) and
giving them forestland is a way of rectifying the mistake, then it cannot
be done at the expense of wildlife and forestland. One mistake cannot be
rectified with another.
6 Lyla Bavadam
Good journalism, not good activism

When it comes to environmental reporting, the line between being a
journalist and an activist is very fine. In fact, at times it vanishes to such
an extent that there are accusations of it being environmental journalism
instead of journalism about the environment. This is actually just a play on
words—no one says the same about political reporters or about business
reporters—and this fact exposes these sorts of illogical, loaded statements
that environmental journalism has to face.
But what is true is that due to the critical nature of environmental
issues, journalists sometimes find themselves having to refine the most
sacrosanct of journalistic principles—objectivity. Interpreting objectivity
to be the formula of ‘he said, she said’ does not do justice to the subject or
to the readers. In fact, it goes against the grain of journalism which relies
on the powers of observation and analysis of the journalist. There are
two points to keep in mind in this regard. One is that journalism is about
representing the underdog, and environmental issues definitely come in
this category. The second point is that one should not be intimidated by
objectivity to the extent that facts are presented with a dryness that makes
them lose their natural, inherent power. This becomes safe journalism
or ineffective journalism (as in the avian influenza example mentioned
later). Perhaps new standards are needed for objectivity in environmental
writing. And perhaps these standards will be set when the dimensions of
environmental writing are expanded to include the social, the economic,
the scientific, the ethical, the emotional and the spiritual.
A primary question environmental journalists need to ask in their
writings is whether policy makers, the judiciary, law keepers, industrialists,
citizens, etc., are serious about the protection and conservation of the
environment. Judging by the increasing number of issues that are becoming
critical, it would seem that we are not doing our job with the seriousness
it deserves. At present we are reactive and not proactive in our battles. In
the same way as the principle of objectivity needs to be refined (and not
redefined) in the context of environmental journalism, so does the role
of reporting. We need to go beyond reporting and anticipate stories. In
this respect environment writers can go beyond being reporters in the
accepted definition of the term. The environment is always evolving and
whatever we do has an impact on it. To this extent environment writers
have the advantage of being able to anticipate changes. In fact, this is how
the climate change and global warming debates started. As it turned out,
early stories on climate change were not speculative and pseudo science
even though people were contemptuous of the idea when it was initially
talked about. Like any other journalist, an environmental reporter needs a
healthy dose of skepticism.
Stereotypes, science, choice of vocabulary, ideas or accepted wisdom
all need to fall under the scanner as seen in the following examples.
The Green Revolution came about because of agricultural research and
the intensive use of water and chemical fertiliser. In its time it was relevant
because it significantly increased agricultural production but it is not a
replicable formula. In the mid-1990s there was loose talk of replicating this
in the so-called desert region of Kutch—it was meant to be a grand plan to
green the desert. First, Kutch is not a desert. It is a water scarce region. And
second, the Green Revolution succeeded in the Punjab because the basics
of water and fertile soil were already present—not to mention a tradition
of farming—all of which are absent in Kutch. Fortunately, the plan was
never implemented with the intensity with which it had been planned
but the point is that even when it was being bandied about practically no
questions were raised in environmental writings even though some of the
ecological impact of this kind of farming are well documented.
Another example: High yield rice was introduced in India as a means to
prevent famine. While it was successful in some areas it was not possible
to implement it everywhere. The grain called for perfect land contouring,
irrigated land, chemical fertilisers and insecticides. The outcome: only
rich farmers could sow the high yield variety. The rest continued with
their indigenous strains of rice. These rice varieties had evolved over
generations and grew in harmony with local conditions. They were
tolerant of less water and poor drainage. They were content with natural
fertiliser and they had developed their own resistance to local pests. So
integral were certain rice types to certain regions that diets of people in
the region were accustomed to these varieties. Once the high yield rice
was introduced, it had the full backing of the government. Distribution
of this locally grown rice became more difficult and over a period of time
small farmers were forced to convert to the new grain or to supplement
their income by working for big farmers. This meant that suddenly there
was an increase in the availability of labourers and this naturally meant
a drop in wage levels. Thus, the introduction of something as seemingly
simple (and helpful) as high yield rice resulted in social, health and
environmental imbalances.
Human intolerance of nature (unless it is for consumption) is expressed
through the vocabulary we use. When trees are cut on forestland and
fields are planted, the term ‘encroacher’ is not used but when elephants
8 Lyla Bavadam
enter the same field that was once part of their territory they are termed
‘rogues’ and legitimately hunted. Culling is another word that is much
too freely used. Its dictionary meaning is ‘to remove rejected members
or parts from’. When used in context of the bird flu or any other farm
disease it is incorrect. Chickens, pigs, cows are slaughtered en masse
without any of the selection process that correct culling would involve.
Another word that doesn’t say what it means is ‘development’. Building
more than 3,000 dams on the Narmada River and its tributaries is termed
‘development’ by the government even though an ancient river valley’s
culture and economy is being wiped out and prosperity is being replaced
by destitution. The loss of the majority is seen as acceptable for some
unproven gains of the minority—whether it is big dams or a railway
track through a sanctuary, this is how the word development is currently
used. Clearly it is antithetical to its real meaning. Likewise, ‘wastelands’
are terribly misunderstood. The name is taken far too literally and carte
blanche is given to ‘develop’ this sort of land. Wasteland is actually
just nature taking a breather. It’s nature’s equivalent of a farmer letting
a field stand fallow so that it will recover its natural fertility. The very
nomenclature—wasteland —exposes a lack of understanding of the way
natural surroundings function. And finally, the word environment itself—
ideally the word ‘environment’ should be a synonym for ‘the world’—it
should encompass everything within the natural world including humans,
but the common use encompasses everything except humans, thereby
perpetuating the prevailing idea of a divide between people and their
surroundings.
While there is a serious need to use science in environmental
journalism there is as strong a need to question science. Take the example
of the avian influenza. While thousands of birds were being butchered,
buried alive and burnt alive, there was not one report protesting the mass
savagery. It’s not as if people (including journalists) did not find this
deeply objectionable but it was not voiced. Why? Was it the possibility
of human fatalities that justified the bloodbath? But if that is so, it cannot
be an acceptable answer. Just a possibility is not adequate reason to justify
carnage. Was it the typical reaction to power—that at a time of crisis the
government’s word is law and cannot be questioned? That too cannot
be accepted because the crisis was not proved (and remains so) and
questions are not supposed to be taboo for journalists. The fact is that a
fear psychosis operated and no one questioned the whole avian influenza
scare. Is the avian influenza as deadly as it is made out to be? How many
human deaths have there been that were directly linked to it? The answers
would show that as environmental writers we were panic-stricken in our

reports; not by the influenza itself but the fear of being proved wrong if
we asked questions. ‘Safe’ writing was of no help to the tortured birds, the
small farmers whose farmyards were wiped out or to readers who remain
confused about whether or not humans are at risk from this disease.
The dilemma of a good pitch

One of the criticisms levelled at environment stories is the tone of the
writing. Over a period of time readers develop a fatigue for environmental
stories because they always seem to be at high pitch. Writers think they
are conveying the urgency via a high-pitched tone in the article. Readers
unfortunately tune out.
The fact is that environmental issues have been neglected for so long
that most situations are in a crisis. There is undoubtedly a dilemma here.
But it seems to be a dilemma that writers of social issues do not seem to
face. Take the example of the riots in Gujarat in 2002. Journalists wrote in
shuddering detail about the atrocities. There was no objection to printing
or broadcasting these details either from editors or from readers and
the general feeling was that the ‘truth must be exposed so that justice
is done’. Yet, an environmental journalist will hesitate to describe the
horrors of an animal caught in a trap or an editor will strike out a section
which questions why a village mob should not be face criminal charges
for bludgeoning a panther to death or a TV channel will not air footage
of an elephant screaming because its calf is being taken away. Why are
these atrocities not as newsworthy as the rape and murder of a pregnant
woman?
At the root of environmental writing is a desire to change current
thinking so that people see themselves as a part of the environment
and not as masters who have a right to exploit resources. This is not a
romantic ideal but a practical idea that stems from the politics of equitable
distribution. In fact, such ideas have a traditional base in India. Here are
a few examples. This anecdote comes from someone who works with
an NGO and was researching traditional agricultural practices. During a
conversation with a farmer in which they were discussing the ownership
of land and produce, the farmer said something that can only be described
as greatly liberal. He said that owning land did not mean he had a sole right
to everything on it. Of his right over his crops, he said, ‘50 per cent is for
me, 25 per cent is for you (that is, whoever in the community needed it)
and 25 per cent is for the birds.’ This belief and practice of mutual benefit
10 Lyla Bavadam
and survival stemmed from man’s dependence on the natural world. His
acknowledgement of it made him assimilate with, rather than try and
dominate, the environment. As this dependence decreased and people
learnt to control the environment, their immediate dependence decreased
and their intolerance of the environment grew.
The fishing community in India also exemplifies the understanding
of the delicate balance between man and his environment. For example,
fishing is never carried out in the monsoon because that is the breeding
season. As practicing environmentalists and fishermen know that this is
the time fish stocks are being regenerated. The relationship of give and
take is also expressed in small traditions like the one in which fishermen
at sea always throw a bit of food into the waters before commencing their
own meal.
A healthy attitude of man being in harmony with the natural world
was at one time present worldwide. There was a time when the principles
of law were extended fairly to all living beings—not just to humans.
Medieval records have numerous instances of animal trials in which
animals were fairly represented by a counsel. In one such example in
1545 in France a colony of weevils destroyed the vineyards in the village
of Saint-Julien. In the ensuing trial the judge gave his sentence saying that
the weevils were creatures of God and hence had the same rights as men
to consume plant life. This live-and-let-live wisdom towards all beings is
dying. The environment can expect no such support.
But pitch, nevertheless

At a time when every thing is for sale, environmental journalism is like a
call for a radical rethinking of our values, principles, priorities and political
process. It’s difficult especially since the environment is seen as a tradable
good and as a means to exercise control and power. We are tampering
with water sources like never before. In 1950 there were 5,000 big dams
in the world. Fifty years later, there were almost 500,000.
Governments and big business houses talk of taming nature, of linking
river systems across the country, of legalising hunting for species that
go beyond certain numbers that are decided by humans. Instead of
bursting at the injustice of all this, environmental reporters frequently
just report these matters. Ideas like these are primitive and emanate from
a primitive thought process that has to change and one of the ways to
change them is to question them or to outright debunk them. At the core
of environmental reporting there should be the acceptance that humans
are as much a part of ecosystem as anything else and depend on it for their
survival as all others do. In the final analysis, environmental journalism
is about respect for life—for all forms of life. It has to goad government,
corporations and citizens to take responsibility for their actions. It has
to force them, as Elmar Altvater said in his essay, to recognise that ‘the
ecological costs of past growth [weigh] oppressively on future prospects;
that future generations would have to pay the costs’ (The Future of the Market:
An Essay on the Regulation of Money and Nature after the Collapse of ‘Actually Existing
Socialism’, Verso, 1993).
And that is why environmental stories are the most challenging to
write.
2
This Separate Category
Kunda Dixit
One of the greatest disservice we have done to the cause of environmental

protection is to invent a separate category of reporting called ‘environmental
journalism’.
Just as ‘development journalism’ at one point became synonymous
with sponsored reporting because it was mostly practised by lazy hacks on
sponsored junkets, so it has happened with ‘environmental journalism’. It
ghettoised reporting on a subject that should have been linked to politics,
economics and development. Somehow, ‘environmental journalism’
almost became another name for ‘envelopmental journalism’.
Journalists should report, not fund-raise to set up organisations
specialising on flavour-of-the-month issues like gender, environment,
human rights, HIV, etc. These issues are important in their own right,
not because some donor finds them important and is willing to cough up
money to get them covered. There has to be a distance between the NGO
and media worlds; getting too close hurts the credibility of both.
The way development journalism has been practised, it is as if we need
to say that since we are from the Third World, it is all right that our
stories are third rate. That is what happens when a cause-oriented agenda
becomes more important than media professionalism.
When activism encroaches on journalism

In fact, there should be only two types of journalism in our countries:
good journalism and bad journalism. Good journalism is reporting that is
in-depth, contextualised, relevant, full of human interest, flows like a well-
told story and is written with clear and lively language. Bad journalism is
sloppy, superficial, verbose, dispassionate and dry.
This Separate Category 13
The subject can be anything: a successful forest conservation campaign

in Nepal, a novel and cheap way to get arsenic out of groundwater in
Bangladesh, or how New Delhi has cleaned up its air. Come to think
of it, just about everything is about development in our countries: the
lack of development, or too much of it too fast leading to social and
environmental dislocation.
Politics is about development because it is the process by which we
select the most honest and efficient leader who can run the country and
raise living standards. Economics is about development because without
politicians creating the right environment for investment, there is no
employment. And joblessness will lead to political instability which in turn
will frighten away investors. Justice and equity are about development,
too, because the benefits of economic growth in our region are not spread
evenly. And the environment itself is about development because it is
both greed and need that leads to the unsustainable exploitation of natural
resources.
Which page? One or three?

Development should therefore be page one news, not an afterthought
feature for the inside section. Development should not be a separate
category of news, but integrated into all political, economic, business
coverage. And since environment and development are two sides of the
same tree trunk, coverage of pollution, conservation, wildlife, energy
policy, habitat, should all be interlinked and covered in a wider context,
and not just in isolation. Six in every ten people living in South Asian
countries today are desperately poor, yet television news is preoccupied
with cricket. Half the children go to bed hungry every night, but the
covers of our newsmagazines are about weight loss parlours. Maternal
mortality in many parts of the subcontinent is nearly at Sub-Saharan levels,
but we are obsessed with polls on middle class sexual mores. Hundreds
of cotton farmers commit suicide every year because of indebtedness, but
the media is focused on growth. Reading the region’s newspapers, you
would be hard-pressed to find coverage of these slow emergencies.
The trouble begins with what we define as news. For anything to
make it to the TV news in South Asia these days, rich people have to die
suddenly, spectacularly and with dramatic visuals. So, even if thousands
of children perish from diarrhoeal dehydration every day, it is not news
because they are poor and they die silently, separately, and scattered in
homes across the country.
14 Kunda Dixit
The real reason for the deficient coverage of environmental and

development issues in our media is not government control, but the
filter of over-commercialism and the concentration of media ownership
that is leading to what John Pilger calls ‘the censorship by exclusion’.
There have been instances of advertisers yanking out ads because they
don’t want it next to a story about maternal mortality. Advertisers want
upbeat coverage, and they see nothing wrong with dictating content that
gloss over the problems of society. The biggest lesson from our failed
past coverage is that journalists haven’t been taught about the linkages
between politics, society, traditions and culture, business and trade with
development. We write about development and the environment as if
they exist in a separate world, and we report in a sterile aloof style of
the wire-services. The tone is as if we consider it beneath ourselves to be
reporting on something so boring. Reading some of the coverage of vital
irrigation projects or a new conservation initiative, you get the feeling the
reporter takes it as a punishment and would rather be covering the prime
minister’s press conference.
Where is our sense of outrage about the wrongs in society, or our
admiration for those who have survived and done well despite all odds.
Why doesn’t it make us angry, as journalists and citizens of our countries,
about the injustices that lie at the roots of our problems? Why do we
underestimate the power of the good example. Without indignation, a
reporter can’t muster the passion needed to cover the political and economic
roots of environmental and development stories. And whenâ•¯we do write
them, we won’t be able to do it with commitment and attachment.
A fine balance
How to practise this kind of journalism without sounding like a
propaganda pamphlet? It is a fine balance, and many of us lose it while on
assignment. Either the injustice is so blatant and we are so angry that we
lose all sense of proportion and become flag-waving revolutionaries, or
we are so detached that our stories sound bland and distanced. Getting the
tone right, letting the people speak, injecting the colours, textures, sounds
into the story through lively eye-witness reporting comes with training
and experience. But it starts with a sense of personal commitment on the
part of reporters to try to make things better.
When Inter Press Service published my book Dateline Earth: Journalism As If
the Planet Mattered in 1996, I had written about this sense of personal mission
that all journalists need in their kits. I had argued that journalists should
worry less about objectivity and strive for fairness. They should learn to
become engaged and be experts in development or environmental issues
so they can report with authority and confidence. Many, including some
of my peers in journalism education, told me I had gone too far, I had
crossed the line dividing activism and journalism. I admit, the book is a
bit strident and polemical, but I was young then. I still believe, however,
that there is a way to do both: engage in caring, point-of-view journalism
while retaining our professional credibility.
Fact of the matter

Of course, reporters need a code of ethics. Universal media values can’t be
compromised however much we are moved to correct a prevailing wrong
through journalism. Some of these are:
 You have to get the facts right. Double, triple check even the
trivial facts. You can’t bend the truth ‘a little’ because it helps the
cause.
 Being fair is to listen to all sides, even the crooks. You can’t go
into a story with your mind all made up. Not everything is what
it may seem.
 At least politicians are elected; journalists are not elected. This
requires reporters to have even more integrity and accountability
than politicians.
 Responsibility sounds like a cliché, but we shouldn’t be in the
business of covering unpalatable truths because they don’t fit
with the story.
 Personal commitment: What is my inspiration? Is there a purpose
to my work? What am I trying to change?
 Absolute neutrality may not be possible, but we must be
independent. And separate news and views.
 Much of it is just letting our conscience be our guide.
Democracy and development

After many years of teaching and theorising about the required ‘paradigm
shift’ in reporting and in media education, I returned to Nepal in 1996. It
was soon clear that this ‘new journalism’ is easier said than done. There
are competing pressures from the market, from the advertising and sales
departments; most young reporters join a paper or a TV station for the
16 Kunda Dixit
glamour and want instant fame. There is little understanding of the public
service role of media and that selling a newspaper is different from selling
a shampoo.
And for a country in the throes of violent conflict, war coverage and
politics dominated the news. Development and the environment were put
on the back burner. And we covered the war like it was a series of battles,
counting the bodies for our dispatches. We forgot that in modern wars, it
is the non-combatants who suffer the most.
All in one family.
But one lesson we did learn from Nepal’s messy democratic transition
of the 1990s was that development and environmental protection is only
possible through grassroots democracy. We tried dictatorship, we tried
revolution, but it is only through pluralism and devolved decision-making
that you can raise living standards.
This will work only if the people are allowed a say and made to
participate in decision-making. And you can only get people to participate
through communication. Not the vertical communications of the national
media industry, but the horizontal communications of community media
at the grassroots.
Community media
Today, after a cathartic war and failed dictatorship, we are convinced
that development and environmental protection can only be ensured
by decentralised decision-making to elected local councils. And in this
communications is vital. It is there that Nepal’s experience with community
radio is a success story. Citizens need to be aware about local issues if they
are to have a say in the decisions that affect their daily lives. Press freedom
is an important part of this process, but in a country where literacy rates
are low, radio is the most important medium of communication.
Starting from the deregulation of the airwaves in 1997, there are
now nearly 200 FM stations throughout Nepal. Many of them are run by
village councils, local communities and cooperatives. They prove how
vital communication is to local decision-making about sharing of forests,
water, and other basic necessities.
It is not a coincidence that whatever has worked in Nepal since the
return of democracy in 1990, has the word ‘community’ in it: community
radio, community forests, community-managed schools and hospitals.
National media is either government controlled or commercialised, but
community radio reaches people with information that matters to their
daily lives. The handover of forests to local user groups in the past two
decades has increased forest cover across the Himalayan mid-hills by more
than 20 per cent. While government schools have poor quality and private
schools are too expensive, the transfer of schools to local management
committees has transformed education wherever it has been instituted.
Better quality schools teach children about environmental issues, about
the need to protect forests near water sources. Community forest user
groups stall feed livestock so they don’t destroy the undergrowth, and
have a scheme for rotational grazing. Once a week, villagers are allowed
to enter the forests to collect deadwood and thatch. The awareness
needed to get the public’s participation, priming villagers with this basic
conservation information is all made easier because of community radio.
Village FM radios give a voice to the people, provide much-needed
information on local issues and foster public debate. Radio stations have
helped strengthen democracy and forced local politicians to be more
accountable in delivering basic services like health and education to the
public.
Green grass, greener pastures

The scenic valley of Palung located 45 km west of Nepal’s capital of
Kathmandu with its dense forests and spectacular views of the Himalayan
mountains is popular with tourists.
In the past 10 years, after tourism collapsed because of the insurgency,
Palung’s economy has been transformed by a successful grassroots
cooperative that supports vegetable farming. Cauliflowers, cabbages and
potatoes from Palung valley today feed Kathmandu and are even exported
to India.
The Palung Multi-purpose Cooperative has been an important part of
the local economy. It gives small loans to women farmers from their own
savings so they can buy seeds and support themselves. The women now
have extra income which they use to send their children to better schools,
invest in dairy buffaloes and other income-generating activities. Female
literacy is on the rise, and this has had a direct impact on the reduction in
child marriages and infant and maternal mortality. The forested mountain
sides are all managed by local communities in which women have a big
say on fodder and firewood collection.
It wasn’t always like this. I remember passing through Palung as a boy
35 years ago. The view of the Himalaya was stupendous, but the hillsides
were barren and brown. Most of Palung’s young men had migrated to the
18 Kunda Dixit
cities. It is difficult to believe this is the same place. Today, the men are
back and all busy working in their cabbage patches. Serrated ridges of pine
frame the mountains and new tourist resorts have sprung up, offering
treks. The forest cover has revived springs and streams that had gone dry
and there are fewer landslides.
Four years ago, the Palung cooperative started its own FM station,
making its programmes on farming, micro-credit, fertiliser and vegetable
prices a vital part of the community. Farmers are now informed about
market prices of their vegetables and are less likely to be cheated by
middlemen. Rising income of the villagers means less pressure on the
forests and better protection of the slopes.
Palung FM broadcasts interviews with villagers allowing them to
speak out about their problems and share experiences. It has educational
programmes for children on environmental protection and personal
hygiene and health bulletins in four languages. The radio also keeps
people informed about political developments in the capital and they are
now vocal about their rights. The radio has helped the cooperative to
organise self-help groups where women put Rs 50 into a kitty at their
monthly meetings and members can get loans. There is almost 100
per cent repayment. Palung FM’s reporters are there at the meetings,
interviewing women who have borrowed money and these are broadcast
in the evening.
One new worry for farmers in Palung is a disease that has devastated
their crops in the past 3 years. The cooperative is worried because farmer
incomes have dropped and there is a danger of farmers defaulting on their
loans. The radio is used to broadcast information about the infection, crop
diversification and antidotes to the virus. The experiences of farmers who
have rotated crops to reduce the impact of the disease are also broadcast.
Palung FM’s most popular broadcast is the 15-minute daily morning
programme listing vegetable prices from the main wholesale markets in
the city. Every morning the station’s reporter broadcasts live, via telephone
from the central vegetable market in Kathmandu, the selling prices for
various vegetables. Farmers now know where prices are better and can
bargain with traders.
The radio doesn’t just make people more aware, it helps increase
income, and sometimes the information broadcast also helps save lives.
Sunita Syangtan, a 19-year-old college student, is interning with the radio
and broadcasts a daily programme in the local Tamang language that
tackles a whole range of issues from forest conservation to alcoholism and
gambling among the men in the community.
Every winter, many Tamang children die due to pneumonia because

of the cold and from breathing smoke from the kitchen fire. Palung FM
used to broadcast public service announcement in Nepali language but
it hadn’t made a dent on child mortality. But after Sunita started talking
directly to Tamang mothers in their own language about pneumonia,
the child mortality rate has come down dramatically. No one had earlier
figured that the mothers who shouldered the responsibility of caring for
their children didn’t speak any Nepali.
Perhaps the most important function of radio in Palung has been to
spread awareness among farmers, especially women, in remote villages.
For the first time, women know they can shape their own destiny. In
Palung and elsewhere in remote parts of Nepal, community radios are
empowering citizens. They are cementing community bonds, protecting
the environment and helping people improve their lives. Palung’s hard-
working farmers would probably have been able to prosper anyway.
The valley’s forests would probably have regenerated over time and its
literacy rates would have gone up. But their community radio has made
thatâ•¯journey much shorter.
3
Environmental Journalism at the Time of
Economic Liberalisation
Richard Mahapatra
In India environmental journalism means global reportage with village

datelines. Environmental journalism is no more the old ‘off-stream’ but
a ‘main-stream’ deliberation on contemporary existence. Particularly so
when India has the unique distinction of being one of the fastest wealth-
creating nations, having the largest number of poor in the world. Poverty
in India is primarily environment-driven. Thus environment journalism,
overtly or covertly, is about the most mainstream issue, poverty. Every
story written from a village on environment has intense global linkages.
And every global environmental story written has a few meanings for an
Indian village.
Mohua as a metaphor
Exactly 10 years ago in 1998, Sumani Jogdi, a tribal woman ofâ•¯Orissa’s
Koraput district, set the agenda, and intellectual challenges, for environÂ�
mental journalists in India. Sumani has been spearheading a campaign
against bauxite mining in her village. Her stake in the campaign: she has
to vacate her home and would stop earning around Rs. 10,000 a year from
collecting mohua flowers in the nearby forest. The Rs. 5,000 to 10,000
crore investments that the district is attracting for mining bauxite were
beyond her comprehension. More than that she could never imagine how
steel would mould her a prosperous life. ‘If you want to do development
works for people like me, get me access to more forests. I will collect
more mohua flowers and earn more. A steel industry will just displace
me, take away my forests and will give back few days of daily wage jobs.
That is not development for me,’ she told this author in 1998.
Environmental Journalism at the Time of Economic Liberalisation 21
In the last 10 years, her small campaign has evolved into a big and
iconic struggle against mining in Orissa. In the meantime, India has
opened up the mining sector and Orissa with vast mineral resources is
solely depending on steel plants for economic boom. It is triggered by
the rising global demand for steel. Global mineral price is rising and
companies are in a rush to explore new sources. The cheapest source
makes the maximum profit. Orissa is the right place for the global mineral
industry to thrive. The state government’s insistent reason behind this
policy is to raise her more than 50 per cent people, like Sumani, above the
poverty line. Orissa is the poorest state in the country but with impressive
business investments.
Sumani’s economic model for rural development—based on local
ecology and its sensible uses—is in sharp contrast to contemporary
political thinking that believes that bringing in investments in private
sector would ultimately bring in prosperity for the poor.
For environmental journalism, this conflict of interests, of perspectives
and of modes of development is the greatest challenge. How does an
environmental journalist strike a balance between the two streams of
thought? Being an environment journalist means a certain degree of biases
towards environment. You tend to see or assess situations through the
eye of environment. Current industrialisation process, as in Koraput and
in case of Sumani, inevitably means great compromises on environment.
So does it mean an environment journalist has to shed the principle of
objectivity? Or how much bias is an environment journalist entitled to?
In between streams
A contemporary environment journalist is often faced with this challenge.
The challenge is more daunting as economic liberalisation is the accepted
mode of delivering economic goods. From the prime minister to public
relation officers of corporate houses, environment reporters are the most
debated species.
Policy makers often term environment journalists as ‘people practising
socialism as time pass’. Industries see them as ‘less progressive’. Even
inside national media houses, environment as a subject of reportage is
reserved for ‘old school students’. An environment reporter occasionally
celebrates his or her existence in case of an extraordinary environmental
event. The rest of the time they just remain in the margin, waiting for the
next big event.
22 Richard Mahapatra
Environmental journalism is not new to the Indian media. Since early

1970s, the media has been taking interest in the environment, even
though in a very staccato manner. But with economic liberalisation since
1991, the role of an environment journalist has drastically changed. Or
rather, economic liberalisation has made his role more challenging.
And into the mainstream

Economic liberalisation has triggered economic boom and has caught the
public imagination. Suddenly growth has become the buzzword. India
finds it finally refreshing to do away with her ‘Hindu growth rate’ tag. As
the public acceptance of the new economic model deepens, environment
as a public good is losing relevance. This means environment and its
related problems like poverty in rural areas is getting less and less favour
within the public sphere. This also makes the job of an environment
journalist difficult—you have to fight hard against a popular perception
to be able to bring back environment into mainstream.
The late Anil Agrawal, a noted environmentalist and founder of the
environment magazine Down To Earth used to say: ‘Economic liberalisation
has become a perfect excuse for government to cover up environmental
problems. Because the powerful middle class is beneficiary of the boom and
has been trying hard to push aside environmental concerns as stumbling
blocks.’ Even though, as various estimates suggest, the gross domestic
produce has doubled in the last one decade, the load of pollution has more
than tripled. But this has not made many impacts on public perceptions.
Take for example the Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system in Delhi. The BRT
makes provision for segregated roads for different types of vehicles and
is being implemented in Delhi for fighting road congestion. The project
is attracting criticism from mostly car owners. They say that the project
leaves little space for cars and give more space to buses. Government and
environmentalists are pushing the project saying buses transport more
people and thus bring down per capita pollution emission. Cars, though
large in number, transport much less people and also occupy more road
space. Ultimately cars pollute more too. Delhi, after years of campaign by
environmentalists through the Supreme Court, shifted its publicâ•¯transport
system to compressed natural gas (CNG) fuel, thus bringing down pollution
levels. But the rise in the number of cars, a sign of the booming economy,
has undone the gain in clean air. So it is prudent for environmentalists to
push for the public transport that runs on clean fuel as well as to make
the public transport attractive to general public for discouraging private
cars. ‘Even in editorial meetings our editors are against giving priority
to buses over cars. So our reportage is mostly focused on the short-term
problems like accidents while the BRT is being constructed,’ says a senior
correspondent working for a national daily. It is observed that the media
coverage of the BRT is dominantly biased against it. This results in the
media, particularly those covering Delhi’s environment, focusing less on
the logic behind the project and writing more on problems related to its
construction. There are already talks that the Delhi government may not
take similar projects in future.
Economic liberalisation, environment

and environmental journalism
Rich Man, Poor Man

In 2007 India’s National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) came out
with its consumption expenditure trends that form the basis for estimating
poverty in India. The estimate was eagerly awaited as it standardised its
methodology to measure consumption expenditure. This could enable one
to compare the level of poverty before and after economic liberalisation,
thus judging the impacts of economic growth on poverty reduction. In
the last three decades the number of poor in India remained the same.
Everybody was desperate for the new estimate to see what positive impacts
the new economic growth model must have made.
The results were disappointing: poverty reduced faster in pre-1991
period than in post-1991 period. It has become chronic in traditionally
poor areas like in Orissa. The gap between rich and poor has further
widened. And more interestingly, despite gruelling poverty, the rural
population was spending more on food consumption.
How did the media report such an important event? To sum up the
media coverage, it just passed this on as other government declared figures
and almost all newspapers reported the government claim of poverty-
reduction without any critical scrutiny. The biggest failure was from the
environment journalists. The survey had more environmental meaning
than economic.
When one plots the survey findings into the map of India, it
emerges very clearly that India’s poorest regions are also the richest in
the availability of natural resources. Most of the poor in these areas are
dependent on natural resources for survival. To take it further, why didn’t
economic growth impact these areas? The poorest areas are also attracting
huge business investments driven by the economic growth. To probe
further, there are 125 people movements against land acquisitions in the
poorest areas. And to close the cycle, most of these areas are in the tight
grip of extreme leftist insurgency, popularly known as Naxalism. In fact a
great environmental story was just killed. With this, the government again
escaped after committing a blunder which otherwise would have called
its bluff on economic liberalisation and its benefits. Alert environmental
journalism would have explained to the government the environmental
meaning of conflicts like Naxalism.
This brings Sumani Jogdi into discussion again. In November 2007
the author met her. Why is she poor consistently? The NSSO estimate was
for her to explain. ‘You report on my poverty but never ask the reason
for it,’ she replied. ‘The closer the forest to me, the richer I am,’ she
explained. An analysis of India’s poor would show that out of the 301
million poor in India, 100 million depend on forests for survival and the
rest depend on agriculture. But forests and agriculture are hardly targeted
for economic well-being. Rather these resources are being given away to
the agents of new economy: the industries. ‘People like me would remain
poor till the time government looks away from our source of livelihood,
that is, forest and lands,’ says Sumani. Recently the state chief minister
termed groups opposed to mining in the district as ‘anti-development’.
The series of protests against land acquisition are inspiring people in other
districts to oppose industrialisation. Many foreign investors in the state are
threatening the government to withdraw.
Village as Global Beat

In a globalised economic context an environment journalist plays a crucial
role. First, India is an economy that is fast rising and has started having
influence at the global level. India’s decision to import food raises alarms
in the global market: it may lead to foodgrain price rise. If India decides
to control its mineral sector, the global metal market will come to a crisis
level. Developed economies consider India as a successful model of new
economy. Secondly, India also hosts the largest number of poor of the
world. In other human development indices like access to clean drinking
water, water related diseases and overall level of nutrition, India performs
worse than Sub-Saharan Africa. So to meet the global millennium
development goals (MDGs), India’s performance in poverty reduction
and in other human development counts decides how the world is going
to meet the MDGs. On the other hand, most of India’s poor depend on
ecology for survival. Ecological degradation is the biggest factor triggering
poverty for rural Indians. So the linkage between environment and poverty
is crucial in Indian context. And in the global context, India’s poverty
reduction is vital for overall poverty reduction.
Thus an environment journalist in a liberalised economy does global
reporting but with village datelines. When one reports about the anti-
bauxite mining protest in Orissa, there are visible reactions in London
Metal Exchange. When one reports about rising rates of groundnut farmers’
suicides in Andhra Pradesh, Malaysia and other South East Asian countries
take note of it and on its probable impacts on their palm oil export to
India. Or when you report that poverty in India has reduced at a slower
rate during liberalisation, the World Bank and the Asian Development
Bank come out with reassuring notes on economic growth and poverty
reduction linkages. So a village dateline with global perspective calls for
better understanding of environmental issues.
The daily rack

Off late there has been a surge in specialised magazines and media
on development issues. Whether it is Down To Earth (the oldest of the
development media) or the Civil Society or the digest type Grassroots
magazine, there are visible reportage on issues concerning rural as well
as urban population vis-a-vis environment. Few national English dailies
are also showing symptoms of giving more weightage to development
reporting. But the tone and tenure of reportage in India is rather passive
and doesn’t point at a deep understanding of environmental issues. It
seems that the media coverage to development issues stems from a policy
of editorial charity instead of an understanding of the genuine relevance
of such stories to the overall economy, rather to the global economy, as
explained above.
Unlike say in 1980s, now development journalists don’t have to
struggle hard for information. There is fast flow of information on
environmental issues, mostly due to the vibrant civil society groups and
advocacy and campaign activists. The recent Right to Information Act has
further made information accessible. But there is a lack of imagination to
use the information to build public opinion on environmental issues. So
the result is that environmental issues get media space but people hardly
find them in the right context to make informed choices or responses.
Look at the media coverage of the National Rural Employment Guarantee

Act (NREGA). The NREGA is India’s first employment guarantee Act that
ensures 100 days of unskilled jobs if a rural citizen demands it. But the core
of the Act is creation of village infrastructure like irrigation facilities and
water harvesting structures using this guaranteed employment. In more
than one way, the NREGA is an ecological regeneration programme. It
has just used the guise of public wage provision to do so. The NREGA has
come at the right time when India is facing foodgrain production crisis.
The Act is aimed at augmenting agriculture in dryland areas of India,
which accounts for 40 per cent of foodgrain production in the country.
The Act, thus, is to ensure food security at the national level. At the global
level, this Act has the potential to stabilise the foodgrain price through
raised foodgrain production in India.
The development media, to be fair to them, has been proactively
reporting on the Act’s implementation. Everyday, as this author’s own
analysis of six daily newspapers over a period of one month reveals, NREGA
has been in news. There is regular interface between the Union Rural
Development Minister and media persons on the status of implementation
of the Act.
But if one analyses the contents of media coverage on NREGA, the real
story emerges. Rather such an analysis brings out the inherent lack of
understanding of environment journalists on key government programmes
and their indelible links to the environment. Most of the media coverage
judges the programme’s implementation on the basis of the employment
demanded and given. This is the typical government way of measuring
the programme’s success. In fact, for the last two years, the government
has been claiming 90 per cent success rate in the implementation of
NREGA’s using this parameter. Environment reporters have just bought
this argument conveniently.
There is hardly any coverage on the prime objective of the Act: creation
of village assets. The Act had already created more than a million village
assets till December 2007, most of them water harvesting structures. Has
any media report appeared on these structures and their impacts on local
economy? An absolute no!
This is where the challenge of using information with imagination
for effective environmental journalism comes into play. All data on
the implementation of NREGA are in public domain. An environment
reporter with basic understanding of the NREGA’s objectives would have
checked out the village assets creation data instead of the employment
creation data. Being implemented in the poorest districts of the country,
this should have been the natural question to ask: has the Act made impact
on local development? By not doing so, environment journalists have yet
again given the government an opportunity to bunk public good.
So to conclude a session of observations on India’s environment
journalism, environment journalists have been lacking an understanding
of the ‘environment’ in the Indian context. While mere reportage does
the basic job of information dissemination, journalists have not been able
to put the right context to an event. Here environmental journalists have
failed to make an impact. Already being a minority within the huge media
sector, such lapses have critical impacts on India’s environment.
4
Environmental Journalism since
Economic Liberalisation
S. Gopikrishna Warrier
In 2002, I was working as a correspondent specialising in reporting on

environment, agriculture and development in the Chennai news bureau
of The Hindu Business Line newspaper. I got a call from senior journalist and
the President of the Forum of Environment Journalists of India (FEJI),
Darryl D’Monte, who asked me if I could help organise a media workshop
on water and sanitation at the M.S. Swaminathan Research Foundation
(MSSRF). Darryl had already requested the partnership of Prof. M.S.
Swaminathan for the workshop, and there was sponsorship for the
workshop from the World Bank’s India office. I was keen to prove that
my involvement with FEJI was not a sleeping membership, and worked in
partnership with MSSRF and Darryl to organise the meeting.
The participants at the workshop were mostly known suspects—
journalists who had consistently reported good quality stories on environ
ment and development. Some were young, but most had cut their teeth
with regular reporting in their younger days and had specialised in their
area with passion for the past decade or so. In simpler words, most of us
were in our middling years and had continued to do what we did since
we liked it, and had at times faced career hiccups due to our choice.
In January 2003, I left Business Line to take up the assignment of
Media Officer at the International Crops Research Institute for the Semi-
Arid Tropics (ICRISAT), Hyderabad. I was off active journalism and had
taken the challenge of developing and systematising media relations for
the only international agricultural research institute that was member of
the Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR)
and is headquartered in India. Darryl called again, and asked if ICRISAT
will be willing to host a media workshop on water and sanitation. The
World Bank India office had committed sponsorship.
Environmental Journalism since Economic Liberalisation 29
The three-day workshop was held in July 2003. Most of the participants
were those who had attended the Chennai workshop the previous year.
However, when the session for introductions started, something interesting
emerged. Between 20 to 30 per cent of us (including yours truly) had quit
active environmental journalism in the previous year.
Why did this happen? This chapter is an attempt to find an answer,
and thereby also look at how environmental journalism had fared in the
decade following economic liberalisation, the great transition point in
contemporary Indian history.
The media is also an inextricable part of the society, so any changes
that happen in the society have their impact on journalists too. How
environmental journalism fared as a profession has a relation to how the
society and media treated environmental issues and discussions during the
first decade of economic liberalisation.
Environmentalism changes shape and colour

The year: 1991. A hoarding at a South Delhi intersection stated it succinctly.
The artist had caricatured a moaning Sonia Gandhi uttering, ‘No.’ Facing
away from Sonia, a pouting Narasimha Rao said, ‘Thank you.’
A suicide bomber had killed Rajiv Gandhi, former prime minister, who
was regaining his sheen during the 1991 general election campaign. Sonia
had refused the requests by members of the Congress party to stand as a
candidate for the prime minister position. Rajiv’s death and Sonia’s refusal
had resurrected Rao, phoenix-like, from the brink of political retirement.
And Rao’s tenure as prime minister, between 1991 and 1996, saw a
paradigm shift in India’s economic policy.
It is a moot question whether India would have gone through the
process of economic liberalisation, privatisation and globalisation if Rao
had not become prime minister. Perhaps anybody else in his position,
given the foreign exchange bankruptcy of the country at that time, would
have taken the same path.
This chapter tries to look at what happened in the history of Indian
environment movement, and thereby to environmental journalism, in the
first decade since the momentous decision taken by the Rao government.
My perspective is that of a journalist, having reported and analysed many
of the developments on the environment front during the decade. A
journalist is a historian on the run; reporting as he runs, and analysing as
he waits to catch his breath.
30 S. Gopikrishna Warrier
Environmentalism and environmental journalism in a country are parts

of the larger political and social fabric. Politically, the period of one-party
domination was over and the period of coalitions had begun. Whether it
was the Narasimha Rao government from 1991 to 1996, the 13-day BJP
wonder, the two United Front governments, the two BJP governments,
or the Manmohan Singh government, it was a patch-up of political parties
that ran the country. This meant that federalism and strong regional
interests dominated the political scene since 1991. Strong demands on
regional development had its impact on environment decisions and
environmentalism.
Indira Gandhi as prime minister could decide that the hydro power
plant in Silent Valley should not come, and also that development activities
in the coast should be regulated. No prime minister since 1991 could
have taken such a decision, if faced with pulls from a regional leader such
as Chandrababu Naidu or M. Karunanidhi.
The economic liberalisation also created a pressure group hitherto
nonexistent in the Indian society—the middle class consumers. Till the
liberalisation process began, the middle class was the most neglected
section of the society. While the rich and powerful knew how to get
what they wanted, the poor constituted vote banks, which no politician
could ignore. The globalised, privatised and liberalised markets needed
consumers, and where could they come from? The 250 to 300 million-
strong middle class in India was larger than the population of the USA, or
that of the Western European countries put together.
The middle class consumer became the king. With cheap internet
and mobile connections the world was in the hands of these consumers.
Houses and cars, which were lifetime investments for their parents, were
easily available for this young generation. Cheaper airfares made reaching
any part of the country possible in hours. Participation in the stock markets
gave them a sense of ownership of the private sector.
With the tertiary sector of the economy—information technology,
entertainment, banking and the financial services—growing, there was
increased migration of job seekers to the urban centres. The middle-class
urbanite finally got his voice. And he used it too.
When the economy focused on the middle-class urbanite, environ-
mentaÂ�lism too moved into his hands. Environmentalism became more
Western in nature. The classical Indian environmentalism has differed
from Western environmentalism in the sense that in India environmental
movements have emerged as common man’s fight for access to natural
resources, be it the Chipko, anti-Tehri or anti-Narmada movements. In
the West, environmental movements have evolved as the urban middle

class taking up issues—in the US after the Vietnam War, in Germany as
anti-nuclear protests.
Indian environmental movements were more direct, pitting the moral
authority of a person or community against an established power—say a
Sunderlal Bahuguna fasting against the Tehri Dam, or the villagers of Sirsi,
Karnataka, hugging trees to prevent them from being felled by contractors.
The Western movements were less direct action and more action using
technical, legal and media campaigns. Interestingly, Indian movements
never evolved into political parties, whereas the Green Party in Germany,
Sweden and Finland had their roots in environmental movements.
The classical Indian environmental story had its stock characters—the
individual or the community facing an environmental problem pitted
against the government and the industry. This character set became fuzzy
with economic liberalisation. First, the government became the facilitator
for the industry, rather than a licensing authority. Also, the middle-class
urbanite did not share the same antipathy towards either the government or
the industry as the slogan-shouting, fasting members of the environment
movements, say the anti-Tehri or the anti-Narmada movement.
Only once in the 1990s did the middle-class urbanite empathise with
the people of the classical environmental movement. It was when writer–
activist Arundhati Roy led a group of people from Delhi and a few other
urban centres, Pied-Piper like, to the Narmada Valley in support of the
environmental movement being led by Medha Patkar.
Environmentalism was taking on a new language, a language hitherto
unseen in the Indian context. It was the language of green diplomacy and
of a growing environmental industry with job opportunities.
Internationally, the conference of parties signatories to UN Climate
Change Convention organised at Kyoto, Japan, in December 1997, made
greenhouse gas emission as an internationally tradable commodity.
The developed countries started looking at developing countries for
partnerships under the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).
This generated a new school of diplomacy—green diplomacy. When
US President William Clinton visited India in March 2000, he promoted
green diplomacy with gusto. Speaking under the shadow of the Taj Mahal,
he committed more than US$ 200 million financial support for bilateral
projects on environment and clean energy. The underlying motive: to
participate in the Indian market for environmental goods and services,
and lay the foundation for emission trading through CDM. Though his
successor George Bush walked out of the Kyoto Protocol, his alternate
strategy also had scope for collaborating with developing countries on

emission trading.
Environment was growing as an industry. In the late 1990s the
Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) estimated that the market for
environmental goods and services in India was worth US$ 3 billion with
a scope for 10 per cent annual growth. The green industry, with ample
employment opportunities, was opening up through the designing and
construction of pollution abatement structures, energy and environment
audits, water treatment and supply systems, environment law and
environmental communication.
The middle-class urbanite was talking about environment. He had
taken over the environmental discussion from the communities in
the Narmada and Tehri valleys. When the middle-class urbanite had
taken over environmentalism in the country, the tools that he used for
environmentalism also changed. From the classic situation of taking
a moral position, it moved to fighting legal cases, media campaigns,
lobbying with parliamentarians, policy advocacy and warfare through
e-mail and the Internet.
In and around 1996, environmentalism found a great friend in an
active judiciary. The combination of an activist lawyer (M.C. Mehta) and
a ‘green’ judge (Kuldip Singh) in the Supreme Court resulted in many
judgements on environment. The shrimp aquaculture industry within the
coastal regulation zone was asked to slow down and the leather industry
was asked to clean up or pack up. The tanners were also told to pay for
the damages, meticulously calculated by an authority established on the
orders of the Court. There were also judgements on developments along
the coast, for instance the Goshree project in Kochi.
The Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) took one of its campaigns
through the media, which included its own publication Down to Earth. In
early 2003, CSE alleged that bottled drinking water contained pesticides.
Later the same year, CSE stated that Pepsi and Coke contained pesticide
residues 36 times more than the European Union standards.
Citizen’s groups had their hand at policy advocacy. They worked
on the drafts of the Biodiversity Legislation, Plant Varieties Protection
and Farmers’ Rights Act, amendments to the Wildlife Protection Act,
Rehabilitation Policy and Law, Coastal Regulation Zone Notification and
the Panchayat Act.
Something rather unique happened in March 1997. The Rajya Sabha
had passed the Aquaculture Authority Bill (AAB) through a voice vote. The
AAB was designed to counter and nullify the Supreme Court judgement
on shrimp aquaculture by permitting, with retrospective effect, industrial

aquaculture within the coastal regulation zone. Enraged, green groups
lobbied effectively with sympathetic parliamentarians to prevent its passage
in the Lok Sabha. The conversion of Indian environment movement to
one dominated by the urban middle class was complete.
In this milieu emerged the global environmental campaign group,
Greenpeace, in India. Making a low-profile entry in 1996, the young
campaigners of Greenpeace brought to India the campaigns they were
promoting globally—against dioxins and furans, against genetically
modified organisms, etc. They used the multiplier effect of the media to
strengthen their campaigns. Indian environmentalism was now global.
Even while this process was going on, environmentalism took strong
pro- and anti- positions. ‘Are you with us or against us?’ they asked. Say
no to GMOs, say no to private power plants, say no to waste incineration,
say no to industrial aquaculture, ran the campaigns. With these strong
positions, the environment movements lost the space for discussions and
the space for initiating change. And where change did happen it was more
through force, for instance the Supreme Court ordering public transport
vehicles to change over to compressed natural gas as fuel in Delhi.
Since environmental activists did not use the space for discussions,
there was a marginalisation of environmental discussions in the national
consciousness. What was lost in the process was the space for legitimate
dissent, an absolute necessity for any democratic society.
Impact on environmental journalism

The marginalisation and loss of space for environmental discussions in the
national consciousness had its impact on environmental journalists. They
too felt the squeeze for space to express themselves in their publications
and TV and radio channels, a decade after the economic liberalisation
process had started. ‘No, not another environment story,’ is usually the
refrain that many environment journalists heard.
The environmental journalists were hit in the face by the same
changes that had affected environmentalism. Most of the journalists
in their middling years—like this writer—were those who had grown
hearing and reading about environmental debates such as the one that
surrounded the Silent Valley Dam. That was the time when the modern
Indian environmental movement was growing. Earlier, there were stories
on Chipko movement.
Later, when these men and women became journalists, they covered
and wrote about the full-fledged anti-Narmada and anti-Tehri movements.
When the anti-Narmada movement marched from Rajghat in Madhya
Pradesh to Ferkuva on Gujarat border in December 1990, many of these
journalists were at the site, reporting for their newspapers and magazine.
Many also visited and interviewed Sunderlal Bahuguna when he was
fasting on the banks of the Bhagirathi river protesting against the Tehri
Dam.
Baptised into the world of classical environmental controversies,
many of these journalists failed to see the space closing. However, there
were some who saw the changes coming and had started reporting on
the emerging environmental issues such as the green markets and green
diplomacy. Unfortunately they were unable to convince their seniors of the
growing significance of these areas. Editors and managements considered
anything green as peripheral to journalism. And many environmental
journalists moved away from actively reporting the subject.
This had its impact, which is being felt even today in publications and
electronic media. When the Conference of Parties to the climate change
negotiations met at Bali in December 2007, there was hardly any insightful
reporting on the event. This was despite the fact that there is much at stake
for India in these negotiations.
Reporting the environment is a serious business, and journalists can
move into the nuances of the climate change negotiations or the Cartagena
Protocol only if he or she has the time and resources to follow these
negotiations carefully. Only this can ensure that when the time comes for
covering an important meeting—say the one at Bali—the journalist has
in-depth understanding on the subject.
The same holds true when reporting a subject such as the one
surrounding genetically modified crops (GMCs). While any journalist
covering the subject will be flooded by material from supporters and
opposers of GMCs, to go beyond the ‘for’ and ‘against’ stories, the
journalist needs to understand more about the technology, its risks and
strengths.
For mature and good quality environmental journalism to grow and
bloom, perhaps journalists need to re-package themselves and find space
for writing on environmental issues, green industry and green diplomacy
within the framework of the emerging media landscape. This one-sided
action will not have an impact, unless there is investment by editors
and managements on time and resources for the journalists. This is the
challenge and this is the hope.
5
The Most Serious News
Sunita Narain
(30 April 2005)
From west to east
Each time I visit the US I am struck by the lack of serious news on its many
television channels and newspapers. The media here clearly follows the
dictum ‘if it bleeds it leads’. In other words, news is not about informing
or educating people, but simply entertaining them. This state of affairs, I
have realised, is neither accidental nor incidental. It is deliberate; indeed,
inevitable.
Inevitable, because it is a function of the business model the country
has adopted for its media, much like the rest of its public works. It has
deregulated the media completely; in other words, there are no public
duty functions of the media the government can or must support. Free
from the ‘clutches’ of the state, over the years, the rules of the market have
prevailed in the media. The weak are weeded out and the mighty become
mightier. In 1983, 50 corporations comprised the US media; by 2004,
five. In other words, the world’s oldest democracy, and one that promotes
democracy as a religion across the globe, is informed and educated by five
corporations that owe their allegiance to the profits of their shareholders.
For profit and pay, corporations slash funding for hard-core news
functions. The Pew Research Centre, a Washington DC-based think tank,
has found that between 1994 and 2001, radio stations lost 57 per cent of
their news staff, while network news correspondents declined by more
than a third since the 1980s. This led directly to declining quality in news
reporting, translating into a serious credibility crisis with readers. Pew
found that even in the 1990s only 55 per cent of people surveyed said the
media mostly got its stories right. But by 2004, only 36 per cent believed
36 Sunita Narain
so. Most people in the US believe their media cannot be trusted. So, it is
not surprising that Pew found that over 35 per cent to 45 per cent of the
people they surveyed categorically said that they believe nothing they see
or hear in print or on television.
The crisis goes deeper than just erosion of trust. The fact that people do
not believe the media means fewer people tune in. Declining audiences
lead to further desperation in the business rooms to keep ratings high and
the money coming in. So continues the cycle of poor journalism.
In all this, what is worst is that the idea of a free press has been defeated.
For one, the model, built on consolidation and scale, denies opportunity
to competition: there cannot be independent views, let alone diverse
views. In recent years, the Australian media mogul, Rupert Murdoch’s Fox
News, has grown fastest because it has taken a distinctly partisan decision
to represent the conservative and republican side of the US.
Secondly, the model, with its financial imperatives, is as vulnerable
today to influence from the state, or corporations, as the one it replaced.
It is always argued that governments must not finance or run media; it
becomes their propagandist. True. But what happens when government
uses the influence of money to change the propaganda of the day? Just
last year, the two most respected newspapers of the US, the New York Times
and the Washington Post, both accepted publicly that they had succumbed
to biased reporting of the Iraq war. More recently it was found the US
media was using ‘feed’—stories prepared by government and published
as independent news stories. What is surprising to learn that this handout-
driven media is then also poached by corporate interests. Or, as I said
before, isn’t it inevitable?
But what is even more inevitable, then, is that a compromised media
will compromise democracy. The media has more than a functional role
of contributing to the service sectors of economies. It has the role to make
democracies functional. In other words, its decimation is the decimation
of democracy. The last election in the US is my testimony.
And from rich to poor

Why am I so obsessed by the media in the US? The problem is that we
in India are slowly (and sometimes not so slowly) moving towards the
favoured US model of media enterprise. Today, the media—particularly
the electronic media—is more and more unregulated. The state has
increasingly withdrawn. Its own public broadcaster—Doordarshan—
is increasingly inept in challenging the market. The state’s role as a
The Most Serious News 37
propagandist is rightly condemned as the market takes over the reins of

opinion-making in the country. But, wrongly, the media is beginning to
cater to audiences that can pay. This will leave out of its ambit what does
not matter and those who do not matter.
That would be all right, if the people who did not matter really did not
exist. It is true that the middle class in India—the media’s clientele—is
growing. Market watchers love to point out ad nauseum that there are
200 million people in India raring to shop till they drop. But this hides
the fact that there are still over 800 million others who can’t shop but can
certainly drop. What happens to the news about their everyday world?
How will it be reported? Why should it be reported at all?
Let us be clear that an undermined press is also not good for the
rich. The fact is that the media plays a watchdog role in regulating and
mitigating the adverse impacts of growth. If its role stands compromised,
so does its ability to discharge this function and that of keeping democracy
functional.
This will, ultimately, hurt all of us. A stooge is a stooge. And it makes
a fool of us all. So it is that we must find the balance between the market
and public interest in our media. Fast.
6
Writing about the Birds and the Bees
Keya Acharya
Some fourteen-odd years ago, during my initial forays into environmental

issues in India, I remember, at a seminar, a government officer (though
I very conveniently do not remember his name) trying to prove how
environmentally aware his department was.
‘We have planted gardens in our premises,’ he had declared with
flourish.
I, then naïve and new to the environmental scenario in India, had been
both amazed and shocked at his lack of knowledge on what constituted
environmental conservation.
A history of poor awareness

Some years later, a good 5–7 years later, I remember listening to a
courtroom hearing of a case, filed in support of conserving a city park
against a government plan for construction on the site. All that the
petitioning advocate could say, in defence of conserving the park, was
of the beauty of its ‘flowers and trees’. He had no argument for the
park’s natural system of conserving the city’s water table; of the need
for the park’s trees to help mitigate the city’s carbon dioxide emissions;
of the need therefore, to keep inviolate lung spaces that could also serve
beautification purposes, if the advocate was indeed worried about the
flowers disappearing; in fact he had nothing to offer that was of any
significant environmental note at all.
That lack of awareness amongst administrative, legal and general
decision-making fora has also included journalism on the issue. In the
mid-1990s, I remember from personal experience, the attitude inside
mainstream editorial and newsrooms: an environmental story was one
only if it dealt with the cutting of trees or the planting of them. It was
Writing about the Birds and the Bees 39
an uphill task to get a ‘gatekeeper’ (a sub-editor in charge of various

supplements to the main paper) to take a feature on, say, anything to do
with natural resource conservation, or even air pollution, come to that. I
even remember one instance, some 13 years ago, discussing a story with
a ‘gatekeeper’ about a city park that the gatekeeper-journalist clubbed
together, almost equated, with a wildlife park!
Another apt example of what I am highlighting is an instance, this
time clearly remembered, of a feature I had written on the environmental
conservation methods in soil and water and its relation to agriculture that
was being practiced inside a Tibetan refugee settlement in India. It was a
story straight from the field, with quotes and pictures; and if the pictures
served nothing else but visual appeal, then that too was there, replete with
a sea of smiling monks in colourfully bright red robes. The ‘gatekeeper’
not just totally missed the point on conservation but had a comment when
I queried him about the piece:
‘We [the newspaper] don’t have a policy on Tibet’.
I was so amazed at the journalist totally missing the conservation angle
of the story that I took the piece directly to the editor-in-chief and asked
him if the environmental message inside the story was not important
enough to win over whatever anti-Tibetan sentiments the gatekeeper or
his newspaper had. I won.
The point I am making, though, is not about winning or losing, but
on the absolute lack of knowledge by journalists on what constituted an
environmental story, even into the new millennium.
A small whiff
By the late 1990s, some measure of awareness on environment being
more than gardening, tigers and trees, did gradually emerge into the
public media sphere. One reason for this turn of mind, however slow
it may have been, was due to the emergence of environmental issues in
India being tackled on a crusading basis by one journalist, the late Anil
Agarwal, who founded the Delhi-based Centre for Science & Environment,
to pursue government and public attention on the matter.
CSE, together with the fortnightly magazine that he founded, Down to
Earth (or DTE) , fought a long and sustained battle to bring environmental
pollution, especially of air, to the forefront of the government’s attention.
This culminated, after a turbulent phase of lobbying by various interests
and general mayhem in putting systems into place, in the mandating of
lead-free petrol nationwide and of the switch by public transportation
40 Keya Acharya
from toxic diesel to compressed natural gas(CNG), first in Delhi and still
continuing to be phased out in other Indian cities. CSE itself has evolved
into an influential and premier organisation in research and advocacy on
environmental issues.
Yet not ‘hard’ enough

But here too, awareness in mainstream journalism, in spite of the public
hoo-hah over CSE’s very vocal battles, has been way slower than it should
have been; it was as if the media, especially of print than of broadcast, had
decided that environmental stories were not ‘hard nosed’ enough. Hard
stories meant purely political or defence stories, not much more.
Take the case of water-issues as an example. In 2002, I had conducted a
survey of coverage of water issues in major English-language newspapers
in Bangalore, Chennai and Mumbai for a World Bank-sponsored workshop
conducted by the Forum of Environmental Journalists in collaboration
with The Hindu Media Foundation.
My survey found the majority of articles were of local State policies,
with occasional national stories, while there were numerous articles on
the then raging dispute over the sharing of waters from the river Cauvery
between the two southern Indian States of Tamilnadu and Karnataka.
While one newspaper (which has, since those days, unfortunately
changed its tack and gone more ‘consumeristic’) had some good articles
on consumption and conservation patterns and the need to recycle and
reuse water, there were very few articles overall in the entire spectrum of
papers on the need for conservation of water. Additionally, there was not
a single report on the availability of water for lower-income groups.
Interestingly, reporters found it newsworthy to write of the financing
of water systems. There was, for instance, a lot of information on the
chief donor and the amount of money being loaned, but absolutely no
follow-up stories or ‘progress reports’: no mention of the allocation of
these funds, how they were being used, who was monitoring them, or
even their expected returns. The reports treated water projects as financial
news items and not as an issue that involved the public good.
‘In-house’ journalists obviously did not consider a subject as essential
as water, something that goes to the core concern of every person in
India, ‘hard’ enough to warrant serious investigation or analysis.
With the exception of some regional-language journalism, several of
whom had then taken up issues on water conservation or soil protection
on a campaign basis, environmental journalism meant writing or speaking
on, say, tigers and elephants without thought or the need for information
on the entire gamut of factors that went deeper into the issue, in this case,
into wildlife in India.
Thus even for the ‘environmental’ wildlife stories, there was hardly
any mention of scientific findings on wildlife issues, or on socioeconomic
issues that get involved with wildlife issues in India, such as that of tribal
communities living inside and being affected by protected areas.
No one cared much: the environment was for those die-hard tyre-
burning activists who screamed blue murder each time a tree was
chopped or an industrial project was, and still is, being set up. The general
perception continues to be that environmentalists try to stop work that
could benefit the country and give jobs to others.
Indeed, environmental journalism for at least two decades till the new
millennium thought nothing of the implications of our development
policies not just to water, but to land, air, and our natural non-renewable
resources as well. Or even inversely, through non-implementation of these
policies. Its coverage stemmed primarily from environmental activists and
NGO protests.
Anything environmentally ‘hard nosed’, such as corruption in an
environmental angle, say in water-based contracts or of almost anything
for that matter, was considered to be ‘too environmental’.
Freelancing in times of desperation: Small wonder then, that the
majority of the anyway few journalists that write on environment and
development, have attached themselves to the risky business of freelancing,
often riding into rough weather to do so, as my own experience recounted
earlier, will give a glimpse into.
Reactions to hard environmental stories were sometimes laughable:
‘Why don’t you go to Down to Earth?’ was a suggestion that I have
personally, as a freelance again, been handed down in several cases where
the story was ‘sensitive’ enough to concern either politically influential
people or name individuals.
Fall-outs
This ‘side-streaming’ of environmental stories was, at the time, curiously
enough, the ‘other side of the coin’, an inversely unfortunate fall-out
of DTE’s environmental crusading, where mainstream media thought
anything environmental was too singular to be of use, conveniently
looking at a serious magazine to do the job.
42 Keya Acharya
But, and this is a big ‘but’, I now venture to say that Down to Earth’s
environmental journalism has, for the entire spectrum of environmental
journalism in India, been a stepping stone for many of us reporters to
a more mature and ‘evolved’ style of environmental writing; one that
encompasses every aspect of our daily living into its fold.
But more of that anon!
In the last half of this new decade, the environment has taken even
more of a beating in the Press and in the field. With a market economy
taking hold of India, new opportunities for growth, in their need for quick
economic returns, have paid lip service to environmental concerns.
And, in its hurry to ‘develop’, the administration’s monitoring of
ecological degradation has become even more suspect: its environmental
clearances for sensitive projects have caused consternation amongst
conservationists and anger amongst NGOs left to deal with the thousands
of poor and marginalised being ousted out of their lands and homes for
these ‘development projects’. Rehabilitation, if at all it does happen, is
shoddy; citizens’ basic rights to clean air, water, to decent shelter and
basic healthcare, food security and access to education trampled upon as
they become ever more powerless to demand their rights.
In the globalised free trade market of today where India is being
projected by government and media as a growing economic power,
a vast section of India’s citizens stand threatened with becoming even
more poorer. Women and children remain the most vulnerable in this
scenario.
And yet, reporting on this scenario is both rare and unusual, in spite
of Indian journalism having a lively history of playing watchdog to
human rights abuses. Human rights has not encompassed environmental
human rights, an issue that has been given a ‘backseat’. Today’s media has
turned to entertainment and commercial news in print, and a dizzyingly
multiplying television media that hinges on sensationalism in its bid to
compete within its own industry.
Shifting, Not Changing, the Leopard’s Spots: And it is because of this
very changing nature of Indian journalism and at this juncture in our
country’s social milieu that I think environmental writing needs to adapt
and keep ‘in the loop.’
Environmental stories, given its poor history, cannot compete, and
indeed should not compete, with today’s media stories. They should
encompass today’s news stories in whatever field they come from:
commercial, financial, entertainment, socialised urban, whatever.
If this sounds like a can’t-beat-them-then-join-them tack, you may be

somewhat right. But for the most part, this is an ‘emergency measure’
taken in counter to the consumeristic style that the Indian Press holds out
to the reader today.
How, you might well ask, is one to inveigle the environment into
any story. Ah, therein lies the challenge for environmental journalists. By
taking the lead! Let the environment take the lead in your stories!
It may be insidious at first, but I am confident that environmental
journalism can be highlighted prominently within a business, an
entertainment or political story, in fact in most stories.
Let’s take an example again. Let’s say a corporate conglomerate resÂ�
ponsible for one of the mushrooming cricket teams in the country, is
being featured widely in the media. Why not take this cricket club, this
corporate body and their directors and find out what their environmental
commitments have, or have not, been to the game and to the resources
it uses; then find out in economic terms how much gain, or loss, this
is costing the game, the State, the country, whatever. Why not then
weave this material into a sports or business or general story? A journalist
could make this into a news item, a feature, an interview, broadcast clip,
anything…
Or take yet another example, politics, something that Indian journalism
considers as its holy grail: what’s wrong with finding out the party agendas
of the politics of the current day and check to see where the environment
fits in? Indeed, why not take whatever issue is hitting the current front
news in the media and do precisely that ?
The limit seems almost endless for making all stories into environmental
ones, from a cigarette company, to a water-supply privatisation concern,
to discussing wheat imports, even to a fashion-show being featured
prominently in today’s commercialised media.
Mainstreaming mores
I realise that this argument of mine falls dangerously near to being over-
simplistic. If journalists inside mainstream editorials have such a poor
history of environmental awareness, as I said earlier in this essay, then
how on earth are most stories going to be environmentally inclusive and
portray the country more realistically? What happens to the Poor ?
What indeed, other than of facing the challenge of including these
concerns into your reporting. How remains an issue and a challenge
that ‘environmental journalists’ have to tackle. It is true that mainstream
44 Keya Acharya
journalists, without any background environmental knowledge, cannot

produce good, quality mainstream stories inclusive of environment, not
without some good legwork at any rate.
But ‘environmental journalists’ certainly can. Hemmed in by careless
consumer-ridden journalism, hawed in by uncertain work conditions that
lend itself to precarious lifestyles, today’s environmental journalists need
to continue undaunted to face the challenge of influencing the media
primarily to pick themselves up environmentally.
And with a very environmentally relevant issue as climate change
becoming current news in India, helped by Dr R.K. Pachauri, director of
the Delhi-based The Energy Resources Institute heading the Nobel prize-
winning Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, hope holds out for
more journalists to become environmental ones.
And for die-hard environmental journalists to continue writing just so.
7
My Words, It’s Still Fun!
Sudhirendar Sharma
Environmental journalism could indeed be fun, literally! That the Maldives

will disappear before the advent of the next century under rising sea
waters made interesting environmental story in the late 1970s. Three
decades later, it’s amusing that the island nation hasn’t ceased to exist on
the world map! Did I read too much into the doomsayers predictions or
was the influence of Daniella Meadows and Lester Brown overwhelming?
The cause-effect relationship of climate change sensationalism was over
simplified, and may indeed be so even today!
If journalism is the ‘first draft’ of history—incomplete, momentary, and
often inaccurately opinionated—then I have long been into it. During the
past three decades, journalism for me has grown from being an obession
with byline to a passion for change. Unlike others of my genre, my first
decade in it was lost in creating a niche amidst a diversity of periodicals.
From Youth Times to Mirror and from JS to Imprint, magazines of the bygone
era had helped sustain my enthusiasm. Most of these magazines may have
ceased to exist, but the generation of writers these nurtured are still in
circulation.
Phrasing of ideas and articulation of news couldn’t have been without a
mix of influences, from individuals, institutions and published information.
Place of residence too played a role then. Moving from a small town
in the hills to the sprawling capital of the country brought a dramatic
change in my world view. Being one of the earilest to be ushered into the
environment school at the prestigious Jawaharlal Nehru University had
left an indomitable mark on me. It continues to reflect in bits and pieces
ever since; the legacy of the erstwhile white elephant of higher education
is hard to discount.
With access to exclusive literature from across the world at an arms
distance at the university library, re-writing on emerging environmental
46 Sudhirendar Sharma
issues came handy. The intricate interplay of forces governing changes

in the human environment kept unfolding before me. If there was news,
I had a nose for it! No wonder, when The Times of India had launched its
16-page weekly section called ‘The Review’ in the early 1980s, I had a
co-authored story ‘One Day It May Rain Acid’ prominently displayed in it.
The threat to the historic Taj Mahal by the controversial Mathura refinery
was the backdrop to the story. Interestingly, both co-exist though the Taj
may have taken some beating!
Reality check
All said, I was one amongst scores of journalists who had covered the
environment during early years without embracing the extremes. Barring
few, most of the environmental writings of the 1980s were an exercise
in scaring readers anyway. Even at the cost of being repetitive, there was
little let down in giving alarmist spin to the story—pesticides in food,
pollutants in the air, hole in the ozone layer and so on. Environment had
become a staple of most newspapers; any average story stood ample chance
of being published. No wonder, stories written in a moronic fashion had
started mushrooming, apparently written by those who didn’t understand
what they were writing about.
What competitive edge did I have over those writers who were churning
out environment stuff frequently? Did a degree in environmental science
make any difference? I was in for a reality check as I was fast becoming
sceptical of my own writings, as much as that of others. Without sounding
apologetic, the crux of the matter instead was that we are reporting
research over which we had little control. Unlike in the West, back home
much of the derelict environment predictions were not being contested
either by the readers or the editors. Yet, one could sense some kind of
fatigue descending on the media.
In his response to my offer to write on environment for New Delhi,
the magazine that didn’t last long, the one and only Khushwant Singh
had written: ‘Environment doesn’t sell.’ It had left me dumbstuck! For a
moment I was furious with his one-liner but had soon realised that the
legendary Sardar had only shown me a mirror. Though not trained as a
formal journalist, I had passion and commitment to sell environment
stories against odds. I suspect there were several of my kind pushing each
other for the limited column inches that were on offer in the print media.
Undoubtedly, the likes of me were unintentionally distanced from
reality. Unlike Indira Gandhi who had opined that ‘poverty was the
My Words, It’s Still Fun! 47
greatest polluter’ at the Stockholm Summit on Human Environment 1972,

we were still writing about environment concerns of the West, viz., acid
rain, ozone depletion, and so on. Does academic conditioning distance
one from the ground truth? Hearing about the historic decision to shelve
the hydroelectric project at the Silent Valley and the judicial position on
the incredible Chipko Movement in the seminar halls had lent a helping
hand in taking a detour from armchair environment journalism that I was
glued to.
Green dilemma
The slopes were getting green, the idea of conserving water was reflected
in the two majestic check dams in the Shivaliks. Those who were once
struggling for cattle fodder had enough milk to spare for occasional
visitors like me. The life for the Gujjars had gone through a dramatic
change, poverty had been shown the door in the Sukhomajri village.
Perhaps my first convincing outing into the countryside, the village
tucked upstream of Chandigath’s picturesque Sukhana Lake had become
my popular destination for many years to come, ever since I had visited
it during mid-1982.
With degrees in physics and philosophy, P.R. Mishra was rare amongst
his contemporaries. In his inimitable style he had once quizzed me:
‘have you been able to understand Sukhomajri?’ Having seen protected
hill slopes, an enthused village community and a couple of check dams
filled to the brim, my response was in the affirmative. So amused was
the man behind the project, which eventualy launched the country’s
watershed programme, that he could not hold himself to say that I was yet
to understand it! Years later, I now realise that getting to understand the
dynamics of natural systems is one hell of a subject too big for a lifetime.
Between check dams and large dams, the gulf was treacherously wide.
Were small dams an alternative to the big structures? Could power be
generated without inundating large tracts of land? Sunderlal Bahuguna
had his set of arguments cut out against then proposed Tehri Dam. With
his distinct headgear, though in white, he was dubbed one of the earliest
‘environment terrorists’ of his time. Having started camping inside the
submergence area of the dam, he had become the toast of the media. I had
teased him once: ‘it will be an unbelievable headline the day you’ll take jal
samadhi.’ That had brought curtains on our rather friendly relationship!
It was a shocking revelation that some of the best in the business
of environment were conscious of their territorial jurisdictions. Often
fighting for the same turf, they were found working at cross purposes
to each other. The environmentalists were a divided lot, with the media
playing its part in promoting one at the cost of the other. The legacy
of ‘divide and rule’ had sustained itself. The work on the controversial
Tehri dam was going on at high pace. It was evident that the dam will be
built soon and the forlorn crusader of the bygone era will have to resign
himself to history books. But will lessons ever get learnt from it?
It was hard to believe that in a country where the much-hyped Silent
Valley hydroelectric project could be put to rest with the stroke of a pen,
several hundred column inches of writing deploring the project were
inadequate in repeating the feat in the case of the controversial Tehri Dam.
‘The apolitical nature of social movements was up against the politics of
development,’ I had argued in one of my articles. It was’nt a level playing
field though, with odds tilted in favour of the powerful stakeholders.
Opposition to several mega-projects were inconclusive, pulling activists
into the convenient domain of service delivery for fighting poverty at the
grassroots.
Alternate media
With hundreds of written stories on diverse environmental issues behind
me, an opportunity for being part of the mainstream media was somewhat
expected. A short stint at the India Today was a great learning experience. In
addition to rubbing shoulders with some of the big names, how a handful
of journalists decide what the majority must read had begun to unfold!
I’d always wondered why a human interest story would get pushed to the
‘back of the book’ section at the cost of a story reporting on the inevitable
ageing of a political supremo named Sitaram Kesari? That aligning with
the powers-that-be was akin to being counted amongst the ‘powerful’
seemed to be the unwritten logic.
Raising concerns of the grassroots through an alternate media, on
the lines of parallel cinema, seemed the order of the day. Building and
nurturing a constituency was critical to sustaining newfound environment
consciousness. The passion and drive were in plenty, and so was perhaps
a committed readership, but the requisite capital was nowhere in sight.
The rights to re-publish The Ecologist, a well-known environment magazine
from the UK, were secured without strings. However, getting it on to the
newsstands had remained an unfulfilled dream ever since.
Around this time, a young Nepalese journalist had walked into my
one-room office. After years of serving the UN as a mediaperson, he was
My Words, It’s Still Fun! 49
planning to launch an environment magazine from Kathmandu. That

gentleman had learnt of my interests from the Ashoka Foundation, a US-
based organisation that had bestowed fellowship on both of us for public
service enterpreneurship. I had helped him in every possible way, giving
vent to my unfulfilled ambitions in the process. Though we haven’t stayed
connected ever since, both Kanak Dixit and his brainchild Himal have
continued to flourish.
I had to contend with what I could afford the best, edit and publish a
Hindi language quarterly on environment and sustainable development.
Named Vikalp, meaning ‘alternative’, the magazine had acquired a
respectable readership in a short time. However, it didn’t translate into
the desired number of subscriptions for meeting the production costs.
With a handful of budding writers, we published it for as long as we
could take the toll of doing everything ourselves, from writing copy to
organising pictures and from maintaining subscriptions to mailing copies.
In hindsight, it may have been worth the cause had there been a method
in that madness!
All said, it remains a milestone in environment literature and an
experience worth sharing. It must however be said that an alternate media
may indeed be a bad idea if it can not create a significant readership base
to amplify voices to influence policies. The very notion of alternate media
often has an ideological base with a mission. I have learnt it the hard
way: those who are passionate about environment must not pursue active
journalism and those who stand to do objective journalism must stay
away from being passionate about the environment. Either way, it doesn’t
serve any purpose.
Getting focussed
It may seem that I had burnt myself on several fronts at the same time.
But for me, environment journalism has been an evolving engagement,
a process in which one was able to check on one’s capabilities and
capacities as new environmental challenges were tossed from time to
time. If pollution and poverty were issues in the past, scarcity and survival
were the current issues. However, in the pursuit for economic growth,
concerns for the environment were put on the back burner. Quite often it
seemed that the good work of creating environmental awareness during
the 1980s and 1990s had been lost.
I was ready for new challenges unlike many who had sought to drift into
‘business’—the new window of opportunity in up-market journalism.
My renewed commitment may have something to do with the birth

of my son. Since he was born on the world environment day, many
wondered if it reflected my commitment (or that of my better half ) to the
environment. It did, however, reflect lack of commitment for some of my
erstwhile colleagues whose offsprings had missed dateline environment
by few days on either side. Either they were sucked into the system or had
chosen more lucrative career paths. Pure coincidence, I’d imagine!
But I knew there was a road ahead for me. The gigantism of development
had started to surface yet again. We had a task at hand. Fresh affiliations
and new associations were on the horizon as the country got ready to alter
its geography by embarking on the ambitious task of linking its rivers,
from north to south and from east to west. Water became the foci of my
writings ever since. I had never stopped to think what a magical substance
it is, with a special meaning for everyone. A new form of consciousness
had started to dawn upon me. I had begun my schooling yet again! It
was the return of the familiar debate on dams alongwith all prevasive
discourse on water harvesting. Commodification and privatisation were
components of market-driven hydrology.
The growth engine has been trying to consume everything in the
process as social space gets usurped by a market economy of malls and
multiplexes. Poverty no longer gets registered as in the past. The surging
middle class is upset when it is reminded of that old blight. The poor
are to be dispensed with for making space for special economic zones,
even if it means forcing many to commit suicide. A new culture of self-
annihilation is upon us. It will demand a journalism of a kind that will not
only question the dubious processes but confront the invisible forces of
self-destruction as well. I often enthuse myself with the famous one-liner
from the irresistible Hindi film Sholay: ‘Ab aayega mazaa!’
In many ways, it is fun to rearticulate and reposition oneself to confront
a new situation. It indeed burns the creative calories in you, but the impact
is immensely satisfying. With the democratisation of communication
technologies, it is a fresh new game to confront the market forces that
operate under the veil of democracy. Clearly, the rules of environment
journalism are being rewritten!
8
Problems of Aesthetics and Misplaced
Altruism: Media and Environment in
Northeast India
Kazimuddin (Kazu) Ahmed
I think that the modern age of the history of truth began at the moment when empirical knowledge itself,
and on its own, allowed access to the truth. That is, from the moment when, without asking anything
else of the subject, without the being of the subject having to undergo any modification or alteration
whatsoever, the philosopher (or scientist or anyone looking for the truth) was capable of recognising in
him or herself the truth and had access to the truth by the mere act of empirical knowledge
—Michel Foucault
A noble quest
It was the beginning of 2008, the immediate aftermath of holidays and
celebrations. There were resolutions galore for the New Year and it was
perhaps with this spirit that an email was circulated among individuals
and organisations working on social and environmental issues. The
sender was a journalist working with one of the leading news channels of
India. He wished to do a story on the destruction of hills in and around
Guwahati, Assam. Someone from television picking up such a story
at the wake of the New Year seemed rather promising to the usually
forlorn pages of environmental reportage in the region. My exhilaration,
however, was painfully short-lived. The optimism towards a promising
year for sound environmental reportage was cut short by the story this
gentleman proposed—he wanted to carry the story because he believed
that destruction of hills had led to depletion in wildlife and to the near
extinction of many varieties of animals found in and around Guwahati.
He came a couple of decades too late. The only wildlife visibly living
in Guwahati—apart from the zoo—are a few jackals, mongoose, a
52 Kazimuddin (Kazu) Ahmed
few squirrels, a few species of birds and perhaps a mild assortment of

common creatures including Rudyard Kipling’s Bandarlog with extremely
high nuisance value. Around Guwahati, where land is being consumed
fast by the ubiquitous construction frenzy, there perhaps is a larger, but
a fast decreasing population of wildlife. A reality check would reveal that
wildlife as such had long vanished from the swamp that Guwahati was.
Their present existence is mostly in faded pages of dusty memoirs
written by Guwahati’s now extinct hunting aristocracy that carried out
regular expeditions to Dipor Beel, now a Ramsar Site in a state of rapid
decay within the limits of the Guwahati Municipal Corporation. Arguably,
a search for wildlife in the degraded hills and swamps in and around
Guwahati is a noble and romantic exercise in futility. Unusually, however,
such are the tasks undertaken by many who feel it as most noble a duty to
save wildlife despite its non-existence, and consequently perhaps be a part
of some heroic group akin to those in DC comics saving the planet.
Issues vs. representation

This incident of wrong treatment sans diagnosis does not in any way
undermine the importance of the issue of hill destruction. As concrete
structures fill the hills levelled by huge digging machines with monstrous
teeth, signs of impacts of this destruction are only too palpable. Come
monsoon and news of deaths due to landslides fill the pages of local
dailies, even if it is only for that particular day. Alarmingly, such days are
increasing. Suspended particulate matter (SPM) and respirable suspended
particulate matter (RSPM) levels are always critical or high and are on
the same trajectory as the monsoon deaths. Hydrological patterns in
Guwahati are allegedly changing and ground water levels are dropping
faster than one can imagine as land and water resources in and around
the city are being squeezed dry to feed and house more than a million
people. This environmental degradation will only put final touches to the
blueprint of the demise of whatever little flora and fauna thrive in the hills
of Guwahati.
Clearly, there are two narratives to this hill story. One is of the larger
picture of environmental degradation and the other is of a few pixels—
sometimes unfounded—of that large picture. Unfortunately, the latter has
become a trend of sorts in environmental reporting in the region. Instead
of an issue crucial for humankind and its habitat, environmental reporting
has been made an issue appealing to the aesthetics. The consequence is
Problems of Aesthetics and Misplaced Altruism 53
a one-page feature on wildlife with coloured photographs and little text.

Even in this arena the reportage is not complete. The unprecedented
coverage that a few dead rhinos received in February this year perhaps
took even this normally media savvy lot by surprise. At the same time,
the habitat and population of the Sangai deer is on a rapid decline along
with the ecosystem of the Loktak lake in Manipur. But a report combining
scientific data and creative writing on the Sangai and Loktak would
not be so easily available. Evidently, aesthetic environmentalism and
environmental reportage influenced by it is also selective.
Articulation of a direct correlation between destruction of natural
habitat and rising land, water and air pollution in Guwahati is not an
impossible task despite availability of primary scientific research and
data. Even speculations of such correlations are conspicuously absent
from information on environment doing the rounds in the public
domain leading to the absence of any debates save bitter and exasperated
conversations in drawing rooms. So, as people seem to be crying foul
with the destruction of hills in Guwahati, there is a profound silence
on change in land-use patterns from sustenance crops to cash crops like
Jatropha and the pitfalls of the same. An analysis on relations between this
changing land-use pattern, diminishing livelihood options and conflict
would be asking for the moon and the stars. While this complete lack of
cognisance and analysis regarding environmental issues is reflected in the
larger scenario of environmental reportage, Al Gore and R.K. Pachauri
bagging the Nobel Prize with the phrase ‘climate change’ mentioned a few
times is sometimes taken as intelligent coverage of environmental issues.
The northeast and its media

Northeast India is a colloquial term used for seven federal units of the
Indian Union—Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland
and Tripura. The eighth federal unit, Sikkim, is used in the official
categorisation and definition of the Northeast. Both definitions and
categorisations are now debated from various perspectives of identity,
nationalism and purported opposition to a homogenising project. For
reasons of convenience of various sorts, this chapter will stick with the
conventional definition of Northeast—that of the seven federal units.
Located between 22–29°N and 89–97°E, this region has unique
ecological, sociological and geological characteristics fascinating and
significant to everyone from colonial anthropologists to present day
environment crusaders well versed in the mechanics of funding. The

more than 400 ethnic groups inhabiting this 2,55,168 square kilometres
of land have their own ecological languages to converse with these varied
environs. This has led to the emergence of an extremely rich culture
around existing environments as the ecological layers of the region range
from tropical forests to snow capped mountains. Positioned between
the boundaries of the Indian, Burmese and Eurasian plates, this region is
seismically quite sensitive, with a high level of precipitation and juvenile
soil cover. With such characteristics, this region is a wonder-web of
nature—flora and fauna, water bodies and landscapes housed in their
own unique ecosystems.
Lately, the region has also developed a massive and flourishing media
industry. Among them, the seven federal units have 1,549 newspapers and
journals registered with the Registrar of Newspapers in India (RNI), in
languages ranging from local languages to English and Hindi. Circulations
vary from 500 copies to nearly 2,00,000. Even if one puts the percentage
of publications meeting with untimely deaths at 40, it would still be a large
number. It looks like a very encouraging media scenario. But one must
understand the nature and history of media in this region to comprehend
the present media politics that so influences reportage. In places such as
Manipur and Assam, the history of media is fairly old, with missionaries
during the colonial era bringing in the printing press to Assam in 1846
followed by Manipur getting its machinery in 1917. More than 150 years
after the first printing press, newsrooms of satellite channels based in the
region are now designed in the USA.
The other aspect of this region with a considerably long history is
conflict. It has been a locale for conflicts where small nationalities have
consistently resisted the larger state. First it was the British and now the
Indian state after transfer of power, as is evident from the numerous armed
opposition groups fighting their unequal battles with the government
with demands ranging from autonomy to secession. But the crucial role
presently played by the sections of the media as a part of the government’s
psychological operations in conflict management is different in character
from its role during the colonial era. The advent of printing in the region
had heralded a new era of an informed and educated section of society in
the colonial period which was deemed to be better equipped to fight the
imperial forces of the British. After the transfer of power, the media in
the region briefly dwelled upon news as well as cultural affairs, including
enhancing existing literary flows and quality.
The political economy of the information in the

northeast
One of the radical shifts in media took place with the resurgence of
movements for self-determination in the region. While the Naga struggle
for independence has been on a continuum since India declared itself a
republic, many ethnic groups within the region gradually started voicing
their political aspirations as nations and peoples sometimes demanding
autonomous status within the Indian state or ethnic homelands in various
parts and sometimes complete secession from India. Identity has always
been a significant question in these struggles and the media was inducted
to this process of assertion of identity. Despite larger market dynamics and
the economics of controlling the information as the present behavioural
patterns in the media, it has also adapted to working within the global
market structure while all its elements feed into local political dynamics
abundant in a politically hyperactive region such as this. With such heavy
preoccupations, the environment question rarely finds space despite
unquestionable relevance.
It would of course be unfair to discount dedicated journalists consisÂ�
tently working on environmental issues or at least trying to do so. But
being a journalist in the region and securing some decent newsprint space
for dedicated environmental issues is mighty rare.
What is reported on environment in the region comes out mostly in
weeklies and periodicals in the local languages. The only wholesome
environment/development publication that is known to exist in the
region is Grassroots Options, a magazine based in Shillong and run by a
collective of journalists. They zealously managed to have a website
(www.grassrootsoptions.org), but updates have to wait sometimes due to
lack of resources. Otherwise one has to be a senior journalist to write on
environment and get some regular space, or one has to write for websites
and other publications such as Down to Earth and Himal Southasian that are
published outside the region. It would not be untrue to mention that most
analytical environmental reportage from the region are not published
here, but in publications from other parts of India that sometimes send
reporters to travel and file field reports. One can confidently argue that
environmental content published in media in the Northeast in the last two
decades cannot match content that was published in one single special
edition of Sanctuary Asia on large dams in the region in 2004.
But such reportage involves primary research and travelling to various
locations, a privilege that mediapersons in the Northeast can rarely
manage. During a series of interviews and discussions I had conducted

to assess the research environment in the media of the region, voices at
many places told me this in as many words of angst:
There are dedicated journalists. But dedication alone does not suffice
for a good report. One needs research and research needs time and
resources. Where is this window when a journalist is paid anything from
Rs 600–3,500 a month and is constantly needed to fill in spaces with
reports that would sell?
This, today, is the reality of the research environment in the media of

the region. The 1,500 publications and television and radio with all their
reach have failed to start a new era in plurality of voices and themes in the
public domain, let alone generate debate on issues crucial to people’s lives.
This brings forth the crude reality of media being increasingly controlled
by market economics and numbers determining the editorial trajectory a
publication or a media house takes. The saleability factor does not leave
much space for debate and analysis on issues of environment. It effectively
determines that issues such as politics and entertainment with sensational
value are going to be the preoccupations of editorial policy. The rest, to a
large extent, is lip service with little or no imagination in developing new
discourses for debate.
This does not leave out radio and television as well. Apart from major
satellite channels based outside the region and the terrestrial national
Doordarshan, this region now has two satellite channels and a number of
cable channels based in major towns like Guwahati, Imphal and Kohima.
Satellite channels based outside the region do not operate their editorial
policy in quota of reports. Reports from the region are incorporated after
assessing their saleability, or their implications with ‘national’ importance
or if they feed into certain political dynamics. The terrestrial Doordarshan
is content feeding on the region as a culturally exotic locale when it is
not reporting about bombardment of bullets or mayhem of bombs, or
functions and dos involving state bigwigs. The cable channels mostly
do local news and entertainment and the two regional satellite channels
are presently busy throwing muck at each other. To find any space for
analytical environmental reporting in the middle of any of this would be
a serious joke.
Other factors are at play too, the most crucial ones being ownership
and affiliations. The 24×7 satellite channels in the region are owned by
politicians, as are several newspapers. Big business houses own other
media establishments and as is the case in other publications outside the
region, editorial policies are determined by where the interests of the

media houses lie. For example the state-run television and radio would not
incorporate anything against government policies. The detrimental impact
of the 168 large dams in the region would never be talked about. These
factors too largely chart the paths of the media information regime.
This regime, though, has other players. In a scenario where negligible
or no imagination shrouds environmental reportage, one would ideally
look towards advocacy groups and activists to have some much required
data. Tragically, environmentalism in this region is limited to wildlife and
forests. One would know the 215th worm in an elephant’s stomach or
the 14th hair on that hardened mass they call the horn of the rhino, but
there is no information on air, water and land pollution, or, changing
ecosystems, land-use patterns and livelihoods.
There apparently are organisations that address these issues too—to the
extent of banning plastic bags and beautifying urban areas. Academics too
have some information in journals and research papers stashed away in
libraries never to see the light of the public domain. It can be argued, again
with considerable amount of definitiveness, that larger environmental
research and related dissemination of information to the public domain is
virtually non-existent in the region.
Specialisation, tunnel vision

This would perhaps be another interesting signifier to environmental
research in the Northeast. Domiasiat in Meghalaya has some of the
largest Uranium deposits in India and the Uranium Corporation of India
Limited (UCIL) has been on the trail of this deposit for a few decades
now. The tempo is picking up presently and mining does not seem too
distant with the usual drill of environment impact assessments (EIAs)
and other formalities almost completed. There are organisations that
have protested against this mining and extensive meetings were held
to garner support for this opposition and to influence policy. About the
same time as the aforementioned TV journalist wanted to do his story
on hills, another print journalist embarked on an extensive piece on the
uranium mining issue.
A month later, she was still running from pillar to post looking
for corroborative information and research on the subject as ‘meat’ for
her story. Organisations purportedly engaged in advocacy work on the
issue gave a lot of ‘quotes’, but not an iota of concrete data that could
have helped.
This is the present state of all aspects of environmentalism including

environmental reportage in the media of the Northeast. The quality of
content in the media here does not match the ecological richness of the
region, but goes neck to neck with the environmental degradation that
it is witnessing. Journalism’s benchmarks of truth, analysis and credible
information are not manifested in most of whatever little environmental
reportage is produced. As the significance of Foucault’s empiricism takes
a beating, the public domain is flooded with mediocre information and
words that fail to make any sense other than satisfying a mere grammatical
structure. It is rather queer that the emergence of an information regime
of massive scale is also obscuring information on selective issues. As far
as environmental information is concerned, one can’t help but wonder
if this powerful tool for generation of knowledge is fulfilling its noble
purpose or merely contributing to, as Mark Hobart would say, the growth
of ignorance.
9
Good Journalism, That’s All
Kalpana Sharma
Journalists are good or bad, professional or unprofessional. I am not sure

if other labels such as ‘environmental’ or ‘developmental’ ought to be
tagged on to journalists.
Covering environmental issues requires a set of skills that are essentially
what you need if you want to be a good journalist. You need to know
something about the subject you are planning to write about. You need
to be interested in it. You need a degree of scepticism. You need to talk
to people. You need to get people to trust you so that they tell you the
real story. You need to be observant. You need to be curious. You need to
double-check, cross-check, double-check, cross-check. And of course you
need to be able to write.
None of this means that there should not be specialisations. There
is much to be said for allowing journalists to focus on areas like the
environment. This allows them to develop contacts, collect specialised
information, and in general be better equipped to report on a range of
issues that would generally come under the rubric of environmental
reporting.
Trailing ignorance
But specialisation does not mean developing tunnel vision. This is why
journalists who report on environmental issues should think of themselves
principally as journalists who happen to be covering the environment. For
environmental issues cannot be viewed in isolation. In India, in particular,
environmental issues are located within the political and economic
discourse. It is essential to engage in these larger discussions if we are to
report intelligently on environmental issues.
60 Kalpana Sharma
One of my early stories on an environmental issue was a report I

did for the Centre for Science and Environment’s First Citizens’ Report
on the State of India’s Environment in 1982. I was sent with another
journalist to look at the state of the forests in Meghalaya and Assam. We
soon discovered that the story could not be written merely by speaking
to forest officers or academics working on forest issues. Central to the
problem of depleting forests was the nexus between the timber lobby and
local politicians. There were other layers such as tribal rights, community
forests, how measures meant to protect forests were subverted. Foresters
and politicians alike blamed tribals for their slash and burn form of
agriculture. None of them would speak of the timber lobby.
It was presumed that if in tribal areas the community jointly owned
forests, there could be no destruction. Yet entire hillsides stood naked,
symbols of the consequences of commercial interests overriding environ-
mental concerns. Without understanding the politics and the economics
of the region, we would never have understood why forests were being
depleted in this region.
Similarly, the Bhopal Gas Disaster in 1984 was not just the world’s
worst industrial accident. It was also an intensely political story. It raised
questions about the way the industrial location policy was implemented.
It led to questioning about industrial pollution and the state of industrial
units using hazardous substances. It revealed the indifference of policy
makers to the interests of poor people who were allowed to live in the
vicinity of such a hazardous industry without knowledge of what to do in
an emergency. And it exposed the inadequate health infrastructure when
the emergency did occur, on the night of December 2/3 1984 when
thousands of tonnes of deadly methyl isocyanate spewed into the cold
night air in Bhopal. Thousands died that night; many more since then and
tens of thousands have struggled with serious physical impairment.
Bhopal is an environmental story but also a political one. It has already
illustrated the power of big industry over government. It has shown how
difficult it is for victims who are also poor to get their voices heard. It is a
story that can still be written because the problem has not ended.
Similarly, the struggle over the Sardar Sarovar Project on the Narmada
River brought out so many aspects of the developmental story in this
country that it could not be categorised only as an environmental story.
The resistance to the construction of the dam by the Narmada Bachao
Andolan (NBA) brought into the public arena the concept of ‘destructive
development’. Till then all development was considered good. Dams were
the temples of modern India, people were told. Therefore, how could
something like a dam be considered destructive?
Good Journalism, That’s All 61
Yet the questions raised by NBA exposed the destructive nature of the
dam, the forests it submerged, the people it displaced, the irreplaceable
symbols of the history of the valley that it would drown like the
Shoolpaneshwar temple. Who would bear these environmental and human
costs? Had they been factored in? Would the electricity generated by the
dam and the irrigation waters released be cost-effective if these costs were
included? These questions were essential to the debate on whether the
dam ought to be built at all and if so, how it should be built. The answers
to the questions were deeply entwined in local state politics and in central
policy on the kind of developmental model India chose to follow. You
could not escape being informed about these larger issues if you wanted
to report on the specific aspects of the struggle against the dam.
Take another, more recent, environmental disaster, the flooding of
Mumbai in July 2005. On one day, the city saw 944 mm of rain come
pelting down virtually unannounced. The city was caught off guard.
People rushing home from work were suddenly wading through waist
high water. Trains and buses stopped. Roads were jammed with vehicles.
And the rain kept pouring.
Political, developmental and

environmental dimensions
The story once again had political, developmental and environmental
dimensions. Political because politicians have decided how Mumbai
should develop and the course they have chosen has virtually written the
script for such as disaster.
Developmental because these politicians adopted a developmental
pattern for the city that paid little heed to basic infrastructure like
storm water drains and instead concentrated on building flyovers to
guarantee faster movement for privately owned transport. Meanwhile
public transport, the lifeline for 80 per cent of the city’s residents, was
neglected.
And environmental because in their wisdom, politicians decided
that wetlands were wastelands that could be reclaimed and used for
construction. They did just that to create land for the new business hub,
the Bandra Kurla Complex. They turned a blind eye when the Airports
Authority of India decided to divert a river, the Mithi, that flows from east
to west and empties out into the Arabian Sea at Mahim. As a result, when
it poured on that day in July, the drains could not take the water out, the
swollen sea pushed water in and there were no wetlands to absorb this
62 Kalpana Sharma
sudden surge in the Mithi. Water rose and filled the roads, the compounds
and ground floors of buildings, the railway tracks, the highways—a large
swathe of Mumbai’s suburbs.
Here was another example of a story that could not be narrowly defined
as ‘environmental’ although that was an essential angle.
What I am arguing, therefore, is that it serves no purpose to bring
in such categorisation when what we need is better more professional
journalism all round. The tragedy today is that much of what passes off
as ‘environmental’ journalism is no more than handout journalism. Many
environmental non-governmental organisations have special communi-
cation officers and have developed an effective communication strategy.
Some even hire public relations companies to do that job. It is easy for
journalists to take the material handed out to them and simply reproduce
it, passing this off as ‘environmental’ journalism.
Since the late 1990s, there has been a visible decline in investigative
stories on environmental issues. There was a time when the media played
the role of watchdog when it came to industrial pollution or municipal
waste being dumped into local water bodies. Where are these stories
now? Has such pollution stopped? Have our pollution control authorities
suddenly become more effective? Or have journalists stopped this kind of
writing?
I would suggest that the reason for the decline is directly proportionate
to the increase in the influence of corporate India on the media. Advertising
now constitutes the major portion of the revenues of a newspaper or a
television channel. And media houses view themselves as independent
profit centres, unlike in the past when owners had other industrial interests
that subsidised the newspaper business. Media is now big business on its
own. And stories that offend big business are not welcome as a rule. Thus,
investigations into the operations of industries located in rural areas, or
the devastation caused by mines to people and the environment, or the
destruction of local vegetation consequent to the construction of a thermal
power station—stories that were written in the past and followed up for
many years—have now become rare. No prizes for guessing why.
As a result, the only people carrying out these exposes are activists and
environmental groups. And with media houses being wary of the ‘activist’
label, journalists who want to follow up on these exposes have a hard time
selling their stories.
We need more good, professional journalism and we need more stories
on the environment. There is no question about that. Creating spaces for
such writing in a media increasingly obsessed with celebrities and big
business has become tough if not impossible.
Good Journalism, That’s All 63
One entry point is the increasing civic consciousness of urban dwellers.

They have become the watchdogs, people who constantly remind the
media about the problems that the media ought to cover independently.
These groups are also effectively using the Right to Information (RTI)
Act for their fight, whether it is against a builder, the municipality, or an
industrial house.
Journalists writing on environmental issues can use RTI effectively
to get the information that in the past was difficult to obtain. Pollution
Control Boards, for instance, are supposed to keep records of pollution
levels, of both air and water. But they are usually reticent about letting
journalists look at such data. You have to develop a contact inside the
board who will be willing to get it out. Today, the RTI gives journalists
a legitimate way of getting hold of such data and making it public.
The need for good, effective, investigative ‘environmental’ journalism,
or stories on environmental issues, is greater today than at any other
time. Under the euphoria of progress and economic growth, irreversible
destruction of India’s environmental assets is taking place. The media
can expose this. Yet it is not doing so, caught up as it is in the hype of
globalisation and growth.
10
Media is No Longer the Fourth Estate
Devinder Sharma
It was in the early 1980s. I had just joined as the agriculture correspondent
of the Indian Express at Chandigarh. My intrepid journalist colleague,
Sanjeev Gaur, who was later stabbed outside the Golden Temple in
Amritsar at the height of the Punjab terrorism, was visibly upset. He filed
a disturbing news report, which obviously donned the front page of the
newspaper. The report and its follow-up still continue to haunt me.
A mentally retarded beggar, who was quite a familiar figure to those
who frequented the central shopping-cum-office plaza in Sector 17, was
so hungry that he couldn’t resist picking up a bottle of toned milk from
outside a shop. No sooner had he gulped it down, he was rounded up by
the shop owner and thrashed, and was then handed over the police. He
was put in jail. His crime: he had ‘stolen’ a milk bottle that probably cost
not more than Rs 3.
A week later, he died in police custody.
Not even remotely outraged

Twenty years later, I am amazed that the country’s elite and educated
are not even remotely outraged when told that a few hundred of the
rich and bold have actually defaulted (they call it non-performing assets)
the nationalised banks of Rs 1,60,000 crore. Not many have stood up to
question that why are they not in jail. Instead Rs 45,000 crore out of this
amount has already been written off. Not many are probably aware that
less than 10 per cent of it—Rs 10,000 crore—is what the nation needs to
feed its 320 million people who go to bed hungry. Not many would even
care to know that India’s population of hungry and malnourished is almost
equal to the combined population of the European Union. Invariably, at
the time of the presentation of the annual Budget, you see them lined
Media is No Longer the Fourth Estate 65
up in the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) or Federation of Indian

Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) headquarters, frowning
and criticising the government for pampering the farmers. The electronic
media broadcasts it live. It is the media in fact which asks industrialists to
give numbers to the Finance Minister. They applaud the Finance Minister
if he succeeds in opening up the government’s limited treasure chest for
the sake of the industry. They despise the huge subsidies that country’s
550 million farmers, with an average land holding size of 1.47 hectares,
receive on an average. The industrialists are visibly upset if the Finance
Minister fails to oblige them. After all, they are the symbol of growth.
They need to mop up the country’s treasure for the trickle-down to take
effect. But why not ask the poor and poverty-stricken as to how much the
annual budget exercise is for them? When was the last time you saw media
barons asking farmers, the pavement dwellers and the poverty-stricken to
comment on the budget and give marks to the Finance Minister?
Take Budget 2008. Finance Minister anounced a debt relief of
Rs 60,000 crore for farmers owning less than 2 hecatres land. Such
was the uproar from the mainline media, economists and the corporate
bosses, that everyone termed it as a political necessity in an election year.
Economics has been sacrificed for politics, screamed newspaper headlines.
Where will the money come from, the electronic media kept on asking.
No one had ever questioned the income relief the Finance Minister had
every year showered on the industrial houses. Reduction in excise and
other rebates, including personal income tax for corporate bosses had
totalled nearly Rs 10,00,000 crore since 2004–05. No questions were
ever asked, no eyebrows ever raised. But when it comes to providing
some succour to farmers, the media is upset. Look at some of the other
disturbing scenarios. At a time when the country is galvanising in the
artificial spirit of ‘feel good’, no one noticed the cries of a one month old
baby who was sold by her mother for a mere Rs 10. For Sumitra Behera,
35, a resident of Badibahal village in Angul district of Orissa, selling her
one month old daughter was perhaps the only way to feed her two other
daughters—Urbashi, 10, and Banbasi, 2.
In the month of December 2003, three other families grappling with
hunger in Angul, Puri and Keonjhar in Orissa had reportedly sold their
children. Two decades earlier, the nation felt outraged when a major
newspaper bought a woman for Rs 2,000. The intrepid reporter, who
risked his life to investigate the shoddy and inhuman trade, wrote in his
columns that even a pair of shoes would cost more. It doesn’t require the
investigating skills of Ashwini Sarin anymore to lift the veil behind which
66 Devinder Sharma
remains the hidden face of India Shining. You can now buy a child for
less than what you pay for a bottle of mineral water. In fact, you can even
‘buy’ a wife for a Haryana lad (the state is faced with a highly skewed
gender ratio) from the Northeast states for as low as Rs 50,000 ! As abject
poverty remains buried behind the façade of the feel good factor, there
is excitement in the air. The German luxury carmaker, DaimlerChrysler,
has launched the most luxurious car in the world in India. At Rs 5 crore a
piece, the upwardly mobile have already begun to queue up. This comes
at a time when IPL brings instant cricket to a cricket crazy nation. Also,
when Amitabh Bachchan has reinvented religious fundamentalism visible
through his frequent family visits to every second temple that we know
of. And he is happy reciting boring lines of a poem for ‘India Poised’ that
The Times of India had launched. Selling dreams is no longer the prerogative
of Bollywood. Despite the Planning Commission pulling down the
percentage of poor and poverty stricken from its unread documents, the
magic trick of playing with numbers hasn’t made any difference to the
growing disparities. Amidst recurring political elections, and the brazen
marketing hype to sell images of growth and development, the shameful
paradox of hunger at times of plenty has been quietly buried under heaps
of grain that continue to rot in the open. That 75 lakh people, more than
the population of Switzerland, had applied for a mere 28,000 lowly-paid
jobs in the Indian Railways, is no longer a matter of concern at times
when the country is on a fast track information highway. Not to discount
the achievements in information technology, the fact remains that IT has
provided only five lakh job opportunities. The BPO service industry that
we hear about every other day actually employs only 1.6 lakh people.
Going ga-ga
And yet, the media goes ga-ga over the IT sector. Former Infosys chairman
Narayanamurthy continues to be interviewed as if he is a demi god. No
one has ever asked him as to how much subsidy has been doled out for the
IT sector? No one has asked him how much land he must grab from the
state at a throwaway price? No one has ever asked him as to how Infosys
claims to have over 15,000 rooms built, beating even the largest chain
of hotels in India. No one has asked him as to how the average citizen of
Bangalore continues to silently suffer because of the market distortions
wrought in by the IT employees—prices of essential commodities have
gone up, the price of real estate has gone beyond the reach of an average
person, the city roads are jammed because of the new found richness of
the IT employees. A few people prosper at the cost of millions.
And that often makes me wonder whether the media has any social
responsibility? Or is it that under the garb of ‘social responsibility’ it is
promoting the commercial interests of a few? In other words, is ‘the
media only of the rich, by the rich and for the rich?’
To say that poverty is the worst polluter, and not industrialisation,
is a conspiracy to keep the dirty industries afloat. No questions are
asked when the Finance Minister P. Chidambaram makes some absurd
arguments defending his government’s flawed economic policies that
actually acerbate the environmental crisis. If industrialisation isn’t the
worst polluter, then may I ask how come the world is debating cuts in
emission standards in the Kyoto Protocol negotiations? How come we
are talking of global warming and the measures to reverse the process?
Why should the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) get
a Nobel prize for warning and spelling out measures to reduce global
warming by taming the industry? When was the last time you heard
the international community talking of battling poverty to remove
environmental pollution?
Let us face it. The media is merely acting as a sound board for the big
business and industry.
I often wonder how can Kyoto Protocol make any sense as long as we
go on promoting free trade under the World Trade Organisation (WTO).
In fact, the two major global negotiations centre around climate change
and free trade. Isn’t it common sense that the more the trade the more
will be the release of greenhouse gases and therefore more will be the
resulting global warming? How is it then that the so-called saviours of
the planet who are negotiating the Kyoto Protocol do not see the resulting
environmental damage from the increased trade under WTO? After all,
trade doesn’t happen on bullock carts. It requires burning of fossil fuels
to transport tradable commodities across the seas. Similarly, those who
are negotiating the controversial WTO agreements do not work out the
environmental costs involved. The mere projections of growth figures
hides the uncomfortable truth of environmental destruction that the
media has deliberately ignored to investigate.
The contradictions of it all

One of the major environmental polluters is the automobile industry. This
is an accepted fact. And yet, the media goes berserk when automobile giants
shift the manufacturing base to India. Behind the hype of foreign direct
investment (FDI) and the number of jobs created, what is conveniently
68 Devinder Sharma
brushed under the carpet is the amount of ground water that is consumed
in the process of manufacturing a car. Automobile manufacturing is
the worst guzzler of ground water. The media turns a blind eye to the
resulting air pollution and its impact on human health. In fact, there is
hardly a television channel that has not launched a special programme on
the new car models being introduced in the market. When the TV does it,
how can the print media be left behind. After all, the car manufacturers
have money for advertisements. The difficult task of unravelling the harsh
truth of resulting environmental pollution is left to NGOs like the Centre
for Science and Environment.
Meanwhile, hunger continues to grow in India, which alone has one-
third of the world’s estimated 852 million people who go to bed hungry,
and that too at times of plenty. In fact, hunger and poverty have proved
to be robustly sustainable. Directly related to growing unemployment,
reports of gnawing hunger and starvation deaths in Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh and Orissa hit the national headlines time and again. In 2002,
reports of hunger and starvation deaths have also regularly poured in from
the country’s progressive and economically fast-growing cyberstates—
Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka.
At the same time, India continues to make room for exporting surplus
foodgrains. That an estimated 320 million people desperately need food,
despite more than 60 million tonnes stocked in the open at the turn of this
century, had failed to evoke any political expediency. In fact, 17 million
tonnes of the surplus food actually meant for the hungry was exported in
2002 at below the poverty line prices. No political leader, including the
distinguished nominated members to the Rajya Sabha, even thought of
bringing the shameful paradox to the attention of Parliament.
While people die of hunger, the government sits atop a mountain of
food grains. In 2001, starvation deaths were reported in over 13 states
while the storage facilities of the Food Corporation of India (FCI) were
full of grains, some of it rotting and rat-infested. There was a proposal to
dump it in the sea, to make storage space for the next crop, when export
markets could not be found for this surplus. Such was the quantity of food
kept in the open that if each bag was stacked one upon the other, there
was no need to launch a scientific expedition to put a man on the moon.
You could simply walk to the moon and come back.
The same year, a case was filed by some NGOs in the Supreme Court
in India asking for directions to ensure the fundamental right to food
of every citizen. A bench comprising Justice B.N. Kripal and Justice
K.G. Balakrishnan had directed the government to ‘devise a scheme where
no person goes hungry when the granaries are full and lots being wasted
due to non-availability of storage space.’ To the Attorney General’s plea

that devising such a scheme would require at least two weeks, the court
had allowed for enough time frame. It had also sought affidavits from the
state governments of Orissa, Rajasthan, Chattisgarh, Maharashtra, Gujarat
and Himachal Pradesh detailing their response to meet the unprecedented
situation of ‘scarcity among plenty’.
This was in 2001. Two years later, Sumitra Behera had to sell her
one-month-old child to feed her other two children. A damming survey
conducted sometimes back in Madhya Pradesh, in central India, found
6,785 children in 43 blocks of Shivpuri district severely malnourished—
an average of 160 per block. The situation is equally hopeless in other
states. Malnutrition continues to multiply, more so among children and
women. The extent of malnutrition that exists in the country remains
hidden. It doesn’t make shocking news. Even hunger makes news only
when someone dies.
The best line of defence against hunger and malnutrition is agriculture.
I remember soon after assuming office in May 2004, Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh had in one of his addresses said that 161 districts were
in the hands of naxalites. He had expressed concern at the growing threat
from naxalism. In 2008, the number of districts affected by naxalism had
exceeded 200. In other words, a third of India is affected by naxalism. And
yet, while the chief ministers want tough measures (and obviously more
funds) no one wants to understand the root cause of growing naxalism. It
is essentially the collapse of agriculture that creates inequalities resulting
in the growth of extremism. No wonder, Indian agriculture is faced with
its worst-ever crisis, much of it the result of government’s own policy of
encouraging industrialisation. Large tracts of productive lands throughout
the country are being acquired at a frantic pace, leaving agriculture at the
mercy of rain gods.
Take Punjab, for instance. More land has been approved for acquisition
(for real estate and ‘development’ projects) in 2007–08 by the Akali
government than what has been brought under the urbanisation process
in the past 12 years. Construction has already begun or will soon begin on
8,052 acres of land against 7,876 acres urbanised by private developers
in the past 12 years.
In Haryana, roughly about 30 per cent of the state is coming under
special economic zones. At this frantic pace, agriculture is being deliberately
destroyed to pave way for the industry. Not even remotely concerned
at the serious socio-economic and political impact the industrialisation
policy will leave behind, the fact remains that a majority of the chief
ministers have in reality turned property dealers.
70 Devinder Sharma
Agriculture is at the receiving end. The media however is busy

celebrating the emergence of the new millionaires, and the growing
middle class. Media is big business now. It is advertisements that control
the news content (the trend is picking up in vernacular papers too).
Let us look at the other picture. If the child of a Chief Executive
Officer of a big business house is kidnapped, the media goes berserk.
Breaking news is flashed 24×7. Media begins it own investigations. For
the days the child remains in the hands of the kidnappers, the media
gives an impression as if the nation is in grief, ready to cry enmasse for
the aggrieved parents of the stolen child. The electronic media’s social
concern evaporates when someone questions that 38 children in one
village of Noida (in the outskirts of Delhi, and the same place from where
the CEO’s son was kidnapped) have gone missing.
On the eve of the New Year 2007, a woman is manhandled outside
the gateway to India in Mumbai. A Mumbai daily terms it a national
‘disgrace’. Electronic media picks up the story. For days together we are
told that the Mumbai incidence was not only a shame, but showed how
pervert the lower middle class is. The intellectuals collected for such talk
shows join the chorus. But none of them have the courage to question the
‘disgrace’ the media (both print and electronic) has instead turned into.
Every day you open the pages of any daily newspaper and you can count
the semi-nude or scantily clad pictures of women flashed throughout. On
one such day I counted 62 pictures of semi-clad women in an English
daily. Switch on your TV and the chances are you see semi-naked girls
gyrating to lousy music.
No questions asked
You should not question this disgraceful trend simply because the media
thinks it is their right to flash semi-nude pictures of girls and hype the
discussion around sex. After all, they have to cater to their business interest,
their TRP ratings. But at the same time, the media expects all the readers/
viewers to go to Allahabad and take a dip in the Ardh-Kumbh after having
seen those titillating pictures and read those sex karma articles. When will
someone have the courage to tell the media that the Mumbai ‘disgrace’
was the direct outcome of the media’s obsession with sex and nudity.
When will someone tell the media how ‘disgraceful’ has it become?
There is hardly a day when we don’t read about farmers committing
suicides. Since 1993, over 1,50,000 farmers have committed suicide. The
media does make a passing reference to it. You must have seen small
snippets and reports about farmers committing suicide. The media

however has not time to chase this inhuman aspect of ‘development’. It
chooses to ignore the story simply because the people who are dying are
not related to those in the newsroom. They are not part of the ‘society’
that the media now represents. These farmers belong to what is called in
media parlance as ‘downmarket’.
Media has of course all the space and courage to take on cases like
re-opening the murder of Jessica Lal or Priyadarshani Matoo. I am
not saying that the media campaign around these two particular cases
shouldn’t have been launched. But the media must explain that how come
it not only covered the candlelight processions in support of Jessica Lal
at the India Gate lawns in New Delhi but also brought the candles to be
distributed to those who were pulled up for the procession? Why is a
similar campaign not being launched in the media for the farmers who
are committing suicides? After all, every hour two farmers are committing
suicide somewhere in the country. How many more farmers need to be
sacrificed before the media will wake up to its responsibility?The ground
realities are far removed from the rhetoric and the statistics that have bred
immunity against compassion. We are all part of a global media, which
actually perpetuates poverty and deprivation. We make tall claims of
feeling good by pushing stark realities of growing poverty and hunger and
environmental destruction from the public glare. The media, therefore, in
reality, is in a way the cause behind hunger and poverty. Behaving like
an ostrich is surely not going to help media flaunt its social credentials.
It requires revisiting the ethics and morality that comes associated with
being in the media. It requires the people to stand up and question the
role the media is playing. Media is no longer the Fourth Estate.
11
Lost in the Smog
Dionne Bunsha
It was a long, hot journey on a polluted highway along Gujarat’s coast. We

were travelling with scientists studying sea level rise and coastal erosion in
south Gujarat’s fishing villages. The young research assistant was eager to
explain global warming to us. ‘You know, these cars emit ozone, which
is a greenhouse gas,’ he said. I tried to explain that it was carbon dioxide.
But he was adamant. Who can question a scientist?
If this the level of environmental science in India, you can imagine the
standards of environmental journalism. Most journalists have to depend
on scientific research on matters concerning the environment. But if there
isn’t much research, where do we turn?
Lack of scientific research

As a journalist, one of the big problems I have faced is the lack of scientific
research on environmental problems, particularly climate change. There is
a very little research being done, though there are tremendous changes
taking place—coastlines are being eroded, glaciers are melting and
agriculture is in chaos because of the erratic monsoon. Many of our
scientists are disconnected from these ground realities. Ask glaciologists
how the retreating glaciers are affecting villages in the mountains and
they have no clue. They just hike all the way up the mountain, measure
the glacier and leave. There are no linkages between science and how it
can gain from and feed into local knowledge.
Whatever little research that is done rarely leaves the confines of
our scientific institutions. There is very little effort to communicate the
findings and find how the science could be popularised. Most scientific
organisations have yet to learn how to communicate through the media.
Lost in the Smog 73
Since scientists maintain a low profile, to get a quote or a byte for

TV the media relies on the ‘usual suspects’, a small gang of people from
conservation organisations in the big cities. These ‘experts’ will talk with
authority on any issue, with not much work to back it up.
A researcher working on the flamingos of Mumbai was talking to the
director of the Bombay Natural History Society, one of India’s premier
conservation groups. The flamingos live in the polluted Sewri bay, where
the dirty water produces an abundance of algae, which is flamingo food.
But my friend was trying to find research on how the pollution might
affect the health of the birds. The director told her, ‘Madam, why are you
worried? They are having mazaa (fun). There is no danger.’ This is the state
of science and conservation in India. These are the experts that journalists
have to rely on for information.
One of the regular columnists writing on conservation in the Indian
media is a birdwatcher. This esteemed conservationist has his car painted
in a leopard print, and wonders why the animals and birds get agitated
when he drives through the forest. Maybe it’s his car that is driving the
wildlife wild? If this is one of our respected writers, god bless India’s
environmental journalism!
More professional, better informed

It’s time we became more professional and better informed, rather than
rely on half-baked experts. Journalists need to develop a strong scientific
grounding, so that they can ask the right questions, not just swallow
everything fed to them at face value.
Environmental journalism is today a sexy beat, but only as long as it is
about stories about cute animals, exotic locales or global warming. If there
is anything political that could affect business, it is considered ‘activist’ or
‘anti-development’ writing, and immediately stalled. A decade ago, the
protests by the Narmada Bachao Andolan against the construction of dams
that would displace around 1,50,000 people got media space. Today, the
media hardly covers such issues. We are far more callous about human
rights. We are far more concerned about business.
When I was an eager-beaver trainee journalist in The Times of India, I
found ways to beat the system. The Times didn’t want any stories that they
felt did not interest their upmarket advertisers and readers (please note
the order of priority). So, I would ravel outside Mumbai on the weekends
on my own expense to do stories I felt were important. And then sneak
them in on lean days like Sundays and Mondays when they were desperate
74 Dionne Bunsha
to fill the pages with copy. That’s how several articles on fishermen
protesting against ports or people and forests submerged by dams got
published.
Today, I can’t imagine being able to do this. It would be far more
difficult to sneak stories in. Jingoism about ‘Shining India’ is at its peak.
And the corporate media are its cheerleaders. They believe that economic
liberalisation has made India an ‘Emerging Tiger’, and applaud the biggest,
the richest, the loudest. There’s a silent censorship of the consequences of
this reckless growth.
Journalists are discouraged from exposing the underbelly. As media
companies become more corporate, journalism has to take the backseat.
It doesn’t matter if forests are destroyed or people are made homeless,
we are inviting foreign investment to build bigger mines, ports, dams,
shopping malls, resorts, special economic zones. The environment and the
refugees of this kind of ‘development’ are losing out to feed the insatiable
greed of the elite in Shining India.
The divide keeps widening. People dependent on the ecosystems being
destroyed are being swallowed up by the chasm. As my friend Vijay
Jawandhia, a farmers’ activist in Vidarbha puts it, ‘India is turning into
Super India. And Bharat is becoming Ethiopia.’
But the media is obsessed with Super India and is yet to realise that we
can’t eat money. If only it kept track of pollution levels or how many trees
are lost everyday with the same fervour that it monitors every rise and
fall of the stock market index. If only the media was as insistent that India
commit to reducing emissions as it is that we sign a nuclear deal with the
US. Those who consume the news know that India’s growth rate is the
magical 9 per cent, but few of us know that India has two of the 10 most
polluted places in the world (Vapi Industrial Estates, Gujarat and Sukinda
chromite mines, Orissa).
The term ‘environmental journalists’ itself reveals how the media treats
environmental issues—as a niche. An ‘environment’ story will be published
only if there is space, even though it may have an impact on hundreds of
lives. It can be pushed on to the next day/week’s issue. Though it affects
our existence, environmental news rarely makes it to the headlines.
In fact, almost every news story has an environmental angle, because
every human action has an ecological impact. When a new power
or tourism policy is announced, who bothers to ask how it will affect
people, their natural resources and pollution? It should be the question
that immediately comes to mind. Instead, the media will invariably focus
on how it will attract foreign investment.
Lost in the Smog 75
The media is blind to the environmental angle of most news stories. We

portray farmers’ suicides as a debt crisis. That’s mistaking the symptom for
the disease. The reason for the killing debt is not highlighted—expensive,
unsustainable agriculture. The wanton use of chemicals encouraged during
the ‘Green Revolution’ has destroyed soil fertility and made farming fatally
expensive. But we continue down the same path, looking for more loans,
stronger chemicals and GM seeds. Ironically, the current chairperson of
the National Farmer’s Commission is M. S. Swaminathan, the aged father
of the ‘Green Revolution’. In all the lengthy interviews he has given, no
journalist has bothered to ask him any uncomfortable questions about the
fallout of his failed prescription.
Reactive, not pro-active

On environmental issues, the media is generally reactive, not pro-active.
Most stories are based on press releases or leads fed by environmental
groups. It’s not the media, but the various lobbies that set the agenda. And
those with the louder roar get more space.
The tiger lobby, based in New Delhi with connections in high places, is
higher up in the food chain. That’s why most wildlife stories are about the
tiger. Media groups even run campaigns to save the tiger. Not a bad cause,
but what about the other 49 species in India that are endangered? Who
hears about the Red Panda or the Namdapha Flying Squirrel (even more
critically endangered than the tiger according to the International Union
for Conservation of Nature’s Red List)? It’s not as sexy as the majestic tiger
and doesn’t have heavy weights lobbying for it in Delhi’s power circuit.
And no one questions whether the measures they advocate will actually
‘save the tiger’.
Most wildlife groups in India are funded by corporates. It’s a quick-fix
solution to green your company. Great for the companies. Not so good for
wildlife. This means that wildlife groups often play up the ‘Man–Animal
conflict’ as a problem, and never mention the other more serious threats
to our ecology. They blame people living in forests or other ecosystems
for destroying the habitat for wildlife. The poorest are always the best
targets. They can’t fight back.
But wildlife organisations steer clear of controversy and keep silent
about far greater dangers to the environment and wildlife—mines, dams,
roads, ports. It would be seen as ‘anti-development’ and would anger
their corporate funders, many of whom might have some involvement in
the projects. It would also annoy the government on whom they rely for
76 Dionne Bunsha
permissions and access to protected areas. And, it raises uncomfortable

questions about who are the real culprits? The people living in the
ecosystem or the urban elite whose all-consuming consumption demands
trigger further environmental destruction.
The media faithfully reflects the opinions of the wildlife lobby, without
pausing to think about what remains unsaid. And, it’s easier to blame
the weaker targets—tribals who have lived in and preserved the forests
for ages, rather than the invisible urban omnivores, of which we are a
part. That’s why the number of articles on the ‘Man–Animal Conflict’
far outnumber those on how communities are preserving our forests
or marine life. We have hundreds of ‘sacred groves’ across the country
where communities have been preserving the forest for centuries far more
effectively than the forest department. But we hardly hear about it. Most
media reports describe tribals as ‘encroachers’ into the forest.
Wildlife stories are portrayed as ‘out there’ in the wild, something that
don’t directly affect us. Journalists rarely make the linkages between urban
consumption and the destruction of ‘the wild’. Why? With the restricted
time and space constraints of daily journalism, it doesn’t occur to most
of us to go beyond the story and give a larger context. And such articles
would not be encouraged since they go against the raison d’etre of the
media, which is to be a vehicle for advertising, to encourage consumption.
At a time when most of our ecosystems are in peril, the media is failing
in its role to generate awareness and offer simple solutions on how each
individual can make a difference. Thanks to the global climate change
craze, we see a lot more environmental stories in the Indian media too.
Competition among newspapers has also seen the re-appearance of the
‘Science and Environment’ page. But most of the climate change or science
stories are international stories from the news agencies.
There’s very little Indian content. It’s probably because there isn’t a
lot of research in India, but also because newspapers aren’t willing to get
more journalists to write such content.
Moreover, we are reluctant to raise uncomfortable truths closer to
home and deal with the injustices and inequalities that stare us in the
face. While India’s stand in international climate change negotiations has
been to resist any emission limits, arguing that our per capita carbon
dioxide emissions (2 tonnes per person) is far less than that of the EU
(10.5 tonnes) or US (23 tonnes), India is using this as a justification to
‘catch up’ with the West and go down the same development path they
chose. However, what we rarely hear in the media is what the 2 tonnes
per person average disguises the fact that India’s richest 1 per cent are
Lost in the Smog 77
emitting carbon dioxide way almost double the sustainable level, but they
are hidden by the low emissions by the bulk of poor Indians. According
to a Greenpeace study, the carbon footprint of the four highest income
classes earning more than Rs 8,000 per month—150 million people—
already exceeds sustainable levels. That’s a population the size of Russia
and double the population of Egypt living in Shining India, hiding behind
starving India. But in all the hype about climate change, the media rarely
highlights this stark reality. It would tarnish India’s ‘shine’.
Little independent investigation

Just like in other fields of Indian journalism, there is very little independent
investigation in environmental journalism. The only proactive investigaÂ�tive
work is done by environmental groups like Kalpvriksh and the Centre for
Science and Environment (CSE), an environmental organisation based in
New Delhi that also publishes India’s only credible environment magazine
called Down to Earth. The CSE has done several independent investigations
into the levels of pesticide in bottled water, rating the auto industry
and the illegal operations of mining companies. Media organisations,
though far bigger and flush with funds than the CSE, never undertake
such investigations. Nothing that could blemish corporate India will be
encouraged.
The scams are quietly swept under the carpet. Of late, the Ministry of
Environment and Forests (MOEF) has been reduced to a being a clearing
house. One of its main roles is to give the green signal for a project’s
environmental impact. In 2006, the ministry amended the rules based
on which environmental clearance is granted. These rules made it much
easier for projects to be cleared. It makes it impossible for a project to be
rejected, no matter how adverse the environmental impacts or how strong
the public protest. It was basically a red carpet for industry. And, while
amending the rules, who else did the ministry consult but industrialists!
Lobbies worked hard to get themselves excluded from being subject to an
environment impact assessment. As a result, tourism projects are exempt.
The government is also trying to dilute the coastal regulation zone
notification. Several constructions like high-rises and hotels that were
illegally built in the ‘no-development zone’ perilously close to the coast
have been made legal. But you hardly hear of these silent scams in the
media, and the scale of damage it could create. Apparently, one tsunami
wasn’t enough to scare us about the dangers of reckless ‘development’.
78 Dionne Bunsha
It’s time we went beyond rhetoric. The immense power of the mass
media could be used to involve readers and viewers, build campaigns and
push public action, rather than pushing consumer products. If not, we
might choke on the smog created by Shining India.
12
Tourism and Beyond: Does Environmental
Journalism Matter?
Frederick Noronha
We Goans hold that arrogant belief that we were into environmentalism

even before that term took root. If this is the case, can the environmental
journalist be far behind in India’s tiniest state?
I was a latecomer to this field, having joined journalism even while I was
finishing college here in 1983. Yet, I took to it with gusto, as it appealed
to my common sense and also ideological biases. Environmentalism, and
its approach of minimising waste, appeals to the Gandhian that hides in all
of us. Its mistrust of corporates, their motives often driven by the single-
minded quest for profits, also appeals to the radical leftwing bias that any
sensitive young individual can’t shrug off in a country where poverty is
a reality.
Early in environmental issues

But let’s begin at the start. Goa claims its first tryst with environmentalism
sometime in the mid-1970s.
For the propaganda mill, Goa had just been ‘liberated’ out of Portuguese
colonial rule. Undeniably, this was a development that many here
welcomed quite willingly since the earlier regime pandered to a few and
kept the masses in a state of deprivation and powerlessness.
But, for the Tatas and the Birlas of India, then the unquestioned kings
of Indian capital, this offered new opportunities. Opportunities to build
India’s first-ever holiday beach luxury resort (the Taj Aguada, which
hosted the path-changing 1983 Commonwealth Retreat in Goa and in
turn spurred on other tourist ventures here [today the critique of the ills
caused by tourism is a subject in itself]) and the Zuari Agro Chemicals,
80 Frederick Noronha
a fertiliser plant dominating the skyline of the scenic Mormugao-north

Salcete coastline alongside the Arabian Sea.
It was the functioning of the highly-subsidised fertiliser-producing
Zuari Agro Chemicals that led to Goa’s first environmental protests. My
schoolday memories go back to reaching the beach one Sunday morning,
and being shocked by what we saw. On the sands lay tens of thousands of
dead fish, ending up, quite mysteriously, in a manner we had never seen
before. In our youthful exuberance, we filled sackfuls of fish and took them
home. We thought we would have a feast, but how wrong we were!
It was only later that the full extent of what was happening struck us.
The fertiliser plant apparently attempted to cut corners. Their wastes were
sent into the sea. This led to the mass mortality of fish here. At the time of
the plant’s setting up, there had been allegations of politicians siding the
project, for questionable reasons.
That was Goa’s baptism by fire—or, by dead fish, if you like it—at a
time when environmentalism was yet to become a fashionable word.
One thing led to the other. The campaigns over the dead fish led a
group of young activists (including Matanhy Saldanha, who went on to
become a legislator, and Christopher Fonseca, Goa’s most prominent
trade union leaders later) to take up other issues.
Leaders like Saldanha and Fonseca rubbed shoulders with fishermen
here, and realised that the traditional segment were getting badly squeezed.
Trawlerisation, brought about with the support of Scandinavia and fuelled
by huge government subsidies (which brought many politicians and their
kin into the seas), had been growing speedily in Goa.
Mechanised trawlers
Mechanised trawlers were brought in here, as into other parts of the Indian
coast, with the argument that it would increase the fish catch. This, in
turn, was meant to boost the protein intake of the poor. Or so the official
promise went. In reality, most of the fish simply got frozen and exported
(overseas or to bigger urban markets within India) at prices most couldn’t
simply afford. An extremely ugly aspect of this business came up a couple
of decades later, when shrimp farms were set up, purely for exports, and
officials bluntly conceded saying, ‘Which local buyer could afford buying
shrimp at dollar rates?’
But going back to where we were, in the 1970s, Goa was one of the
hot-spots of a bitter coastal Indian protest by traditional fishermen. They
were protesting against the invasion of their seas by mechanised trawler
vessels. After years of denial, governments today have to admit that the
Tourism and Beyond: Does Environmental Journalism Matter? 81
fishermen were indeed right. The seas are depleted, catches are stagnating
(figures of growing catches were just inflated statistics), fish is becoming
unaffordable to many, and the poor never got the additional fish they
were promised.
Journalists from Mumbai came down to cover Goa’s Ramponkar
(traditional fishermen) protests, at a time when one was still in high-
school.
My own story with environmental journalism began later. But perhaps
it was experiences such as these that already got me suitably veered
towards entering the field. It just seemed too natural for someone young
and idealistic to take the side of the environment. This, as we saw it then
and continue to do so now, was after all, a battle against human greed,
especially in those crucial years of the 1980s and 1990s. Especially as so
much was happening here.
As a journalist who opted to stay on in a ‘small town’, options were
limited about what one could write on from Goa. But not in the world of the
environment. Tourism was Goa’s big story in the 1980s; it was gratifying to
be around to bring on the agenda the green angle of this debate.
To begin with, most were critiquing tourism from the moral pers-
pective, or the fear of the ‘dreaded outsider’. It took some more time for
a realisation to emerge that the ‘smokeless industry’ actually had severe
environmental impacts.
I remember the night in the mid-1980s at John Fernandes’ home in
distant Agonda, almost at the very southern end of tiny Goa. John and
his entire extended family were traditional, poor tenant toddy-tappers. A
large luxury resort had invaded their area of the village, done some deal
with local landlords, and was threatening to put paid to the lifestyle they
had lived for generations.
One of my perennial regrets will be the fact that I never got down to
writing that story. I was raw in journalism, and contributed a column to
the Sunday Mid-Day then. The sheer vastness and tragedy of the story made it
a difficult one to tell. Squeezed for space, in a tabloid rather than a serious-
story newspaper, it was a big challenge. That, I’ll always remember as one
of my big failures when it comes to bringing out ‘the story’.
But miracles do happen.
Miracles do happen
Agonda’s project promoters, who claimed to have links with the mightiest
in India’s political set-up then, were stopped in their tracks. A smart
and pro-people advocate from Margao saw the project bogged down in
litigation. Other problems meant that the project could not see the light
of day.
Financial troubles came to plague it.
If you visit the spot today, you can see the wonder of the jungle
reclaiming itself. Trees and shrubs are growing back, and taking over a
place that was to become a concrete jungle; a super-luxury resort that didn’t
happen in Agonda village of Goa’s Canacona taluka (or sub-district).
In Goa, tourism has many environmental angles waiting to be tackled.
The waste it generates (ending up on our village hill). Overconsumption.
The resource grab. Destruction of greenery. Concretisation of the coast.
The destruction of agriculture through competing economics. The
pollution of groundwater. Unsustainable population levels along the
coast. And a lot more.
Of course, tourism is not the only issue plaguing Goa. Mining is
another huge concern. A motely group of green NGOs, around 1987, got
together to build Goa’s first report to the citizens on the local environment.
Together with others like Vidyadhar Gadgil, I volunteered time to edit the
version of the report, which however came out in printed form some
years later.
But tourism has been a serious concern, specially along coastal Goa
where one is located. (Mining, an issue particularly on the boil in 2008 at
the time of writing, by contrast, is felt severely in interior Goa, and away
from the coast.)
In one particular case, an article one wrote about Goa’s first fishing-
village-turned-tourist-haunt drew a strange reaction. The title was called
‘Calangute, Paradise for Tourists, Stinks for Some Residents’. When
published in the print media, it wasn’t countered or challenged. But when
it made its appearence in cyberspace, coming out right on the top of any
search made for ‘Calangute’ via Google, hoteliers from the region put up
an angry response.
They used their clout with a local website—with which, ironically,
I was sharing my already-published writing free-of-cost at that point of
time. Some hoteliers from Calangute demanded that the article be pulled
off the site. It was. But in a little while, one managed to get it published
elsewhere—online, and prominently too. Thanks to the Net for helping to
fight some cases of censorship, which techies and managers running some
websites weren’t ready to stand up for.
Prior to that, the North Goa Coastal Hoteliers’ Association, based in
Calangute, wrote a mail saying they were ‘very much shocked’ by the
news item on the site, though they were ‘your (website’s) patrons
for the purpose of advertisement’. It is strange how those in the news
business sometimes do believe that they are given advertising as a matter
of favour.
Said the association: ‘It is unbecoming of you to publish such a news
item since the said news item has affected the tourist image in entire Goa
and in particular the tourism business in North Goa (coastal belt).’
What this article had said was tourism ‘is making its pollution impact
felt in different ways, and some villagers of Calangute are up in arms over
the uncontrolled sewage problem the area is facing.’ It pointed to blocks
of residential homes converted into ‘rent-back’ resorts, sewage dumped
into storm-water drains, and the close nexus between local politicians and
some resorts.
Tourists drawn by the once-prominent charms of this beach village
were placing ‘severe stress on the environment and local infrastructure’.
Incidentally this area was one of the first homes to tourism in Goa, starting
after the initial hippy boom in the late 1960s. But in some recent years,
tourists from Britain have even got seven-to-ten day off-season holiday
packages for a ludicrous price of barely 79 pounds. Believe it or not,
this included bed, breakfast and return international air ticket! Such is the
ludicrous nature of modern mass tourism.
Not just a fun swim

Villagers who did a study of the area said they had found 48 swimming
pools scattered across Calangute-Baga. ‘In some villages like Calangute
one can find four to five swimming pools within a radius of 200 metres,’
villagers had told this writer. Chemicals pumped into each pool could lead
to pollution of the groundwater, campaingers had been cautioned.
Incidentally, swimming pools need a number of chemicals—activated
carbon and chlorine dioxide for taste and odour control; calcium
hypochlorite, chlorine and sodium hypochlorite for disinfection; sodium
bicarbonate for the PH adjustment, potassium permanganate for oxidation
of impurities; copper sulphate and copper oxide for algae control; and
bistributyl tin oxide for algal and fungal control. These were facts the
hoteliers just chose to turn a blind eye to.
In the late 1990s, Dr Joe D’Souza and his student Ms. D.V. Gonsalves
collected ground water samples. They picked this from wells adjacent to
hotel constructions in various locations of the one-time placid fishing
village turned tourism-hotspot of Calangute. On analysis for their quality
by conducting physico-chemical and chemical and microbiological

analysis, results indicated ‘an excessive load of enteric pathogens, thus
establishing the non-potability of the water’. Said the scientists, then:
‘Unscientific growth of tourism in Calangute has resulted in most hotels
releasing effluents into soakpits and drainage systems which are often
clogged beyond their capacity.’
Things have certainly not got better with time. Such is the tragic reality
behind the picture postcard mask of tourism.
So after years of tracking Goa, and a number of environmental issues,
what does one feel about it all?
While it’s easy to get despondent as a writer—isn’t it easy to ask, ‘Have
we changed things?’—the fact is that each one of us should not overlook
our contribution. Like a drop of water falling on the same spot of a stone,
our repeated writing can also make a difference.
We can also influence others, and shape attitudes.
For that matter, it was people of an earlier generation that shaped us
too. I recall my first meeting with Anil Agarwal, the founder and visionary
behind the Centre for Science and Enviornment (CSE), Down to Earth, etc.
We met up at a ‘traditional science congress’, that used to be held then,
and for which I got permission of my then employer (Deccan Herald) to
attend and cover.
Anil was very encouraging to a greenhorn like me. He remembered my
name, he recalled my work—which is very flattering in one’s twenties—
and had some good words to say. It is people like him who have left
behind a trail.
Former resident editor Darryl D’Monte has always been a livewire
behind networking people. He has continually kept things going for the
green writers’ network in India. When he got to know of my initiative in
networking green journos through electronic mailing lists, he was quick
to support and help build these online networks.
In Goa, it was the early breed of environmentalists—like Dr. Claude
Alvares—who inspired a generation of us. It’s easy for people like Claude
to be despondent about how much of a difference he managed to make
after decades of campaigning. But, without doubt, had it not been for
contributions like his, things would have been far worse, including the
concretisation of the Goa coast.
Claude has also inspired and influenced a whole lot of others. His
unexpected and abrupt decision, over a decade ago, to stop writing (except
for the rare article) is a loss to both the field of alternative writing and to
Claude himself. But their contribution, both to writers and to activists,
should not be discounted.
Writing on the environment is soul-satisfying. It may lack the glamour

and hype of the world of hard politics, but here you know you’re doing
something positive to contribute to the long-term interest of society.
The peak of my environmental writing years were in the 1990s. In
1998, one got a chance to attend a three-week training programme in
environmental journalism at Kalmar, the coastal town of Sweden. It is
held at Fojo, the Swedish journalism training institute, an experience
worth recommending.
Impact of liberalisation
What happened since?
As some writers and contributors to this book point out, the economic
liberalisation of India had all kinds of consequences on us as a society.
One consequence was that green journalism was seen as unwanted.
It started to turn into party-pooper to a country which believed it is
to morph into a 21st century superpower, never mind those hundreds
of millions still deprived of the basics, and the huge environmental
degradation that is mindlessly underway in India. Papers that kept aside
space for environmental reporting diverted their newsprint to other
priorities—glamour, even sex, and of course the old staple of politics.
Earlier this decade, it struck me that I was getting jaded writing on the
same themes. I had focussed my work on largely Goa-related writing since
1983, when I was 19 and just finishing college. It made sense to shift.
Much of my work today focuses on writing on IT (information
technology), though with an alternative perspective, and other developÂ�
mental issues. If a good environmental story comes one’s way, you bet I
won’t give it a miss. My dream is to focus on this issue, critical for all of
us, once again, after a while. In the meanwhile, this contribution comes
by way of a book dedicated to environmental journalism.
13
Environment Journalism, Maldivian Style
Ahmed Zaki Nafiz
The main aim of this chapter is to give a general view of how the issue of
the Maldives’ environment is portrayed in the local media and how the
Maldivian journalists present environmental issues as hot topics for public
debate and discussion. Rather than discussing the issues of Maldivian
environment per se, this discussion aims at shedding light on the nature
of environment news coverage, its diversity and how journalists in general
manage environment news. This being the case, the chapter would help
the reader to get a clearer picture on the factors and forces that influence
the Maldives’ journalists in reporting what they report as environment
news and give an understanding on who set the media’s environment
agenda. The chapter also identifies the main areas that are widely covered
and those environment topics that go unreported.
The background
Environment as a topic of media interest emerged in the mid-1980s. The
first media article that was related to global warming was a translation
of an article on the existence of a hole above Antarctica. The article’s
heading ‘A Hole in the Sky’ headline was more than enough reason for
the government to investigate the matter and take a statement from him.
He was later warned not to scare people by publishing articles that might
generate unwanted public fear. The government’s warning to the writer
was understandable given the fact it was a time when average Maldivian
would find it difficult to believe how a hole could ever exist in the sky.
It was also a time when the Maldivian language, Divehi, had no specific
word for ‘environment’.
The way the Maldivians perceive the environment changed dramatically
on 11 April 1987 when the Maldives experienced nationwide tidal swells.
Environment Journalism, Maldivian Style 87
The tide around the capital Male’ rose almost to the same height of the island
creating panic and a very realistic fear that the island could get submerged
underneath the waves. The country’s only international airport was also
closed because of the huge waves and coral stones that pondered on to the
runway. The closure of the airport and the rise of sea level around Male’
and around several other outlying islands brought immediate international
attention to the issue as well as on the vulnerability of the Maldives. The
April 1987 incident was for many an incident that had direct bearing to
global warming and its effect on sea-level rise. This incident was widely
covered by the Maldives media which by then consisted of the country’s
only national radio and TV station, both government-owned and two
dailies and few magazines that were privately owned.
In July 1987, while marking the Independence Day, President Gayoom
in his address to the nation for the first time publicly introduced the issue
of global warming and sea-level rise and its potential negative effects
on the nation. His warning was that though the country was free and
independent, global warming and sea-level rise could not only take the
independence and freedom away from its people but also totally wipe
out the country’s very existence on this planet. This was a very new
and sensitive topic for the islanders who in April of the same year had a
very real and dangerous encounter with huge waves. For both the local
and international media, the President’s speech was a great source for
producing hundreds of sensational and sensitive stories linking how the
island nation could vanish forever, producing a nation of environmental
refugees.
By 1989, the Maldives, having taken the issue of environment especially
global warming and sea-level rise and its effect on small low-lying island
nations to the world attention, became the champion of small-island
states by successfully initiating and holding in the country the world’s
first conference of the small island states on the issue. The conference was
a success as it led the way to keep the environmental plight of the small-
island states as an important item on the agenda of several international
conferences and the United Nations. The Conference was also a vast
source of scientific knowledge for the knowledge-hungry news reporters
of Maldives to get fully exposed to a high dose of expert knowledge on
the issues of global warming and sea-level rise. By end of Small States
Conference in November 1989, Maldivians were quite convinced that
their national environmental problem was none other than the threats
posed by global warming and world sea-level rise.
88 Ahmed Zaki Nafiz
The reality
There is no doubt that ever since 1987 environmental problems, especially
global warming and world sea-level rise, have been the leading topics of
discussion in the media of Maldives. However, the unfortunate part was
the lack of a local perspective on the issue. The television documentaries
were mostly overseas productions and the newspapers published articles
that were direct translation of foreign articles. This overdependence of
local media on other countries’ environmental articles as well as similar
articles of global concern was at that time not a cause for concern. The
local media was aware that the environmental problems that the country
faced were global warming and world sea-level rise, both of which were
directly linked to actions of countries other than the Maldives.
There were also other reasons that necessitated the local media to
keep covering environmental news in a global perspective. One was
the geographic spread of the islands. This made transportation and
communication very costly. It meant information gathering was expensive
and time-consuming. It also meant that for media organisations operating
under very limited budget, covering the local environmental aspects was
not economically feasible. Hence, the cost-effective alternative option
was translating cheap international stories that contained the desired
messages. However, often some reporters did bring a local perspective by
adding a bottom paragraph. The added paragraph however lacked facts,
figures, quotes and photos. Although the news reporters were aware
that their ‘bottom footnote’ lacked substance, the local readers accepted
their reporting style. Given the economic status of the country and the
impracticality to cover the local stories due to the financial inability of the
news organisations, it was accepted as the best available option.
A second reason was that in the 1980s and in the 1990s, the general
news flow in the Maldives media was very much ‘managed’ by the
government. The media was dependent on government press releases and
other interviews from official sources for their content generation. There
were no private or public institutions other than that of the government
agencies that had the expertise. The dependence on the official sources
and official media releases was again due to their lack of revenues to create
an effective and independent news gathering network.
The third reason was in many ways related to the second reason. Given
the fact that the Maldives President Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, having
established himself as a world leader who had brought international
attention to global warming and the effect of the sea-level rise on the
small-island states, having given scores of interviews and speeches on the
subject worldwide, had an abundance of resources gathered over time.

His office was active in making available these materials for the local
media and they became instant content for publication.
Unfortunately, the President’s initial focus was given mainly on topics
such as global warming, the increase of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere,
greenhouse effects, the depletion of the Antarctic ice, the widening holes
in the ozone layer, the cutting down of world rain forests, the eventual
sea level rise leading to the vanishing of the Maldives and the Maldivians
becoming environmental refugees. However, when President Gayoom
brought in to his speeches the topic of the Maldives’ island erosion linking
it to global warming and sea-level rise, the local media too took this side,
focusing on the threats to several Maladivian islands that are being eroded
as a result of wave action.
The existence of a managed media that was dependent on official
and government sources for information was, as mentioned earlier, due
to its financial incapability and inability to gather diverse local content.
Environmental journalists were therefore dependent on a government that
was active in promoting the environment of Maldives as an agenda whose
items were related to global warming, world sea-level rise and other
similar issues. The government, being keen to attract as much international
attention and sympathy to the environment agenda of Maldives in the
manner it had prescribed, was thus successful at the national level too in
managing the same agenda.
Current trends in reporting

Although environmental issues in the 1980s and 1990s mainly covered the
aspects of global warming and sea-level rise, the nature of environment
reporting took some definite new turns in the late 1990s. Furthermore,
media organisations too were financially better placed and transport and
communication barriers the Maldives had previously faced had eased too.
At the same time, there was also an increase in the number of media
outlets. The increase in the number of reporters which brought healthy
competition among the different media organisations meant there was an
added interest among them to cover more diverse local issues.
The new developments certainly had positive effects. The result was an
array of new environmental issues. Some of those new issues were: the
depletion of underground sweet water from several islands, the stories of
dying trees, the need to protect rare trees, the increase in salinity in the
soil, the issues of deforestation and the lack of reforestation, the problems
90 Ahmed Zaki Nafiz
associated with garbage dumped on island beaches, the disappearance of

natural beauty of the islands, the lack of properly managed waste dumps
and lack of recycling, the need to protect rare species in the sea and on
land, the congestion of Male’ and how to make the streets of Male’ and
other islands greener, the importance of safe disposal of sewerage to sea
and protecting coral reefs from chemicals and unwanted polythene bags
that harmed the corals, bleaching of corals, the need to undertake land-
use plans for islands and environmental impact assessment surveys when
embarking on major projects, the need to have safe housing policies and
building codes, the negative consequences of having to face poor air
quality and other associated problems such as noise pollution and lack of
beaches, which became the new media agenda.
However, when covering the above issues, there were also quite wide
gaps. For example, in reporting the traffic congestion in Male’ the capital,
the focus is on the inconveniences to the pedestrians, road safety and lack
of parking spaces. There is no coverage to identify the emissions from the
vehicles or on their effect on the road environment or on the health of
the people. The need to introduce a public transportation system to Male’
is also a widely discussed angle. Again, focus is given on the benefits of
having cheap transport rather than on the benefit of doing away with
hundreds of taxis, motorcycles and getting a cleaner environment.
Similarly, when covering the area of building construction, the stories
tend to focus on the inconveniences faced by the neighbours who live
near the construction site. The issues are therefore about high noise level,
vibrations and damage to the neighbouring buildings. There is no in-
depth focus given to coverage of local health issues of overcrowding or
the disadvantages of having more high-rise buildings on a less than two
square kilometre island that already has a population of over hundred
thousand people who keep using a 20-year-old sewerage system that has
reached almost its capacity.
The same method of reporting follows when important economic
areas are covered. For example, when covering fishing news, the stories
focus on the increase of fuel costs and rising cost of fish, the need to travel
far to catch fish and the need to build better and long range boats. There is
either little or no mention of the wastes they throw or the emissions they
produce. There are also no reports on the need to re-introduce sails and
other innovative and cost effective fishing methods. In covering tourism
too, the news reports emphasise the need to build new resorts faster and
get them in operation soon so that more money is earned and more jobs
are created. Again, here too, what is not discussed included the waste the
new resorts produce, the number of trees they cut and whether they make
up for their environmental crimes by replanting the trees they fell or give
new habitat to the hundreds of living creatures they, in their construction
phase, displace.
When covering the issue of land fill and waste, again the coverage is
superficial. For example, in the 1990s when Male’ housed its own waste
dumps on the beach area, the discussions focused on the smell the waste
created and the threat of diseases from the flies living there. However,
when a new island, Thilafushi, was created in 1991 in a lagoon using the
waste and garbage from Male’, the issue of Male’ waste was gone from
the agenda. However, Thilafushi kept growing by size. It is today a big
environment bomb sitting few kilometres from Male’ and several tourist
resorts. The island has serious issues for concern. For example, a quite
serious issue of concern is the safety of this ‘Garbage Island’ and its health
effects on the humans who consume the fish that live and eat from and
around the island which also leaches toxic waste to the surrounding sea.
There is also a need to protect the island from huge waves and storms or
from a tsunami which could destroy the island, polluting the ocean with
over 17 years of garbage dumped on it. If this happened, the damage
and the destruction that would follow in the island’s vicinity and in the
neighbouring islands and the surrounding sea would be no smaller than
that caused by a huge bomb.
The above are some of the issues that are now very widely discussed
and widely overlooked by the local media while covering the Maldives’
fragile environment. However, there are some very dedicated journalists
who do take the issue of environment to their heart, bringing to the
forefront the realities of the current environment status of the Maldives.
A big irony today in covering environment news is that unlike the 1980s
or the 1990s, there is hardly an article in the local media highlighting the
threats of global warming or on the impact it would have on the Maldives.
At least for now, for the local journalists, the idea that the Maldives is
a sinking paradise is too far a concept to be a reality. For them, more
than any other, it the short-term environmental issues that are the bigger
and immediate threat and not global warming or the threat of a sea-level
rise which are for the ordinary folks ‘parked’ as worries of a very distant
future which could for now only be realistic at various international fora
where politicians debate and map out the future impacts.
92 Ahmed Zaki Nafiz
The untouched ‘agenda’

Having discussed some current environmental aspects that are now
frequently discussed in the local media, it is also important to take note
of several other issues that still haven’t made to the media’s environment
agenda.
One important area the local journalists have not widely written about
is the carbon footprints and the Maldives contribution to keep the carbon
emissions low. As the country’s livelihood is dependent on tourism, the
country’s journalists cannot afford to campaign actively to bring to a stop
the thousands of long haul European flights which bring tourists who
have chosen the Maldives as their holiday destination.
A second important area that the environmental journalists have
avoided reporting is the negative environmental impact the Maldives’
islands face as a result of converting them to tourist resorts. Similarly,
there is also no discussion on the imminent slaughter of about 15 islands
that are earmarked to build new domestic airports for the convenience
of tourists. We all know that the Maldives is barely 800 kilometres in
length and less than 200 kilometres wide. There are few islands that are
more than a kilometre long and hence there is very less space for any
agriculture. The fact is 15 domestic airports mean the loss of vegetation
and increase in a lot more carbon emission and the destruction of several
habitats leading to the death of several forms of life.
There is also little written about the issue of political interference
with environment. For example, there are many cases where influential
businessmen have developed tourist resorts giving lip service to the
existing rules, regulations and environment laws. Some have dredged
entire islands and removed sand while others have reclaimed and added
land to their resorts by filling the island lagoon, thereby killing all the
fish and other living organisms in the entire area. There are also those
who use their political and financial power to cut trees from inhabited
islands without giving any due consideration to the laws of the land and
to inhabitants of the islands.
Although the Maldives has abundant sun and hence solar energy and
islands are surrounded by sea and have waves as well as good breeze,
the country is entirely dependent on fossil fuel for its energy needs and
this keeps the economy going, especially in the areas where tourism and
fishing are dominant. The rising fuel cost is also a national issue. The
sensationalism that goes with the sensitivity of the issue is extensively
covered. What has not been brought to the limelight is the work being
done to develop sustainable and renewable energy, the updates about any
ongoing efforts to develop wave, wind or solar energy. As of now, there
are also no media reports or discussions on the need to practice energy
conservation in all walks of life.
Maldives was also one of the first to sign the Kyoto Protocol. However,
most islanders still don’t know what Kyoto Protocol means for the country
and for them, let alone where in the world is Kyoto! The journalists also
do not write about the local responsibilities that the Maldives is obliged
to undertake under the Kyoto Protocol. The media has not pressured
the government or made any effort either to expose or to make the
government publicly accountable if it has not met any targets under the
Kyoto Protocol.
Conclusion
From the above discussion, what is noteworthy is that the Maldivian
media has for most of the time covered the effects of global warming and
the threats of a sea-level rise through a carefully managed governmental
media agenda fulfilling the government’s objectives. When covering
other local environment issues, although several issues have been brought
to limelight, the coverage is superficial and some sides are overlooked
or untouched for an array of reasons of which some are personal, while
others political and economic. In many cases, the follow-ups disappear
too soon and the incident is too soon removed from the agenda of the
media. In many instances, there is not enough fair reporting of the hard
realities of the harm that is being caused to the vulnerable environment
of the country.
If the current trend of giving superficial coverage to deep-rooted
environment issues continues, the country’s image as a chain of green
jades embedded in the pristine blue ocean may be lost for ever. Indeed,
much quicker than through global warming or due to a world sea-level
rise, the Maldives could be a paradise lost sooner than anticipated. Hence,
the images of an island, small, beautiful, green and rich with nature’s
bounty, which Maldivians cherish and keep very dear to their heart, may
be gone for ever. But, with collective effort, the environment journalists
can bring about a change towards a greener Maldives, keeping it safe and
secure for a life that is beyond the life of our immediate generations.
94 Ahmed Zaki Nafiz
An interesting footnote
One more note: In the Maldives, in the late 1980s, just at the same time
as some south Asian countries were forming fora of environment writers/
journalists, some Maldivian writers on environment, in association with
the government’s environment and information department, did form a
similar forum. The forum was thus from the very outset a body that was
under tight control of the government and the members did not have full
independence.
Unfortunately, despite the Maldives being world famous at that time as
a sinking paradise due to global warming and sea-level rise, the association
was never successful in becoming an environmental lobby of writers
campaigning for the protection as well as bringing to the public eye the
status of the country’s environment.
As international fund was by then available, some of the forum’s writers
managed to travel to other south Asian countries to attend conferences.
Their presence was thus known internationally and regionally. However,
within the Maldives, except for the government agencies concerned and
the forum members, no one knew about their activities or even of their
very existence.
The forum has never organised national campaigns, seminars or
national environmental activities that would show its presence. I am not
sure whether the forum still exists today. What I know is the forum’s
members never grew and we never witnessed any of its activities during
the last entire decade. Even if it did undertake some activities, these were
inconsequential. In my view one reason the forum did not ‘take off ’ was
because rather than a forum of environment writers, it acted as a body
that had a very close association with the government and hence was
pretty detached from the media.
This happened also because the main person who initially led the forum
was also one of the heads of the Environment Ministry who, though was
once a very prolific writer/reporter, after he become one of the senior
heads of a government department, his behaviour and attitude, especially
in dealing with reporters, was not welcomed. As a result, he became
detached and isolated from the local media. Hence the forum found it
difficult to bring out all the desired writings through the media. Added to
this was the fact that most of the active journalists of that time who did
not want to get associated with him also avoided becoming members of
the forum.
14
Uphill and Downstream in Pakistan
Beena Sarwar
Mainstreaming environment
It was Saneeya who first introduced me and many Pakistani journalists to
the concept of ‘environmental journalism’. She had been my editor at the
Star Weekend, the magazine section of Karachi’s daily evening The Star and,
fed up of ‘the red scribbles from upstairs’, left in early 1988 to join the
communication unit of the Karachi office of the International Union for
Conservation of Nature (IUCN), the World Conservation Union.1 Those
were the Zia years,2 and writers of a progressive, liberal bent were often
banned. We’d smuggle them on the pages under pseudonyms (some
had several reincarnations) until the powers-that-be discovered their
identities and booted them out again. Politics, journalism and gender
were interlinked in a way that was peculiar to Pakistan in those war-on-
communism-through-jihad years when the Zia regime was promoting
the green flag of radical Islam to drive the red Russian bear out of
Afghanistan.
What does environmental journalism have to do with the Afghan
‘jihad’? There may not be a direct link, but between them America and
Pakistan (with Saudi Arabia and a few others) had turned a nationalist
war of liberation into a religious crusade, and this permeated everything
in Pakistan—particularly journalism and gender, which environmental
journalism bridged. Women were at the forefront of resistance to the
military regime and its efforts to push women back into ‘chadar aur
chardewari’3 through a conservative, retrogressive media policy and a series
of discriminatory laws. Many women activists were also at the forefront of
efforts to bring the environment into focus in Pakistan. Along with Zohra
Yusuf, our Editor at the Star Weekend until she was ‘kicked upstairs’ as she
put it (into a non-editorial, management position) Saneeya Hussain was a
96 Beena Sarwar
member of the Shirkat Gah Collective, a women’s resource centre which

catalysed the Women’s Action Forum, the umbrella group of women’s
rights groups and activists that so fiercely resisted the Zia regime. They
were among the first Pakistanis to participate in people-to-people contact
with environmentalists in India, despite the official hostility between the
two countries.
When Saneeya joined IUCN, she set up the pioneering Journalists
Resource Centre that trained and encouraged journalists in environmental
reporting.4 As Ismail Khan, a young Skardu-born5 journalist put it, ‘Never
before had a systemic process been set in motion to sensitise media on
environment and development; more so, never before had an attempt
been made to unleash potential of the media to trigger policy reform,
institution building and engineer socio-political commitment for a
cause.’6
Ismail was among the many journalists Saneeya deeply impacted,
although he met her for the first time much later, after having contributed a
chapter to Environment for All (Saneeya’s last publication as Executive Director
of Panos South Asia) and taken on her old job at IUCN’s communication
department. He first heard of her not because of Panos or IUCN but
from senior broadcasters in remote radio stations at Skardu, Gilgit, Khuzdar,

Multan and Quetta. Every media workshop or training I poked my nose into
I ended up learning a little more about the charm and genius of Saneeya
and how she went about diverting media attention from the politics of
power to the politics of environment and the people.
In Saneeya’s time, IUCN was energised by the new environmental

paradigms emanating from the 1992 Earth Summit at Rio de Janeiro. The
IUCN was the driving force behind the formation of Pakistan’s visionary
National Conservation Strategy (NCS), for which the first roundtable
workshop was held in August 1986 long before the government came
on board when it approved the NCS on 1 March 1992. Over 3,000
people were involved in discussing the NCS process and policy which was
significant for several reasons, as Dhunmai Cowasjee who then worked at
IUCN explains.
Firstly, NCS provided a space for public dialogue. Secondly, it was the first
time that a federal level policy involved the provincial and council levels
(the Local Government Ordinance was promulgated in 2002). Third, the
NCS mainstreamed environment, incorporating not just wildlife and parks
Uphill and Downstream in Pakistan 97
but providing an in-depth analysis of what makes Pakistan tick, with a

Rs 16 billion outlay. And not least, it acknowledged women as users of
natural resources and provided a holistic education on interlinked issues.7
Saneeya, as part of the NCS communication team, involved journalists

in these consultations. Environment was still a new area and concept in
Pakistan. Even more novel, notes Ismail, ‘was the idea of forging linkages
of environmental policy and practice with media’.
Saneeya forged such linkages not just through consultations and
trainings but also through the IUCN’s path-breaking quarterly NCS
Bulletin (later the The Way Ahead magazine) that she edited and its Urdu
counterpart, Jareeda, edited by the prominent writer Obaidullah Baig.
These were the first publications in Pakistan devoted to the environment.
Aware that editors did not set too much store by ‘boring’ environmental
stories, Saneeya devised a way around their reluctance. She taught us that
‘environment’ doesn’t have to be spelt b-o-r-i-n-g. On the contrary, there
is usually a solid political or economic angle involving juicy corruption
as mill owners, builders and industrials try to cut corners, endangering
fragile ecologies and people’s health. She convinced reporters to explore
such investigative stories and paid them well to do these stories—a
welcome incentive in the days when journalists were not as well paid as
today. This allowed them to take time off from regular beats and produce
reports that Saneeya edited and used as cover stories for the NCS Bulletin/
The Way Ahead. The reporters’ newspaper or magazine could then re-print
it, crediting IUCN.
Saneeya pushed me to report for her magazine when I was Features
Editor at The Frontier Post, recently launched from Lahore. When I muttered
something about not having time, she suggested involving colleagues.
I roped in Ejaz Haider from the reporting section and Ayesha Haroon
from features. Over the next month or so we tackled the issue of the
noxious ‘Degh Nullah’. Several factories along this stream just outside
Lahore were dumping untreated effluents into it, killing off fish and
polluting groundwater, causing digestive and skin diseases among the
poor villagers living nearby. Investigating and exposing the corruption
behind the dumping was a learning experience for us. Unfortunately, one
of the lessons we learnt was that our explosive story was not going to
change the world. Our story had a limited impact and that too not for
long. But the struggle had to continue.
Many of the young reporters whom Saneeya commissioned in those
years are now big names. To mention just a few: Ayesha Haroon is Editor
of The News, Lahore; Ejaz Haider is Executive Editor of The Daily Times and
98 Beena Sarwar
Consulting Editor at The Friday Times; Azhar Abbas, who did a report on toxic
waste for Saneeya, heads Dawn News TV; Owais Tohid who investigated air
pollution in Rawalpindi heads Geo TV’s newly launched English language
channel. I have edited a major weekly paper,8 done a Masters in Television
Documentary, worked for television and returned to academia before going
freelance. All of us have come a long way since Saneeya coaxed us into
doing stories we may not otherwise have focused on. Thanks to the way
Saneeya had showed us, at The News on Sunday we ensured that our reporters
had the resources and time to take up investigative stories related to the
environment. They regularly initiated ideas, some quite groundbreaking.
Khalid Hussain took up issues related to water and pesticides. Farjad Nabi
and Mazhar Zaidi embarked on a trek along the Indus to do a series on
the conditions faced by the indigenous Mohannas, boat-people of the
river. Nadeem Iqbal tenaciously pursued concerns about the Chinese-built
Chashma power plant’s compliance with the country environmental laws,
particularly environment impact assessment. There were fears about the
plant’s location at the banks of river Indus because of which any accident
would cripple the country’s irrigation system. This pursuit resulted in the
director general of the environment protection agency being made an ex-
officio member of the safety regulatory agency—the campaign was fully
supported by ‘our man in Islamabad’ Omar Asghar Khan, who was briefly
minister for environment.9
There are also many passionate environment advocates among lawyers,
hunters and of course travel writers like the energetic Salman Rashid (who
started out writing travel pieces at the Star and also became a close personal
friend of Saneeya’s). Environmental discourse has made its way into the
columns of prominent writes in op-ed pages of national newspapers.
These include visionaries like Isa Daudpota, another of Saneeya’s friends
and comrades-in-arms on the environmental crusades. He shrugs off the
description with a typically terse, ‘I am hardly a crusader.â•¯ It is commonÂ�
sensical to shout about environmental destruction.’
Although not strictly a journalist, Isa has written several well-researched
articles on environmental issues, most recently the controversial New
Murree development in forests of the Murree Hills not far from the capital
Islamabad. He and like-minded individuals have kept the issue on the public
radar by consistently writing about it. Isa’s most important contribution is
probably his tenacious highlighting of the poor performance of Islamabad’s
municipality, Capital Development Authority, focusing recently on the
Centaurus, a seven-star hotel and apartment complex ‘that will destroy the
character of the city only to provide a pleasure palace for the filthy rich’.
The issue of land use—large tracts of ecologically fragile land being

given over to development mostly for rich people’s housing colonies or
recreation—is often not considered part of environmental journalism. Such
development projects are also supposed to submit to environment impact
assessments, which they often get around by paying huge bribes. The
media explosion in Pakistan has resulted in more space for addressing such
issues even if they are not approached from an environmental reporting
angle. It makes an impact on the public consciousness when comedy
shows in the relatively new television channels pick up environmental
issues. For example, Pakistan’s first English-language television channel,
Dawn News, did a take-off on the Centaurus project in their series ‘The
Real News’, satirising television news. The skit features an anchor talking
to a correspondent reporting from the project location. There’s not very
much about the environment on it, but it does focus attention to a project
that has been slammed for its potential environmental hazards (posted on
YouTube, 25 March 2008, available at http://tinyurl.com/6s57kz)
Three shooting stars

Even before the IUCN environmental reporting trainings in the 1980s and
1990s contributed to the heightened awareness about the issue, there was
already at least one journalist who already focused on the environment
with passion and commitment. Ameneh Azam Ali was senior assistant
editor at monthly The Herald10 down the corridor from the Star when
I was an intern there—both publications were part of the Dawn Group.11
I was in awe of her because she was so confident, serious and intense, and
wrote so well. During the mid-1980s, Ameneh was Pakistan’s foremost
‘environmental journalist’ even before the term was popularised here.
Architect and town planner Arif Hasan who worked closely with her
on several projects recalls her interest in the environment starting during
1983–84, catalysed by the devastation caused by salinity and water-
logging to which he and his colleague Ghulam Kibria were trying to find
local solutions. She moved on to study forests and was among the delegates
sent by Shirkat Gah to study the Chipko movement of the Himalayas in
198812—the ‘Chipko tree hugging sessions’, as Ameneh’s close friend and
colleague from the Herald, Talat Aslam (now Editor, The News, Karachi) put
it. Ameneh was much influenced by her exposure to India’s environmental
activism particularly the pioneering work of environmentalists like Anil
Agarwal who had just launched the environmental magazine Down to Earth
with its useful handbook for journalists.
100 Beena Sarwar
Such linkages led to the first joint India–Pakistan Conference on the

Environment in Pakistan, organised by IUCN Pakistan along with India’s
Centre for Science and Environment. Several Pakistani and Indian NGOs,
government and the media participated in this first such exchange, which
aimed at regular collaboration between the two countries on environmental
issues. Ongoing tensions between Pakistan and India prevented this from
happening with any regularity, but some follow-ups did take place, like
a month-long video training regional workshop in Bangalore in August
1989 for women in development organisations working on community
issues and a similar workshop in Lahore later, conducted by the Indian
trainers.
Talat Aslam remembers meeting Ameneh for the first time in 1984
when he joined the Herald, also as senior assistant editor. Brought up in
London, she had come back to Pakistan a couple of years earlier, and
was in what he calls her ‘angrez-discovering-Pakistan’ phase. Talat had also
studied in London, and was drawn by her no-nonsense, straightforward
and serious approach. Their close friendship and intellectual bond survived
Ameneh’s departure from the Herald in 1988 to join the newly set up Agha
Khan Rural Support Programme (AKRSP), doing research, contributing
to scholarly journals (including Sage) as well as the Herald. Ameneh was at
the peak of her youth and career in 1993, when cancer claimed her life,
leaving a void in the field that has never quite been filled.
In 1992, another promising young reporter distinguished herself at
the environmental beat of The News, Karachi when the paper was launched.
Zulekha Ali made a name for herself in environmental journalism in a short
career that spanned barely a year. In August 1993, she died while trying
to save her friend Fizza who had jumped into the sea after a little girl who
had fallen at a rocky Karachi beach. Both strong swimmers, they managed
to save the child but lost their own lives in the process. Ironically, Zulekha
had only recently highlighted the illegal sand excavations and inadequate
beach safety because of which a dozen people had drowned at a similar
beach during the festival of Eid.
In 1994 the UN Environment Programme (UNEP) posthumously
named her its Youth Award Winner for her series of investigative
environmental stories. The citation on the UNEP website notes:
Almost everything she wrote triggered action because she followed up. Last
July, the local town committee decided to turn the only children’s park in
the area into a maternity home, despite the fact that there were already
several homes there. Zulekha did a story on the conversion mobilising the
community who took the matter to court. A stay order was obtained and
the park was saved.
…Last May, a lethal chemical used in the dyeing industry was dumped
along Lyari River, causing the death of two people. Zulekha followed the
trial of the chemical and discovered that about 1,460 drums of the same
chemical were laying in the customs warehouse. Zulekha’s investigation
revealed that a large number of chemicals were still dumped. This report
resulted in the involvement of environmental agencies and thanks to her
efforts toxic chemicals are not treated in the same passive way.
It is a strange coincidence that yet another woman who had a huge

impact on environmental journalism in Pakistan also died before her time.
Saneeya Hussain’s contribution to this field is measured not by the stories
she wrote as much as by the trainings she initiated and the stories she
commissioned, not just at IUCN but also at the World Commission on
Dams that she joined in 1998. The three-year Commission based in South
Africa developed a new paradigm for decision-makers to resolve issues
related to economic growth, social equity, conservation and people’s
involvement. Saneeya made a significant contribution in communicating
the new framework to the public through the media. In 2002, she joined
Panos South Asia as Executive Director but had to leave two years later
as the Kathmandu-based job with its accompanying pollution proved
disastrous for her asthma. She moved to Sao Paulo, Brazil with her
husband, Luis Paulo Ferraz. Barely a year later, she suffered what appeared
to be a severe asthma attack. Although Saneeya was able to walk to the
car, by the time Luis got her to the hospital, impeded by heavy traffic,
she was unconscious, unable to breathe, her brain deprived of oxygen. It
had taken them twenty minutes to cover the two kilometres. Saneeya died
on April 20, as friends around the world kept vigil. As Luis said later, it
was not asthma but a traffic jam that killed Saneeya. ‘Ironically, it was the
urban nightmare that we have collectively created that finally snatched her
away at the prime of her career,’ commented our mutual friend, the Sri
Lankan journalist Nalaka Gunawardene, writing on his blog on the second
anniversary of Saneeya’s death.
Similar tragic scenarios unfold on South Asia’s mean streets every day. Heart
and stroke patients fail to reach help in time. Ambulences and fire engines,
with their sirens blaring, only manage to proceed at a snail’s pace. It’s not
uncommon for expectant mothers in labour to give birth on their way to
hospitals. Then there is the slow, insidious poisoning that goes on 24/7.
102 Beena Sarwar
Following the process

Newspapers and radio and television channels do of course continue
to highlight such issues. But more often than not, the focus is on the
outcome (child killed and another loses limbs because of toxic waste at
the rubbish heap they were playing in) or event (building, bridge or road
being built that will cause environmental damage). The ongoing process
of environmental destruction rarely gets the same attention.
An ongoing system of trainings for journalists is obviously also essential.
Non-government organisations like IUCN, Panos, WWF, the Pakistan Press
Foundation, and educational institutions like Peshawar University with its
forward-looking media and communications department do conduct or
facilitate such trainings. Most journalists who have participated in such
trainings tend to eventually move on to other exciting and glamorous
areas like politics or crime. One reporter who has deliberately resisted
this trend is the unassuming Bhagwandas, now a senior reporter the daily
Dawn in Karachi who has been on the environment, development and
related beats for over two decades now.
I first encountered Bhagwan in 1991 as part of a group of journalists
that Omar Asghar Khan and his Sungi Development Foundation had invited
to Haripur in the NWFP to focus on the damage caused by the timber
mafia’s widescale logging and subsequent land erosion. The trip included
field visits and interviews with locals as well as a workshop to analyse and
discuss the issues involved. We were also later together at Ghazi-Barotha
downstream from the Tarbela Dam where a proposed barrage threatened
to drown ancestral graveyards. Omar was involved in organising this trip
too, in collaboration with Saneeya at IUCN. The resulting media attention
forced the planners to (slightly) modify the original plan to incorporate
at least some local concerns. Such trips highlight the co-dependence of
environmental journalists and non-governmental organisations. It’s a
mutually beneficial relationship—the NGOs need the exposure that their
journalist partners bring, and the journalists need the information and
data. The media trainings are an additional bonus.
One of Bhagwan’s early successes was in 1990, when his reporting
contributing to saving the Kirthar National Park, home of rare and
endangered Sindh Ibex for whose protection it was declared a national
park. The government had started work on the Indus Highway connecting
Karachi with Peshawar, a portion of which was to pass through the Park.
The vehicular traffic would have destroyed the area’s sensitive ecology
and disrupted wildlife, besides giving easy access to poachers, recalls
Bhagwan.
I broke the news and pursued it till the issue ended. Initially nothing
moved, but eventually it gained momentum. First the Japanese government
suspended their funding for the project and eventually the highway was
re-routed to skirt the park, and it was saved. The population of Sindh
Ibex which was small at that time, has also reached at a stable level over
the years.
Bhagwan was further rewarded by a certificate presented to him by

World Wide Fund (WWF) International President, Prince Philip, the
Duke of Edinburgh, during a visit to Pakistan shortly afterwards.
Pakistan’s environmental crusaders got a huge uplift after the Earth
Summit in Rio de Janerio in 1992 which stated that ‘the only way to
have long term economic progress is to link it with environmental
protection’. The Summit led to governments, including Pakistan, making
certain commitments regarding environmental protection acts and quality
standards. Saneeya, of course, was at Rio for the Summit. All the discourse
about the environment contributed to the launch, on World Environment
Day, June 5, 1992 of the Green Press Forum, spearheaded by Zaffarullah
Khan, then bureau chief of The Frontier Post, Islamabad. Other journalists
associated with the Green Press have included Mudassir Rizvi, Tracey
Wagner-Rizvi, Nadeem Iqbal, Nasir Iqbal, Faraz Hashmi, Masroor Gilani,
Mazhar Zaidi and Zaigham Khan from various English language publications
and Abrar Mustafa and Irfan Dar from the Urdu media. ‘Green journalism’
has more adherents among the English language media which tends to
have a more sophisticated approach, but environment is something that
affects everyone and the local language media (particularly the Sindh press
and more recently, the new independent television channels) have been
vocal in taking on issues that affect their constituents, like water logging
and salinity, problems facing fisherfolk due to pollution and the erosion
of the mangroves, or toxic waste dumping.
Environment became a proper ‘beat’ in the 1990s after environment
protection agencies (EPAs) were set up in all four provinces, headed by
a federal environment protection agency in Islamabad. The government
started to involve the media, placing advertisements in newspapers and
on television, and giving regular briefings to journalists in order to
disseminate information and awareness about the National Environmental
Quality Standards (NEQS)13 that were established in 1993 (after the Earth
Summit), and the new environment impact examinations and assessments
that were being made mandatory before any new industry or development
complex could be set up. Asif Shuja Khan, Director General EPA, believes
that the media’s involvement and support was ‘crucial’ in the unanimous
104 Beena Sarwar
passage of the Environment Protection Act 1993 as a Bill in 1997 by the

National Parliament and the Upper House despite opposition from the
industrialists. The Agency continues to involve ‘green journalists’ at EIA
public hearings and through workshops at the provincial and federal
levels.
However, the political chaos of the past few years and imperatives like
‘security’ have, as Khan puts it, ‘overshadowed the environment’. The
Green Press Forum also seems to have become a casualty to this neglect,
as the last time its website was updated was in the year 2000. Most of the
pioneering journalists involved in the initiative have moved on to areas
like development, governance, civic education. As one of them put it,
‘You don’t get promotions for environmental journalism, but for political
journalism.’ Given this reality, there are few committed ‘environmental
journalists’ in Pakistan. All too often, it is a handful of individuals like
Isa Daudpota who take on an environmental issue and doggedly keep
it in the limelight. The good news is that environmental journalism has
moved out of the box it occupied during the 1990s, and now permeates
several issues ranging from development, governance, globalisation and
civic rights and education to politics, economy and health.
Sometimes, these individuals are not journalists, but lawyers or activists
who take on causes and rope journalists in, like Haris Gazdar at the
Collective for Social Science Research. Toxic dumping in the SITE area had
resulted in one child’s death, the amputation of another child’s limbs, and
severe burns to other children in early 2006. Some CSSR workers came
across the case and put together a report on the issue. They got advocate
Faisal Siddiqi to take on the children’s case pro bono, and actively pushed
journalists to cover the issue. After two years of litigation the families won
the case—a first in Pakistan’s environmental history. The case highlighted
the impact of the media which ‘created a narrative of public importance’,
as Faisal put it.
The judges knew about it which gave us a receptive ground to plead the
case. The narrative continued to be constantly developed and remained in
the public eye. There was aggressive moral shaming. Last but not least, the
case mobilised the people – victims, families, supporters were all engaged
in the struggle and formed an NGO to take the matter forward.
The case also resulted in getting the factory closed down, compensation
to the victims’ families, and the stoppage of toxic dumping in the area.
Relatively new buzz words related to the environment over the last
few years have cropped up—disaster management and climate change,
catalysed by the South-East Asian Tsunami of 2004 and the earthquake that
devastated Kashmir and northern Pakistan in 2005 (followed a couple of
months later by Hurricane Katrina on south-eastern USA). The protective
role of trees on mountain sides and of mangroves along the coast that
journalists and NGOs have been shouting about for years, suddenly took
on a new importance in the eyes of policy makers (we hope).
Mountain areas have long been endangered by skewed ‘development’
projects, widespread logging and erosion. In 1998, Kunda Dixit, who set
up Panos South Asia in Kathmandu, commissioned a series of reports from
for ‘Tough Terrain: Media Reports on Mountain Issues’.14 The Pakistan
contribution was ‘Landsliding Away’, a chapter in which Nadeem Iqbal
and I focused on the problems caused by development work that ignores
the fragile ecology of mountains. Poorly designed, badly constructed
mountain roads resulted in landslides in 1998 destroying the homes of
over 2,000 people in eight villages of Hazara. The villain of the piece,
ironically, was a farm-to-market road connecting Balakot to Hangaree,
‘one of the several Asian Development Bank funded projects meant to
make life better for rural dwellers. But mismanagement and insensitivity
to environment and people has had the opposite effect’.
Nadeem later did a follow up for Newsline’s July 1999 issue as a result
of which the ADB sent an environment expert to investigate the issue. He
found that Nadeem had mentioned only three roads, while the environment
laws were violated in nine other roads. Later, the Environment Protection
Agency, NWFP, was forced to carry out an environment impact assessment
of the ADB funded road-to-market project. Tragically, the October 2005
earthquake in Kashmir wiped out both Balokot and the road which
connected it to Hangaree.
The devastation and loss of lives might have been mitigated had
environmentally-friendly policies been followed in the area. Saneeya,
Ameneh and Zulekha, and of course Omar, watching the devastation from
another world, must have felt the pain.
notes
1. World Conservation Union Pakistan—see www.iucnp.org for useful publications and
archived material.
2. Gen. Ziaul Haq took over power in a military coup of 1977, overthrowing the elected
Prime Minister Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto.
3. A slogan used liberally at that time. Literal meaning: the ‘veil and the four walls’.
4. The IUCN, spearheaded by the formidably competent Aban Marker Kabraji (a member
of the Shirkat Gah Collective) also set up Pakistan’s Forum of Environmental Journalists
106 Beena Sarwar
(FEJ) which grew provincial branches with time although it never had much public
visibility.
5. Skardu is situated at nearly 8,200 feet in Pakistan’s Northern Areas near the China border
about 110 km east of the famed Karakoram Highway that traverses the Karakoram
mountain range. It is here that the Indus River receives the Shigar River waters. Skardu
is also just across the border from Kargil, where India and Pakistan fought a war in
1999 which came perilously close to escalating into a nuclear disaster.
6. M. Ismail Khan, ‘A leader and a rebel’, The News op-ed, 12 May 2005, available at
http://www.jang.com.pk/thenews/may2005-daily/12-05-2005/oped/o2.htm
7. For a complete history, see David Runnalls, ‘The Story of Pakistan’s NCS: An Analysis of
its Evolution’, IUCN, Pakistan, 1995, available at http://www.iucn.pk/publications/
tstory_pak_ncs.pdf
8. The News on Sunday, originally The News on Friday (until Nawaz Sharif in his first stint as
prime minister restored Sunday as the weekly holiday, undoing one of Z. A. Bhutto’s
early moves to appease the mullahs).
9. Omar’s death on 25 June 2002 was a huge blow to the environment and peace lobbies.
His family and friends believe that he was murdered and it was made to look like a
suicide which no one who knew him can believe. He had recently resigned as the
Federal Minister for Environment, Labour and Manpower and was setting up a new
political party in preparation for the October 2002 General Elections.
10. The Herald was then edited by the legendary Razia Bhatti who later started a new monthly
magazine, Newsline, along with some colleagues as an independent cooperative.
11. The Star was closed down in 2005. Saneeya had earlier written of the decline that
preceded this shutdown soon after the 1980s. ‘ Some say it was because the one clear
target/enemy of the paper, President General Zia-ul-Haq, had disappeared—in Imran
Aslam’s famous words, to rest in pieces all over Multan—that The Star lost its focus and
bite. In actual fact, though, it was the loss of the best contributors to the Star Weekend
that led to the magazine’s demise.’ (‘Star Trekker’, in Pakistan: An Age of Violence, ed. Anita
D. Nasar, Sampark: London, 2004).
12. Other delegation members included members of the Skirkat Gah Collective Aban
Marker, Khawar Mumtaz, and Kauser Said Khan. Another Collective member is
the senior journalist Najma Sadeque who has written extensively on environment,
development and globalisation.
13. NEQS define maximum allowable concentrations for pollutants in municipal and
liquid industrial effluents, industrial gaseous emissions, motor vehicle exhaust and
noise.
14. Edited by Kunda Dixit, Aruni John and Bhim Subba for Panos South Asia and Asia
Pacific Mountain Network, 1998. Incidentally, Kunda also authored a book which
I think is mandatory reading for all journalists, Dateline Earth: Journalism as if the Planet
Mattered, Inter Press Service, Asia Pacific, 1997.
Section Two
Science, Health and
the Environment
15
Good Science, Environment
Journalism and the Barriers to It!
Pallava Bagla
Taking the news out to where it belongs—among the people, the readers,
the viewers—is what journalism is all about, and I can almost hear a tired
sigh saying, ‘Hey, we’ve heard that one before.’ But I say this because ever
so often, it is the negative happenings, the aberrations, the stuff that goes
wrong in the world that make the best news. Well, that is journalism for
you, and while I can recount scores of positive stories across the world,
the point is, negative happenings stick—to memory, to newspapers, to
angry letters to the editor.
This same thumb rule of journalism applies to science writing, for
after all, journalism is journalism. The rules of good reporting remain
almost the same across disciplines, and the good story is—nine times
out of ten—defined by deviation from the norm. A lot of environment
journalism should actually be rooted in science, but unfortunately a lot of
environment reporting is more on the lines of issue based writing, often
times bordering on activist journalism which in a way has been the bane
of this genre of environment writing.
Hence, somewhere, science journalism is different, very different.
If a science journalist has a good grounding in science—a thorough
specialised education, an advanced degree, or even work experience—he
or she would stand many heads above the rest. That is the story which
will stand out among the many mediocre ones, and all for one simple
reason—at the centre of science is fact, and it is this eternal search for the
fact that engenders great science.
Again, science communication is only mildly different from mainstream
journalism since most of the times we professional science writers are
looking at stories emerging out of published sources. This is not to say
that science journalists don’t report a breaking news story.
110 Pallava Bagla
What India offers

I have been an environment and science photojournalist now for 18
years.
I now work for the AAAS magazine Science as their Correspondent, a
position they created after I started reporting for them in 1994. I took on
the role of being Science Editor for New Delhi Television some time back.
In addition I am a still photographer for Corbis, one of the world’s largest
news photo agencies.
I bring with me what many have dubbed as a ‘very unique perspective’
for one there are not many science writers who are also accomplished
photographers. In addition, since I write on one hand for a low budget
national outlets catering to the lay audience of a developing country, to
the reasonably high budget magazines catering to a hugely multinational
global audience. So if you bear with me, I will try and share my limited
experiences, which actually straddles both the developed and developing
worlds so to say.
India presents a fertile ground for a science reporter.
I’d like to quickly take you through some facts and figures that reveal
an exciting situation for science journalists in a country like India. The
figures that follow only underscore the manner in which science has been
central to modern governance in India.
According to some estimates India today possesses possibly the third
largest pool of research and development (R&D) personnel in the world
with an annual investment of US$ 5 billion. Not bad for a country teeming
with so much poverty and unemployment.
The government puts in two thirds of the money and the private sector
spends only about a third of this money. This is in sharp contrast to the
way science and technology (S&T) investments are made in the West,
where the ratio is almost the other way round. This ratio has an immense
bearing on where and how a science reporter apportions his time in the
course of his work, so more on this later.
Today, India’s R&D spending is pegged at a little less than 1 per cent
of the GDP but the government wants to take it to about 2 per cent of the
GDP in the next 5 years, which would mean a huge inflow of funds for
this sector. This should be music to the ears of a science communicator as
his core sector is in for major upsurge.
But the music can only be short lived since a giant chunk of the R&D
investment in India is in areas that fall into the category of secret science,
usually not open to the prying eyes of a news correspondent. In India
a bulk of the R&D investment goes into three strategic departments of
Good Science, Environment Journalism and the Barriers to It! 111
Defence Research and Development Organisation, Department of Atomic

Energy and Department of Space.
This is not because politicians are not listening to the civilian scientists
but simply just that security requirements of the region always tilt the
tables in favour of the people pursuing secret science aimed at establishing
military superiority.
While the dollar investment in R&D by India may look small as
compared to many of the developed countries, the Indian Rupee can
take you a long way as compared to the dollar since the cost of living is
proportionately cheaper.
Since about half a century ago when India gained independence, the
country has invested heavily in the S&T sector and today there are about
200 national laboratories and an equal number of R&D institutes in the
public sector and about 1,300 R&D units in the industrial sector. The
number of persons employed in the R&D establishments is estimated to
be around 3,00,000.
In addition to R&D establishments, the other major body pursuing S&T
activities in India is the country’s vast university system. Comprising 162
universities, 32 institutions deemed to be universities and 10 institutes of
national importance, it is a major source of S&T manpower development,
producing around 2,00,000 S&T personnel every year. The total stock of
the S&T manpower in the country at the end of 1990 is estimated to be
around 4 million. A large pool indeed, but the best brains do migrate to
the West (read America) in search of better opportunities.
Major Indian S&T initiatives that make it to the news:
 Space programme: India designs and fabricates its own satellites
and can even launch up to 2,000 kg satellites in geo-stationary
orbit, only the sixth nation in the world to have this capability.
Planning an unmanned mission to moon in 2008.
 Atomic Energy: Indian scientists have mastered the entire nuclear
fuel cycle and today about 2 per cent of all electricity is made
through nuclear power plants. India detonated the first nuclear
bomb in 1974 followed by another set in 1998.
 Defence: Aviation engineers design their own aircraft, both
civilian and military, indigenously developed missiles with
ranges of over 2,000 km with a payload of 1,000 kg.
 Oceanography: India has two permanent stations in Antarctica.
 Agriculture: Now a surplus food grain country, India was living
ship to mouth in the 1970s. It may seem ironical but, in spite
of all these capabilities India still can’t provide safe drinking
112 Pallava Bagla
water to a huge number of its people; poverty is high; access to

modern health care is poor. India has a population of over one
billion and continues to grow, which might stabilise only by
2040.
 Media scene: The outlets are many, but science news is still
Orphan Annie: So much for the science foundations on which
science communicators like me build our stories, but the other
side, which is the whole humdrum of the media industry, is also
equally important since ultimately that is where our works have
to appear.
India is home to a vibrant and fully independent and privatised newspaper
and television networks system. Newspapers are published in as many as
100 languages and dialects. Apart from English and 18 principal official
languages listed in the Indian Constitution, newspapers are published in
81 other languages, mostly Indian languages or dialects and a few foreign
languages. There are plenty of national 24-hour news channels. There are
over 10 multi-edition national English language dailies.
The bad news

But that was the good news, the bad news is that, despite this huge canvas
that exists in front of any science correspondent in India, S&T coverage
in the country is minuscule compared to political coverage, probably
simply because every Indian is hugely political animal having an opinion
on anything and being the world’s largest democracy people are more
than happy to express their freedom of speech that is enshrined in the
Constitution.
This should not be read as saying S&T coverage is great and is not
picked up because people are not interested—the people are interested,
but there are many other barriers to putting out the perfect science
coverage in mainstream media. More about that later. According to
one recent study only about 1 per cent of the news space is devoted to
science related material in newspapers. A recent survey done by a non-
governmental organisation came up with the figure that on an average 3.3
science related items are carried every day in a newspaper.
Most newspapers used to have science supplements or at least special
weekly pages but all have now but closed and in fact most newspaper
organisations have also given up having specialist science reporters. To
the best of my knowledge none of the news channels has specialist S&T
reporters.
Barriers to good science communication
Hurdles in the Labs

Even though the country has made huge investments, newsworthy science
events are always few and far between. Even when researchers do come
up with good results, most of it is published in Western journals and
for most science reporters these are still out of reach. And what’s more,
work published in Indian journals is not considered good enough to be
reported, even by Indians newspaper editors.
Outreach by scientists themselves is rather poor and most look
upon media as a necessary evil that occasionally creeps into their sacred
workspace. Scientists in India—most of them—consider media a pesky
intrusion into their great work, and I have often felt this is a reaction
used as a mask to hide their own inability to communicate their work to
a popular audience.
Most laboratories have newsletters, which are by and large good
for nothing, being full of information like transfers, retirements and
promotions, with very little coverage of the science they carry out within
their four walls. Even public affairs officers at most times are not very
receptive since they are by and large overworked trying to make clippings
from huge number of newspapers every day and in trying to give a positive
spin to what most news hounds would consider non events. This is said
keeping in mind the tremendous power a newsletter could wield, if only
it were produced with effective communication in mind.
There is one minefield in science communication, which in my
opinion should also be highlighted, which is reporting S&T that is carried
out by private laboratories and the corporate sector. In my many years
of science writing I have found cutting through the corporate veil as the
most difficult, since the private sector always wants coverage but only on
its own terms. Thankfully I don’t have to spend too much time in their
outwardly plush labs since they invest only a small amount in R&D. But
the proportion will only grow in the coming years ever since India went
in for large-scale liberalisation in the early 1990s.
In contrast even though the government may want to hide many of
its findings, the bureaucracy leaks so much that getting access to quality
information is not so much a problem as compared to trying and scaling
the high fire walls put up by the corporate sector. I believe there is much
the private sector can do to take news out to the public, but they perhaps
couldn’t care less.
114 Pallava Bagla
Media too
The blame lies with the media as well.
Of course you all must be thinking—here’s this guy who thinks his
breed is so lofty and above blame, and that all the blame lies with the
other side of the table. In fact, if you were to ask the question, ‘Why is
science coverage so pitifully poor even though technology and science
are so much of an abiding interest to all human societies craving for
information?’ The answer, most probably, may not lie so much in the
corridors of S&T power, but with media itself.
Most editors are not bold enough to put S&T stories on page one. There
seems to be an attitudinal problem since science is considered a soft sector,
which does not help boost sales of publications. I was fortunate to have as
my editor at The Indian Express a person who is an engineer by training and
hence very receptive to good stories. The editors at Science are anyway a
class apart, so I have little to complain about but then I am giving a country
perspective and hence I have to reflect on the general scenario and not on
exceptions. In many Indian newspapers and magazines, the experience
of the reporter is that even if a good story is brought in, science is never
hot with the top editors, meaning to say that the story, very often, gets
killed.
But then not all of the blame lies with the gatekeepers at the newspapers
since reporters are as much to blame. In my opinion most reporters are
unable to write their science copy in a language that can be understood by
all, but at the same time being racy and peppy enough to compete with
other political, business and cinema stories to merit page one attention by
the editor. And not to forget, writing on deadline a copy that is accurate
and keeps the scientist happy too. In keeping with this scenario, India—
with its huge network of labs and scientific institutions—has no single
good course (or even an annual workshop) on science communication
where attempts are made to break barriers between the journalist and the
scientist.
The same malaise translates further, since most reporters in my region
have never received any formal training in science writing, and they
usually have to cover additional unrelated beats as well, leaving them
with little time to chase in depth good stories that may be waiting to be
broken. In addition every correspondent worth his weight in salt sooner
than later wants to ‘graduate’ to political reporting, since that is where
most opportunities lie. This leaves the field of science communication
usually in the hands of cub reporters.
Words are not the only problem, there is this eternal problem of
illustrations. A spectacular story can be very easily marred, finally getting
buried on page five, if the right illustration, which usually means a lovely
colour photo, is not available at the time of filing a story. Taking good
photos of scientific subjects is not difficult but then most papers are just
not able to spare staff photographers to accompany the reporter going to
cover a science story. It’s just not in the scheme of things.
Is there hope?
So, is there hope?
Yes, and plenty of it. Simply because as more and more media outlets
compete with each other trying to carve a niche for themselves, many
are slowly realising that the viewers and readers have a great appetite
for well written science news stories and features. In addition, the
Internet has opened up a whole new way of exchanging and storing
information, which is only starting to being tapped by reporters like me
covering scientific developments in back of beyond places. If only we can
strengthen initiatives like Eurekalert and SciDev.Net on a global scale and
then very quickly try to create regional and national mirror sites on the
same lines, then there could be more effective science communication in
places where it is needed the most.
(Based on a paper presented at a Conference on Science and Media, Tobago, 2002. Updated
2008. Views expressed are the author’s own.)
16
Environment, Exotic Diseases and
the Media: Emerging Issues
Patralekha Chatterjee
A decade ago, during the last global financial crisis, economists used the
word ‘contagion’, to describe troubles that began in a faraway country,
eventually spreading to much bigger ones, and then came home to roost.
Today, with the global and the local inevitably melding together, the
analogy could apply equally to the world of diseases. For the media, the
‘glocal’ story is among the most exciting, and challenging.
One of the most telling illustrations of this emerging trend comes
from an Italian village, barely known outside the country’s borders. In the
summer of 2007, Castiglione di Cervia, a village in northern Italy, acquired
international infamy because of its dubious distinction of playing host to
the first outbreak in modern Europe of a disease that had previously been
associated with the tropics. Panic gripped the residents as one person after
another fell ill with weeks of high fever, exhaustion and acute pain in
the bones. The mysterious malaise stalking the village sparked a hundred
rumours: people pointed fingers at river pollution, the government and
most of all immigrants. At the end, the mystery was solved. After a month-
long investigation, Italian public health officials disclosed that the good
people of Castiglione Di Cervia were, in fact, suffering from a tropical
disease, chikungunya, a relative of dengue fever, normally found around
the Indian Ocean.
The much-maligned ‘immigrants’ suspected of spreading the disease
were tiger mosquitoes who had begun to thrive in a warming Europe.
Characterised by its black and white striped legs and small, black and
white body, the tiger mosquito is a native of Southeast Asia, has spread
to Madagascar, New Guinea and to the southern parts of the United States
since the mid 1980s and in Nigeria since 2002. In 2007, the Asian tiger
mosquito surfaced in New Zealand, Eastern Canada and Southern Europe.
Environment, Exotic Diseases and the Media: Emerging Issues 117
Its presence in Italy was the result of the Italian climate growing warmer
and more humid, favouring the proliferation of these mosquitoes.
How did chikungunya make its way into mosquitoes in northern Italy
since no one in Castiglione Di Cervia had been abroad?
Eventually investigators discovered a link: One of the first men to fall ill
in Castiglione Di Cervia had a visitor in early July. That visitor, a relative,
an Italian, had previously travelled to Kerala in India. Chikungunya
travelled to Italy in his blood, but climatic conditions are now such that it
can spread and find a home there.
How chikungunya went Italian

How chikungunya went Italian was a ‘story’ that created ripples across
the globe. Splashed in the International Herald Tribune and carried in scores
of newspapers, websites and audio visual media around the world, it
brought home the stark reality underpinning the link between a changing
environment and exotic diseases.
Spreading a disease in today’s world is not rocket science. With cheap
flights and the death of distance, a carrier of infection can transport the
problem of one part of the world to another in a matter of hours.
The epidemic in a rural pocket of Italy established that tropical diseases
were no longer necessarily confined to the tropics and that tropical viruses
are now able to spread in new areas, far north of their previous range.
In India, chikungunya has been a story since 2006, when health
reporters started focussing on it. But the linkage between the trajectory of
the disease and environmental degradation was not emphasised by most
reporters.
In late 2006, Indian reporters covering health noted that the country
had been hit by the African strain of the virus that caused chikungunya.
But it grabbed headlines in leading newspapers in the country only when
chikungunya struck several states.
In a report on 7 October 2006, The Times of India declared, ‘Chikungunya
is now an epidemic.’ Earlier epidemics of chikungunya fever in India,
reported in 1963 from Kolkata, in 1965 from Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh
and Madhya Pradesh and in 1973 from Barsi in Maharashtra were caused
by the weaker Asian strain of the virus, the report said. National Institute
of Virology Director A.C. Mishra told The Times of India:
Earlier, outbreaks of chikungunya used to be localised and died down faster

because the Asian strain used to be weak. This year, we have been hit by
118 Patralekha Chatterjee
the more virulent African strain that has come from Madagascar. It infects
faster and will cause a huge number of cases. That’s why this year, we
are getting reports of the disease in village after village, town after town.
The African strain, isolated from the viruses found in Andhra Pradesh,
Karnataka, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu, is highly pathogenic. That’s why the
outbreaks are widespread.
The report in The Times of India was one of the few that did touch on the
environmental dimension when it noted that ‘excessive rain in several
parts of India is responsible for the current spread. In such a situation, it
is difficult to empty containers that get filled with rainwater, the perfect
breeding ground for the chikungunya causing mosquito…’
In July the same year, The Hindu carried a report which spoke of the
awareness campaigns about Chikungunya in Tamil Nadu’s Krishnagiri
district.
In April 2006, The Indian Express reported that the ‘dengue-like fever,
chikungunya’ was back after 32 years.
Focussing on the linkages

Express health reporter Toufiq Rashid was among the first in the country
to focus on the linkages between the ‘global’ and the ‘local’. In a report in
The Indian Express dated 27 April 2006, she noted:
Caused by an alphavirus spread through bites from the Aedes Aegypti

mosquito—the same mosquito behind dengue—chikungunya is not
considered fatal. But 77 deaths since 2005 on the Indian Ocean island of
Reunion have been linked to chikungunya. Health officials in Delhi said the
last outbreak in the country was reported in 1974. ‘The virus must have
been silent but it has made a comeback,’ said an official. Chikungunya,
which has dengue-like symptoms of very high fever and rash, is highly
contagious and disabling. The name itself is Swahili for ‘that which bends
up’, a reference to the positions those afflicted are forced to take because
of pain in the joints. In recent months, its outbreak has been reported
from Mayotte, Mauritius and Seychelles. Countries like France, Germany,
Italy, Norway and Switzerland have reported importing cases, courtesy
people returning from these islands. A mixed outbreak of chikungunya
with dengue was reported from Andhra Pradesh between December 2005
and February 2006. The virus was isolated by Pune’s National Institute
of Virology in March but the figures have been rising ever since. Latest
figures show over 30,000 cases in Andhra (Tirupati is the worst hit), over
70,000 in Karnataka (17,000 cases in Gulbarga alone), and, now it has
struck Maharashtra.
Question not asked

Back in 2006, not too many environment reporters in India asked how
tiger mosquitoes could travel so far from their usual habitats. The fact
they did precipitated a public health challenge and the health reporters
cottoned on to the story first. But the context lay in the stories filed by
environmental reporters. Unfortunately, because environment and health
are not always covered by the same reporter, the linkage between these
two critical issues was not made forcefully.
Fortunately, things are changing.
The journey of the tiger mosquito to northern Italy is the outcome of
climate change—the one issue that jumped out of headlines in 2007 and
pushed environment to centre-stage. Climate change creates conditions
that make it easier for the Asian tiger mosquito to survive in normally
temperate countries and opens the door to diseases that didn’t exist there
previously. Changes to the environment affect human health in ways old
and new. There are the traditional diseases of an unclean environment—
cholera due to dirty water, malaria due to stagnant pools, bronchitis due
to smoke from an indoor wood fire—that have been known for years.
Then there are the relatively new ones—all sorts of respiratory diseases
due to air pollution around factories and areas with heavy traffic, arsenic
poisoning due to overuse of groundwater, cancers often ascribed by
doctors to food grown on pesticide-saturated soil.
This means that the reporter covering environment has to increasingly
speak to doctors and the health reporter to environment specialists. How
well has the Indian media internalised the need to cross-reference the two
vital areas?
The link between degradation of the environment and resultant human
diseases is known and reported in the Indian media, but forms a small
percentage of the reportage carried out whenever any major public health
crisis occurs. For example, the Hindustan Times carried 24 reports on the
cholera outbreak in Orissa in during the 2007 monsoon season, but only
one of those examined the link between water scarcity, pollution of the
few water sources available, and cholera cases.
During the Bihar floods of 2007, The Times of India, which has an edition
in Bihar capital Patna, covered the human misery extensively—publishing
over 100 articles on the floods during the period. But only in two of those
articles were the connections between floods and environmental causes
such as river embankment rise were mentioned. There was no mention
at all of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report,
which had predicted more frequent and more damaging floods due to
global warming, especially in the tropics and sub-tropics.
The Hindu had fewer articles on the Bihar floods, but one of those articles
examined the environmental causes of the flooding in depth, based on an
interview with an expert.
The global media carried many reports on the spread of chikungunya
to Europe due to global warming, and these reports were carried in the
Indian media as well. The Indian media has also reported that chikungunya
had increasingly spread to northern India, where the winters used to be
too severe in the past for the survival of the tiger mosquito that carries the
chikungunya virus. But the connection between climate change and the
spread of the disease within India was missing.
In coverage of respiratory tract diseases such as bronchitis, however,
the connection between air pollution and the disease is repeatedly brought
out in the Indian media and forms a part of almost every recent report on
the subject.
Coverage of the January 2008 bird flu outbreak in West Bengal by the
national media showed the same trend—journalists appeared to be aware
of the connection between pollution, lack of sanitation and the spread
of the virus, but did not draw the reader’s or viewer’s attention to it in
every report. They did so, sporadically. And there was no reportage on
it in the national media once the outbreak was over, at a time when it
would have the maximum impact—the epidemic was recent enough in
peoples’ minds, while they were now in a position to move back from a
firefighting situation and take long-term measures to improve sanitation
and reduce pollution.
Malaria is one area, like bronchitis, where the environmental linkage is
well known and well reported in a majority of articles on the subject that
appear in the national media.
The same can be said for water pollution. There have been many
excellent articles in national newspapers and television channels about
the health effects of water pollution across the country, from Punjab to
Tamil Nadu.
Link, not often enough

Overall, looking at the Indian media’s coverage of human diseases caused
by the degradation of the environment, it can be concluded that the link
between the two is drawn, but not as often as desirable, especially during
crises such as a cholera outbreak or an epidemic caused by floods.
Most reporters covering the environment beat today do realise the need
to frame environmental degradation in health terms and health reporters
have begun to link health with environment. In some national papers,
the task is rendered easier by the same reporter covering both these beats.
What is not so easy is to make news managers appreciate the link on a
regular basis and assign more space to this coverage. The periodic health
pages in most newspapers or health programmes in television channels
are still largely concerned with private health issues such as obesity. Public
health, vitally connected to the environment, often gets the short shrift.
The result is that coverage of public health issues remains by and large
episodic—whenever there is a major problem. If there is an outbreak of
cholera or avian flu, that undoubtedly gets media attention in India today.
But the attention is often too fleeting to allow the reporters to go behind
the immediate news of death numbers and investigate the links between
environmental degradation and its current effect on human health.
In an era where editorial space in media outlets is strictly limited, there
is no easy solution to this.
But the good news is that the ‘health’ angle has made environment
easier to sell. This is particularly evident with an issue like climate change.
That is why global warming, once considered a subject that evoked yawns
among the vast majority of journalists in India and elsewhere, is suddenly
‘hot’. One of the issues that gave it immediacy is its multiple impacts on
human health. A wide range of diseases—vector-borne, water-borne and
respiratory —have demonstrated links to climate change.
Infectious diseases are not esoteric issues of concern only to medical
journalists any more. They do not respect geographic boundaries, and can
cause sudden panic, as the chikungunya flare-up in Italy demonstrated.
An outbreak of the plague in India one day can have consequences in
California the next.
Recently, newspapers in India and across the world flashed the story of
a woman with multidrug-resistant tuberculosis (MDR TB) who flew from
India to the United States in mid December 2007, triggering a nation-
wide panic in the States.
The US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) in a statement
sent to clinicians on 29 December, said the patient, a 30-year-old woman,
was diagnosed in India with MDR TB and travelled from New Delhi to
Chicago on 13 December on American Airlines Flight 293. Then, she took
a shorter flight within the United States.
The CDC recommended TB testing for passengers who sat within two
rows of the infected woman as well as airline crew members who worked
in the cabin during the flight. All these dimensions provide the panic
quotient that makes ‘news’. Predictably, the glocal story was splashed in
the US media as well as in India.
‘Nine people in Illinois are being sought by public health departments
after sitting near a woman who had tuberculosis on a flight from India
to Chicago in early December, health officials said,’ reported The Chicago
Tribune in a story dated 31 December 2007.
‘Indian woman traveller puts USA on TB alert’, ran the headline of a
story on the website www.indiatime.com
Increasingly in demand
Stories about environment and exotic diseases with high panic quotient
will be increasingly in demand. Today, the challenge before Indian
environmental journalists is to find the time and space to focus on the other
stories that deal with complex health-related impacts of environmental ills
before they have reached the crisis stage.
How can these issues be portrayed so that the ordinary man or woman
is compelled to read, watch or listen?
One way is to draw the link between apparently disparate phenomena.
When the man or woman on the street realises that the new human
pandemics that affect her family and her community directly are
profoundly connected to what is happening to the trees in the forest,
the fish in the sea, the birds in the sky and the animals of the earth,
then she will not need persuasion to read on, watch or listen. Once the
reader, viewer or listener realises that SARS or avian flu viruses breed
more easily in polluted environments, then it is easier for her/him to
draw the link between environment and health, and see how infectious
diseases travel, increasingly across borders. As with many other issues
jostling for public attention today, it is not the content but the style in
which a certain message is being delivered that can decide whether a
story is page one material or relegated to page 14. Sometimes labelling
a story as an ‘environment’ story gives it an unnecessarily narrow focus
because the environment touches so many other spheres and affects so
many people. Even specialised medical journals such as the London-based
Lancet group of publications often use a style intended to appeal to the
non-specialist reader for its news sections. An article headlined ‘Pigs,
Politics and Poor Governance’ (The Lancet Infectious Diseases, October 2005)
analysed the underlying reasons behind an acute outbreak of Japanese
encephalitis in Uttar Pradesh thus:
Bill Clinton’s whistle-stop visit to Uttar Pradesh to promote a rural health

mission in early September provided a welcome distraction. But India’s
most populous state remains in the doghouse for its lack of preparedness,
and tardy pace in tackling an acute outbreak of Japanese encephalitis (JE).
Close to 700 people, mostly children, have already died since late July from
the mosquito-borne disease, endemic to this paddy belt. Worst affected
is Gorakhpur, 250 km east of state capital Lucknow. By September, the
disease had spread to more than 27 districts in Uttar Pradesh, including
Lucknow, to adjoining Bihar, and across the border to Nepal—one of the
world’s poorest countries—where a 9-year Maoist insurgency has confined
government health care to a few large towns and cities. More than 200
people have died of JE in Nepal. Three key risk factors can trigger a JE
outbreak: high density of Culex spp mosquitoes, paddy cultivation (or
ample irrigation which favour the breeding of culex mosquitoes), and
presence of amplifying hosts such as pigs. In Uttar Pradesh’s case, pigs,
politics, and poor governance have together contributed to the high death
toll in the state.
It also pointed out that ‘when caught in the midst of a similar epidemic
4 years ago, the southern state of Andhra Pradesh launched a concerted
drive to separate pigs from human habitats.’ And that ‘Andhra Pradesh has
brought down the death toll from JE to zero by introducing public-health
measures, and by making the vaccine a part of the routine immunisation
programme…’ Environmental degradation, if unchecked, can mean
unhealthy, damaged people who can derail the Indian media’s favourite
narrative of the country as an economic powerhouse. Environmental ills
are also becoming notoriously class-neutral. The point was brought home
in a telling comment by eminent economist Jayati Ghosh.
In a 2006 article ‘The mosquito is a great leveller’, published in the
Asian Age and the Deccan Chronicle, Ghosh wrote that in drawing room
conversations it was initially felt that dengue was only for the lower middle
class and poor who live in dirty localities. The rich drink bottled water,
travel in air-conditioned cars, AC (no concern with environmental issues),
are oblivious to public health systems (as they can pay for better facilities
at private hospitals) and the only place they share with the rest is the road.
That is why they are most concerned about poor conditions of roads. If
they had their way they would get exclusive roads for themselves.
However, when the Prime Minister’s family members were affected
by dengue, they realised that the mosquito can bite them also, the report
noted. For a while now, the notion of the ‘public’ has gradually receded
from the consciousness of the elites in India, pointed out Ghosh. Not
only are private solutions found for most conditions, but even the very
idea that there are still spaces (and indeed, places) that are universally
accessible and have universal impact is barely recognised any more. Apart
from roads, the rich in India have found ways of avoiding, bypassing
or simply transcending the need for responding to external conditions
or accessing public services. Atmospheric pollution, for example, has
become the problem of the poor.
Safe drinking water is no longer considered something that must be
provided by civic authorities. Instead, the rich buy commercially bottled
water or install special water filters in their home and offices, while the
poor are left to fend for themselves as best they can with the inadequate
and mostly polluted water available in public taps or through tube wells.
Similarly, health care services are now characterised by the most extreme
duality, with the rich opting for deluxe institutions with ‘world class’
infrastructure (although not necessarily better medical attention). The
poor are forced to avail of either very overcrowded public facilities or
access medical shops where they are routinely exploited and often
provided with inadequate care.
In all this, the concept of public health has been somehow forgotten.
It takes something like an epidemic which affects rich and poor alike, to
bring home the essential public nature of health issues to India’s elites
and the mainstream media. WHO’s theme for World Health Day 2008 is
‘protecting health from climate change’. As health administrators around
the globe use the occasion on 7 April to remind policymakers about the
link between climate change and human health, one hopes the media will
accelerate its role in getting the message across. The message is loud and
clear.
One of the effects of global warming, according to the IPCC, is that
frequency of extreme weather events will worsen. That means there will
be more droughts, more floods and more storms, especially in the low
latitudes. After the publication of the last IPCC report, scientists have said
that even in mid-latitudes, it is very likely that summers will be hotter
and winters will be colder, something seen most tellingly in China since
the beginning of 2007. Each of these events has major impacts on human
health.
Drought means water scarcity and malnutrition. Storms and floods
mean waterborne diseases, lack of clean water, loss of crops and resultant
malnutrition. Hotter summers again mean water scarcity, while colder
winters mean respiratory diseases. It is for the reporters to draw these
links and then for the commentators to persuade policymakers to address
the root causes of so many diseases—the poisoning of our environment.
Section Three
Wildlife Journalism
17
At the End of a Dark Tunnel, a Faint Light
Nirmal Ghosh
Bad wildlife journalism or

just bad journalism?
In the early 1980s, shortly after authorities banned cattle from grazing in
the 29 square kilometre Keoladeo National Park at Bharatpur—the famed
wetland south of New Delhi popularly known as the Ghana—several
farmers from neighbouring villages attempting to force their way into the
sanctuary, were killed by police trying to enforce the ban.
During the ensuing uproar, a senior and highly respected journalist
colleague, who wrote for one of the country’s then-leading Hindi news
magazines, went to the Ghana to see things for himself. Upon his return
he wrote that banning the cattle was contributing to the extinction of the
rare Siberian Crane, because the cranes habitually entered the sanctuary
riding on the backs of buffaloes.
This bizarre report found its way into print in India’s leading
newsmagazine of the time, Sunday, to which the journalist was a contributor.
Tens of thousands would have read the report and accepted it as true.
I asked the journalist about the source for his report. He said his source
had been a rickshaw driver in the Ghana.
For those who do not remember, the western flock of the Siberian Crane
Grus leucogeranus—now functionally extinct—used to winter exclusively in
the Ghana, flying in thousands of kilometres every autumn from Siberia
via Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. Their numbers were dwindling sharply
in the early 1980s, at the time of the cattle ban episode.
The cattle ban was subsequently determined to be ill-advised. Cattle,
the late Maharaja of Bharatpur, whose ancestors had created the Ghana,
told me, had always been a part of the ecosystem—though clearly not in
such large numbers. But that is another story.
128 Nirmal Ghosh
I could only surmise that the rickshaw driver believed that cattle egrets
which commonly sit on cattle to snap up insects, were Siberian Cranes.
Or else he thought (more probably and accurately as well) my journalist
colleague—whose specialty was politics—was gullible enough to believe
a yarn. I have come across many instances of forest guards, jeep drivers,
guides and so forth in wildlife reserves making things up, perhaps just
to entertain themselves at the expense of tourists unfamiliar with the
jungle.
Around 10 years later in the early 1990s I was sitting in Singapore
sifting through a copy of the respected New Scientist magazine and came
across an article on Sariska Tiger Reserve in Rajasthan. Written by an
Indian contributor, the report was about the threat of mining. The writer
stated that mining in Sariska was degrading the habitat of the cheetah,
which would soon be extinct if the situation continued.
He was about 50 years late.
One night in 1947, Maharaja Ramanuj Pratap Singh Deo of the erstwhile
Indian principality of Korea in Madhya Pradesh’s Surguja district, came
across three cheetahs by the road. He shot and killed them with two
bullets. All three were males. That remains the last authenticated sighting
of the Asiatic cheetah in India.
I wrote to the New Scientist pointing this out. To the magazine’s credit
the editors replied apologising for the mistake, and saying they would not
accept contributions from that writer any more.
Again, I can only surmise that the writer may have meant leopards
rather than cheetahs.
But neither of the possible explanations for the two farcical reports can
excuse both unforgivably mediocre and lazy journalism and professional
negligence by editors and sub-editors.
The two episodes demonstrated the depressing reality that until very
recently, wildlife journalism in India has been a painful example of a
colossal failure of media owners, managers and professionals, to recognise
and give due priority to an issue that demands more than superficial
treatment because of its importance—and that demands professional
competence.
Even fundamentals like the fact that the cheetah and leopard are two
distinct species (now sadly separated in time) escaped—and continue to
escape—the consciousness of generations of copy editors and sub-editors
who are supposed to be the backstops of journalism. I have lost count
of the number of times I have seen a picture of a cheetah in mainstream
newspapers and magazines, captioned as that of a leopard—or of an African
At the End of a Dark Tunnel, a Faint Light 129
elephant described as an Asian elephant. The Internet has ironically made

it easier to simply lift pictures—a fatal temptation to those who believe an
elephant is just an elephant, and any cat with rosettes is a cheetah.
Sometimes this basic ignorance reaches bizarre levels; until recently a
T-shirt available at retail stores outside the gates of Corbett National Park
featured the outline of an African elephant. And revisiting the case of the
hapless Siberian Crane, the government-run India Tourism Development
Corporation (ITDC) once ran a series of advertisements in the late 1980s,
one of which promoted Chilika Lake in Orissa and explicitly stated that
Siberian Cranes were to be found there.
I visited the person at ITDC at the time, responsible for their advertising,
and pointed out that they were misleading the public. The Siberian Crane
had never been recorded in Chilika Lake and did not visit it. Oddly enough,
yet another senior journalist from a Hindi magazine was in the room as
well, and turning to me, he said, ’Of course they are there, I was there
myself last week, I saw them.’
The ignorance of many journalists has to be seen as a product of the
ignorance of society at large. Journalists, however, are supposed to be
better informed.
Lonely pioneers
The earliest of our wildlife journalists that I remember were the late M.
Krishnan—though he was a writer, essayist and photographer more than
a journalist in the classic sense—and Usha Rai.
Apart from a few early photographers like T. N. A. Perumal, E.
Hanumantha Rao and M. K. Ghorpade whose works and notes found
their way into exhibitions and some publications, Krishnan and Rai wrote
largely alone.
Usha Rai’s reports also only rarely made it to the front pages. Until
the 1980s, wildlife journalism was largely relegated to inside pages of
Saturday and Sunday travel and leisure sections. A couple of attempts
at starting wildlife magazines flopped, until the advent of the magazine
Sanctuary in the mid-1980s provided a qualitative leap.
Bittu Sahgal, founder and editor of Sanctuary, was able, through sheer
persistence and excellence in production which guaranteed advertisers
good paper and printing, to establish the magazine which is today still
India’s only wildlife magazine.
A few other magazines in the 1980s with visionary editors—like The
India Magazine and Frontline—began running large articles on wildlife, but
130 Nirmal Ghosh
they too were read only by a tiny fraction of India’s vast and growing
middle class. Yet they did serve to encourage writers on wildlife, who by
and large, however, came from outside mainstream journalism.
Among some names which emerged at the time were those of conservaÂ�
tionists like Valmik Thapar, whose books on tigers served to expand
wildlife literature in a way that made it accessible to a wider general
public. Dr Ullas Karanth also emerged as a new breed of wildlife biologist
in the same vein as Dr George Schaller, who wrote about their experiences,
studies and conclusions for an audience beyond scientific journals.
But many mainstream, mass-media journalists who attempted to write
on wildlife often committed glaring factual errors as in the two instances
noted earlier, thus misinforming the public and perpetuating myths and
disinformation—which is surely the opposite of what a journalist is
supposed to do, and possibly one of the greatest sins in the profession of
journalism.
But this was a reflection of the fact that they were largely general or
political journalists, and not trained to write on wildlife which is essentially
a subject that demands the same specialised knowledge as, say, economics
or health. It certainly demands some knowledge of ecological sciences.
And wildlife issues, like any other, have to be written about in the proper
context, with proper research, and backed up by field work.
A general ignorance of the difference between a plantation forest and
a natural forest, or between a cheetah and a leopard, does not help. Very
often mainstream journalists adrift in a strange environment, appear
to be susceptible to swallowing the most blatant nonsense from vested
interests—as in the journalist who quoted a Gujjar elder in Rajaji National
Park in The Illustrated Weekly as saying Gujjars—semi-nomadic herdsmen—
never used axes to lop trees, but stripped branches of their leaves gently
with their fingers. This, in a forest where one sure way to locate a Gujjar
was—and still is—to follow the sound of his axe!
Journalism 101
As in all forms of journalism, there is no substitute for proper fieldwork.
Reports from many sources very often fall apart when checked against
facts on the ground—even those from reliable sources. When I was
covering the H5N1 (avian flu) outbreak in Thailand in late 2004, I visited
a poultry farm which had been mentioned on the BBC. Upon arriving
there, I found that the BBC reporter had mixed up the names of two farms
some 5 kilometres apart.
It is essential to see for oneself what is going on, but it is also no point
doing so unless one has done the basic background research first. And
that means ‘Journalism 101’: read the clippings, read the books, talk to
the experts, then go to the field and cross-check the information with
further conversations with a range of on-site locals and the physical facts.
A one-source story is not acceptable. There is no need to go to journalism
school or obtain an expensive mass communication degree to learn these
fundamentals. But there is also no room for professional laziness. Wildlife
is too important a subject to be treated casually.
During the period I am describing—the 1980s—environmental
journalism by contrast, was maturing. The big dams issue and the Bhopal
gas disaster helped create a new breed of environmental journalists and
propel environmental issues to front pages and on to the national agenda.
Down to Earth magazine produced by the New Delhi-based Centre for
Science and Environment was a child of this maturing.
A larger disconnect?
But apart from the Silent Valley dam controversy, in which a pristine
rainforest wilderness in south India was in danger of being inundated,
wildlife was seen as incidental, a poor second cousin to the larger issues of
the environment. This is possibly a reflection of the larger, more universal
and growing disconnect between man and nature that began arguably
with the industrial revolution and the dawn of the age of science.
Since the industrial revolution, man has increasingly seen himself and
his destiny as outside nature and controlling it, rather than of nature and
part of it. This could also stem from a fear of our own mortality, and
a desire therefore to control our environment. Nature and wildlife has
suffered from a confluence of two mutually reinforcing factors: ignorance
and fear. We fear what we do not know. Thus the tiger was and is feared
and respected by many communities—for instance the indigenous Orang
Asli of Malaysia, and fishing communities in the Sunderbans delta—dating
from a time when they co-existed with the tiger, and while under threat
from the predator also lacked the tools to systematically kill it.
Elsewhere, sadly for the tiger, commercialism and sheer firepower
were good enough tools to overcome that fear and respect and assert the
dominance of our species. And today, tolerance for wildlife has sunk to
a new low.
Subrata Pal Chowdhury, at the time of writing a technical advisor
to the chief wildlife warden of West Bengal and one of the country’s
132 Nirmal Ghosh
foremost experts in chemical immobilisation of wildlife, once mentioned

this increased intolerance on the part of the public. The mere sighting of
a monkey or jackal or jungle cat was enough to prompt a flood of semi-
hysterical calls for help to the wildlife department, he remarked—much
more so than, say, 10 or 20 years ago.
Coming in from the cold

Around the late 1980s reports on wildlife began creeping up on to the
first three pages of mainstream newspapers. I deliberately use the term
reports on wildlife, and not wildlife journalism, because the latter as a
genre was still in its infancy. Usha Rai was still holding the fort almost
single-handedly, but Raj Chengappa who wrote widely on environmental
issues was also emerging, while Bittu Sahgal’s Sanctuary performed the
admirable and critical role of nursery for writers on wildlife—but still
limited very much to a tiny niche market.
The reports that made the front pages were in the nature of hard news,
which is what editors and the public want. Tipped off by a member of the
Wildlife Board for instance, I visited Rajaji in the late 1980s to investigate
reports of elephant poaching. Rajaji is a proposed but unfortunately
not yet gazetted national park under severe pressure from a multitude
of factors—roads, railways, industry, people, and urban and industrial
sewage. It is also the northwesternmost tip of the remaining habitat of
the Asian elephant in the wild. It is the westernmost part of the Siwalik
elephant reserve, and once was contiguous through a viable corridor,
with Corbett Tiger Reserve. The corridor has since shrunk to a couple of
narrow belts of poor scrub and vertical cliffs.
As always, the reports hid more than they revealed, but I was able—
thanks to some knowledge of wildlife and ecosystems and the local
geography from my purely informal on the job training since a childhood
spent visiting wilderness areas—to get to the facts. More importantly, I
got on the pillion of a motorcycle driven by a local farmer who took me,
technically illegally, deep into the jungle to see for myself the remains of
a tusker which had been killed. In my experience—and this goes not just
for wildlife journalism but journalism in general—there is nothing like a
first hand look at the situation on the ground.
That elephants were being killed for their tusks with impunity in Rajaji,
so close to the capital, was news; my article made the front page of The
Times of India.
TV and new media

Since then the canvas for wildlife news has expanded quite dramatically
thanks to a coincidence of the growth of television and new media, the
appearance of a new generation of Indian wildlife film makers, the easy
availability of information, and a general rise in awareness of issues
spurred by this confluence.
Even so, the narrative remains loaded with anthropomorphism, and
negative stereotyping of wildlife. Elephants ‘rampage’ or ‘run amok’
for example, with little attempt to nuance or explain context. Tigers are
regularly referred to as ‘ferocious’. When a human is injured or killed by
a wild animal, the reaction of the media is immediate and often borders
on hysteria. All perspective—an essential ingredient in professional
journalism—is lost.
In a short (and not scientifically rigorous but certainly indicative)
exploration of the issue of man-animal conflict in the Corbett National
Park area in north India, The Corbett Foundation (of which I am a Trustee)
found that far ahead of injuries caused by animals, the leading cause of
emergency hospitalisation in Ramnagar town, was suicide attempts by
women.
Yet that, of far greater importance for what it says about our society,
and a compelling human interest story for journalists, is largely ignored
or at the very least under-reported.
A tiger surprised by a woodcutter and mauling him or her, by contrast
invites the full glare of the media. Invariably, through the narrative runs
the thread of humans besieged and under attack; an image not significantly
different from that of 100 years ago when tigers were considered
dangerous and it was open season for those who hunted them.
A professional failure
This reflects a professional failure of the media in India, on many levels
including fundamentals such as deployment of the right personnel in the
right job. Unless a reporter has a long track record in multiple fields,
adjustment from one field to another (say from commodities to public
health) is not easy.
The failure of the media on wildlife is on par with the failure on the
political journalism front to cover India’s neighbours. (Indian intellectuals
are fond of deriding the insularity of superpower America, ignoring the
fact that emergent superpower India is equally insular. The average Indian
134 Nirmal Ghosh
views the world through a prism of stereotypes and knows more about the
West through the mass media than about Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Pakistan,
Nepal, Bhutan and Burma.)
Similarly, it is ironic that the average Indian knows more about wildlife
and conservation issues from watching Discovery Channel, Animal Planet
and so forth, than from our own newspapers and magazines. But while
this irony prevails, the fact is the proliferation of media and information
means there is more public interest in the subject—albeit often of a
misinformed or negative kind.
But a new generation of journalists and editors is now in the process
of mainstreaming wildlife journalism. A new generation of film makers is
also widening the canvas and bringing activism to films, using their skills
to lobby for change.
Many newspapers and magazines now have environmental beat
reporters or correspondents—though in most cases, training on subjects
related to their particular beats, is almost non-existent. Federations of
environmental journalism, both local and international, regularly organise
trips to wildlife reserves and national parks, but do editors and media
owners do the same? Not quite yet.
Media owners and editors need to wake up to the reality that wildlife is
a critical subject and will be more critical in the years to come.
Most wildlife species are dwindling, not growing in numbers—and
we are living in an age of mass extinction triggered by human activity.
The planet’s biodiversity is under severe threat, which impacts the
fundamental structure of life on Earth.
One of the drivers of this sixth mass extinction is trade in wildlife and
plant species, which is reckoned to be the third largest in the world by
value (excluding timber) after weapons and drugs. Today the trade in
wildlife is run by transnational criminal syndicates. There is little sign
that media owners and editors take this seriously, yet by definition it is a
huge story.
The media cannot afford to miss this story by leaving it to a small
handful of journalists who may be personally interested in the issues, or
have the instinct and skill to spot a story and do it well.
Wildlife today is more than just a cute or charismatic species or a fringe
special interest group. It is a story about the law, trade, crime, economics,
politics, ethics and evolution. Media owners and editors, if they are to
be considered truly professional and responsible, need to catch up with
this reality at many levels, from policy and priorities to basic training and
deployment, quality control and delivery.
18
Tiger Defends the Biodiversity
Malini Shankar
‘Environmental journalism’—these two words bring to the reader’s mind

a whole world of environmental complexities in a readable or appealing
form, depending on which medium is being used to convey the complex
issues and on which context of time and space it is being used.
While journalism is the fourth pillar of democracy and seeks to
scrutinise the state or any other public service agency which manages
public property and public interest, the professional prefix environmental
brackets the sympathy of the writer to the Green issues. All the same, the
professional duty of objectivity cannot be bypassed in every professional
step and angle of the story or the policy in focus. Both sides of the
argument pertaining to the issue need to be placed before the reader or
the listener/viewer and the competence of the environmental journalist
lies in moulding the opinion of the reader to sympathise with the ‘green’
worldview without sounding judgemental oneself. The environmental
journalist has to mould the opinion of the reader after explaining the
what, where, when, why, who, how of the issue.
Media failure?
Let me put this across with a few examples. Why has the media in India
failed to shape a ‘green’ philosophy and policy? More than 20 years after
the Environmental Protection Act was passed in 1986, why is the country’s
media still stuck with the awareness campaign tone? Why is Agenda 21
not an issue in India even 5 years after the World Summit on Sustainable
Development, the second Earth Summit?
Take Climate Change. Why has the Indian media not been able to
criticise the Government of India’s short-sighted policies on climate change
and CFC emissions? It was the Centre for Science and Environment that
136 Malini Shankar
campaigned for and was largely responsible for introducing the concept
of CNG in Delhi’s public transport. Why has the media not ensured
introduction of CNG in public transport in all the other metros and cities
across the country? Why has the media failed to impress on policy makers
the need for better infrastructure instead of rapidly visible vertical growth?
Had the media been severely critical of the government policies of fuel
tax, development and overconsumption patterns, the average citizen on
the road would by now have been able to take critical decisions, despite
climate change being a nascent and developing science. If the media
had been ‘progressive’ about Agenda 21, CFCs, climate change, etc.,
we would have had a green policy and a green political party by now.
Environmentalists are often accused of being doomsday prophets but if
the media had done its job effectively, we would have had a far more
responsible and responsive society as regards carbon footprints and green
house gas emissions. Thanks to this lackadaisical media complacency,
how many people apart from the converted are aware of the green house
gases and carbon footprints?
Similarly, there is the impending water crisis. If we do not take measures
to augment our water resources and impress on every single Indian the
need to use water resources ‘sustainably’ everyone will suffer, but the
poor and the marginalised will suffer more. That is because those who
are better ordained economically will store water resources beyond their
needs. The poor and marginalised folk who do not have access to massive
and complex storage systems will be the poorer of water resources.
The much harried urban housewife will be splitting her hairs to store
more water in increasingly diminishing space—large amounts of water
which might or might not have practical use: she might use this water to
heat so that her shampoos, potions and lotions will leave a lasting lustre
on her pseudo brown hairs! Complicating her life further is her suspicion
that the source of water is infected; so she boils and cools drinking water
five times in different containers!!!
It is the brood of environmental journalists who can make a visible
difference in reaching the goal of ‘reducing by half the number of
people who lack access to clean water and sanitation atleast by 2015’ as
the UN pledged at the World Summit of Sustainable Development held
in Johannesburg in 2002 and was signed by India. Like the media was
indeed capable of reducing poverty, even by a small measure!!! What a
shameful paradigm it is! But the media can scrutinise fallacious policy
initiatives—like privatisation of water supply for the betterment of the
‘General Will’ that Rousseau said before the French Revolution.
Tiger Defends the Biodiversity 137
Greatest responsibility
But the greatest responsibility now for the media is the wildlife crisis, in my
view. The media should lend a voice to the cause of the mute and helpless
wildlife that is being decimated in the name of human rights and scrutinise
the fallout of lax administration and potholed policies that adversely affect
wildlife conservation. The rate at which tigers are disappearing from the
forests and ending up as branded balms on shelves of Traditional Chinese
Medicine (TCM) markets, we are likely to lose the remaining 1,400 tigers
in less than a year. Not to sound like a doomsday prophet again, but the
tiger is indeed at the head of the faunal diversity and biodiversity. If we
lose the tiger, we are going to lose all the wildlife which forms its prey-
base and the remaining Protected Areas which serve more as catchment
areas for our water resources than as homes to the precious wildlife. It is
our job—as environmental journalists to create the requisite awareness
amongst the common man that biodiversity is endemic and regional by
nature. If we lose the biodiversity in say the Western Ghats we lose the
wildlife/faunal diversity and with it will disappear the millions of fresh
water sources underneath the surface of the soil. As it is, it is bad enough
to see deforestation on the Western Ghats, but what if the dwindling
forests desertify the Western Ghats?
The resultant loss in catchment to the South West Monsoon will have a
cascading and very complicated but deleterious effect on the entire Indian
economy. That is when plush armchair economists will realise that the
Sensex booming will not matter as much as our bread and butter issues.
The drought of the 1980s should not be erased from the collective media
memory even if it is condemned to the shelves of archives in media houses.
Talking of the drought of the 1980s, did the Indian media find plausible
solutions for disasters like drought? Or for that matter how much has
the Indian mass media contributed to disaster preparedness in the post-
tsunami era? It would make an interesting debate. Apart from think tanks
and agencies, the common man is not prepared any better for disasters
even after the tsunami.
I really do not mean to be a doomsday prophet, but god forbid if
there is a cataclysmic event like a super earthquake splitting India into
two halves or portions, it is the remnants of biodiversity that will help
man rediscover the agricultural legacy, for biodiversity is the germ plasm
of agriculture for civilised man. The other option would be to invite
American or foreign agricultural scientists to come and teach the survivors
the art and science of cultivation of food grains! There is thus a far more
serious undertone to the significance of wildlife conservation than the
138 Malini Shankar
sensationalisation of poaching and eco crimes. Mature environmental

journalism would strive to create this awareness and will be far more
effective in sending this message rather than the sensational news of the
slaughter of 22 tigers in Sariska Tiger Reserve.
That does not mean to distract my attention from the 77 cases of
wildlife crime registered by forest officials in Sariska. In Sariska Tiger
Reserve there are, as of date, at least 77 cases of wildlife crime registered
by forest officials and investigations are currently underway to prove
the culprits guilty in a court of law. From turtles, to frogs, peacocks to
parakeets, love birds to snakes, mongoose to leopards, jackals to hares,
and tigers, and now sea cucumbers, octopuses, sea horses they were
all decimated by the opportunistic villagers in and around Sariska. The
environmental or specifically the wildlife journalist has to scrutinise the
role of the state in tiger/wildlife conservation, while empathising with
the environmental factor. It is after all the state which is vested with the
responsibility of wildlife protection. I have to scrutinise what led to the
conflict, the why of the issue. It is also my professional duty to remind
the state about the recommendations of various committees in various
reports—recommendations that are expected to augment conservation of
wildlife. These reports have a notorious tendency of gathering dust and it
takes us to dust the reports’ recommendations.
Rampratap Meena confessed to the field director of the Sariska Tiger
Reserve in March 2005 that he had indeed laired a tigress that had killed
his grazing buffalo by laying a foot trap on the forest fringe where the
tiger’s kill was discovered. After killing a comatose tiger in deep distress
for being trapped and injured by the foot trap, he skinned the cat and
sold his wares to a wildlife trader from his village on the outskirts of his
village. Though he was arrested, he was let out on bail. The buyer or
trader was also booked and finally sentenced in June 2007. He has since
started serving his sentence in a jail in Rajasthan. After being released
on bail, Rampratap Meena and his accomplice are now auto rickshaw
drivers trying to lead a normal lifestyle in a big town in Rajasthan. Here
it falls on the media to scrutinise and pressurise administration constantly
to book all the guilty, to highlight to the political elite the lacunae in the
laws. Unfortunately the Fourth Estate cannot scrutinise the role of the
Judiciary for fear of contempt of court. My commitment to resurgence of
the tiger is so passionate that I honestly do not mind facing the wrath of
the courts. I have with me the minute details of the wildlife cases which
allowed indicted people to seek bail on flimsy excuses. I do not mind
writing about it even if I were to be behind bars for a month. But I do
not get the support and encouragement for this from the commissioning
editors. This is understandable to some extent—any editor will be scared
to publish scrutiny of the judiciary for fear of contempt of court. Can’t the
media initiate a debate and usher a new set of policies/regulations which
will render the judicial administration scrutinisable by the media?
If we lose the tiger...

If we lose the tiger, and alas! Much as it seems inevitable, we have to
protect the remaining tigers at any cost, it will be doomsday. Think of that
super earthquake and we are left to recreate civilisation and humanity’s
evolution.
Despite the power and pelf of Project Tiger, it sadly lacks teeth and has
fallen short of guiding policy too. It is because of a lack of a land use policy
that India is unable to enforce 33 per cent of the land mass as Protected
Area for the remaining wildlife. Coupled with lack of political will, it
is the Project Tiger—or national Tiger Conservation Authority which
incidentally seeks to protect all the wildlife and the ecosystems in the name
of the tiger—which has failed to impress upon the political leadership the
need to protect habitat as inviolate as possible. Despite notification of 28
Tiger Reserves, 90 national parks, and around 600 wildlife sanctuaries,
we are still unable to save the rapidly disappearing faunal diversity. Of
course factors such as inbreeding and high feline mortality are significant
inhibiting factors in tiger conservation, but there is certainly a need for a
policy to separate man from core-areas of Protected Areas.
According to the interim report estimating tigers in Central India—
called ‘Status of the Tiger and Co-predators in Central Indian Landscape’—
undertaken by the Wildlife Institute of India, tigers that have been sighted
and documented were always sighted only in the core areas that were
devoid of all kinds of anthropogenic conflict and pressures. Apart from
the estimate that there are indeed less than 500 tigers in Madhya Pradesh,
there are very interesting observations—that most of the tigers sighted
were spatially quite isolated from all kinds of anthropogenic pressure.
Where the tiger stalks there are over 15,000 species of plants, 500 species
of reptiles and amphibians, 2,000 species and sub-species of birds, some
30,000 insect species and about 410 species of mammals. Protecting this
diversity is largely the ecological responsibility of the Royal Bengal Tiger.
The forest really resonates with myriad alarm calls where the tiger stalks.
But the tiger’s desperate call for definition of judicious land use policy
is going unheeded in the deafening chaos of the debate surrounding the
140 Malini Shankar
Forest Rights Bill 2005. Alas, the tiger finally lost out to the forest dwellers
robbing the endangered feline the sanctity and safety of its own home on
1 January 2008!
Allowing Man to coexist with so many wild animals, in harsh terrain,
that too in the name of protection of the cultural rights of the indigenous
people or forest settlers, is nothing more than an unabashed socio political
discrimination and an unpretentious lid to poverty eradication. It becomes
an unapologetic sustenance of poverty.
Not indigenous
Most of the forest settlers in India are not of any indigenous peoples’ clan
but are largely descendants of the former servant class of the erstwhile
royal families. The settlers’ forefathers were settled in the hunting grounds
of the erstwhile Maharajas and were given an upkeep allowance only.
They were not given record of land rights or any kind of ownership of
lands. After India attained Independence, the Union of Accession ended
the miserable monopoly of the so-called aristocrats and the marginalised
folk of the acceded territories hoped that fair-play and a socialistic ethos
will better their lot at least in a democracy. But our blessed politicians
would much rather play mischief on undefined turf, literally! How can
man live amidst this wilderness where boulders and streams converge
on his path and wild animals assault his livestock and sensibilities in a
constant battle of one upmanship? I would not know where to start or end
describing their hardships.
To begin with, these impoverished people live in modest straw huts
propped by wilting bamboo. If they do not belong to any indigenous
tribe, they would likely have built their dwellings in mortar but nothing
more than that. By and large thatched roofs and straw huts are the norm.
These fragile tenements barely offer them protection from the wilderness.
They share their living quarters with cattle and livestock and dogs too, for
fear of carnivores preying on their livestock. Their one room shacks barely
offer them privacy in the sleeping quarters. Women suffer from lack of
privacy, and with lack of access to water supply and sanitation, they suffer
from serious hygiene related problems. They walk miles and miles to
fetch a pail of water.
The womenfolk of the Gujjar tribes from the Hindala village inside
the Ranthambhore Tiger Reserve in Rajasthan have turned out to be a
hardy lot. They trek across a plateau in harsh sunlight and then gingerly
climb down a cliff 400 metres in height to reach a source of fresh water.
From here they fetch 8 pails of water twice a day to meet the water needs
of their enormous families. And when I had gone to report about their
misery, I suffered from sunstroke, got dehydrated, became disoriented
and fell faint. I do not know what happened to my blood sugar level at
that point, but it was impossible to be back in my hotel in Ranthambhore
by lunch time, and at 1.30 p.m. my stomach was impossible to quieten.
I openly admitted that I am diabetic and was so hungry that I could eat
anything. I pleaded with the village elder to make available something for
me to sustain myself for 3 hours after that. The men-folk in the village
did not know what the hell diabetes meant! My guide explained that it
is an illness which causes hunger to people suffering from it! The village
men-folk told me in no uncertain terms that I should walk down the cliff
with their women to fetch pails of water for 2 days and I would be cured
of diabetes! I should surely give it a try. What if a woman from their
village is on her period and cannot whittle the responsibility of fetching
16 pails of water everyday from a fresh water pond below a 400 metre
cliff? The women folk are confronted by hyenas and reptiles on their way
to and from the pond. The children from his village too use the same cliff
pathway to reach their government school in a nearby village about 13
kilometres away.
Lakshmi Narayan Gujjar in the Kankwadi Guada of the Sariska Tiger
Reserve is a ruthlessly practical man. Says he, ‘instead of giving us 3
hectares of land without irrigation facilities and very little money for
construction of a house and no employment opportunities, they (the
government) might as well allow us to continue living inside the forest.
Here inside the forest after all we can live in peace without having to pay
for water and unlimited natural resources.’ Unlimited natural resources
indeed, but his cattle graze on the same pastures where the cheetal, nilgai
and sambhar graze. Cattle infected by Rinderpest or some other deadly
virus pass on the viruses to the herbivores. Anthrax and Rinderpest are
some of the most vicious threats to wildlife. As if the threat of infections
is not deleterious enough, the cattle also rob the wild ungulates their food
supply in the forest. If that same patch of forest is protected inviolate from
all anthropogenic conflict, it serves the purpose of conservation far more
effectively. I do not seek to paint a very romantic picture of biodiversity
protection only for the rich urban denizens to marvel at, but, like I said
earlier, biodiversity conservation has a far more serious undertone than
the glamorous gaze of a striped tiger stalking—conservation of ground
water sources.
Twenty-nine-year-old Lakshmi Narayan Gujjar got married in July
2007. His two room shack covered by a thatched roof lacks a toilet and
142 Malini Shankar
they fetch water from a well 2 kilometres away because the well in front
of their house offers salty water. What will this do to the health of his
family in the long run?
Even if land use policy is streamlined, land acquisition is complete
and forests are contiguous, there is still the challenge of policing for
protection to the wildlife. The shock to conservation is increasing because
of the scandalous TCM markets.
At least 22 tigers were culled out of a premier Project Tiger Reserve
in India in 2004. The disembodied parts of the tigers made way through
the murky by-lanes of Tibetan markets and shanty towns in India to the
back alleys of Litang in Tibet. According to Wildlife Protection Society of
India which maintains a database, parts of which have been published in
their 2005 report ‘Skinning the Cat’, seizures reveal more than a total of
877 tiger skins, 1,368 leopard skins, 1,566 otter skins, 1 fake tiger skin,
1 Lynx skin, and 1 rhino skin besides 3 kg of tiger claws, 14 kg of tiger
canines, 10 tiger jaws, 60 kg tiger paws and 133 kg of leopard and tiger
bones. There are other reports too by Wildlife Trust of India (WTI), CBI,
and Environmental Investigation Agency, etc.
The database of WTI documents wildlife seizures on a case by case
basis. The macabre list is bone chilling: Tiger skin—11, Leopard skin—
112, Jackal skins—980, Jungle Cat skin—981, Common Fox skins—4,
Red Fox skins—5, Desert Cat skins—19, Leopard skin—5, Wolf skin—1,
Snake skin—25,800, Black Buck skin—6, Fishing cat skin—3, Leopard
cat skin—2, Clouded Leopard skin—3, Lizard skin— 2, Civet cat skin—
2, Hill fox with tail—3, Jungle cat skin—5, Otter skin—202, Tiger
Bones—280 kg, Leopard skin—28, Leopard skin with lining—1, Clouded
Leopard uncured skin—1, Clouded leopard skin with lining—1, Tiger
skin uncured—1, Baby tiger skin uncured in damaged condition—1,
Crocodile uncured skins—5, Jackal uncured skins—6, Wild hare uncured
skin—1, Mongoose uncured skins—35, Tiger skull—1, Leopard skin—3,
Tiger skin cut pieces—2, Leopard skin cut pieces—5, Panther skin—2,
Nails—3.
It is indeed very simplistic to say that the urban poacher or wildlife
trader in Delhi or Mumbai sought the support of the forest dwelling
villager or tribal to gain access to the core areas of forests where wild
animals are sitting ducks in their dens. It is because the intelligent tribal
youngster, full of energy, is not using his intelligence and energy in any
constructive way. We, the urbane, educated folk have failed to evolve
mechanisms for them to assimilate their energy into the urban mainstream.
We have failed to educate them, take the best out of them. The intelligent
tribal boy has a lot of time literally on his hands when he is shepherding
his cattle inside the forest. He knows the labyrinth of game tracks, the
routes and behaviour of the wild animals. He knows how to mimic the
calls of the wild animals. He understands the colour tones of the sky, and
the whispering tones of the leaves. He knows when a natural disaster is
likely to strike and he knows how best to save his skin. Granted this kind
of traditional knowledge is utterly absent in the ‘civilised, urbane’ class,
but pray let us either put to good use his traditional knowledge to further
conservation or employ him better, so that his idle mind does not become
the poacher’s workshop.
Traditional knowledge
We the evolved, tamed, educated and urbane lot have not exercised our
imaginations to evolve means of harvesting the traditional knowledge of
these indigenous peoples. They are a hardy lot, they know best the diversity
of food grains that this blessed land offers. They know the hardships of
cultivation, the merits of shifting cultivation and the demerits of the
green revolution. They know how to beat stress, they have never known
ailments like diabetes. Yet we have failed to harvest their repertoire of
traditional knowledge but have instead turned a blind eye when we came
to know that they were conniving with big time urban poachers. We the
educated class are as much to blame as the politicians for not supporting
the enforcement agencies in their vain attempts to nail the poachers. We
the educated class are to blame for not punishing the political class that
did not take wildlife conservation seriously.
When Sansar Chand Gihara, a notorious wildlife derivatives trader,
was arrested by the Delhi Police in June 2005, he apparently revealed
the names of a string of leading national politicians whose patronage he
claimed. Why haven’t we in the media investigated his political links?
Why have we in the media not investigated the string of cases hoisted
against Sansar Chand in the past 30 years. It’s a shame. Ironically his rise as
a wildlife trader has been in the same years after the notification of Project
Tiger. Isn’t that a shame?
Of the 10 cases documented after investigations in the Sariska fiasco, at
least 8 confessions allude to tribals living in and around Sariska laying metal
jaw traps to maim the tigers that killed their livestock. In the 2 other cases,
Sansar Chand has confessed to buying the skins of the tigers he had killed
in Sariska. The cowardly killers would either kill the tigers by gunshots or
by hitting the tiger’s head with brittle wooden sticks (called lathis). This
144 Malini Shankar
innocent, unknowing tribal is nevertheless intelligent enough to know

that a bullet-hole ridden tiger skin fetches him lesser remuneration than a
skin without a bullet hole. So he is intelligent enough to lay a trap which
is guaranteed to maim the carnivore be it the tiger or the leopard. After
that the coward hits the carnivore on its skull till it dies an agonisingly
painful death, with internal bleeding and haemorrhage inside its brain.
Then the coward usually peels its skin and hides it away inside the forest
very close to the spot of death trap for the tiger or leopard. Only after
making a deal with the local liaison of Sansar Chand or any other wildlife
trader he works for, does the poacher come back to retrieve his ‘maal’
(catch). By then, in all likelihood, the remains of the carcass would most
likely have decomposed, and the forest officials in any case have no clue
of the situation.
Man–animal conflict
I will now narrate another lesser known side of the issue of man–animal
conflict. In the Western Ghats there are scores of people who have
been mauled by black bears in the course of their daily routines. One
man in Dandeli had his scalp peeled by a sloth bear. Another man was
attacked by the bear so viciously that his wrist bones cracked and after
the dismembered left hand was stitched back into shape, it is shorter than
the right and he has lost the dexterity of his wrist’s movements. Another
tribal, a Siddi man in Dandeli, was attacked behind his neck by a black bear.
Another tribal man was attacked by the bear and he suffered a severe bite
on the back of his thigh. Another Siddi tribal man on the Goa Karnataka
border endured pulverisation of his entire rib cage by the sloth bear. One
more tribal man’s ribs were broken by the notorious bear. There are at
least 7 victims of bear attack in the Uttar Kannada district of Karnataka
alone in the Western Ghats. A young tribal woman was once herding her
cattle when she unknowingly disturbed the habitat of a nursing mother
bear. It attacked her so viciously that her entire lower jaw was ripped off.
Incidentally all these 7 victims of black bear attack were herding their
cattle and willy-nilly disturbed the habitat of the bears.
Pray why should equal citizens of India endure such torture in remote
areas meant for wildlife?
In the Bhadra Tiger Reserve, man–animal conflict was a sore cause
for tensions with the forest department. In 1995 Parvathi Chandra of
the Maadla village was being taken in a tractor to the Mallandur (nearest
town) primary health care centre for childbirth. The tractor driver was
negotiating a fragile Bamboo bridge that had been tied by flimsy ropes
across the swollen Somavahini River. The weight of the tractor was too
much for this flimsy bamboo bridge and the ropes got untied. The rusting
tractor must have started flooding. In utter panic, Parvathi delivered the
baby in the tractor itself. This childbirth surely merits an analogy to the
birth of Lord Krishna in terms of drama! Both mother and baby were
saved, and theirs is truly a story of happily ever after. The child now goes
to school in the resettled township, M. C. Halli, and Parvathi Chandra is a
proud agricultural labourer with a bank account.
Mohi-ud-deen of Hippla village, in the core area of the Bhadra Tiger
Reserve, was less fortunate. On the night that it was his turn to guard
the crops, his torch battery burnt out. His cousin ran over to the shop to
bring batteries. But by then Mohi-ud-deen heard the elephants trumpeting
and ran out with a stick to chase the beasts. But the roaring, marauding
elephant chased him back. He ran for his life screaming, but, just a few
paces before the house, he was mashed into pulp by the angry pachyderm.
After this ghastly incident, many of the Muslim families left Bhadra for
Mallandur or Chikmaglur. They did not even inform the officials that they
were migrating—such was the panic. Only two Muslim families were left
in Hippla. The mosque could no longer function without a quorum so
the mosque shut down and the Mullah migrated. Without the mosque the
Muslim families could not get their hands on halal meat. Thus, these two
families in Hippla were forced to remain vegetarian for the best part of
two years, unless they bought halal meat from far away Chikmaglur. ‘On
many occasions we have eaten stale meat and rotting vegetables when we
lived inside the forests,’ says the cousin of the late Mohi-ud-deen.
There are innumerable cases of people being killed by angry marauding
elephants in India. The Karnataka Forest Department has documented
the number of cattle lifted/killed by carnivores in protected areas. The
documentation is part of a database that seeks to substantiate man–
animal conflict to seek and advocate the need to separate living spaces
for man and animal. Perhaps the forest departments in other states too
have documented cattle deaths at the jaws of jungle carnivores, or at least
they have to. It serves to document the man–animal conflict, if not
anything else.
In the Billigiri Ranga Temple Hills Wildlife sanctuary, the late forest
officer P. Srinivas who was killed by forest brigand Veerappan, had
employed the tribal people to build a forest guest house, just to wean
them away from the influence of the notorious forest brigand. The guest
house has been built on a rock cave which was the home of a black bear.
146 Malini Shankar
The cave now serves as a foundation for the guest house and houses the
wireless station of the forest department. Sterility of its home infected by
the presence of humans, the traumatised bear left its residence and became
homeless in the wilderness of the hill range. Its dignified behaviour can
teach us a lesson or two in decorum and civility. Even to this day, 18
years after the guest house was built, it comes to the cave once in 10 days
and yawns in nostalgia spends a few minutes to an hour and goes back
into the jungle. The trauma that has been caused by its eviction can at
best be imagined, at worst be calculated for an imminent onslaught. But
to its credit, it has never once attacked the guards who man the wireless
station.
The administration and the NGOs must document the areas of man–
animal conflict and quantify them to help evolve a future policy for land
use and uplifting the downtrodden forest dwellers.
Careless smokers throw their half burnt cigarette butts which cause
forest fire to the extent of 98 per cent in India. In 2005, a British tourist in
a national park near South Africa’s Table Mountain was caught on camera
for carelessly throwing a burning cigarette butt into the bush. Within
minutes the flaming forest was the cynosure of the administration’s focus,
and by the time the car came out of the forests, the park gates were locked,
and the guy is still in a prison in South Africa’s Cape Town. Pray when
might India have this kind of political will and infrastructure for such
awesome foolproof enforcement? It is an inspiring example to emulate
honestly.
Very emotional
I refuse to apologise for being very emotional about wildlife conservation
issues. There is space in the media today for a healthy debate about the
tribal rights Bill/Act and the merits and demerits of taking development
into the forests.
How many clans of indigenous peoples are actually totally dependent
on the forests to justify their continued existence inside Protected Areas?
Let us see how much they are dependent on forest resources.
Eighty-five per cent of the forest dwellers buy unpolished white rice
from the Public Distribution System outlets where they get subsidised
rice. Their attempts at shifting cultivation are severely restricted by the
forest conservation laws, rightly so. Their staple diet is largely rice or
whole wheat breads like Chapattis and Naans. They also buy Millet, and
other food grains. Ironically it is because of the media onslaught that
our indigenous folk have forgotten the legacy of agro diversity and are
inviting disorders like diabetes. They do not buy vegetables, but yes
they do buy chicken or fish occasionally. For milk products they usually
depend on their own cattle. They do eat tubers, not that they do not. But
these roots and tubers, fibre, fruits and leaves are all seasonal supplements.
They know how to store Amla Murabba jam in a bamboo container in the
absence of a fridge, but they do not depend on any such forest produce
for sustenance.
The Anthropological Survey of India has to document their dependence
on forests and its extent. This should have been done even before the
debate preceding the drafting of the Forest Rights Bill. Who in India today
lends voice to the debate ushered in by the silenced roar of the tiger?
Section Four
Environment and Water
19
The Media’s Role in Water and Sanitation
Sahana Singh
The media has faced considerable flak in recent times for going on a
collision course with governments and multinational corporations. It
has been accused of taking the side of environmental activists and Non-
Governmental Organisations (NGOs). But it is also being increasingly
recognised as a vehicle for advocacy which serves public interest.
Handling water woes with the

same urgency as a war
The problems that afflict the water and sanitation sector of Asia, particularly
South Asia, are so widespread and deep-rooted that it is becoming quite
imperative for the media to shed the role of a passive observer. ‘When there
are people without piped water and sanitation, you have a disaster at hand
and you have to handle this on a war footing,’ said water expert Arthur
McIntosh, at a stakeholders meeting convened by Asian Development
Bank in June 2007. ‘Old rules need to be put aside to get the job done
quickly,’ he asserted.
During the devastating tsunami of 2004, which killed 3,00,000 people,
the world community responded with alacrity and over US$10 million
was pledged to help the ravaged communities. Yet, a situation which
leads to the death of 10 times the number every year does not evoke more
than declarations of goals and targets. The World Health Organisation
estimates that 40 per cent of the world’s population (about 2.6 billion
people) lacks adequate sanitation, resulting in at least 1.8 million deaths
every year, mostly children under the age of five. One wonders if it was
better to have all these sanitation-caused deaths at the same time!
152 Sahana Singh
Awakening political will

It has become quite evident that poor governance is the root cause of
all problems in developing countries. Governance has been but empty
rhetoric in most of Asia with only a few islands of excellence such as
Singapore. A case in point is urban India, where poor quality of water
supplied intermittently has been accepted as a way of life.
A lack of political will has particularly hampered the cause of water and
sanitation, not so much a lack of financing or physical resources. It is this
political will that the media needs to awaken in the coming years.
Once there is an improvement in the water and sanitation facilities,
virtually everything else follows—health, education and economic
empowerment. There are documented cases of a reduction in the drop-
out rate of girls from schools when toilets are provided for them. When
individual house connections are made available, girls and women do not
need to walk miles or queue up at community taps, thereby sparing them
some time to study or engage in income-enhancing activities.
Highlighting success stories

One allegation frequently made against environmental journalists in general
is that they spread negativity with their stories. ‘Alarming media stories
about the state of water and sanitation tend to create a sense of resignation
and fatalism among the public,’ observed Dr Seetharam, Principal Water
and Urban Development Specialist, Asian Development Bank, at a media
workshop in 2007. ‘On the other hand, success stories about overcoming
obstacles create a tide of positive energy,’ he said, pointing out, ‘More
water champions begin to emerge as a result.’
Indeed, today there are more success stories centred on water and
sanitation appearing in newspapers, magazines and websites than
ever before. The public awards given to achievers in this area are also
responsible for greater media coverage.
Sunita Narain, Director of Centre for Science and Environment, got
substantial media coverage of her battle with Pepsi over the alleged
contamination of the cola with pesticide-tainted water. The storm raised
by Narain led to widespread debates about the monitoring of water quality
standards in India. She subsequently won the Stockholm Water Prize in
2005. Joe Madiath, whose organisation Gram Vikas won the Kyoto World
Water Grand Prize in 2006, was interviewed extensively by the media
and his contribution to community managed programmes in Orissa was
highlighted.
The Media’s Role in Water and Sanitation 153
Getting to the crux of issues

Many water experts feel that the media tends to toe the line of vociferous
NGO groups rather than getting to the crux of the issues. Dams are
equated with disaster. Privatisation is construed to mean a sell-out of
assets and inflation of tariffs. The failure of some high-profile Policy
Support Programme (PSP) projects in different parts of the world is taken
as an indication that the concept itself is flawed. This is like throwing the
baby out with the bath water. The point that the public sector can actually
work in partnership with the private sector and that the model of this
partnership can be tailor-made to suit each country’s requirements has
somehow been missed by the general media.
Instead of initiating debate about the best ways to finance the water
sector so that the current and future needs of the people are taken care of,
the media has actually led to governments sitting back and doing nothing.
Governments have discovered that remaining in a state of inertia is the
best way to avoid media glare and civil unrest.
Traditionally, governments and owners of municipal utilities hold
tariffs down to the extent that the utilities make an operating loss then
cover this loss through debt. The debts mount for years and are eventually
written off. This method of financing offers political advantages. ‘The
scale of the debt gives politicians in the public authority, which is lending
the money, direct control over the utility,’ says Global Water Market 2008.
‘This enables them for example to guarantee “social employment
opportunities” for party supporters or in the distribution of large
contracts,’ it observes.
Although subsidies do enable utilities to keep their tariffs down, they
do not encourage long-term investment in the water sector. A fact that
cannot be disputed is that full-cost recovery tariffs are the best guarantee
of a utility’s financial independence and ability to invest in future needs.
Subsidy encourages corruption and the problem is compounded where
water is scarce and needs to be rationed. If a utility loses money on every
cubic metre of water it sells over the counter, its management will quickly
find a way to make a profit by selling under the counter, according to
Global Water Market 2008.
The example of Tirupur in India illustrates the tremendous potential of
innovative financing that can be utilised by public–private partnerships.
Most municipal water utilities in the developing world are considered bad
risks in the local credit market, and must therefore rely on the favour of
the central government in order to borrow money. The solution adopted
154 Sahana Singh
in Tirupur was to introduce credit support instruments, whereby the

funding agency would guarantee a bond issued by the municipality,
ensuring that it was attractive to investors in the local capital markets. This
successful model used for the Rs 10.23 billion project provided water to
nearly 1,000 textile units and over 16 lakh residents in Tirupur and its
surrounding areas.
Recognising inter-sector linkages

The Indian media needs to critically look at the water and sanitation sector
in its entirety instead of only reporting on the issues pertaining to end
users. It needs to get the views of experts in various fields inter-connected
with water such as finance, energy, development, health, women’s issues
and law, apart from those directly involved with water such as the suppliers
of treatment systems, municipalities, industries and civil society.
In the past, governments have caused immense damage by ‘formulating
policies in one sector without adequate consideration and coordination
with policies in other sectors,’ as Asit Biswas puts it. Dr Biswas, author of
Asian Water Development Outlook and winner of several international awards,
was referring to the practice of subsidising energy for farmers in order to
give a boost to agriculture. This has resulted in farmers pumping more
groundwater than needed. Eventually there was a steady decline of water
levels and in the process many public electricity boards suffered heavy
financial losses. This could have been avoided if the inter-linkage of water
and energy sectors had been taken into account.
The media has an important role to play in highlighting these inter-
linkages considering that most dailies today have different departments
dealing with politics, finance, health, environment and others.
Understanding the science behind it all

Often, journalists shy away from what they perceive as heavy, engineering
or technical jargon. ‘The press should strive more to help the public
understand the scientific and technical aspects of a problem better, rather
than just place a major emphasis on the political aspects,’ said Stanford
professor Dr Perry McCarty in an interview with Asian Water magazine.
Journalists would do well to take the time to comprehend the process
of pumping water from a source, purifying it and distributing it to users
as well as the process of transporting waste water back from users to
The Media’s Role in Water and Sanitation 155
receiving water bodies after treatment. Thanks to the Internet, there is no

dearth of information available on water. A lot depends on journalists’
understanding of the use and disposal of such a valuable, life-giving
resource.
In a rapidly urbanising Asia, millions of people are using consumer
goods such as detergents, dishwashing liquids, toilet cleaners, lotions,
cosmetics and fragrances which are reaching water bodies and most likely
coming back in drinking water. Not only that, pharmaceuticals such as
antibiotics, anti-depressants, hormones and pain-killers are also being
excreted from human bodies, and thus contaminating rivers. In view of
the rise in cancers, allergies, miscarriages, behavioural disorders and other
new diseases, a link has been suspected between them and ‘emerging
chemical contaminants’.
Journalists would be doing a major service by uncovering these stories
as well as looking at preventive measures that include substituting harsh
chemical cleaners with natural cleaners such as lemon juice, vinegar and
baking soda. Writing features that advocate nature-friendly lifestyles
and the use of products that are biodegradable and do not persist in the
environment would have far-reaching consequences.
Exploding myths
There are plenty of myths about the water sector, which the media should
go all out to expose. One of the big myths is that governments do not have
enough money. ‘Aid has been providing more than approximately US
$5 billion a year for water and sanitation,’ says the WASH Guide for the
media issued by the Water Supply and Sanitation Collaborative Council
(WSSCC). ‘And governments in the developing world have been spending
about as such again. But it is how well the money is spent that matters.’
Another myth is about 24/7 water supply. Until 2007, India had the
ignominy of not having a single town or city with 24/7 water supply
(in 2008, four pilot areas in Karnataka were only testing this facility).
Surprisingly, neither the public nor the media has applied pressure on
governments to get a continuous water supply; rather the focus has been
on increasing the hours of supply from say 2 hours to 10 hours a day.
Yet there is no dearth of examples of Asian cities with 24/7 water
supply—Bangkok, Beijing, Ho Chi Minh City, Hong Kong, Kuala Lumpur,
Male, Phnom Penh, Seoul, Shanghai, Singapore, Tashkent and Vientiane.
‘Other developing countries also suffer from intermittency of supply but
none can approach the magnitude of India’s 300 to 400 million urban
156 Sahana Singh
citizens living under these conditions nationwide,’ says consultant Stephen

Myers in an article in the Asian Water magazine (September 2006).
There is a belief among laypersons that continuous water supply is not
practical. It is thought there is not enough water for 24/7 supply and that
even if implemented, it would lead to more wastage of water. All these are
but myths. Not only is continuous water supply feasible in Indian cities
but combined with a good programme to check non-revenue water and
appropriate water pricing, it can actually help households to eliminate the
costs they incur on installing storage tanks, pumps and water filters.
The building of Delhi Metro some years ago exploded a great myth.
In the highly politicised and slow-to-reform environment of Delhi,
building such a rail network seemed well-nigh impossible. Yet the Indian
stereotype of cost and time over-runs was surmounted to commission
a world class transportation system well before schedule. The makeover
of India’s water and sanitation services, if it happens, would be an even
bigger story.
Finally—asking the right questions

The ability to ask the right questions is a crucial attribute for the media
to have—it can mean the difference between action and inaction. Is the
subsidy on water really helping the poor? Are the best materials being
used to construct pipes and sewers? Under what circumstances does
sewage get mixed with water lines? What happens to all the fat and grease
that goes down sewers? What happens to the sludge that is coming out of
treatment plants?
These and many other questions need to be raised by the media
and investigated. Oscar Wilde once said, ‘Its failings notwithstanding,
there is much to be said in favour of journalism in that by giving us the
opinion of the uneducated, it keeps us in touch with the ignorance of the
community.’ Sarcasm apart, the fact remains that the visual, print, web
and audio media are the major opinion-makers in today’s world. If they
are on the side of sustainability and environmental harmony, there can be
bliss without ignorance.
20
Water Journalism Warrants Better Attention
Shree Padre
Vanjiyoorkonam is a hamlet in the outskirts of Trivandrum, Kerala. Most

of the people here are poor. Seventy families manage with 45 open wells,
most of which remain dry for four months in a year. Surprisingly the well
belonging to Ratnadas–Vijayamma doesn’t dry at all. This family provides
drinking water to 10–12 neighbours in the summer.
Why does Ratnadas’ well have ample water? Every year, he directs
the run-off from the nearby sloping road to the basin of his coconut
tree. Interestingly, the tree basin ‘drinks’ all that water. But so far, the
neighbours who take water from Vijayamma’s well haven’t asked why
her well always has enough water. Nor has it occurred to Vijayamma to
share the secret.
In fact, it doesn’t cost any cash for Ratnadas to ‘feed rainwater into the
land’. He digs a small channel to divert the rainwater to their tree basin. If
only Vijayamma had explained this process, otherwise called ‘rain water
harvesting’, all neighbours could have followed it. Catching rain where
it falls—in-situ rain harvesting—is a low cost method affordable to even
poor people.
The role of the media lies exactly here in sharing such vital information
with people and making the society water literate. But for that to happen,
mainstream journalists have to be sensitised first about water issues,
problems and the possible improvements rainwater harvesting and allied
concepts like water reuse, recycling, etc., can make.
Major water crisis imminent

In the whole world, water, the ‘most precious liquid’, is increasingly
turning to be a scarce resource. At Cherrapunjee which receives highest
rainfall in India at 12,000 mm in summer, water trade raises its ugly face.
158 Shree Padre
A situation where water has to be provided through tankers is a symptom

of a still serious and complex disease.
Imagine this prospect: Within 20 years large parts of our country
could be facing Ethiopia-like famine conditions every year. This is no wild
guesswork. It is a scenario based on rigorous research by Sri Lanka-based
International Water Management Institute (IWMI).
‘India is in the throes of a major water crisis and the country seems
least prepared to meet it,’ contends Dr Tushaar Shah, principal scientist
of IWMI. IWMI predicts that a large chunk of India could by 2025 face
the same plight—absolute water scarcity—as parts of Sub-Saharan Africa
do now.
A decrease in agricultural production due to water scarcity in a big
country like ours and China would cause considerable demand for grains
which in turn may lead to an increase in world market prices.
Well, this is just one of the many implications. Water scarcity would
affect the human life and environment in a very adverse manner. As
per the report of World Health Organisation (WHO), every year in the
whole world, 3.4 million people die by drinking contaminated water.
Many more suffer hardships and financial losses by water-borne diseases.
As per the estimate of a UN study, 4,000 persons die every day from
contaminated water—the ‘silent killer’. That’s why social workers always
describe that providing safe drinking water is the biggest development for
any country.
If one goes on searching, we in this country have location-specific
lessons on rain harvesting to suit all agro-climatic zones. We have very
sustainable systems in our ancient tanks, forts and even in deserts.
Unfortunately, still many of such systems are not documented or are
ill-documented. In fact, rain harvesting was very much here since many
centuries. We have lessons enough to share with other third world
countries as well.
Due to the advent of easier looking technologies, pipe water, tube
well digging and athe state taking up the responsibility of water supply,
people of our country started taking water for granted. Today, if you go
to the nook and corners of the country, even in villages where wonderful,
sustainable systems of rain harvesting or drought proofing were practised
in olden times, the locals seem to have forgotten these now. Forget about
the younger generation who didn’t have an opportunity to see such
systems in good condition, the elders who enjoyed the benefit once also
seem to have added it to ‘the bygone era’.
Water Journalism Warrants Better Attention 159
Dearth of Information
We have dearth of right kind of information in the form of books, videos,
etc., that can teach the layman how water can be conserved in the local
situation or how rain can be caught. Strengthening common man and
communities to shoulder the responsibility of sustainable and safe water
is not given the importance it deserves.
Take the example of open wells that are there in many parts of the
country. For nearly 4,500 years, these have been serving people. But in
the last 50 years, this structure is being neglected, abandoned and refilled
with soil. If only a booklet can explain the possible methods to increase
the water availability in a well or to revive a ‘dead well’ or at least to reuse
a dried well as a percolation pit for the surrounding community, it can
encourage the local communities to shoulder the easy, low-cost revival
process.
Unfortunately, the much needed priority to be given to mass awareness
about water and to inspiring local communities to take up water harvesting
and management is still in an infantile stage. Such efforts should have
been made in all the states and languages.
When you view the issue from this background, if there is a focussed
effort to make our mainstream media gain a working understanding of
concepts like water conservation, rainwater harvesting and related subjects
like water reuse, recycling, etc., it would help in a big way. This has to
be followed up by training in writing on water issues. The media can
contribute considerably in making the society water literate. Time has
come when newspaper managements and journalists have to take water
journalism more seriously.
Since water is such an important resource, why can’t we have specialists
covering water matters like we have sports specialists, crime specialists
etc? Big newspaper houses might consider grooming one of their hand-
picked staffer in this field.
Successful media campaigns

Let us look at some media experiments on these lines. Let me start with our
own experience with Adike Patrike, a unique smalltime Kannada monthly,
now 20-year old. We started a campaign on rainwater harvesting—a
pioneering effort by a media group in Karnataka—by publishing a series
of success stories from 1996 to 2004. We had two main criteria for
selection of stories. We preferred stories of successes of the common man,
160 Shree Padre
without using government aid or subsidy. Secondly, we preferred stories

about such methods used by the common man that were replicable at
least in that neighbourhood.
At that time, we didn’t have many success stories of rainwater harvesting
in the near vicinity. So, we brought ‘seeds of rainwater harvesting’ from
Rajasthan, Gujarat, etc. Initially, nobody took them seriously. ‘It might be
possible there, but not here’ was one of the main reactions. Second: ‘if
everybody practises it, that might benefit. A few persons harvesting rain
wouldn’t help at all.’
We realised that we had to convince the readers that ‘it is possible
here too’ and that ‘even a single person can effect some change’. People-
oriented rainwater harvesting was what our readers wanted. We started
catering stories that had this slant. The results were amazing.
Hundreds, nay, thousands of farmers used these simple ideas and
got success. More than 30 people from various walks of life—teachers,
farmers, doctors, etc.—started creating awareness about water. After
nearly a decade’s campaign, we started ‘taking harvest of rainwater
harvesting stories’ from our own region and from our very readers as
well. If it was five rivers that were reborn in Alwar district of Rajasthan,
that inspiration made a small stream, Adehalla, near Thirthahally, to flow
perennial after a gap of 4–5 years, thanks to the rainwater harvesting
efforts of a local farmer, Saru Dinesh. If a small magazine like ours can
make such unbelievable impact, how would it be if our mainstream media
takes up such issues?
Such an example soon followed in Malayalam. Malayala Manorama, a
daily with over 10 lakh circulation, launched a campaign on rainwater
harvesting titled Palathulli (many drops) three years ago. Phone-in
programmes and seminars were conducted in all its 10 editions. A Road
Show visited more than 300 centres of this small state.
Apart from regularly publishing articles on rain harvesting, the daily
freely distributed two colour booklets—small guides—to all its readers.
An educative video was shot and distributed. Schools that made good
arrangements to harvest water were given cash awards. This campaign
made the Keralites well aware about the concept of rainwater harvesting.
The government and banking sector were also alerted. Banks started loan
schemes while the government came out with many projects on rainwater
harvesting.
In North India, Rajasthan Patrika, a popular Rajasthani daily, carried out
a campaign on rainwater harvesting. As a result, one and half volunteers
offered kar seva for two months and revived 388 tanks and wells. A sum
of Rs 5.18 crore was gathered by way of contribution from different
institutions for this purpose.
Digant Ozha, a veteran journalist from Maharashtra was working in

mainstream media. After realising that justice is not being done by the
mainstream, he returned to his home state Gujarat and is running a small
Gujarati monthly, Jal Seva, devoted only to water issues.
Exploring the linkages

Many people believe that water is a very ‘dry’ subject. But if you view it
holistically, water is related to many, many issues in our daily life. There
is no life without water. That’s why people refer to it as jeevjal and amruth.
Water is in fact money; it’s health. For those who get only contaminated
water for drinking, clean water means health, savings on medical bills.
For farmers and industrialists whose production is affected by scarcity of
water, getting more water means more production and higher income.
Yet, this jeevjal can be mruthyuvahak too, if only it is taken for granted.
Wherever industrial effluents and pesticide residues are dumped into the
water bodies, that water would become the agent of death, maybe slow
death, which is more cruel. The subject of water is so wide, important and
deep that to do justice to that we need a battalion of water journalists.
Today administrations are talking only about providing adequate
quantity of water. But adequate quantity of water is not enough; people
want safe water too. If you go one step further, from a poor man’s point of
view, at what time and how this water is provided is also very important.
For example, if a daily wage earner has to sacrifice a day’s work to queue
up in front of the tap, it’s really a big loss. Instead, if water is provided
when he can collect it, during off time, or still better, if it’s provided in a
1,000 litre tank, the family can manage it for two days sans any tension.
We have to view these differences with the sensitivity they deserve.
One of the pioneering morale boosting milestones in watershed
development came from Alwar district in late 1990s. Under the stewardship
of Magseysey award winner Dr Rajendra Singh’s Tarun Bharat Sangh, five
rivers flowing only few months after monsoon started flowing round the
year from the year 1995. A village woman, when asked by a visiting
journalist, quipped, ‘Now that water has come, everything else will.’
How meaningful this one sentence is!
If water goes…
To understand this woman’s statement, one requires a little bit of local
background. Living conditions of these villages were very pathetic.
162 Shree Padre
Womenfolk had to walk 7–8 kilometres to bring the daily requirement of

water. As there was no water to grow crops, all the able bodied men had
migrated to cities in search of jobs. Whatever small savings they sent by
money order had to keep the oven lit back home. Grains and vegetables
had to come from other districts. Folk songs, entertainment and happiness
were only nostalgia for these poor villages.
Now, when the water is back, all these blessings of good life have
returned. So when this woman referred to ‘everything else’, she might
have meant her husband and near ones who were driven to the city, their
old happy married life, folk songs, local food production and the old
prosperity. Dhanua, an old man who returned to the village after the river
rebirth, used to tell others, ‘You might have got freedom in 1947. But I
got it only now, in 1995, after about five decades, when I could cultivate
grains for my family in the land my father has left for us.’
We often read news about ground water decline saying the water table
is going down by 2–3 feet every year. Such news has become so common
that it goes unnoticed. But if we carefully analyse how this declining
water level affects the local communities, the news analysis would make
more impact.
Let us speculate the fall outs of such a situation. The pumping costs
start increasing. Cost of digging new wells and other water bodies also
escalates. People might have to abandon their open wells and invest heavily
on bore wells. Agricultural production shows a downward trend. Slowly,
realising that it is very difficult for small farmers to continue agriculture
there, families might be compelled to migrate to cities after selling their
lands. As the depth of bore wells go deeper and deeper, the quantity of
total dissolved salts (TDS) in water increases. This will have an adverse
effect on public health. Getting drinking water would become difficult for
poor families. Safe water might become a mirage for the have-nots. For
the first time, ‘water trade’ might start. If we alter the Rajasthani woman’s
statement a bit, we can say: ‘If water is gone, everything else will be
gone.’ Paradoxically, this bitter truth holds good for even some of the
areas with heavy rainfall like the foothills of the Western Ghats.
Melting mental blocks is a real challenge

The biggest challenge a water journalist has to face is to melt the mental
block that readers have about rainwater harvesting and allied subjects.
This requires patience, persistence and time. It’s not a task that can be
fulfilled in a day, month or year. It needs years of efforts to bring in the

change in mindsets.
In the context of rainwater harvesting, they always tell that ‘we have
to give opportunity time for rain to percolate’. Similarly, for readers to
realise that rainwater harvesting is beneficial to the self and the society, we
have to allow opportunity time. Of course, one can use strategies or social
catalysts. Yet, we shouldn’t hasten to see results. It requires a longer time
gap, say at least half a decade or so.
There is an argument that unless and until policy changes are brought
about, water sustainability can’t be achieved. Of course, this argument
has a rationale. Yet, reams and reams are written on the necessity of policy
changes in public water distribution and management. Unfortunately, much
hasn’t changed. Let us start seeing the whole issue from another angle. Only
if we convince the ordinary man that the solution lies in people-centred
or community-centred water management, would we be preparing the
grounds for policy change. Or, we would be encouraging the people to set
up models that would be sustainable and be a new kind of example for the
government and people’s representatives to take note of and consider.
Inspiration value
It is with this background that we have to gauge the importance of
common man’s success stories. In fact, it has tremendous inspiration value.
According to me, there are three reasons for this. One: because of their
low-tech nature, people feel that it is doable. Second: the low cost or no
cost attraction. Once, after visiting Idkidu, the ‘water literate’ village near
Puttur in Karnataka, a farmer called me up with excitement. He wanted
to have an awareness programme on rainwater harvesting in his village.
I asked him what it was that made him so impressed. ‘There is nothing
that Idkidu people have done,’ he replied, ‘which we can’t do.’ Three:
Among those who positively respond and cross over to the next stage,
implementation, common men rank the highest, above VIPs, people’s
representatives and those who are in the upper layers of the society.
In issues like water conservation, control of water pollution, etc., we
can’t hope to bring in sustainable results without encouraging people’s
participation. It would be illusory to assume that the government alone
will bring about positive change, only through legislations and strictures.
As such, it makes sense to instil confidence and inspire the common man
to become water literate.
164 Shree Padre
How should we present our success stories? A few writers, especially

those from academic background, give more importance to technical
details and the ‘how to do it’ part. Though this is important, if it is only
statistics-ridden hard technological detail, that tends to repel the reader.
It is the human interest that attracts everybody. Once you use this as an
enticement, the technical details can follow. Let these be very simple,
crisp and presented in such a way that anybody can easily understand
them. Readers easily grasp and remember the information that is blended
with human plight, suffering, happiness, etc.
If you examine carefully, it is these human interest details that
distinguish one success story from the other. If ‘how to do’ part of the
story is its skeleton, these human interest stuff comprise its flesh and
blood. Two success stories may contain the same method of rainwater
harvesting—allowing the roof water to the well. But if the ‘before’ and
‘after’ experiences of the two families are different—they have to be
because no two success stories, like no two patients, are identical—that
becomes two different stories.
In the borewell artificial recharge success story I made about Mandovi
Motors, Mangalore, the main highlight is that now after washing the cars,
the water doesn’t leave back irritating blemishes on the glass and body.
Through this, I was able to convey the message to the reader that rainwater
harvesting not only brings quantitative change in water, but qualitative as
well. One more message was that by digging deeper and deeper, even
in coastal belt, the TDS has increased to an alarming level. Similarly,
while narrating the success stories, we can include messages to the reader
about how to undo the harm we have caused to the nature—like how
to check soil erosion, deforestation, excessive tapping of ground water,
contamination of water bodies, neglect of traditional water harvesting
systems, etc.
Selection of stories needs care

The success stories which we highlight should be inspiring to the readers.
It would be better if these are simple and adoptable. Complex and
expensive methods wouldn’t attract common readers.
Not only the methods, but even the photograph or illustration we select
should be easy to understand. It is always better to avoid writing and
showing techniques that might mislead people. Let me illustrate this with
a small example. Recently, I sent a photograph of Vetiver float to a Vetiver
expert. Vetiver float is nothing but Vetiver plants held erect by a raft-like
structure. These plants can survive without soil and absorb nutrients and
contaminants, thereby purifying the water.
Though generally they use bamboo splits to make these sort of floats,
for convenience in the photograph I sent, they had used narrow PVC
pipes. ‘There are two mistakes in this float,’ the expert commented.
First is that you should always use a strong material for float construction
so that it doesn’t turn upside down once the plants grow. Secondly, thin
plants are used here. For the purpose of wastewater treatment, you have to
select plants that are pre-grown in a nursery bag and have developed thick
root system. Otherwise the result will be pretty late and delayed.
No doubt, though inadvertently, by using this photo earlier, I might

have misled some readers!
Generally, a success story of area B doesn’t stand much chance to
see the light in the same publication if a similar one—using similar
method—has earlier appeared from area A. The editor would brush it
aside saying, ‘This is like the one we had already carried.’ But for creating
mass awareness of water, though it amounts to slight repetition, there is
a purpose in carrying similar looking stories from different regions. A
mental block that most people have regarding rainwater harvesting is that
it is not possible in their area. They always dismiss the idea saying, ‘It will
work in Rajasthan, but not here’, or ‘In Dharwar area it might succeed,
but not here’ and other excuses like that. I have noticed that even such
people get motivated if they come across a local success story. Because it is
a live example that convinces them that the concept can work locally too.
Yet, while writing such a repetitive looking story, one can try serving old
wine in a new flavour and a different-looking bottle.
Traditional Systems In-built for Peoples’

Participation
We have a great wealth of traditional water harvesting structures (TWHS)
in this country. There is no exaggeration in late Anil Agarwal’s statement
that ‘the country’s key for water sustainability lies in these traditional water
harvesting structures’: johad, madaka, ahar and pine, tank, eri, katta, beri, nadi,
oddu, etc. Each state has its own TWHS. If there is a community will, these
can be rejuvenated to a certain extent wherever possible. Interestingly, if
renovated, most of these structures will give almost the same benefits as
it was in the bygone eras.
166 Shree Padre
The important point to note is that all these TWHS are possible only
with people’s participation. As such rejuvenating these structures would
mean roping in people’s participation. Though it needs considerable
persistence and effort, the older generation reacts very positively to such
moves. If the older generations come forward, that makes the younger
people also come to the fore. In a nutshell, if reviving TWHS is possible
in any area under selfless and able leadership, it would pave the way for
uniting that society much closer.
Wherever the communities have shouldered the responsibility of local
water management or taken part in mass water conservation activities,
we can see the change in the status of water. Such areas generally don’t
suffer from water scarcity. Once the local people realise and own up any
water harvesting structure, the road to water sustainability is not far off.
The ‘water works’ that are built with community resources—albeit it’s
a very small percentage—and sweat never end up inferior in quality.
Moreover, if it’s a traditional structure, they themselves know how to
maintain or repair it if and when necessary. They never sit idle for the
government’s rusty machinery to act. The works done with community
decision invariably remains need-based.
If we have to conserve water in a big way, we have no other option
than conserving the topsoil and forests too. Jal, Jameen and Jungle have to
be given equal importance. As such, the term water journalism can’t be
restricted to water conservation or rainwater harvesting. It has to focus
on allied subjects like soil erosion control, afforestation, sanitation, etc. If
you view this from the rural perspective, issues like right crop selection
and drought proofing need to be attended. That way, isn’t water related
to many, many aspects of human life?
Water saved is water earned. As such subjects like water re-use, water
recycling, micro irrigation, water saving tips, etc., also deserve top
priority. The diffuser irrigation, followed by grape growers of Maharashtra
and Bijapur, an innovation over age-old pot irrigation, saves 50 per cent
of water. Thirumaleshwara Bhat, a farmer at Idkidu near Puttur, lives 5
months a year by rainwater alone. Only after that he lifts water from his
open well. Such examples, though smaller ones, can be food for thought
for many others.
Back-patting
Years ago, I had asked a successful rain harvester, a farmer from a Hassan
village, whether he was unaware of the concept till then. ‘I knew it from
sometime. But there was nobody to give me moral support to experiment

on this. The magazine article gave me that support,’ he had replied.
Yes. The media can lend a lot of strength to somebody to take up an
experiment that’s new to the surrounding society. Its human tendency
to make fun of people who start experiments that others think are
impossible.
Who has made the borewell a hero? This was a question posed by a
social worker years ago on a meeting on water conservation. I couldn’t
understand for a while the point he was making. But on deeper thought,
he has raised a very pertinent point. Just go back a decade in your memory
lane. Farmers who dug many borewells were considered progressive. The
hand counts of those who were irrigating by gravity flow water or by
any other traditional means were looked down upon. Such farmers too,
not sure of others’ reaction, would not tell in a loud voice that they are
depending on traditional systems. Now, a time has come for the media to
make such sustainable systems the real hero.
Take the example of Yethadka, a hamlet in Kasaragod district of Kerala.
This hamlet is known for its kattas, the temporary check dams built by
local arecanut farmers. Though thousands of kattas being constructed in
and around Kasaragod district have vanished now, Yethadka retains the
traditional spirit relatively nicely. Behind the renewed interest is a local
journalist Chandrasekhar Yethadka’s effort. Since the last two decades,
he has been highlighting the benefits of kattas and has been organising
seminars on that. Today the mention of kattas and Yethadka has become
synonymous with that. Many study teams visit this village because this
is the one of the only remaining ‘museums’ of community kattas. In
Yethadka, katta has turned into a hero.
The need of the hour is to showcase the sustainable water conservation
systems so that they regain the age-old social status. Because of its own
reasons, the administration seldom does this. As such, the onus of showing
the sustainable options lies with the fourth estate. If we go on searching,
we can find amazing rural customs that ensured water safety even during
drought. Damasha, still being practiced in at least half-a-dozen villages
of Kolar district of Karnataka, is one such. In years of less rainfall, if the
only village tank is not full, by mutual consent, the people of the village
grow crops only in a proportionate area of their land. In such times,
families who have their lands far from the tank won’t get the water flow.
As such, they are given the uncultivated lands near the tank without any
fee. Community and class don’t come in the way of this custom. In a
Maharashtra village, each year, the villagers jointly decide on the crop that
can be grown beneficially with that year’s respective rainfall.
168 Shree Padre
Drought-proofing techniques
Karnataka has some wonderful drought proofing practices that the country
can be proud of. Sand mulching, which is widely practised in the black
cotton soils of Koppal and surrounding districts, is one. Even with least
rainfall these farmers manage to get a satisfactory yield.
In Hungund taluk of Karnataka, three generations of Nagarals have
popularised a technique to grow ‘arabaradagoo entaane bele’ (meaning,
50 per cent crop even in half drought or full drought conditions). During
the unprecedented drought of 2001 to 2003, the fact that many villages
of Hungund were insulated by the effects of the drought is testimony to
the efficiency of this technique.
Probably one important lesson a water journalist should keep in mind
is that in drought-prone areas, if generations have been living there,
they invariably should have innovated ways to combat drought and live
with that. We need tactics, patience and time to identify, document and
highlight such methods. Unfortunately, many such hands-on ideas remain
in darkness or are being lost forever.
The movement of water is one that requires us to work for it all round
the year. There is no discrimination in water activism. Each one, starting
from the prime minister of the country, down to the faceless chaprasi has
a role in it. This is for the simple reason that nobody could make a living
sans water so far. Since there is a dearth of the right kind of information
to lead the communities towards water sustainability, the role of water
journalists has become all the more important.
Section Five
Reporting on Disasters
21
Dispatches from the Frontline: Making of
The Greenbelt Reports
Nalaka Gunawardene and Manori Wijesekera
TVE Asia Pacific’s regional TV series The Greenbelt Reports, released in December
2006, investigated how coastal greenbelts—coral reefs, mangroves and
sand dunes—provide jobs, income and protection from natural disasters.
Filmed on location in India, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Thailand, the series
captured the views of scientists, environmentalists and local communities.
It used a dozen case studies to demonstrate that the only way to save
Asia’s remaining coastal greenbelts is to balance ecosystem conservation
with people’s economic needs. In this chapter, its executive producer
and director trace the origins, process and outcome of their journalistic
exercise.
Asian tsunami’s environmental lessons

‘Reminds us who’s in charge!’
That short sms message, sent by an Indian environmentalist friend on
the day after the Asian tsunami, summed it up very well. If nature had
indeed meant to send us a signal, it was delivered with a deafening roar
and a mighty punch on 26 December 2004.
It took a few days for the world to realise the true impact and devastation
on coastal locations in many parts of South and Southeast Asia. As news
reports and analysis poured in, it became clear that this was one of the
biggest disasters in memory.
Living in Sri Lanka—where close to 40,000 people were dead or
missing, and over 80,000 homes were destroyed—we were deeply
affected by the massive humanitarian tragedy unfolding all around us.
As environmentally sensitive journalists, we were also curious how the
172 Nalaka Gunawardene and Manori Wijesekera
killer waves had impacted coastal ecosystems. That’s when we heard some
interesting news reports—on how some elements of nature had buffered
certain locations from nature’s own fury.
Within days, such news emerged from almost all tsunami-affected
countries. They talked about how coral reefs, mangroves and sand dunes
had helped protect some communities or resorts by acting as ‘natural
barriers’ against the tsunami waves. These had not only saved many lives
but, in some cases, also reduced property damage.
Scientists already knew about this phenomenon, called the ‘greenbelt
effect’. Mangroves, coral reefs and sand dunes may not fully block out
tsunamis or cyclones, but they can often reduce their impact.
The eminent Indian biologist Professor M.S. Swaminathan was one of
the first scientists to mention this after the tsunami. ‘Our anticipatory
research work to preserve mangrove ecosystems as the first line of
defence against devastating tidal waves on the eastern coastline has proved
very relevant today,’ he was quoted in The Hindu newspaper. ‘The dense
mangrove forests stood like a wall to save coastal communities living
behind them.’1
The Mangrove Action Project (MAP), an international network
committed to conserving the world’s mangrove forests, made an even
stronger statement:
The severity of this disaster could have been greatly lessened and much loss
in human life and suffering could have been averted had healthy mangrove
forests, coral reefs, sea grass beds and peat lands been conserved in a healthy
state along these same now devastated coastlines.2
The tsunami was not the first time the greenbelt effect was seen in
action. It was reported when a cyclone hit the eastern Indian state of
Orissa in October 1999. And after a major cyclone battered and flooded
large areas of Vietnam in 1997, the Red Cross started community-based
replanting of mangroves as a future ‘defence’.
But the lessons of Orissa and Vietnam were soon forgotten, and
mangrove forest in tropical coast countries like Bangladesh, India,
Philippines and Sri Lanka continued to be cleared for tourism development
or shrimp farming. Meanwhile, Asia’s coral reefs came under pressure
from destructive fishing practices, bleaching (due to El Nino) and coral
mining.
Dispatches from the Frontline 173
The Greenbelt Reports conceived

Might the tsunami’s environmental lessons be forgotten just as easily? It
was this question—and concern—that inspired us to create the Asian TV
series called The Greenbelt Reports. The tsunami was only a take-off point; we
probed many coastal resource management issues that were exacerbated
by the disaster.
But how do we tell this complex, nuanced story? As visual journalists,
we needed tangible evidence and, most importantly, authentic pictures
to go with it.
We knew the socio-economic realities in developing Asia: it’s not
possible to fence off and guard the remaining coastal greenbelts. Tens of
millions of people, many of them very poor, depend on these ecosystems
for their jobs, incomes and survival. The challenge is to conserve coastal
greenbelts while meeting the economic needs of local people. Is this
feasible? What strategies and approaches have already worked? Where are
the bottlenecks?
We set out to investigate. We talked to a large number of local,
national, regional or global conservation organisations and research
institutes. These included IUCN—the World Conservation Union, MAP,
M. S. Swaminathan Research Foundation, Wetlands International and the
United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).
Some had produced assessments and analyses in the weeks and months
following the tsunami. A few attempted economic valuation of the range
of ‘ecosystem services’ provided by coastal greenbelts. For example, a
report by UNEP–WCMC, International Coral Reef Action Network
(ICRAN) and IUCN quantified benefits from coral reefs and mangroves
in terms of fisheries, timber, fuelwood, tourism and shore protection.
Some of their figures showed that the returns from viable greenbelts far
outweighed the modest investments needed for their protection.3
We also turned to conservation networks like IUCN and MAP to find
out how their member organisations were engaged in finding practical
solutions at the frontline between land and water. Where our contacts
across Asia didn’t stretch far enough, we turned to a well connected friend
named Google.
By the first anniversary of the Asian tsunami, we had researched a whole
pile of stories and a shortlist began to emerge. We decided to confine
our coverage to the four Asian countries that were hardest hit by the
tsunami: India, Indonesia, Sri Lanka and Thailand. We then investigated
which stories physically existed on the ground (some turned out to be
only online!), were accessible (those in conflict zones were not) and were
visually interesting. We started contacting the relevant people to discuss
when we might visit and film them. We also wrote up our findings in
print and online media as we went along.4
Ideally, this kind of journalistic researching should have taken us to the
locations, but we didn’t yet have travel funds. So instead of commuting,
we communicated!5
Parallel to this, we were trying hard to secure external funding to
produce the series. As a non-profit media foundation, we needed such
support to engage in our editorially independent work. By this time, our
experience in another project, Children of Tsunami: Rebuilding the Future, made
us realise that the massive outpouring of tsunami aid was too narrowly
focused on rebuilding houses, roads and livelihoods—not enough was
being invested on sociological or ecological aspects.6
It was in early 2006 that we finally secured some funds—from several
sources (see acknowledgements note)—to go into production.
Return to the ‘scenes of crime’

We filmed The Greenbelt Reports over several months in 2006. By this time,
we had agreed on the output as:
 A series of short films (each exactly 5 minutes long), providing
a quick overview of a case study or example, edited in news and
current affairs style; and
 A half-hour film in documentary style, that drew on the same
material but packaged differently with more reflective narration
and interviews.
For filming these stories, we mobilised four all-Asian production
teams. We commissioned freelance filmmaker Moji Riba to produce the
three India stories—he was both director and cameraman. The stories
in Indonesia (two) and Thailand (three) were directed by Manori
Wijesekera, while the Sri Lanka stories (four) were directed by Pamudi
Withanaarachchi. In each case, they worked with a locally engaged camera
crew, our standard practice to ensure we get as close to the ground reality
as possible. Between them, they covered a dozen locations in the four
countries—all coastal sites battered by the tsunami.
As a rule, we don’t go out to film a story with a ready-made script
in hand. Instead, we research the story in advance, generating a short
outline that summarises the key issues, locations and players involved.
While this guides our teams when on location, it leaves enough room for
us to follow our instincts and ‘news sense’.
While on location:
 We looked at three types of ecosystems—mangroves, sand dunes
and coral reefs—and probed how they protect and sustain lives
and jobs.
 We asked how the local people, in turn, can play a part in saving,
restoring or managing these ecosystems.
 We interviewed a cross-section of officials, scientists, activists
and local community groups in all these places.
The location filming was intensive and challenging. And all being
outdoor, coastal stories, we were completely dependent on fair weather.
The bright, tropical sunshine also posed difficulties: unless the skies are
cloudy, outdoor filming from around 11 am to 4 pm is not possible (film
is over-exposed). Filming near waterfront further shortens this window,
as sunlight reflects off water or sand. We had to plan well and work hard
to get the footage we need, within an average of 4–5 days of location
filming in each place.
All our stories looked at how local communities, organisations or
scientists were working to conserve and/or sustainably use coastal
greenbelts. Our stories were interview-driven, and it was not always easy to
film good interviews. For example, highly knowledgeable and expressive
community members suddenly became camera conscious, turning stiff
and formal in their answers. Scientists found it hard to explain complex
issues in simple, non-technical language.
We had to be tactful and patient to get the best possible interviews.
With scientists, we kept asking what might have seemed like ‘stupid
questions’, or re-filmed some answers. With community members, we
found filming angles that ensured the camera was not prominently in
front, and within minutes, they became relaxed and informal.
We respected the social norms where we filmed. Sometimes this meant
spending more time on location than expected. For example, in Tuntaset
village in Thailand’s Phang Nga province, our plan was to film the
mangrove replanting programme of the local school and then move on to
the village about half an hour’s drive from the site. But when we reached
there, we found a very formal process of garlands and speeches—which
took three hours, ending with lunch. Our Thai cameraman was smart
enough to sit at the edge of the group, and after a few minutes, he slipped
out and filmed the meeting and the nearby mangrove forest.
Sometimes we had to film in tough conditions. In Jaring Halus in

Sumatra, for example, the community lives in wooden houses built on
stilts over the lagoon. Filming their mangroves meant standing in mud,
knee or waist deep, while swarms of hungry mosquitoes hovered around
us. Staying still in such conditions was no easy task!
Luckily, all our camera crews had the right temperament. They were
not obsessed with just shooting a story and rushing off to the next location.
They shared our interest in what experts, activists and local people were
doing—and how these actions were making a difference to the people
and their environment. Keeping our eyes, ears and minds open also led to
unexpected discoveries (see Box 21.1).
Based on what our research and location filming found, we can
cautiously offer some good news: there is hope yet for saving Asia’s remaining
coastal greenbelts. It is a huge challenge, but the knowledge, skill and energy
for rising to that challenge are all available.
Across Asia, dedicated individuals and groups are trying out various
methods to save, strengthen or bring back coastal greenbelts degraded by
years of neglect and exploitation. They are working against many odds,
and most of their efforts are not widely known or externally supported
(see box 21.2).
But their experience shows that it is indeed possible to have the
greenbelts and use them too. This is the core message we have tried to
convey in our TV series.
Box 21.1: Serendipity on location

We had just finished filming a story with Claudio Conti, an
Italian mangrove expert who was studying and regenerating
mangroves on the Phra Thong island in southern Thailand. We
decided to drop in on the Moken community—the nomadic
sea gypsies—with whom we had filmed earlier as part of our
Children of Tsunami project. We wanted to meet one of our
child ‘stars’, Bao, and his grandparents.
â•… Arriving in their village, on the other side of the island, we
found that many villagers had moved out to the mainland
to settle down in new houses built with tsunami aid money.
Only a handful of Moken families stayed behind, anxious to
preserve their culture. Chatting with them, we discovered
that one main reason was to protect their local mangrove
forests, which were recovering from the tsunami.
(Box 21.1 Contd.)

(Box 21.1 Contd.)

â•… Suddenly, we were on to a whole new story that wasn’t
planned or budgeted for. We spent several hours chatting
with Khiab Pansuwan and Jureerat Pechsai (Deun), two
Moken women leading the mangrove restoration without
any funding or experts from outside. Deun had worked as a
volunteer with conservation organisations and learnt about
ecosystems and how to protect mangroves and endangered
species. ‘We don’t want anyone to cut down trees because
the mangrove forest saved many Moken lives (during the
tsunami),’ Khiab said.
â•…The Moken are struggling to prevent mainlanders coming
on to their island to grab the remaining mangroves for short-
term benefit. Reflecting on this, Deun said: ‘It takes many years
for the trees to grow, but it takes only one day to destroy it.’
Their story became The Greenbelt Reports: Love Thy
Mangrove.
—Manori Wijesekera
Box 21.2: Greenbelts as ‘lifebelts’

In filming The Greenbelt Reports, we witnessed how different
Asian communities related to their coastal greenbelts. I
often wished these communities—separated by distance
and culture—could see how others like them co-existed with
their local ecosystems, deriving benefits or solving problems
innovatively.
â•… When filming in the Jaring Halus village in the Indonesian
island of Sumatra, we saw how a small fishing community—in
an isolated location some three hours from the nearest city—
was fighting to save and improve the mangroves vital for their
livelihoods. They had already succeeded in getting the whole
community involved in protecting their local mangrove forest.
On this strength, they negotiated with the authorities for the
right to co-manage 500 hectares of mangroves in a nearby
wildlife sanctuary.
(Box 21.2 Contd.)

(Box 21.2 Contd.)
â•… Some youth leaders engaged in this effort were university

graduates who had returned to do their bit for the community,
probably foregoing opportunities in the city. It was touching
to see their pride in the traditional way of life, and how they
coped with very basic infrastructure and daily uncertainties
of fisher life.
â•… Until I arrived in the village of Paanama in eastern Sri Lanka,
I had not quite realised how much greenbelts could buffer
a coastal community from the sea’s ravages. Some 18
months after the Asian tsunami, I could still see the impacted
mangroves, which bore the brunt of the tsunami waves and,
together with large sand dunes, protected the whole village.
The small, basin-shaped locality—sandwiched between the
Indian Ocean and a lagoon—was one of the most visually
striking examples of the ‘greenbelt effect’ at work. No
wonder the people of Paanama were busy regenerating
their mangroves.
â•…Communities in Indonesia and Sri Lanka use their greenbelts
in different ways. But they all shared an acute awareness that
the greenbelts are inextricably linked to their physical—and
often economic—survival. There can be no better imperative
for conservation.
—Pamudi Withanaarachchi
‘Weaving’ the stories

We edited and post-produced the entire series in Colombo. The three
directors, Moji Riba, Manori Wijesekera and Pamudi Withanaarachchi,
took turns in logging all their camera tapes, and based on what they had
filmed and noted during location filming, they worked on draft scripts.
Nalaka Gunawardene then took over as series writer.
Of the dozen stories we filmed, seven were exclusively on mangroves,
while two covered locations with both mangroves and sand dunes. The
balance comprised a story each on a sand dune, a coral reef and a man-
made greenbelt of non-mangrove trees. In packaging these into 5 minute
films, we looked for distinctive features, or a particularly interesting angle
from which to present each story.7
Where we found strong personalities, we made them the main
‘character’ to take us through the story, for example, the Italian scientist
and Thai sea gypsy women, separately working on mangrove regeneration

on two sides of the same Thai island. In some cases, we opted to ‘lead’
with an articulate local woman over an award-winning conservationist,
or a passionate and expressive school teacher instead of the school’s
principal.
In making moving image productions that we hope would move
people’s minds, our preferred style is to have limited narration. We don’t
make films to communicate information; we see ourselves as journalists
telling factual, compelling stories about the complex real world. In this
endeavour, we want our pictures, sounds and interviews to tell as much of
these stories as possible, with narration providing bare minimum context
and coherence.
We first developed each story visually, stringing together the best
visuals and interview clips. Such a ‘rough cut’ was typically two or three
minutes longer than our desired 5 minutes. We then edited them, writing
minimal narration and tightening up as we went along. Telling a self-
contained story in just 300 seconds is entirely possible, but it’s hard work:
every sequence, sentence, interview and even pause or sound effect serves
a purpose.
Our approach to the longer documentary was different. First, our pro-
duction team identified the essence of all our location filming, interviews
and background information that we had amassed. Then, through a
process of distillation, we derived the most important findings we wanted
to convey within half an hour. We had already filmed a couple of ‘big
picture’ level interviews to be used in this documentary.
Early on in the film, titled The Greenbelt Reports: Armed by Nature,8 we set the
scene as follows:
In this film, we return to many Asian coasts that were battered by the
tsunami.
â•…â•‡ We try to understand how the greenbelt effect works—and more
importantly, how Asia’s remaining greenbelts can be saved. We meet
activists, researchers and local communities—all looking for practical ways
to achieve this amidst poverty and under-development.
â•…â•‡ We ask some hard questions: Two years after the Asian Tsunami, have
we learnt its powerful ecological lessons? And are we better managing the
coastal ecosystems and resources now than before?”
In the whole edit process, we sought to balance conservation interests

with community needs; technical analysis with grassroots insights; and
development communication with plain, good environmental journalism.
Our viewers would be the best judges on how successful our efforts are.
Creating ripples, opening minds

The Greenbelt Reports took almost 18 months to make, from conception to
release. The key lessons we learnt from this process are summarised in
box 21.3.
Challenging and sometimes tedious as it was, all this work represented
only half the job done: we believe that making good films serves little purpose
until and unless they are widely distributed, seen and used by as many
people as possible.
Once our production teams complete a new video film or series, it is
taken over by our Distribution Division, which promotes and distributes
it across political borders, cultures and media platforms for as long as
the content remains valid and relevant. In this case, the series has been
produced with a ‘shelf life’ of at least two to three years. And it’s distributed
without any license fees, allowing free and fair use for broadcast, civil society and educational
purposes.
We launched the series in early December 2006, just in time for TV
broadcasters to schedule it during the last week of the month coinciding
with the second anniversary of the Asian tsunami.9 Although the tsunami
was only our launch pad, we knew the lasting value of having it as a news
peg. The series was quickly picked up by TV channels and networks from
across Asia.
In our print and online promotion for the series, we raised three key
questions:
Two years after the devastating Tsunami, are Asian countries managing
their coastal resources more rationally and scientifically?
â•…â•‡ As the memories of the mega-disaster fade, is there a danger that its
important environmental lessons might soon be forgotten?
â•…â•‡ Why do local communities battle bureaucracies and vested interests to
save, restore or manage Asia’s coral reefs, mangroves and sand dunes?
The series has since been used extensively by conservation organisations,

scientific meetings, environmental activists, school teachers and training
institutions all over the Asia Pacific. We have heard from scientists and
grassroots activists featured in the series how they are using these films
as advocacy, awareness or educational material. Encouragingly, the series
has also generated interest from those in other regions of the world.
After their release, some films, like books, achieve a life and momentum
of their own. This has certainly been the case with The Greenbelt Reports, whose
journalistic content has resonated with so many educators, communicators
Box 21.3: Making The Greenbelt Reports: Our learning

Here, in summary, are the main lessons we learned from
producing and distributing The Greenbelt Reports, first series:
 Often, the inspiration or catalyst for a new environmental
film or series can come from a print or online news report
originating in some far corner of the planet.
 Environmental journalism on video involves the same
rigorous approach as in print or online, but we have to also
think visually—and let pictures tell most of the story.
 It is far more compelling to tell a story using eye witness
accounts or through the words of people who live in our
story’s daily reality.
 Experts and activists are useful sources of information and
some also provide good interviews—but we should not rely
exclusively on them.
 Public interest environmental film-making is meant for
the non-technical public, which requires our stories to be
based on science, but not immersed in it.
 Similarly, while looking at ecological dimensions of a story,
we also need to probe the socio-economic, political and
cultural aspects.
 A film is most effective when it tells an engaging story.
Communicating information or messages is a secondary
objective, and should not get in the way of story telling.
 Any complex story can be broken down into key ideas and
told in simple, everyday language. Those who use jargon
or abstract concepts are too lazy to attempt this.
 It is fine to ask more questions than we end up answering
in a film. Our viewers will, hopefully, go in search of answers
that we don’t readily provide.
 Making a good film is only half a job done. Promoting
and distributing it far and wide is just as important. Never
underestimate the time and effort needed for that!
 If we make a public interest film using public/donor funds,
it is imperative that we don’t impose a crushing copyrights
regime on it. Let our film roam free. Be flattered by
unauthorised copying.
and activists. These individuals—and sometimes their organisations—are

now running with our product, taking it to more people than we could
have done on our own.
For example:
 TV stations and NGOs have versioned (at their cost) all or some
stories into key Asian languages—including Chinese, Japanese,
Khmer, Korean, Nepali, Sinhala, Tamil, Thai and Vietnamese.
 The films have been used to stimulate discussion and debate at
scientific, activist and conservation meetings on topics such as
biodiversity, coastal resource management, community land
rights or sustainable fisheries.
 The 5-minute stories have been linked to, or embedded in,
various online video platforms, blogs and web-based educational
media services.
At the time of writing this chapter, in April 2008, the original series
continues to be in demand. Inspired by the overwhelmingly positive
response it received, we have started working on a second series. This
will take us to more countries, but our scope will remain the same: how
greenbelts are closely linked to the survival of half a billion people who
live on the edge along Asia’s coastlines.
Acknowledgements
The Greenbelt Reports was produced with financial or technical advisory support
from several conservation organisations, development agencies and
media companies. These include the Japan Fund for Global Environment,
TVE Japan and the Green Coast Project, administered by IUCN Sri Lanka
and financed by Oxfam Novib. The Nation Broadcasting Corporation of
Thailand was a co-producing partner for three Thai stories.
The Greenbelt Reports series (12 × 5 mins = 60 mins of viewing) is
available as a compilation on DVD, while the half hour documentary, The
Greenbelt Reports: Armed by Nature, is separately available on another DVD. For
obtaining DVDs or broadcast masters, please contact TVE Asia Pacific’s
Distribution Division on email: <films@tveap.org>
DVDs are also available on TVEAP’s e-shop at: http://www.tveap.org/
shopping/search.php
The five minute films are also viewable online at: http://www.
youtube.com/TVEAPfilms
Notes
1. ‘Mangroves Can Act as a Shield Against Tsunami,’ The Hindu, 27 December 2004, avail-
able at http://www.hinduonnet.com/2004/12/28/stories/2004122805191300.
htm (accessed on 10 April 2008).
2. ‘Solid Wall of Trees vs. Solid Wall of Water,’ by Rexcel John Sorza, Islam Online, 7
February 2005, available at http://www.islamonline.net/english/Science/2005/02/
article03.shtml (accessed on 10 April 2008).
3. ‘In the Front Line: Shoreline Protection and Other Ecosystem Services from Mangroves
and Coral Reefs,’ UNEP–WCMC, ICRAN and IUCN, January 2006, available at http://
sea.unep-wcmc.org/resources/PDFs/In_the_front_line.pdf (accessed on 15 April 2008).
4. ‘A Year after the Tsunami: Have We Learnt the Lessons?’ by Nalaka Gunawardene,
Islam Online, Health, Science and Environment section, 26 December 2005, available
at http://www.islamonline.net/English/Science/2005/12/article14.shtml (accessed
on 10 April 2008).
5. http://movingimages.wordpress.com/2007/08/01/arthur-clarkes-climate-friendly-
advice-dont-commute-communicate/
6. ‘Children of Tsunami: Documenting Asia’s Longest Year,’ by Nalaka Gunawardene and
Manori Wijesekera, Communicating Disasters: An Asia Pacific Resource Book, Chapter 4, (UNDP/
TVEAP), 2007, available at http://www.tveap.org/disastercomm/Chapters%20in%2
0seperate%20PDFs/Chap-4.pdf (accessed on 15 April 2008).
7. Synopses of all 15 films found at: http://www.tveap.org/news/0812greenbelt_
reports.html
8. ‘Armed by Nature: New Documentary Looks at the Tsunami’s Environmental Lessons,’
8 December 2006, available at http://www.tveap.org/news/0812armed.html
(accessed on 18 April 2008).
9. ‘TVE Asia Pacific Releases The Greenbelt Reports,’ 8 December 2006, available at http://
www.tveap.org/news/0812greenbelt.html (accessed on 18 April 2008).
22
Floods: Blacked Out but Real
Sunita Narain
(15 October 2007)
I read newspapers and I watch the news unfold on scores of television

channels. But in spite of these sources that keep me informed about
current affairs, I would not know that floods are still ravaging vast parts
of India. I would not know that over 2,800 people have died in these
disasters, which have been termed as the worst ever in living memory. I
would not know what is happening in the villages that drowned under
the fury of nature or how millions are coping with the water that has
swept away crops, livestock, worldly belongings, homes, roads, schools
and what not. I would not even know how life continues after the fury,
when deadly diseases come in the wake of the flooding.
In retrospect, I would think that I have seen in the Indian media more
images of the recent floods in the UK than in Jammu and Kashmir, in Uttar
Pradesh, in Bihar, in Assam, in Orissa, in Andhra Pradesh, in Karnataka
and in Gujarat.
There are two responses to this observation.
One (cynical) answer is that middle-class India, for whom the
media now delivers news (or infotainment), is simply not interested in
events that affect poor India. In addition, the advertising revenue of the
competitive and consolidated business of the media kicks in when it caters
to the purchasing segments of society, not its market-unconnected parts.
Floods in non-metropolitan cities don’t make the grade, as far as news is
concerned.
The other, equally plausible reason could be that floods in India
are after all not news. While floods in the UK are unusual; they are
increasingly understood to be part of the changing climate system and so
they make it to the headlines. But floods in India are annual events. The
cycle of devastation is not worth reporting—droughts followed by floods
Floods 185
in one region or another, and then water-related diseases, from malaria to

cholera. There is no news to tell.
But whatever explanation you choose to believe, we cannot switch off
reality. The story of floods is partly usual but also mainly unusual. There
is much we know but still do not heed so that devastation is less painful.
But equally, there is much that we do not know because of which the pain
is much more frightful.
We know that the areas classified as flood-prone—defined as area
affected by overflowing rivers (not areas submerged because of heavy
rains)—has progressively increased over the past decades. It was 25
million hectares (mha) in 1960, which went up to 40 mha in 1978 and by
the mid-1980s an estimated 58 mha was flood affected. But importantly,
over these years the area under floods increased each year even though
average rainfall levels did not increase. In other words, we were doing
something wrong in the way we manage the spate of water so that rivers
would overflow each season.
The answer is not difficult to find. In flood-prone areas—from the
flood plains of the mighty Himalayan rivers to many other smaller
watersheds—the overflow of the river brought fertile silt and recharged
groundwater so the next crop was bountiful.
But over the years, we learnt not to live with floods. We built over
the wetlands, we filled up the streams that dispersed and then carried
the water of the rivers and we built habitations in lowlands which were
bound to be inundated. We cut down our forests, which would to some
extent have mitigated the intensity of the flood by impeding the flow of
water. All in all, we have become more vulnerable to annual floods.
The current floods are all that, and much more. In recent years, the
flood fury has intensified because of the changing intensity of rainfall.
The deluge comes more frequently because of the sheer fury of incessant
rain, which has nowhere to go. Just last week torrential rain in the villages
of Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka killed over 60 people. We know that
climate change models had predicted extreme rain events. Is there a
connection here?
Then there is the issue of the release of water from reservoirs into
lands, which are already deluged by rain. It is this combo effect that seems
to be playing a big role in the floods we see today. There is some evidence
that reservoirs—dams upstream of drowned lands—were already full of
water at the beginning of the monsoon period. There is no hard evidence,
as yet, to link this high reservoir level with increased flow from melting
glaciers. But there is a possibility.
186 Sunita Narain
We know that dam authorities maintain high reservoir levels because

of the uncertainty of rains. We also know that when there are intense
bursts of rain and levels of water rise to an extent that could endanger
the dam, the gates are opened and the water rushes out. If this flow of
water is combined with even more rain in the region, then a deluge
becomes inevitable. We know that variability in our rainfall is increasing
at the sub-regional level. What then will this mean for the management
of our reservoirs in the future? The question is do we understand the
phenomenon of floods?
We don’t. We have no mechanism to be informed of the changing
intensity of rainfall; of the increased inflow into our reservoirs and of
the water released by dam authorities. The fact is that today’s floods are a
double tragedy: of mismanagement of our land and water combined with
mismanagement of science and data.
This mismanagement is criminal. Let’s at least know that.
23
Turbulence: How Volunteers
Cyber-Responded to a Tsunami
Peter Griffin
On 26 December 2004, Southeast Asia was hit by a double tragedy: a huge

earthquake off the Indonesian coast, followed by a tsunami that wreaked
havoc on the coastlines of countries around the Indian Ocean. The death
and destruction that those waters brought defied description. The world
was shocked. And then came the second wave: a huge outpouring of
concern, sympathy, desire to help, and a need for information. With a
disparate bunch of people from all over the world, most of whom I never
knew before that day, most of whom I will probably never meet but who
I now count as friends, I was part of an online initiative that started out as
TsunamiHelp, and became the South-East Asia Earthquake and Tsunami
Blog, known also as the SEA-EAT blog.1
It took up large chunks of my waking hours until the end of January,
and in many ways, big and small, changed my life. This isn’t a definitive
account. It is a very personal view—half a narration of the events as I
remember them, half an attempt to understand it better myself.
I had been blogging since late 2003, and in mid-2004, I began to
develop a fascination with collaborative blogs. Caferati, a collablog2 I
set up for an online writers forum I co-moderate, had done reasonably
well for itself. I was also one of Rohit Gupta’s early invitees to the (now
defunct) media watch blog, DesiMediaBitch (DMB). In mid-December, I
had been helping Rohit and the other members invite guest bloggers from
among India’s neighbours to take part in this great idea that he came up
with, to take DMB beyond the desi (local/indigenous): a week, starting
26 December, of exclusive bitching from across our borders, after which
our guest bloggers would become permanent members.
188 Peter Griffin
DMB morphed into Dogs Without Borders, which became Chien(ne)

s Sans Frontières or just CSF, a tongue-in-cheek homage to Médicins Sans
Frontières. And then the tsunami hit. As the news began coming in, I
shuttled between TV in the living room and the computer on my desk; the
extent of the disaster started to dawn on me. Part of me desperately wanted
to do something, anything, to help. I considered heading south, but for
a variety of reasons, partly financial, but mostly selfish and personal, that
wasn’t an option. At some point I realised that vast quantities of help
would be needed, and that there really wasn’t anything like a single
repository for aid information that I knew of. Perhaps the best thing I
could do would be to collate that information and put it all together in
one place. It didn’t occur to me to try this on my own. I didn’t have the
kind of reach or readership to have any useful impact, for one. And it was
just too big a task for one person, anyway.
First Steps
Rohit Gupta (who, by the way, I had not met in person at that time) and
I exchanged a flurry of SMSs and phone calls. He promptly agreed to join
in. I quickly set up a blog on blogger.com, a popular free web publishing
service. I chose Blogger without really thinking about it too much. It was
the only blog provider I knew of that permitted multiple contributors;
and it was, thanks to Caferati and DMB, an interface I was comfortable
with.
Besides, it was pretty simple to use, and since it was popular, chances
were that most of the people we contacted would know how to use it. I
put up a placeholder post stating our broad intentions—later deleted—
and we began hunting up information, while simultaneously carpet-
bombing our address books to invite bloggers we knew to join in. Dina
Mehta, an influential blogger (and another person I only knew online),
was one of the first to jump into the effort. Dina and Rohit both wrote for
World Changing (WC),3 a highly-regarded group blog. They both wrote
about TsunamiHelp, as we called it then, on WC. One of WCs leading
members in turn tipped off Boing Boing,4 who linked to us. Around the
same time, I had mailed Prem Panicker, Managing Editor at Rediff in the
US (yet another online-only friend). Almost immediately, all Rediff’s
coverage5 began to feature a link to our blog. Out of habit, I had plugged
a Sitemeter6 counter in to the blog.
Turbulence 189
Multiplying viewership
Suddenly, I noticed that the viewership had started multiplying: from
the few hundred initial visitors that probably resulted from our mass
mailings, to thousands every hour. Somewhere around then, we realised
we were in the middle of something far bigger then we had imagined.
The next day, the New York Times and the Guardian in the UK had written
about us, and put our URL in their articles. Shortly after, the BBC linked
to us as well, listing us as a reliable resource. These and many other
news organisations across the world cited us as an authoritative source
for information.7 The search giant Google put a tsunami aid link on
their home page (unprecedented for them), and linked to us from their
dedicated Tsunami page.8
Later, through the efforts of one of our members who had friends
working in Google (the owner of Blogger) we were guaranteed unlimited
bandwidth, ensuring that the site wouldn’t go down. And of course,
bloggers and webmasters linked to us by the thousands too.
Traffic, as a result, was overwhelming: over a million visitors in the first
eight days. Sitemeter, the provider of the free tracker I had installed, had
to shut down our counter several times because the load was hampering
their service to their paid clients. Our mailboxes were bombarded with
offers to help—not just from people wanting to blog with us, but people
asking how they could help directly.
There was much discussion in the group about what exactly we
were trying to do, at times (as can happen even in the best-intentioned
groups) at the cost of constructive action. To some of us it was clear that
news organisations had the resources to provide much better hard news
coverage than we could hope to. Wikinews, in its first real test as a news
source, was doing a sterling job of newsgathering via collaboration9 too.
What was missing was a single place to find information about the
NGOs and aid organisations working on the ground. The press was
already referring to us as the leading clearinghouse for information on
the victims of the disaster. All this helped us hastily, but formally, define
our task: collate news and information about resources, aid, donations
and volunteer efforts. We set some ground rules: no politics, no opinions,
steer away from controversy, just find out about and link to aid efforts.
Around then, because some of us felt that TsunamiHelp as a name
didn’t encompass the earthquake which was the cause of the tsunami,
we also formally changed the name of the blog to the South-East Asia
Earthquake and Tsunami blog.
190 Peter Griffin
Adapt, improvise, innovate

The group self-organised very smoothly, with very little centralised
control. E-mail addresses and phone numbers were exchanged via group
mails and instant messengers. The Google Groups10 mailing list I had
attempted to start as a coordination mechanism was in limbo—I had
invited too many people in a short period, so it went into automatic review
for spam. Someone else started a Yahoo!Groups list,11 which became the
mainchannel for communication.
Thanks to the furious pace at which this very enthusiastic group was
working, the blog had already become huge. Searching within all those
posts was tedious for us, its creators; it would be much more difficult for
a first-time visitor anxiously looking for something specific. Part of this
was due to the limitations of the template we were using. We realised
that while Blogger made collaboration by multiple contributors easy, it
had serious limitations as well: no native way to classify or tag individual
posts till date; and, at that time, no comment moderation or ways to avoid
comment spam.12
Splitting the blogs, and a wiki

We worked around this by splitting the blog into sub-blogs with different
focus areas. Teams took charge of each one, and began copying content
from the main blog into Tsunami Enquiries/Helplines/Emergency
Services, Tsunami Missing Persons, Tsunami News Updates, Tsunami
Help Needed and Tsunami Help Offered. Meawhile, a design pro in the
team took charge, corrected my initial ham-handed efforts to tweak the
design, and created a template that wasn’t just much easier on the eye, but
also organised the information far more efficiently.13
Someone suggested that a wiki would be an even better idea, and
perhaps what we should have done in the first place. But since so many
organisations and individuals were already directing traffic to the blog
URL, moving home would mean unnecessary extra clicks for visitors.
Besides, not everyone in this blogger-heavy group was wiki-savvy. So,
instead of replacing the blog with a wiki, we decided to make it a parallel
effort. Initially, we created a wiki as part of Wikinews, but ran into
disagreements with the administrators there.14
To cut out the squabbles, Dina paid to register a domain name,
tsunamihelp.info, Rudi Cilibrasi donated server space, and a team of
wiki-adepts began work, copying, categorising and pasting content from
Turbulence 191
the blog. Another team worked on creating a database of volunteers and

volunteer efforts, based on all the requests and offers of help, a project
which evolved into AsiaQuake.
Rather than everyone trying to do everything at the same time, the
teams evolved sets of duties. Janitors checked posts and cleaned up typos,
made sure links worked, that the correct info was going into the correct
places, that things that were not vetted or controversial weren’t going
online. Monitors checked the various dedicated e-mail addresses we had
set up and information that readers were leaving in the comments to our
posts. Linkers made sure the data in the sidebar stayed current, after some
erroneous and outdated coverage was discovered. Aside from e-mail, we
also used Yahoo! Messenger for instant communication, both one-on-one
and using its conference facility15 to hold meetings.
When inaccurate information about the effort began appearing in
the media, a few of us who had experience in the field worked out a
system for answering questions from the press. Those of us with the
necessary contacts networked with NGOs to get information from the
ground. Blogger’s native search wasn’t delivering well enough, so Pim
Techamuanvivit paid for a professional search tool that we plugged in.
Someone came up with the idea of using Flickr16 and its tags to help
the Missing Persons effort, and quickly set up a Flickr pool. A working-
group page with presence indicators that keep track of things like who
was doing what, and what needed to be done, was set up on space given
to us by SocialText.17
A translations group took charge of creating versions in other languages.
Work on a database began alongside.
Pulling Together (and Sometimes, Apart)

To this day, I haven’t been able to figure out precisely how many people
chipped in to help. Sure, you could tot up the numbers: the contributors
listed on the blogs side panel; the IDs and IP numbers on the wiki; the
subscribers to the newsgroup.
You’d wind up with a number over 200 ... but thats just part of the
story. They came from everywhere, Asia, Europe, North America, South
America, Australia (I don’t recall too much African traffic, strangely
enough) connected only by the web. They included veteran bloggers,
geeks, poets, lawyers, executives, academics, teenage students, foodies,
lit-lovers, database wonks, wiki fans, cooks, stay-at-home moms,
designers, artists. They mailed in information, they blogged, they linked,
192 Peter Griffin
they commented, they wikied, they copied, pasted and sorted data, they
put their lives on hold and put out their hands to do what they could.
Miraculously, each time we needed something done, someone stepped
up with the knowledge and expertise, and just did it. Solutions were
improvised—like the sub-blogs and the Flickr page—and somehow, it
all worked.
Over multiple chat windows, we kept each other motivated,
encouraging—nay, ordering—one another to get some sleep, some food,
some relaxation, while ignoring similar exhortations directed at ourselves.
But it wasn’t all good vibrations. With the frenetic levels of activity and
stress, there was bound to be some friction. There were frayed tempers,
misunderstandings, and a couple of blow-ups. A potentially interesting
offshoot, ARC (Alert Retrieval Cache),18 which posted SMS text messages
to a web page, unfortunately sustained collateral damage in one of the
two major interpersonal conflagrations that hit the group.
The other flare-up happened because the group was being harried by
one person’s needless barrage of e-mail. Instant decisions had to be taken,
and were, with some unpleasantness that still hasn’t quite gone away.
In a more amicable parting of ways, a few bloggers separated to run a
blog that followed the same model but also included political comment
and opinion.19
Drawing the line

Overall, it was difficult to know where to draw the line between gently
reining in over-enthusiasm and curbing efforts by some members to
promote their own agendas. I’ll wager we erred on the wrong side of that
line as often as not. And resentments, yes.
In the midst of a related initiative, long after January, Dina and I
discovered that some people thought we were hogging media attention
to further our own consultancies. For the record, Dina is a researcher and
ethnographer, I’m essentially a writer for hire. Neither of us consult on
blogs, and most of the people we consult for still haven’t a clue what a
blog is.
What’s important, however, is that these resentments didn’t surface
at that point. Work continued uninterrupted, quality kept getting better.
What kept us going was the knowledge that in some small way, we were
helping. Many of us were spending all our waking hours online, and
getting very little sleep when we did take a break. The baton was passed
from hand to hand across countries, continents and time zones.
Turbulence 193
No single person was indispensable—willing hands took up the slack

whenever someone had to leave. I remember blogging until my taxi arrived
at the door, packing my laptop, bandaging a bleeding thumb en route (I
had sliced it on a razor while I was cramming things into a haversack) and
getting to my Delhi train just in time. By the time I next logged on 18
hours later, in the home of my friends Devangshu and Nilanjana, so many
developments had taken place that I never really caught up or caught on.
One just assumed that things had been taken care of. In the inbox of
the e-mail address I used for the group, some 300 unread messages from
the mailing list still stare accusingly at me. And that is after clearing out
roughly 400 in several instalments.
Food? Ignored. Sleep was a dispensable luxury. People turned party
invitations down without a qualm (it didn’t seem right for me, I know, to
celebrate the New Year; I’m sure others felt the same). People apologised
profusely for the time it took to move from a work PC to a home PC.
Work itself was neglected: for those of us who worked on our own, as
freelancers and entrepreneurs, it meant non-working (that is, unpaid)
time.
For the ones holding down jobs, it meant juggling everyday tasks with
the SEA-EAT effort. I remember InstantMessaging our designer about the
blog not showing up properly on one browser. ‘Give me a minute,’ she
said, ‘I just have to tell someone to go away.’ An hour of painstaking
tweaking (on her part) and wailing (on mine) later, we had sorted it out.
‘Who was that you shooed away?’ I asked her. ‘My boss,’ she typed back,
adding a smiley.
Another member excused himself briefly as midnight came around on
31 December. He was back in a very short while. He had just popped up
to raise a toast to the New Year with the folks in his apartment, and was
back at his computer in minutes. One member quietly and calmly took
over the tech coordination when others burned out. Another spent huge
amounts of time online though she had to make crucial preparations for
an upcoming wedding—her own!
Another didn’t sleep for several days, fuelled only by rice, coffee and
adrenaline. I can’t speak for the offline support other people got. I know
I got plenty. DD and Nilanjana kept thrusting plates of food and mugs of
coffee into my hand, letting me hog their broadband connection while
they shared the other PC and the dial-up. Quiet, calming encouragement
from them and from Annie. Their toleration of my whining and angst
when things were getting tense. Nilanjana telling me about explaining
the blog to her grandmother in Calcutta: the lady looked at the screen in
194 Peter Griffin
silence for a few minutes, then got on the phone to all her friends, telling
them, ‘We can’t let these youngsters do everything!’
Those elderly ladies then organised collection drives, doing the grande
dame thing with haplesss club managers and the like to get donations.
Nilanjana and DD again, calling up their friends in the Indian media—
with a few honourable exceptions, most had no clue that this thing was
going on in their backyard, so to speak—to clue them in, then helping me
condense this new, rather exotic concept into media-friendly morsels.
Friends sent supportive SMSs, mailed in links. These things stayed with
me.
The Chien(ne)s Sans Frontières Effort

Side by side, another enormous effort was taking place. Some of the
bloggers of CSF, the blogs-across-borders week forgotten, were blogging,
mailing and SMSing from the frontline. Dilip Dsouza was mailing in
practical advice from Tamil Nadu: ‘Don’t send clothes, they are lying in
piles on the roadsides.’
What no human should have had to witness

Four young men in Sri Lanka, three in their teens, one barely out of them,
were witnessing what no human being should have to—devastation,
morgues, identifying corpses, burials in graves they helped dig. They
spoke passionately of aid not getting to where it was needed, of corruption
and inefficiency. One of them, Morquendi (an online handle, since I
haven’t been able to get his permission to use his real name) and I chatted
online for hours one night, the matter-of-fact text of his IMs detailing the
political games that were being played, the risks he and his young friends
were taking, the things they were seeing. He was worried about them.
‘They are so young,’ he said.
How old are you, Morq, I typed. ‘23,’ he wrote back. I brushed away
tears several times that night, not for the first time in those weeks.
Hindsight
Did we do any good? Did we meet our own expectations? Frankly,
we didn’t have a formal agenda when we started. We just did the best
we could, as we saw it then. Some people donate money. Others send
Turbulence 195
clothing, food, medicines. Some go to the affected areas and volunteer.

We had web expertise, we knew how to look for information, how to
make it user-friendly, we had networks. That’s what we could give, and
we did. My friend Nilanjana Roy put it into words for me.
She said. ‘It was your way of putting a candle in your window to show
that you cared.’ Did we change the world? Did we make a significant
difference? In small ways, I do believe we did. Looking back, we know
we were able to help.
From the e-mails, the traffic counter, from the links to us from global
news organisations and blogs, we infer that we were able to provide
valuable information at a time when it counted. Together, we created a
little bit of Net history, created a model for online collaboration that did
the job. A model that we, or others, can refine (and have done so) and
make more effective.
Going on from there…

Some of the TsunamiHelp team continued to stay in touch, to build
friendships on the strength of that month of working together. We
debated the creation of a formal organisation, of documenting processes,
but for most of us, we had neglected the rest of our lives for too long, and
the process of catching up meant that these thoughts fizzled out.
I had begun to think that SEA-EAT was a one-off, but I was relieved
to see that when there were a couple of subsequent earthquake scares in
the region, many of the team, alerted by the newsgroup, immediately got
back in touch and began updating the blog and wiki.
Then, on 26 July 2005, north Bombay was hit by 944 mm of rain
in one day; what the weather people called a ‘cloudburst’. Much of the
suburbs stayed flooded for days. People were stranded in offices or on the
roads. Residents of ground-floor flats found themselves with almost all
their possessions unsalvageable. Many lived through days of waterlogging,
no electricity, no phones, but plenty of anxiety. In the aftermath, a group
of city bloggers, with a bunch of friends from other parts of the world,
began to put together two blogs.
Mumbai Help focused on creating a resource that would be useful not
just in the immediate situation but for future reference as well. Cloudburst
Mumbai was more specific, concentrating on information about the
flooding, news reports, aid efforts and the like. Both blogs got respectable
readership, though nothing close to the SEA-EAT figures.
196 Peter Griffin
Out of these efforts, some of us, plus a few other like-minded folk,
started up an initiative called ThinkMumbai, to look at some of the city’s
deep-rooted problems, and to provide some aids for future difficult times.
That effort went into a long hiatus, but a few of us are in the process of
reviving it this year.
In late August, Hurricane Katrina smashed its way through New
Orleans. Several days before that, as it became clear that Katrina was very
likely to hit the coast, some members of the SEA-EAT team had swung
into action. There was a blog, but it was incidental. Based on the SEA-EAT
experience, the team made the wiki the focus of their efforts. And that wiki
logged a million visitors in two days. Of course that’s largely due to the
fact that Internet penetration in the US is of a completely different order
of magnitude, and this disaster was happening in their own backyard. The
team used the database methods earlier put to use to match volunteers and
NGOs to assist in projects, such as a People Finder and a Shelter Finder.
They also came up with fresh ideas, such as creating and using a local
Skype20 number as a call centre, manned by shifts of volunteers in three
continents.
In October, an earthquake near the India–Pakistan border in Kashmir
resulted in major losses of life and property. Again, many members of
the SEA-EAT and CSF teams, plus others from the MumbaiHelp effort,
got together to try and help out. With the remoteness of the area, and the
consequent paucity of information, the team went back to a blog as the
centre of the effort. An attempt to create a system where SMSs could be
sent direct to a blog didn’t work out.
In December 2005, Bala Pitchandi and Angelo Embuldeniya came up
with the idea of a memorial week that would try and bring the world’s
attention back to the victims and survivors of the year’s disasters, a
campaign that got a lot of support across the web.
Around the same time, the group decided that starting a new blog or
wiki each time something bad happened wasn’t the best way to approach
this. That meant establishing credibility and search engine rankings each
time. We decided to bring it all under one umbrella, and we now call
ourselves the World Wide Help (WWH) group. The methods we follow
are to post alerts and warnings to the WWH blog (and by now, with
our links to NGOs, world bodies and relief agencies, we’re able to keep
tabs on potential crises pretty efficiently); and if a situation looks like
becoming a major disaster, we then look at creating a focused resource.
We used the WWH blog during the floods in Suriname in May 2006,
Turbulence 197
with a combination of news reports, translation efforts, on-the-ground

reporting, and information from relief organisations.
This July, around the time I was revising my draft of this chapter,
seven bombs planted by terrorists went off in Mumbai local trains during
the evening rush hour, killing 181 commuters and injuring another 890.
The city was in chaos; suburban trains on the Western Railway line were
obviously not running. But road traffic was jammed too, at a standstill.
Phone lines were jammed—as rumours and panic spread, everybody
seemed to be trying to call everyone else at the same time. Networks
couldn’t take that load, naturally, so huge numbers of people got no
information whatsoever, which only fuelled the confusion. Family and
friends in other parts of the world frantically trying to make sure their
loved ones were safe only added to it. Some of us turned to the web for
answers, and MumbaiHelp came back to life, with a flurry of e-mails,
first-person reports on road conditions, hospital numbers, and more.
And, just in case I had begun to think I was becoming a bit of a guru
on this online relief thing, my collaborators taught me something new.
One post, titled ‘How Can We Help You?’ got a few hundred comments
that night. It became a de facto forum, with people leaving names and
phone numbers of their relatives, and others popping up to make calls,
send SMSs and confirm that yes, your brother, your friend, your aunt,
was indeed safe.
And so we’re the best thing that happened to

the web, right?
I have heard talk about how SEA-EAT and subsequent efforts have outdone
big media. I don’t believe a word of that. It is a fact that we did get a lot
of attention, and that, ironically, was thanks to media coverage of some
of the things we did. Did we supplant big media, do their jobs? Heavens,
no! Our biggest successes in terms of traffic were SEA-EAT, which got a
million viewers in about eight days, and the Katrina wiki, which got that
much in a day.
For the big media sites, those figures are peanuts. None of them is
trembling in fear of bloggers yet, I’ll wager. Citizen journalism, even the
segment that WWH specialises in, online relief aid, only supplements the
efforts of the media, of formal relief agencies, of government bodies. But
here is the thing. There was a week on the cusp of 2004–05 when one
million people didn’t find what they wanted anywhere else. When Katrina
198 Peter Griffin
hit, a million others couldn’t find the information they needed elsewhere
that day. When the bombs went off in the Mumbai local trains, 40,000–
50,000 people didn’t find what they were looking for in the media. We
were able to reach out a hand to them, in our small way. We lit our
candle, and showed we cared.
Author’s Note: I earn my living as a writer and communicator, and I can get pretty
evangelistic about blogs, but for the longest time, I was unable to write about SEA-EAT.
I talked about it a lot to friends, answered e-mails from researchers and students, was even
interviewed about it several times. But I was never able to write about it. I really don’t know
why. Until a friend/fellow blogger and journalist/contributor to SEA-EAT, Jai Arjun Singh,
who was writing an article for a national newsmagazine, mailed me a few queries as part of
his research. As I sat down to reply to him, suddenly the words broke free. I spent the next few
hours hammering away at the keyboard, referring back frequently to archived e-mails I had
written to journalists who had asked questions.
Acknowledgement
Nilanjana S. Roy kept pushing me to write this text, despite my natural
laziness. Jai Arjun Singh provided the trigger I needed, with his incisive
questions. I referred to posts by Dina Mehta and Bala Pitchandi to check on
my recollection of the sequence of events. Dina and Bala, Megha Murthy,
Neha Vishwanathan, Nilanjana S. Roy and Devangshu Datta critiqued this
account for me at various times and gave me their opinions, invaluable in
fine-tuning it from the first disjointed scribbles. Shuddhabrata Sengupta
gave me the extra impetus to actually complete this by giving me the
opportunity to write for a recent Sarai Reader. And every member of all the
collaborations I have been part of helped me understand the process a
little better, while we helped each other refine, modify and make more
useful, often on the fly, a very raw, untried concept.
(This chapter first appeared in the Sarai Reader, and is reproduced with permission.)
NOTES
1. SEA-EAT: http://tsunamihelp.blogspot.com (blog) and http://www.tsunamihelp.
info (wiki).
2. A portmanteau neologism I coined for collaborative weblog.
3. See http://www.worldchanging.com/
Turbulence 199
4. See http://www.boingboing.net/. Started in 1988 as the worlds greatest neurozine

and focused on cyberpunk subculture, developed into a website in 1995, then to an
award-winning weblog in 2000.
5. For Rediff’s dedicated tsunami section, see http://www.rediff.com/news/tsunami.
htm
6. See http://www.sitemeter.com. Sitemeter is a counter that many bloggers and
webmasters use to track traffic.
7. For press descriptions of the TsunamiHelp effort, see http://www.tsunamihelp.info/
wiki/index.php/In_the_media
8. Google’s Tsunami relief page: http://www.google.com/tsunami_relief.html
9. Wikinews page on the earthquake and tsunami: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2004_
Indian_Ocean_earthquake
10. http://groups.google.com/group/TsunamiHelp
11. http://groups.yahoo.com/group/seaeatvolunteers/
12. Comment spam includes machine-generated spam crammed with links to commercial
sites. Many popular blogs are plagued by this.
13. For the depth and detail of just one aspect of Megha Murthy’s redesign of SEA-EAT, see
http://www.meghalomania.com/expand-collapse-script-for-blogger-blogs/
14. For details, see http://balaspot.blogspot.com/2005/12/how-my-life-changed.html
15. Yahoo!Messenger lets multiple users text-chat simultaneously. We used this like a
conference room, staying logged in, but also chatting one-on-one in private windows.
http://messenger.yahoo.com/
16. Flickr is a photo-hosting site (then comparatively new) that permitted tagging of
pictures, group pools and a degree of social networking. http://www.flickr.com/
17. For the workgroup page, see http://www.socialtext.net/tsunamihelp/index.cgi?who_
s_doing_what
18. ARCs current status can be checked at http://www.socialtext.net/tsunamihelp/index.
cgi?arc
19. Progressive Tsunami Help: http://progressivetsunamihelp.blogspot.com/
20. Skype is a Voice Over Internet Protocol provider. The service lets you make calls not
just from Skype user to Skype user, but also to and from landlines. http://www.skype.
com
WorldWideHelp Group Links

SEA-EAT / TsunamiHelp main blog: http://tsunamihelp.blogspot.com
Sub-blogs:
http://tsunamienquiry.blogspot.com/
http://tsunamimissing.blogspot.com/
http://tsunamiupdates.blogspot.com/
http://tsunamihelpwanted.blogspot.com/
http://tsunamihelpoffered.blogspot.com/
http://www.tsunamihelp.info (wiki) Cloudburst Mumbai:
http://cloudburstmumbai.blogspot.com Mumbai Help:
http://mumbaihelp.blogspot.com (blog); http://mumbaihelp.jot.com
(wiki) Katrina Help: http://katrinahelp.blogspot.com;
200 Peter Griffin
http://katrinahelp.info Rita Help: http://ritahelp.blogspot.com;

http://ritahelp.info Quake Help: http://quakehelp.blogspot.com
(blog); http://smsquake.blogspot.com/ (SMS-to-blog failed
experiment); http://quakehelp.asiaquake.org/ (wiki) Avian Flu
Help (H5N1): http://avianfluhelp.blogspot.com/ WorldWideHelp:
http://worldwidehelp.blogspot.com; http://www.worldwidehelp.info/
Further Reading
‘Tsunami Crisis: An Analytical World View.’ See Inteliseek’s Blogpulse: http://tsunami.
blogpulse.com/
‘Open Source Disaster Recovery: Case Studies of Networked Collaboration.’ Study by Calvert
Jones and Sarai Mitnick of the School of Information, University of California, Berkeley.
In First Monday, http://www.firstmonday.org/issues/issue11_5/jones/index.html
‘Tsunami Blog among 10 Most Popular Humanitarian Sites.’ See Hitwise, http://www.
hitwise.com/press-center/hitwiseHS2004/tsunami_010105.html
‘Social Tools: Ripples to Waves of the Future.’ See Dina Mehta’s blog, Conversations with
Dina, http://radio.weblogs.com/0121664/2005/05/29.html#a630
‘How My Life Changed.’ See Bala Pitchandis blog, Balas Ramblings 2.1: http://balaspot.
blogspot.com/2005/12/how-my-life-changed.html
For commentary on blogs and the media, see ‘We, the Media,’ script of a speech by Ashok
Malik at the Asian School of Journalism, Chennai. http://wethemedia.blogspot.
com/2005/11/ashok-malik-on-blogs-and-media.html
History of Blogic. Articles by Jai Arjun Singh, Amit Varma and T. R. Vivek in Outlook,
Volume XLVI, Issue 1, 9 January 2006, p. 60. For online text (subscription required),
see http://www.outlookindia.com/full.asp?fodname=20060109&fname=H4Blogge
rs+%28F%29&sid=1)
‘The Coming of Age of Citizen Media.’ See Jane Perrone, in the Guardian news blog. See
http://blogs.guardian.co.uk/news/archives/2005/12/26/the_coming_of_age_of_
citizen_media.html
Section Six
Photojournalism
24
Stop All the Clocks! Beyond Text,
Looking at the Pics
Max Martin
A disaster, or a conflict, can spell an abrupt halt to everything we know

and live with. The sea turns into a demon, the earth devours villages,
neighbours turn into killers. A photographer freezes these dramatic
moments and showcases them to the world. These images generate shock,
information, compassion, awareness, policy changes, mass action (as in
the US during the Vietnam war) and even entertainment, in a perverted
sense. It takes a while to get the clock ticking again. If the cameras stay
back, as it only rarely happens, then they can record the budding of life
once again, moment by precious moment. This article tries to explore the
challenges of disaster-linked still photography from a media professional’s
perspective. It argues that disaster photography needs to break away from
the constraints of time and space.
There is work to be done—both before the clock stops, and after it
restarts. By the very nature of disaster, it is the sheer drama and scale of
the event that attract media photographers. They look for shots that sum
up ‘the drama, spirit and courage in the face of a disasters’, as Thomas E.
Franklin said about his famous still of the flag raising at Ground Zero on
9/11.1 That was a ‘decisive moment’ as the legendary French photographer
Henri Cartier Bresson would have called. It is all about being at the right
place at the right time, when history happens. This is the essence of good
field reporting using any medium—text, sound or visuals. A discerning
photographer can combine this classic time and space formula with his or
her heart, head and hand to produce lasting memories.
Unforgettable images—from home

Closer home, the tsunami produced a set of unforgettable images. Perhaps
the most telling one about the sorrow of this tragedy was a picture taken
204 Max Martin
by the Reuters photographer Arko Datta, showing a woman lying on

sandy ground, mourning a dead relative. It became the World Press Photo
of the year 2005. One of the jury members called it ‘graphic, historical
and starkly emotional’.2 In fact, this photograph’s power lies in its
understatement, the respect shown to the subject in keeping the bloated
body beyond the frame, showing only the hand. At the same time we
also saw a flood of images, rather less respectful—mountains of bodies,
bulldozers burying them en masse, bawling relatives.
The boundary between reporting and disaster pornography often
became very thin and contested. How much human suffering can
actually be shown visually in the media depends on where the disaster or
humanitarian tragedy occurs.
An unwritten rule of thumb seems to be that the poorer a region is,
the more graphic the international media’s disaster coverage would be.
Few dead bodies were shown in the visual media coverage after the 9/11
attacks in the United States. But the emaciated, naked bodies are staple
for reporting on African famines while piles of dead bodies are routinely
and explicitly shown in the aftermath of earthquakes or floods in other
parts of the developing world. The presence of cameras at the wrong spot
aimed at a wrong angle is bad enough, but worse is their absence when
people need it the most: after the last aid van has departed. The cameras
vanished from the scene once the drama was over for the tsunami. The
media interest waned and the assignment charts got filled with election
campaigns, corporate results, celebrity lifestyles, wildlife and other
assorted beauty pageants. And we had our fair share of disasters in the
subcontinent. When the tsunami-affected people were rebuilding their
lives, living in hot, humid, temporary shelters in all the affected countries,
press cameras were often not there to tell the story to the world. If the
international media played its role as the witness, thousands would not
have suffered in shelters dubbed as shoeboxes, saunas and ovens across
southern Asia.
Fires and floods would not have displaced many of these people again
and again. In the suburbs of the south Indian city of Chennai, racketeers
thriving on an organ trade would not have approached them with disgusting
offers. Still, people showed their resilience and survived with dignity. They
resold boats that did not fit their fishing patterns—sometimes to the aid
agencies themselves. They also exchanged extra blankets for saris. They
further insisted that selective, piecemeal, discriminatory charity would
not work. Cameras were just not there to capture small acts of courage in
the face of a disaster that seemed to have no end.
Stop All the Clocks! 205
Across the region, the newfound peace in conflict-striken northern

Sumatra tip of Aceh in Indonesia, and that reached amidst disasters recovery
and the broken ceasefire in Sri Lanka, were news events for the world. But
the visual representation of these events in the international mainstream
media was predominated by guns—up or down in accordance with the
story—and politicians and commanders shaking hands and smiling before
the flashbulbs. It was not very easy to find pictures of people rebuilding
their lives after the tsunami in Aceh two years since the disaster. And
the Trincomalee (Sri Lanka) fisherman who had to flee his rebuilt house
amid crossfire between the militants and the military did not find a
camera to tell his tale. The renewed conflict in Sri Lanka sent over 16,000
new refugees to India. Their clandestine journey across the choppy Palk
Straits in overcrowded small fishing boats, often at night, is perilous and
dramatic by any count. At least 18 people died in capsizes and accidents
in 2006, many were stranded in the shoals that make the Adam’s Bridge.
But when did you ever see a striking ‘boat people’ picture? Committed
photojournalism involves getting one’s feet wet. It requires resource
support, sound editorial decisions and, above all, bold photographers.
Even all these may not work if there is no media interest in the plight of a
set of marginal people. Media memory is indeed short.
The very life of the media lies in its ephemeral nature. It is all about
here-and-now happenings. This concern with ephemera is in fact the bane
of the media. We, reporters, tend to switch off our senses to what goes on
then and there. Still, persistence of memory, some long-distance telephone
calls and a little bit of imagination might help a text reporter to reconstruct
a remote event and connect it to the present. But for a photographer, life
revolves around here-and-now happenings. For a follow-up, she or he
will have to take a flight and land on the spot and search diligently for the
actors of the drama long after the curtains are down. Or the editor may
have to commission somebody closer there. Such time and resources are
seldom spent by media houses on development stories. At the same time,
the local media that can actually cover processes on ground fail to create
enough momentum so that national, regional and international media get
to notice what is going on at the ground level. Getting wide coverage of
local issues like disaster rebuilding is like the making of an avalanche. It
has to roll on to gain size and momentum.
Humanitarian workers, visual coverage

Humanitarian workers argue that it is important to have visual coverage
at all phases of disasters. While disaster images generate compassion and
206 Max Martin
policy interest, the follow-up coverage is essential to keep-up the interest

and to ensure transparency and accountability.
‘Photographs offer a good reality check,’ says Dr Unnikrishnan PV,
an emergencies and conflicts advisor for ActionAid International. ‘They
can alert the humanitarian and the government system and help initiate
action.’ This globetrotter medic advises photographers to go beyond the
roadsides and highways, to the remote corners where the real story lies,
and witness the resilience of people. Walking an extra mile and getting
closer to people always produces good pictures. As the famous conflict
photographer James Nachtwey says about his style that a photographer
has to operate in the same intimate space that the subjects inhabit.3 While
dealing with people caught up in disasters and conflict, this closeness
matters. It blunts the predatory edge of the camera. The photographer
becomes a visitor, rather than a nosey intruder. Once the photographer
knows the first name of the person she or he is shooting, it becomes a bit
difficult to be offensive with the camera.
The Dutch photographer Peter van der Houwen, who published a book
and held an exhibition titled ‘Resilience’ on people recovering from the
tsunami across Asia, shares Nachtwey’s view. ‘The challenge is getting closer
to people,’ he would often say. He befriended his subjects with Polaroid
prints and small talk—and sometimes serious debates—before setting up
his large-format analogue cameras. This relaxed style is an antithesis to the
shoot-and-scoot dictum of the digital era—a departure from the remote,
or rather removed, telephoto-mode operation. A photographer can be
detached, but not wholly cut-off, from the people suffering when he or
she is covering a disaster, or its aftermath. If the concern for one’s fellow-
being is an important factor of photography, then it can get translated into
some pre-emptive coverage of would-be disasters. Those living perilously
close to flood-prone rivers, lightning-speed highways and storm-exposed
coasts can become subjects of futuristic news. For many of these subjects,
the clock is still ticking and the world does not know or care about the
risks they are exposed to.
Photography, like text-based reporting, can have a prophetic role in
the sense that it can predict and depict trends. The media agenda cannot
be set from the field alone. There are issues of power dynamics, economic
constraints, editorial taste and political imperatives that influence media
choices. Still, a strong storyline and a promise of stunning visuals coming
from a photographer’s end would be irresistible for any newsroom. One
way to promote better visual representation of disasters and conflict, and
also of the people caught up in them, would be to empower photographers.
They should be able to make their own storylines, charting out their own
Stop All the Clocks! 207
assignments. Some of the training sessions of the World Press Photo are
aimed at developing better storylines. Such a trend has yet to catch up in
the Asian media. Besides, the mainstream media in South Asia has yet to
experiment with the photo possibilities offered by the digital technology
and new age design and the use of multimedia. It requires quite a number
of operational changes in the tradition-bound newsrooms and dark-
rooms. Most of the editors in the region are text-driven, and all over the
world too they have a background in text reporting or editing. So changes
also need to reach the top.
The way photographs are used can be innovative and quite effective.
There is a trend of publishing a series of photographs in a series structured
as if in a movie and telling the tale—sometimes followed up by sound,
video and multimedia clips in a web version. Such innovations can
have a tremendous influence on humanitarian news coverage that often
gets very little attention. Meanwhile, it may be worthwhile for Asian
photographers to find opportunities to see the work of one another and
to learn about their neighbouring countries. Disasters that have recently
hit the continent—like the tsunami, the Kashmir earthquake and some
floods in the sub-Himalayan region—did not respect national boundaries.
There is no likelihood that future events, especially the climate-change
related disasters, would be restricted to specific countries. There have
been attempts, with varying degrees of success, in dealing with disasters
in a cross-border manner. Photography too should think and move
beyond political borders. In this age of the internet revolution and instant
transmission of images, there is a good case for photographers, especially
those covering disasters and other emergencies, to work and learn beyond
borders and pool their work. While this chapter was being written,
scientists from across the world were meeting in Bangalore in south
India, probing the secrets of the monsoon—learning how the currents
of equatorial Pacific and the winds of northern Atlantic influence this
pan-Asian phenomenon. Such a photogenic and life-giving, yet hazard-
prone, happening like the monsoon is a good starting point for Asian
photographers to break the barriers of time and space.
(This article was earlier published in Communicating Disasters: An Asia Pacific
Resource Book, edited by Nalaka Gunawardene and Frederick Noronha.)
Notes
1. See http://www.arlingtoncemetery.net/fireman-01.htm
2. See http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/4257127.stm
3. See http://archive.salon.com/people/feature/2000/04/10/inferno/index1.html
25
What Does One Photograph Do To
Depict a Flood?
Shahidul Alam
A long journey
As we boated through the branches in Jinjira we found a wicker basket
in a tree. The family had long since abandoned their home, and their
worldly belongings, gathered in that basket, waited patiently for their
homecoming.
The worst flood in a hundred years? That statistic is hardly relevant.
They, as those before them and after them will always face the floods.
How does it matter whether they are 60 per cent starved or 75 per cent
starved? How does it matter what country the relief wheat comes from?
They themselves are mere statistics to power hungry politicians.
What is relevant are the feelings that have been kindled, that half
kilogram of rice that has been shared, that solitary dry house that has
warmly welcomed all who have needed the shelter. That others have
shared the pain. What is relevant is that now the roads are dry and the walls
repainted and that a nation that once so cared has so quickly forgotten. I
look back and merely feel the ineffectuality of my images.
The envelope from Sri Lanka arrived on Boxing Day 2006. Priantha
and his daughter Shanika had sent me Christmas greetings. I felt bad that
I had not sent them one. When Jolly’s son Asif asked me to take a portrait
of him and his new bride Rifat, I took it on with grandfatherly pride. The
photo session was booked for Sunday morning, 26 December 2004. That
too had been Boxing day.
While I played around with the studio lights, Asif told me of the Richter
9 earthquake that had hit Bangladesh. Of course I didn’t believe him.
Richter 9 is big and there simply couldn’t have been an earthquake of
such magnitude without anyone registering it. But I did turn on the news
What Does One Photograph Do To Depict a Flood? 209
immediately after the portrait session, and the enormity of the disaster
slowly sank in. I rang Rahnuma and asked her to turn on the television,
and went back to work. By then however, the news of the carnage in
places thousands of miles away started coming across the airwaves.
The next day the numbers steadily rose from the hundreds to thousands
and we were glued to the set. Though we hadn’t said it out aloud to each
other, both Rahnuma and I knew I had to go. BRAC had organised a
training for women journalists in their centre in Rajendrapur on the 28th.
I had committed myself to the training some time ago and couldn’t really
bail out in the last minute. On the way I heard from Arri that my friend
in Colombo, Chulie de Silva, was missing. I kept losing the signal on my
Grameen mobile phone on my way to and from Rajendrapur, but near
Dhaka I managed to get text messages through. Chulie was safe, but her
brother had died.
Tourist-centric reporting
My travel agent, Babu Bhai managed to get me a flight the next day. There
are no direct flights from Dhaka to Colombo and I left on 29 December,
the first flight I could get, via Bangkok. I had posted an angry message in
ShahidulNews in response to the tourist centric reporting in mainstream
media and many friends responded. Margot Klingsporn from Focus in
Hamburg wired me some money. Not waiting for the money to arrive, I
gathered the foreign currency I could lay my hands on, packed a digital
camera and a video camera along with my trusted Nikon F5 and left.
I didn’t have a very clear idea of what I would do once I got there.
Dominic put me in touch with wildlife photographers Rukshan, Vajira
and some other friends who had all gotten together to try and get relief
goods to the worst affected areas. Margot and others had also helped.
Dominic and I had bought some stuff, but it was pale in comparison
to the truckloads that Rukshan and his friends had put together. Our
convoy of twelve vehicles followed the two lorries though Ratnapura,
Pelmadulla, Timbolketiya, Uda Walawe, Thanamalwila, Wellawaya,
Buttala, Moneragala and Siyambalanduwa until we came to the Lahugala
military camp.
It was there that we realised that our planning was less than perfect.
The initial outpouring of support had resulted in places being overstocked,
while we heard of other places which had received nothing. A military
anti-landmine vehicle helped pull one of our lorries from the rainsoaked
fields, and except for a small amount of rice, lentils and medicine which
210 Shahidul Alam
we left for families most in need, we put things back on the lorries to be
returned to Colombo until we had a better idea of what to do. Soaking
in the rain, we piled back the tons of rice, milk powder, medicine, soap,
clothes and all the other things we had emptied from the vehicle. While
the others headed back, Rukshan, Vajira and I went on to the eastern coast
of Pottuvil. There was an eerie emptiness. Only the scattered toys and
other remnants gave away the fact that there had been a vibrant village.
There were no bodies, no sounds, no wailing for the dead.
As a Bangladeshi, I was used to disasters, but the spontaneous
collectives that would form when we were kids, singing songs, collecting
old clothes from door to door, forming community groups who tried in
their own way to stay by the needy, seem to have given way to the more
‘official’ methods of relief. Nowadays NGO efforts and organised disaster
management seem to be our standard responses. Our own efforts seem to
be restricted to the prime minister’s relief fund. In Sri Lanka, I could still
sense the outpouring of sympathy that people felt for their fellow beings.
Stories of compassion... and bravery

I came across wonderful stories of human compassion and bravery. And
while I lamented the lack of early warnings and the bureaucracy that
prevented those who knew, from warning those who didn’t, I still came
back convinced that it would take much more than tsunamis to tame the
human spirit.
That was when I had initially made friends with Shanika.
She had clung on to her dad Priantha when she realised we were
near to the sea. She had been in her aunt’s house in Hikkaduwa which
had survived the waves. But she had felt the fury of the sea. It had taken
away her mother, her twin sister and two other sisters. It had taken away
their home. The sea was to be feared. She did not want to go back there,
photographs or no photographs. Priantha tried to explain that it would be
safe, but Shanika was not convinced.
It was my digital camera which changed things. Most people in the
sub-continent love being photographed. The joy of seeing her own image
instantly brought a smile to Shanika’s face, and soon we were friends. She
took photographs of her dad, her aunt and of me. Soon she was taking
photographs of me by the sea, but telling me to be careful! We had sad
eyes when we parted.
As a photojournalist we are touched by, and touch many people’s lives.
Sometimes, not often, we are able to make a difference. But invariably
What Does One Photograph Do To Depict a Flood? 211
we move on—on to another disaster, another success, another story in

the making. More than the wreckage and the rotting flesh, I remember
the mother in the refugee camp stealing a kiss from her new born child. I
remember the family sitting in the wreckage of their home in Hikkaduwa,
going through the family album. I remember the devotees returning to
the Shrine of Our Lady of Matara Church to pray.
It was Chulie who helped me trace Shanika again. She had heard
my story and wrote to me that she had found a ‘Shanika Café’ near
Hikkaduwa. We had gone out together in search of the girl. When we
did find Shanika and her dad Priantha, she rushed to my arms. Through
Chulie’s translations Priantha told me that Shanika had been withdrawn
and wouldn’t relate to people. It was our friendship that had brought out
the little girl. The Shanikas of our stories often become the stepping stones
in our career path but the Christmas cards flow only in one direction.
A year later I was in Kashmir where another earthquake had taken its
deadly toll. I hadn’t been able to go immediately afterwards. But it was the
advent of winter and I was worried about the people out in tents.
It was Amjad the driver who brought it home as we approached Ballakot,
when he said, ‘This was a city. Now it’s a graveyard.’ This time the waves
were different. Entire mountainsides had flowed like liquid, crushing all
in its path. It was in December that we met a family in a remote mountain
near Neelam. Fatema’s husband had been crushed by their falling roof.
Her mother-in-law had been hurled below, had survived the fall, but died
of a heart attack when she heard of her son’s death. They had not come
across the army, government officials, NGOs, but as in Muzaffarabad city,
they were just getting on with their lives, rebuilding their homes before
the snow closed in.
Winter came and went. Many survived the bitter chill, but months
later, and nearly a year on, much of the talked about reconstruction was
yet to be made. The pledges seemed to have been forgotten. I went back
to Kashmir.
The valleys of the fertile land were green with new crops, but many
of the homes were still to be rebuilt. As I walked through the rubble, the
kids again wanted to be photographed. Najma came running, her bright
red dress popping out of the green maize fields. Unsure at first, she smiled
when I told her she had the same name as my sister.
Zaheera, a cute girl with freckles, gathered her friends and sang me
nursery songs. But my thoughts are far away. Despite the laughter and the
nursery songs, very different sounds enter my consciousness. I remember
the children screaming on the night of 25 March 1971 when I watched in
212 Shahidul Alam
helpless anger as the Pakistani soldiers shot the children trying to escape
their flame throwers. The US had sent their seventh fleet to the Bay of
Bengal, in support of the genocide. Today, as I remember the Palestinians
and the Lebanese whom the world is knowingly ignoring, I can hear the
bombs raining down on Halba, El Hermel, Tripoli, Baalbeck, Batroun,
Jbeil, Jounieh, Zahelh, Beirut, Rachaiya, Saida, Hasbaiya, Nabatiyeh,
Marjaayoun,Tyr, Bint Chiyah, Ghaziyeh and Ansar and I hear the screams
of the children. Piercing, wailing, angry, helpless, frightened screams.
News had filtered through of the children killed in the latest bombing.
The photographs kept coming in, horrific, sad, and disturbing. Mutilated
bodies, dismembered children, people charred to ashes, but none as
vulgar as those of Israeli children signing the rockets. Death warrants for
children they’ve never known.
The Lebanese and the Palestenians were people without names. Their
pain did not count. Their misery irrelevant, their anger ignored. Sitting
in far away lands, immersed in a rhetoric of their choosing, conjuring
phantom fears necessary to keep them in power, hypocritical superpowers
failed to acknowledge the evil of occupation. The ‘measured response’ to
a people’s struggle for freedom would never in their reckoning allow a
Lebanese or a Palestinian to be a person.
When greed becomes the only determining factor in world politics.
When the demand for power, and oil and land overshadows the need for
other people’s survival, I wonder if those screams can be heard. I wonder
if those Israeli children will grow up remembering their siblings they
condemned. I wonder if through all those screams the war mongers will
still be asking, ‘Why do they hate us?’
26
It Was a Long Journey
Nandan Saxena
It was a long journey.

On my way, I met many, who drank from the same river.
Some even called it ‘Mother’.
Many could write prosaic poems on how the River had sustained life and cradled civilisation.
Most did not understand the vital link between the womb and life.
And all of us treated it as a receptacle of waste.
A glorified sewer, it was once called ‘Yamuna’, when it was still a river…
somewhere in my previous life.
I was travelling from Yamunotri, the source of the river, to Allahabad

where it meets the ‘Ganga’, ‘commissioned’ by the Government of India
to make a documentary on the river and the new magic potion for cleaning
it—the ‘Yamuna Action Plan’ (YAP-1).
At Hanumaan Chatti, the road came to an end. The 13 km-trek to
Yamunotri began. Enthusiasm took us as far as Kharsaali, the village of
the Pandavas. Thence to Yamunotri was another steep climb, which the
battle-weary legs of two city-bred filmmakers refused to take.
We chose the best-mules on display. No, the looks mattered least, we
went by nomenclature.
As we took off, we wondered if the Insurance Companies in India
have an innovative instrument that insures the back and necks of mule-
back journalists. Thirty minutes into the winding steep dirt-track, we hit
a traffic jam. The mule-driver muttered under his breath. As we watched
from our precarious perches atop two of them, Baadshaah and Rani
answered nature’s call. Shah-Rookh, carrying our precious camera gear,
followed suit, exactly at the same hallowed hairpin-bend puddle where
the ones that preceded him had relieved themselves.
Involuntarily, I thought of the human parallel.
214 Nandan Saxena
The stream of my consciousness took me to the Low-cost Sanitation

(LCS) units in the slums of Delhi where a recent photographic assignment
took me. These pay-per-use toilet-blocks were to be run by contractors.
However, most of them ended up remaining locked, for the slum dwellers
chose to urinate and defecate just outside the periphery of these blocks
as before. They did not want to make the contractor richer by relieving
themselves on his turf.
The mule-train trudged on.
Yamunotri
Yamunotri is a picture of serenity. This is where the five streams from
Champasar glacier merge to make the Yamuna and cascade down the
Bandar Poonchh range, providing a scenic backdrop to the Yamunotri
temple. Devotees throng this small temple-village. The Yamuna looked
pristine from the temple. We decided to go down and touch the water. It
was a mistake.
The water meandered through well-worn pebbles and mounds of
rubbish. Polythenes, crushed plastic bottles and garbage from the dhabas
or eateries littered the river-bank. The time-honoured tradition of waste-
disposal in the ecologically sensitive Himalayas is followed here as well.
Rubbish is just thrown into the valley. The rain and the river take it
downstream. This is waste-disposal in the 21st century.
It was not just garbage. As we travelled alongside the river, a number
of sewers emptied their bowels into the Yamuna. It set me thinking. What
is our water management policy?
Adding sewage here, cleaning it downstream for drinking, adding
sewage again, and cleaning it yet again for drinking. This is public policy
befitting a banana republic. How did we allow this to happen to us?
The city of Delhi has seen many reincarnations: eight at the last
count. However, at no point of time was the water management such a
problem (leaving aside the case of Tughlaqabad which was abandoned
for lack of potable water). The British Raj effected a paradigm shift in our
sensibilities. We started treating our holy rivers as receptacles of refuse.
With time, they were rechristened as drains. The example of what we call
Najafgarh Drain is a case in point. Not many know that this was once a
tributary of the Yamuna.
Till the 1960s, the Yamuna was clean enough for people to swim and
fish in it. I met boatmen in Delhi who told me stories of the gharials and the
turtles that once called it home. In the 1970s and 1980s, industrial waste
It Was a Long Journey 215
started finding its way into the river. Unscrupulous petty politicians settled
migrant labour in riverside slums having limited sanitation facilities. With
time, the people’s voices were muffled by the political and bureaucratic
Mafiosi. (Is it really that strong a word to use?)
Now they could do whatever they fancied. The banks of the Yamuna
and its floodplain were progressively encroached upon.
A worthy leader wanted the river diverted to build a shopping mall
overlooking the Taj Mahal at Agra. Despite the media presence and the
strong brigade of armchair environmentalists, the Akshardhaam Temple
in Delhi and the proposed Commonwealth Games village are bang in the
middle of the floodplains.
But who cares?
Some people do.
‘Yamuna Jiye Abhiyaan’ and other NGOs have been agitating for saving
our commonwealth—the Yamuna from another politician-ordained
encroachment. Only that the average Dilli-wallahs are least interested.
Time has come full circle.
The river, once revered as the Mother, has turned into a faceless
receptacle of waste. But the government cannot be perceived as doing
nothing. If it actually does nothing, then how will it make money for the
next elections?
Yamuna Action Plan

Once the hogwash ‘Ganga Action Plan’ was erased from the proverbially
short public memory, the government came out with the ‘Yamuna Action
Plan’. To have an ‘Action Plan’, surely one must have a cogent, well-
considered ‘policy’.
I shuddered, and it broke my reverie. One must think positive, I
decided. Surely, this one is going to work (YAP-1 launched in 1993).
When the Yamuna Action Plan was launched in 1993, it was touted as
the magic potion like the one that gives Asterix the power to complete
impossible tasks.
And the potion was a gift from Japan. About 70 per cent of this Rs 700
crore plan was funded by a soft loan from Japan Bank for International
Co-operation (JBIC). The Babus in the ministry gleefully spent it, as if it
were a dole. The entire emphasis was on budget allocation, getting the
agreed commissions and budget utilisation certificates. Along the way,
some infrastructure got created. After all, they had to have something
216 Nandan Saxena
to show. Whether or not the quality of the river-water changed, is well,

another story.
The honest tax-payer will have to pay for this scam in the name of a
river-clean-up. Today, as the YAP-II is under implementation, another Rs
624 crore is going to go down the Yamuna.
STP-Technology
The major component of the YAP-1 involved improving the drains and
pumping stations and setting up of Sewage treatment Plants or STPs to
treat the sewage before it drains into the Yamuna. Only if the entire
sewage load were to be treated!
STPs were designed for Upflow Anaerobic Sludge Blanket or UASB
Technology, rejected by most forward-looking nations as being non-
sustainable. Urban areas today do not have the land area needed for these
space-intensive plants. The sewage treatment capacity was far below the
sewage generation in the towns these were set up. This meant that some
sewage went untreated into the river, defeating the entire purpose.
There were other issues: sewage had to be carried over long distances
to these STPs. This required extensive pumping for those who designed
the sewers did not remember the laws of gravity. To push this sewage-
load across the lengthy drains, a lot of fresh water was needed—Another
case of spending good money over bad money. The pumps and the STPs
thus worked half of the time, when electricity was available.
The holding time needed for the anaerobic bacteria to convert sewage
into slurry and for the slurry to dry into usable cakes was seldom given.
As a result, partially treated sewage was discharged into the river or taken
for irrigation.
Crematoria
Besides the sewage component, there were minor components like
building improved wood crematoria and electric crematoria. While the
former lost out because otherwise sane people, guided by orthodox
Hindu priests, would not agree to burn their dead on a metal berth, where
the body is not in touch with the ground. So what if it optimises the
combustion process and saves half the wood!
The same people start using these improved crematoria during the rains
for there is a canopy on top and the rain does not disturb the performance
of the last rites.
The problem with the electric crematoria is that they need constant
supply of electricity at proper voltage. Now, is it not too much to ask for?
Surprisingly, the ones at Delhi too are underutilised. I plan to put down
in my will that we should give these idle facilities some business when I
am no more.
Cowdung at Karnal
We saw Khataals or dairies on the riverbank. The cow-dung and urine was
drained directly into the river. In Delhi, the dairy-waste from the many
dairies like the cluster at Ghazipur goes to the non-descript drains that
ultimately join the Yamuna. But cow-dung seems benign when compared
to the damage caused by industrial effluents.
Mr Industrialist, where is the effluent going?

The government and the enforcement agencies know that most industries
generate toxic waste. Under the benevolent gaze of municipal inspectors,
effluents are dumped without ceremony into the gutter. The solid waste
is dumped on any piece of fallow land, mostly into water-bodies. Have
we noticed how the incidence of cancer has increased exponentially over
the past four decades?
There is incentive for the enforcement agencies not to check this.
Perhaps they plan to export their progeny to safer Canada or Switzerland
once our piece of earth becomes too toxic to live. Who is accountable?
Our worthy politicians, enforcement agencies or the industrialists?
Is the media too busy plugging stories to run a sustained campaign to
expose this nexus and get corrective action initiated? No water-treatment
plants can distil potable water from this sewage-effluent cocktail. We
do not have the expensive technology to remove heavy metals and
carcinogenic toxins from the water.
If the common man were to wake up to the reality that he is consuming
purified sewage everyday, there will be mayhem in the country. Or will
there be? I do not know. Maybe we have lost the capacity to protest,
maybe there is no fire in the belly anymore, maybe we will settle for the
sewage.
The Yamuna Action Plan is tracing the footsteps of the infamous Ganga
Action Plan. This is tragedy in the making. The failure of the Yamuna
Action Plan will shake the faith of even die-hard optimists in governmental
action. The dented pride of India Shining will take yet another beating.
218 Nandan Saxena
Is it a river?
By the time we were through with the production schedule of the film, we
had literally seen the entire length of the river from its major stopovers.
Like a good journalist and a keen student of the Documentary, I faithfully
recorded how Man interfaces with the River.
When we interviewed noted Gandhian and environmentalist Anupam
Misra for the film, he pointed out that dammed by the government, the
river died long ago. What now exist are a series of lakes on the same
river-bed. The basic premise of a river is based on flowing water. When
the river is dammed at Tajewala Barrage at Yamunanagar, the Eastern and
the Western Yamuna canal siphon off all the water. I have photographed
the trickle which cannot be called a river even in the nuanced parlance of
parliamentarians.
Again at Wazirabad, we sweet-talked the policeman on duty to permit
us to film how the barrage dams the river. To meet Delhi’s requirement
of about 240 million gallons of water per day, the water is diverted,
upstream of Palla village, to the Chandrawal Water Works. There is no
flow of freshwater in the Yamuna at Delhi barring the monsoon months.
Instead, we add 950 million gallons of sewage to the river everyday, in
the 22 km it takes to exit Delhi.
How do we explain the differential between the 240 million gallons
we took and the 950 million gallons we add? The differential is the
quantum of ground water we extract everyday. Almost every household
has a submersible pump, to augment the fickle water supply of the Delhi
Jal Board. The underground aquifers are being milked dry.
We feel that it is our right to draw upon these aquifers; the industrialists
believe it is their birthright to add toxic chemicals and heavy metals, and
the politicians-wedded to their chair-know that they cannot afford to ban
any of this or they will lose votes.
Now, on hindsight, I realise that we saw almost everything that is
wrong with the river, and yet, we missed the simple truth that it is a
river no more. It depends on each of us whether we write an obituary for
the river or take a deep breath and commit ourselves to saving it for our
children.
Sermon to the Media

Understand the big picture. Don’t work piece-meal.
Ecology is serious business. Let us not treat it as a routine beat. Prepare

the ground for a Policy re-think. Give a picture of the global situation
and how river clean-ups are taking place. Attack the politicians over their
insensitivity, policymakers and think-tanks over their myopia and the
people for their lackadaisical approach to the fundamental necessities of
life. Who am I to take the pulpit and preach? Why should the Media
Barons pay attention?
Why should this diatribe divert the attention of the politicians from
matters of importance like creating SEZs, announcing more reservation
and taking the pants off their rivals. Why should the people stop
watching cricket and the daily Saas-Bahu soaps on their telly, to read this
nonsense?
Why?
They should just get up, fill a glass of water from the tap and try
drinking it. If it smells of sewage, they shall know it is time to wake up.
Box 26.1: The journey of the film: ‘Yamuna’

I had kept the film subtle. ‘The rapier of irony is more effective
an instrument than the bludgeon of insolence’, I had read
somewhere. In any case, how else was one supposed to get
past the Preview Committee?
I thought it would be a masterstroke if one got the Ministry
and Municipal Corporation of Delhi (MCD) to disseminate a
film that questioned the very premise of the River-policy of the
Government of India. Once the film was made, we screened
it for the officials of the Ministry and the MCD.
Everybody was fixated on the visuals of men effortlessly
defecating on the banks of the Yamuna. The ladies were
embarrassed and wanted these offensive visuals out of the
‘documentary’. Over the next two screenings, more such
offensive X-rated content was censored. The sanitised version
was finally approved.
In the process, they did not notice the use of irony and
the tongue-in-cheek script. We also got away with the strong
interview bytes of Anupam Misra. Ah! I waited gleefully for a
telecast, the hundred screenings planned in various localities
and the proverbial ripple effect.
But the Babus of the Government of India had the last
laugh.
(Box 26.1 Contd.)

220 Nandan Saxena
(Box 26.1 Contd.)

The video-van with a gleaming expensive projector and
our film rotted in their stores. Once the budget was utilised,
the story ended. ‘EoM’, as the print-wallahs affix to the end
of their stories.
Intoxicated by the experience of getting the film past the
censorial officials with minor surgical cuts, I asked the Ministry
of Environment to fund another film that explores options and
approaches towards river clean-ups. Taking case-studies from
technologically advanced nations, the film could help effect
a paradigm shift in how we treat our wetlands eco-system.
There was a lot of interest. I followed up for one year.
Nothing materialised. Maybe I was naïve. Maybe the Babus
were expecting something that I did not offer.
In a country where aid meant for Tsunami victims can be
siphoned off and disaster-management is a lucrative industry
for the Government and some reputable NGOs, only the
naïve expect honesty in public office.
Thankfully, the film got good response outside the corridors
of power. It was screened at the Vatavaran Film Festival,
organised by Centre for Media Studies. They have taken the
film to many towns and cities. The audience always identifies
with the issues raised. Though they choose to do nothing
about it, everybody in the Ministry of Environment and Forests
has seen the film thanks to the endless seminars on YAP.
However, the greatest reward came from children. The
film was screened at many schools under the Vatavaran
travelling fest, and we are amazed at the intelligent questions
school children ask.
My colleague and Associate Director on this project, Kavita
had a good time interacting with the sharp-shooters of class
VII and VIII at Shri Ram School, Gurgaon. Encouraged, we
plan to share the film and its message with other educational
institutions now. Hopefully, more schools shall take environ-
ment education out of the confines of musty textbooks into
the real world.
What more can a filmmaker ask for?
A clean Yamuna maybe.
Amen!
Box 26.2: YAP brass tacks

Yamuna Action Plan Phase-I (YAP-I) project was formulated
on the basis of the study conducted under Special Assistance
for Project Formulation (SAPROF) of the Japan Bank for
International Co-operation (JBIC).
It covered Delhi, eight towns of U.P. (Saharanpur,
Muzaffarnagar, Ghaziabad, Noida, Vrindavan, Mathura,
Agra and Etawah) and six towns of Haryana (Yamunanagar-
Jagadhri, Karnal, Panipat, Sonepat, Gurgaon, and
Faridabad).
JBIC provided a soft loan assistance of JPY 17.77 billion
(approximately Rs 700 crore) to the Government of India to
initiate YAP-I. Launched in 1993, the project was originally
planned to be completed by April 2000, which was extended
until February 2003.
A new Loan Agreement between the Government of
India and the Government of Japan was signed on 31
March 2003 for the current YAP-II project. The JBIC Loan
Agreement provided financial assistance of JPY 13.33 billion
(approximately Rs 500 crore or approximately 85 per cent of
the overall project budget) to increase sewage collection and
treatment capacities by constructing new and rehabilitating
old sewage treatment plants and rehabilitating and installing
sewers in Delhi and Agra.
Section Seven
Communicating on the
Environment
27
Paradigm Shift in Agricultural
Communication
Shivaram Pailoor
‘Farmers first’ approach is a milestone in the overall agricultural

development process. Accordingly there is a ‘paradigm shift’ in extension
system away from the terminology—‘transfer of technology’—towards
an interactive approach entirely subordinate to the needs of the farming
community. Thus, along with this emerging phenomenon, agricultural
communication process has also been altered radically.
The advent of green revolution brought to the fore the importance
of agricultural communication. Its approach and attitude were altered
in accordance with the priorities of modern agriculture. It should be
mentioned that earlier attempts in agricultural journalism drew their
strength mainly from the discipline of agricultural extension and not from
journalism or mass communication or even the farming community.
The main idea was to transfer knowledge and skill, or, to be precise, the
package of practices about various crops by scientists or subject matter
specialists to farmers. Since there was no integration of extension and
journalism, the agricultural journalism stagnated for many years. If we
analyse the qualitative growth of farm journalism in India, the picture is
not very promising.
Farm journals published by the agricultural universities and government
departments continue to be extension oriented academic exercises. They
emphasise empirical data wherein facts are presented as revealed by
research findings. Also they limit themselves to one-way communication,
thereby losing the reaction from the beneficiary. Unlike other disciplines,
agricultural journalism avoided subjective imprints on facts in its own form
and content. This non-interpretative method, though it had an objective
edge, suffered from excessive neutrality. The use of scientific jargons and
226 Shivaram Pailoor
technical terminology failed to merge into farm-level language and idiom.

As a consequence, the farming sector was unable to utilise farmer-friendly
research outputs. Gradually, the objectives of agricultural journalism,
which undermined indigenous knowledge systems, the cultural ethos and
farmers’ perceptions, lost their significance.
Modern agriculture and indigenous farmer

Modern agriculture has also unleashed an array of fresh problems.
Increased use of pesticides and fertilisers to boost the yield affected the
environment severely and proved to be hazardous with the growing
threat from chemical residues in soil, water, air and agriculture produces,
pest resurgence and soil degradation and drastic depletion in water table.
The over dependency on modern science led to a search for corrective
technology and inventions, which in turn created a hopeless no-win
situation and an irreversible chain-reaction of side effects was set into
motion.
The farmers, disenchanted with the recipe of modern agriculture as
offered by the agricultural journalism set-up, sought alternative methods of
knowledge exchange. Several initiatives exploring alternative agricultural
methods all over the world demonstrate certain features like:
 Aiming at environment-friendly and sustainable approach,
 Emphasis on farmers’ ideas and experience in a geo-specific
context, as opposed to lab experiments and scientific data that
are generalised irrespective of agro-climatic conditions and
 Striving with a holistic approach towards farming.
Another important development is the ‘farmers first’ approach in the
overall agricultural development process. Accordingly there is a ‘paradigm
shift’ in extension system away from the terminology—‘transfer of
technology’—towards an interactive approach entirely subordinate to the
needs of the farming community.
Thus, along with this emerging phenomenon, agricultural communi-
cation process has also been altered radically. While presenting facts as
established by research as well as in-situ findings, attention was given
to need-based information. With the ‘farmers first’ approach, the focus
was on to encourage farmers to learn, adopt and do better analysis not
by outsiders’ help—scientists, extension experts—but on their own. The
initial ventures in alternative agricultural journalism began exploring
these dimensions and pursuing new possibilities.
Paradigm Shift in Agricultural Communication 227
These efforts, countering the archetypal, narrative approach by

interpretative and analytical presentation of facts, are considered by farmers
to be more realistic. Various communication efforts, which are need-based,
pro-farmer and involving farmers’ participation, have sprung up all over
the world. The agricultural media, which stresses the need for pro-farmer
ideologies and practices in agricultural research and communication, is
encouraging the farmers’ self-respect and self-reliance.
Such agricultural media have strengthened the bond among farmers
and between farmers and the research sectors. They have thrown light
upon farmers’ innovations and the indigenous treasure house of native
technology. These media have also revealed certain other issues related to
farm sector.
‘Farm journal published by farmers and pen to farmers’ hand’ is
another unique feature of agricultural media. Today, we see successful
farm journals brought out by farmers themselves. It is proved beyond
doubt that the information, which evolves directly from the kiln of
farmers’ hard earned farm experience, is more transparent, time tested
and authentic.
Farmers’ journals are not only disseminating farm knowledge but also
operating as centres catering to the needs of local farmers. Adike Pathrike,
a farm journal, published from Puttur (Karnataka State) by a group of
farmers since the last 20 years seems to have expanded the horizons of
agricultural journalism.
This unique success story, which relied on ‘self-help journalism’, has
developed into a need-based knowledge exchange system. Its efforts to
bridge the communication gap amongst farmers themselves, between the
farmers and the government and agricultural scientists and farmers have
yielded fruitful results. The journal conducted workshops in agricultural
journalism for farmers and the results were encouraging. The trained
farmers not only began to write about their experiences and innovations,
but also began to report, interview and narrate the farming experiences in
their neighbourhood.
The journal also offers free space for exchange of information about
seeds and plants available with farmers for distribution. Now we find
many such ventures in agricultural journalism and there seems to be some
thematic patterns and ideational commonality in these isolated initiatives.
The Centre intends to focus on this novel phenomenon.
Print and electronic media has played an active role in the campaigns
like saving native seeds through community seed banks, organic farming,
soil and water conservation. The Centre for Agricultural Media formed in
Dharwad seven years ago has been working towards strengthening this
approach by training enthusiasts in writing in-depth stories on agriculture
and rural affairs.
Media, advanced technology and existence:

the present situation
Despite technological advancement in all spheres, is it possible to grow
wheat, rice and dal in factories? If we give a search for ‘wheat’ in Google
we get thousands of links which are resourceful. But we can’t live on it.
We have to depend on growers to fill our stomach and subsist.
Then why does a farmer not get the due importance? Even the
manufacturers of tiny needles fix a price for their product. But farmers
who shed their sweat all along growing grains, coconut, sugarcane and
onions are not in a position to determine price for their yield. Factories
that produce tomato ketchups and potato flakes run smoothly throughout
the year while the person who grows potato and tomato appeals for
minimum support price after every harvest. Many times he helplessly
watches his crop perishing in the field as he can’t afford to harvest.
At one end there is a constant appeal for greater production to meet
raising food needs! On the other side we don’t have answer to farmers’
plea, ‘We are growing our best, please provide us market.’ At the same
time, the land under cultivation is shrinking every year. Recently the
Karnataka government authorised five private companies to purchase
1,344 acres of farm land. According to a survey, 40 per cent of existing
farmers are ready to say good bye to the agriculture provided; they get
alternate opportunities.
Many expert committees have been formed to assess the situation and
come out with a solution for crisis in the farming sector. These panels
have given various recommendations like providing schemes for farmers
on growing crops based on the agro-climatic condition in the region, and
opening information kiosks for farmers. Some of the suggestions have
been implemented in certain places. But these initiatives don’t seem to have
assured the farming community. How can a farmer who cannot harvest
his onion crop, appreciate when a new variety with special properties
is introduced? When he cannot sell his yield in the nearby Agriculture
Producers Marketing Committee (APMC), how will the information of
better rates in some other state help him?
Media has been focusing all these state of affairs but has not been
following it up through its reports. A number of farm magazines along
with farm supplements of newspapers have created enough space for
farmer-oriented articles. Though many articles are based on the experience
of farmers than filtered from the labs, they need to be more insightful.
Success stories, of course, give a new hope and vision for the rest of
the farming community. Likewise, an instance of failure can stop many
farmers following the same method or opting for the same technology.
Considering this, stories of failure should also be given equal importance
in the media as success stories. One farmer’s failure may alert hundreds
of other farmers. There are many constraints to run agriculture smoothly.
It may be natural calamities like flood and drought, shrinking marketing
opportunities, failure of a newly adopted technology in the farm or
disappointing yield of a newly introduced crop. These are the issues that
are very much visible and easy for a journalist to report.
But issues like endosulphan tragedy in Kasaragod in Kerala, heavy
usage of pesticides in the paddy-growing belt of Koppal and Gangavati in
Karnataka need to be observed, understood, felt, before giving an account.
These stories are not visible. The media should focus on them to make this
world a better place to live in.
Rays of hope
There are two ways to support farmers: One is physical support. It may be
through various schemes of the government or financial support. Second
is that the need of the hour is empathy. It is the responsibility of the entire
society to be with them and give them moral support.
Physical support is much stressed in the present days. Expert committees
are proposing new schemes, government is assuring support. Such
assurances lead to high expectations. But when such schemes fail to live up
to the predictions, they get discouraged. Farmers definitely need realistic
support but at the same time they need moral support too. A farmer has
to be mentally strong to face the situations. This can happen when he
doesn’t feel alienated from mainstream. A farmer decides to end his life
only when all the ways to make a living are lost. A little compassion can
help him to overcome his grievances. Serious efforts need to be initiated
in this direction.
Disseminating success stories in different parts of the state might
encourage farmers to experiment in their farms. Many non-governmental
organisations and farmer groups have worked to achieve sustainable

development. Even at the individual level, many farmers have achieved
success in farming and marketing by adding value to their produces. Small
scale industries like cocum juice, vanilla powder have supported farmers.
Soil and water conservation methods, vermicomposting are some other
activities that have made farming tolerable. Natural farmer Cherkady
Ramachandra Rao, who has achieved self-reliance in his two-acre farm,
has become a model for many farmers in Karnataka. Most of the self-
reliant farmers in the state have practiced farming without taking any
government support.
We should observe that there is no universal model in agriculture.
Every patch of land is different and so is the farmer. These possibilities may
inspire a few other farmers. This might in turn wake up many more.
Kushuppanavara Siddabanavara took up mango grafting in Tergaov
in Uttara Kannada district of Karnataka a decade ago. Now more than
two hundred families are involved in this activity, earning good money.
Their accumulated income is more than Rs 2 crore per annum. Grafting
doesn’t require huge investment. One has to put in dedication and hard
work. Many farmers can take this example and nurture their lives. Even
journalists should search for such topics that have some impact on the
society. In this case, an article focusing on the grafting activity in Tergaov
will boost the morale of the villagers; it might also bring some new
customers. Above all, it inspires many others engaged in agriculture.
When all these efforts are brought together and focused, it will not be
tough to create new avenues for agriculture. Media has to play an active
role in building awareness.
Bengali Venkatesh–Ganga, a farmer couple near Sirsi in Karnataka, have
made it a point to add value to all possible produces grown in their farm.
For example they have a nursery of coconut plants, they powder turmeric,
squash of cocum, concoction of ginger, banana and jack chips (wafers).
These quality products have created a strong network of consumers who
buy these products regularly. Quality and trust are two major qualities
of their products. Their family leads a content life with the income from
his one-acre land. There are many other farmers who are specialised in
processing cocum, gooseberry, vanilla, ginger, pineapple, areca nut etc.
Most of them have found market for their products.
Farmer groups like Nesara in Mysore, Sahaja Samruddha in Bangalore,
Punyabhumi in Hasan are successfully spreading the lessons of sustainable
agriculture. Agro-based industries and farm tourism are a few other
opportunities for farmers to explore.
Media for better awareness

Agriculture and rural journalism is slowly gaining momentum in Karnataka.
Farming sector and rural issues are covered with better awareness and
conviction. Now we can see the impact of media in action. For example,
ETV Kannada, a Kannada news channel featured a village near Honnavar in
Uttara Kannada that doesn’t have access to electricity. After few months,
in its primetime news telecast, the channel featured with pride the impact
of its report. The TV news triggered efforts and helped the people avail the
basic necessity. Similarly, whenever there is a crop failure or a sustainable
farming method comes to light, more and more media channels, both
print and electronic, make it a point to report it.
All India Radio (AIR), which has high reach in rural areas, predominantly
among farmers, has utilised the opportunity to spread environmental
awareness. Several programmes like Iruvudonde Bhumi (Protect our
Planet Earth), Beejada Buttiyallomdu Suttu (Awareness on Native Seeds)
have educated the listeners about the significance of environmental
conservation.
Officers Vijay Angadi and N. Keshava Murthy who design agriculture
related programmes in different radio stations have successfully utilised
the media to popularise organic farming. Since the programmes on AIR
are interactive, people find these easy to understand. Another obvious
advantage of radio is that people listen to them even when they are busy
with their work. As a result, in Hassan and Mysore districts of Karnataka
AIR has prompted a silent organic farming revolution, with many farmers
opting for sustainable farming methods.
Both media and agriculture are at crossroads. Even as commercialisation
has overshadowed concerns, we see many individuals, small efforts made
in the media, to make life sustainable, in tune with the nature around us.
The media, particularly regional newspapers and magazines, should instil
hope in the farming community about a prosperous future.
28
A ‘Global City’ vs the Environment
Ardeshir Cowasjee
(Dawn, 6 May 2007)
The entire civilised world is greatly concerned with where the environment
is going, and the world with it. The dangers facing are massive. As an
entity, the government of Pakistan seems to be oblivious and carries on in
its own merry way.
However, there are a few of us who realise the implications of global
warming and all that goes with it. Credit must be given to one of our
private television channels which, on Earth Day, 22 April, showed an
Urdu translation of former US Vice-President Al Gore’s award winning
documentary, ‘An Inconvenient Truth’. Gore’s message is quite simple:
if you and I do not reduce and cut back our consumer oriented and
environment unfriendly lifestyles, climate change will overwhelm us and
bring unpleasant and radical changes in life as we know it.
Knowing the calibre of our home-grown politicians, it is doubtful if
any of those who regulate our lives have bothered to watch it. Prime
Minister Shaukat Aziz was given a copy of the documentary by a
delegation of civil society groups, spearheaded by the World Wildlife
Federation, who met him a month or so ago to discuss the deteriorating
water situation in Pakistan. Has he had time to see this documentary? If by
some miracle he has seen it, has it made even a small dent in his resolve to
transform Karachi—the former ‘Pearl of the East’, now flooded with katchi
abadis (shanty towns), hard hit by electricity load-shedding, drowning in
uncollected garbage, stinking with raw sewage which streams directly
into the sea—into what he terms a ‘world-class global city’?
World-class global city?

The world-class global city (a concrete unlivable jungle poisoned by
pollution) mantra of the federal government has been taken up by the
A ‘Global City’ vs the Environment 233
Defence Housing Society of Karachi which is hell-bent on the construction

of a 14-kilometre ‘Waterfront Development Project’ along a public beach
that does not belong to it, which will cater to the rich and infamous and be
totally awam-unfriendly. On alternate Sunday evenings, concerned citizens
have organised demonstrations on the beach road (near McDonalds),
which so far have had no impact. The Sindh Environmental Protection
Agency continues to ignore the environmental impact assessment of the
conversion of the shoreline as ordered by the Sindh High Court.
Get-rich-quick schemes are infectious—in Karachi, as in all other cities
of this blighted country. The concept of beach exploitation, with the prime
ministerial blessings, has been picked up by the Dubai-based Limitless,
which proposes to develop a new 68,000-acre ‘city’ along the Manora,
Sandspit, Hawkesbay and French beaches, stretching inland to occupy the
coastal fishing villages, KDA Scheme 45 and even PAF Masroor base. An
amazing presentation of this ‘Karachi Waterfront’ can be downloaded
from http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gzWRhoew2vE.
Then we have our local government and its schemes for various elevated
expressways, in particular the one planned to run 24 kilometres from
Jinnah Bridge to Quaidabad to which numerous groups and concerned
citizens have objected (my column of 8 April). The government has
heeded some objections. Land is not to be taken away from the Karachi
Gymkhana or the ‘posh’ hotels or the Christian cemetery, all of which lie
along its route, and the existing rights of way will be used. A committee
of ‘experts’ (mandatory under the Environmental Act 1997) is being
formed to review public comments.
The City District Government has cleverly sidestepped several issues
raised. Why has a US$ 350 million contract been awarded without
competitive tendering? What are the financial details of the somewhat
murky ‘annuity-based’ BOT? How does the expressway fit in with the
overall traffic management plans for the city? Why is the administration
not first tackling the massive violations of traffic rules, unlawful parking,
encroachments on our roads, and many other traffic planning-related
issues? Why are public/mass transport systems not being given priority?
Why is inter-port (Karachi Port Trust/Port Qasim) traffic not being
managed by an economically more sound railway system?
Lending credence to the fact that the elevated expressway is already
a fait accompli (‘finder’s fees’ have already reportedly been paid), and
that the Environmental Impact Assessment is but a window-dressing
in pretence of complying with the law, is the fact that the City District
Government parks’ officer, Liaquat Ali Khan of the silken outfits, a couple
234 Ardeshir Cowasjee
of weeks ago started chopping and transplanting some 2,000 trees from
the centre portion of Sharea Faisal.
The Japanese care about the environment and they apparently care
more about Karachi than its administration. They are prepared to give
us funds to build five steel bridges in the city (runs into billions of
rupees) but only if we first conduct an environmental impact assessment.
Unlike the City District Government, they do not believe that an ‘EIA is a
professional study; only professionals should be allowed to participate in
professional discussion’ (a quote from the CDGK response to the Institute
of Architects, Pakistan, on the subject of the elevated expressway).
Press reports
At the end of last month, the press reported extensively on the signing
of an implementation agreement for a US $ 160 million ‘landmark
project being set up at Port Qasim, Karachi, that will allow natural gas
imports into Pakistan for the first time in the country’s history’ (Dawn,
Karachi, 29 April 2007, available at www.dawn.com/2007/04/29/ebr2.
htm). The ‘project’ comprises a floating liquefied natural gas (LNG) re-
gasification terminal being set up by Excelerate Energy of Texas, USA, for
Pakistan Gasport Limited, a local company whose principal sponsor is the
Associated Group, the largest single producer of LPG in Pakistan.
The ‘project’ envisions the berthing of a re-gasification vessel which
will be charged through smaller LNG carriers coming up the Korangi
Creek, past residential localities, fishing villages and other port traffic. The
re-gasification process will convert the liquid gas to high-pressure gas on
board the ship and deliver it directly into the Sui Southern Gas Company
Limited network. Such a process has numerous environmental downsides,
and is fraught with the hazard of an LNG leak forming a vapour cloud
which could explode and the explosion and fire could destroy habitations
and structures many miles away (see ‘LNG Vapour Cloud Danger to our
Communities’ at http://www.timrileylaw.com to verify the perils).
It may be of interest to the citizens of Karachi to know that the California
Coastal Commission unanimously rejected a proposed US$ 800 million
Cabrillo Port 72-million gallon floating LNG terminal approximately 14
miles off the coast of Malibu. The final environmental impact statement
for the project acknowledges that it will cause significant impact to air and
water quality, public safety, marine wildlife, views, recreation, noise and
agriculture—impacts that cannot be mitigated or avoided. Residents of
coastal California have been lobbying for months against the venture.
A ‘Global City’ vs the Environment 235
The citizens of Boston are fighting to end the dangerous passage

(commercial traffic, roads and bridges are closed during this time) of
LNG tankers into Boston’s inner harbour. These LNG tankers have been
termed ‘floating bombs’ vulnerable to terrorist action. Excelerate Energy
is now constructing a deepwater port, 12 miles outside Cape Ann in
Massachusetts (outside US territorial waters).
Why can’t our gas port be built far away from human habitation? A
Japanese-type environmental impact assessment needs to be conducted
for the entire project.
It should be clear that many of the tensions and conflicts that exist
in Pakistan are related to environmental problems generated by ‘islands
of prosperity’ in ‘oceans of poverty’, to quote from an address made by
President General Pervez Musharraf in February this year.
As is being increasingly perceived around the world, especially in the
European Union, climate change, brought about by destruction of the
environment and progressive decimation of living species, is no longer
merely an economic or environmental issue. Margaret Beckett, the first
woman foreign secretary of the UK, recently stated:
Anyone wanting to trace the links between what science is telling us

about physical impacts and the broader ramifications for our security
would do well to read a startling report that appeared last Monday. The
Military Advisory Board is a group of the most respected retired Admirals
and Generals in the United States... They are about as far as you can get
from the old stereotype of a tree-hugging environmentalist. And yet in
that report they state, categorically, that projected climate change poses
a serious threat to America’s national security. It is, they say: ‘a threat
multiplier for instability in some of the most volatile regions of the world.’
In other words, an unstable climate will make the very kinds of tensions
and conflicts that the Security Council deals with, day in day out, yet more
frequent and even more severe.
Now, who, repeat who, amongst what is erroneously known as the

ruling elite is capable of heeding all that we read and know? Regrettably
all are selfish and all adhere to their individual one-point agendas.
29
Wild Panther in Miramar? Goa on
the Verge of Environmental Hara-kiri
Nandkumar Kamat
Introduction
‘A wild panther (Panthera pardus) was trapped from a private residence in
Panaji’s high class Miramar ward in April 2006’
Miramar-Panaji/Panjim, is on the banks of Mandovi estuary. It is a
densely populated area. How did the panther reach there? Where did
it come from? Is the island of Tiswadi losing its residual green cover?.
The capital city of India’s smallest state, Goa, Panjim or Panaji, the 51st
richest town in India by bank deposits, has been animatedly discussing
this issue. It is indeed a surrealistic experience. Goa is on the verge of
a serious environmental crisis. The signs are there on the horizon—
destruction of the rich watersheds, pollution of traditional ponds and
lakes, deforestation, removal of urban tree cover, cutting of the lush green
hills, reclamation of the eco-fragile flood plains of the major estuaries,
destruction of the low lying Khazan ecosystem, levelling of the coastal
sand dunes, fragmentation of the natural habitats, interference in the
natural migratory corridors of the wild animals, overuse of chemical
fertilisers, air pollution, dust pollution, impact of mining and quarrying,
alluvial sand excavation, plastic waste, mountains of municipal solid waste,
human-wild animal (elephants, monkeys, panthers) conflicts, erosion of
wild and agrobiodiversity, gene pools and the most dangerous of all—the
ecological and cultural simplification.
An ecological historian’s approach

Goa has changed radically in the 20th century. Four major environmental
drivers—mining (post-1945), urbanisation (post-1961), industrialisation
Wild Panther in Miramar? 237
(post-1971) and tourism (post-1972) have strongly impacted its ecology

and economy in the past 60 years. Understanding the transformation of
the ecology and environment of Goa needs an approach of an ecological
historian. In this chapter the focus is mostly on the developments of the
post-Second World War period (1945–2005).
Geo-ecological setting of Goa

Goa is a small state by area and population, but it is a beautiful state.
Because it is small and beautiful, it is a good model for studying
ecological and environmental history. The starting point of Goa’s history
is the genesis of the dot called Goa on the drifting continents. This dot
has travelled in time from the south of equator to its present position
(N 14° 481 to N 15° 481 Latitude, and E 75° 401 to E 74° 201 Longitude),
mid-way along the west coast of India. Geomorphologically greenschist
supracrustals overlie a basement trondhjemitic (peninsular) gneiss and are
intruded by granites, dolerites and gabbros. The late Cretaceous Deccan
traps lie to the Northeast of the state. Laterite covers most formations in
this wet tropical climate. Another geologically unique feature of Goa is
that it has the ancient crust of earth in the form of the 3.6 billion years-
old basement rock—the trondhjeimitic gneiss. This can be compared to
the age of the oldest rocks on earth found in Greenland, dated 3.9 billion
years. The oldest rocks in Goa were formed before life began on earth,
some 3.5 billion years ago. The antiquity of Goa’s geological heritage is
also found in some of the oldest rocks, such as the Dudhsagar granite,
which has been dated at 2565+95 Ma., the Chandranath granite dated at
2650+100 Ma. and the 2395+390 Ma. Canacona porphyritic granite.1
All these rocks are time capsules of earth’s lithospheric history. They were
the part of pangaea supercontinent and later the Gondwanaland. From late
Jurassic, 150 million years ago, till the split of Gondwanaland 84 milllion
years ago, the rocks probably shared their boundaries with Madagaskar
and Seychelles plates. So, Goa shares a petrological brotherhood with
Madagaskar and Seychelles. The Indian plate drifted northward for 100
million years before it had a soft collision with the Eurasian plate during
middle Eocene, about 50 million years ago.
During the course of continued northward drift, around 69–65 Mya
(Late cretaceous), widespread volcanism took place over the Indian
landmass and created the deccan trap continental flood basalt province.
It is interesting that the flood basalt did not cover Goa. If that were to
happen then perhaps the history of Goa would have taken a different turn.
238 Nandkumar Kamat
Gokul, 1985 has observed that during upper cretaceous–Lower Eocene

period, the area to the south of the present position of deccan trap in
Goa should have been a prominent topographic high which restricted the
spread of trap flows to the south. Goa’s ecological history is influenced by
the Western Ghats and the Arabian sea.2
A general mistake which most of the environmental scholars commit
is to view the landmass of Goa as an isolated area. Goa is part of the
central portion of India’s Western Ghats. Historical geography shows
that the boundaries of Goa have changed several times. Today the state
of Goa is confined to an area of 3,702 sq. km and occupies a 100-km
long and 40-km wide strip (in the widest area) between the Western
Ghats and the Arabian Sea. The present landscape of Goa is the outcome
of complex natural processes. The genesis of the Goan land mass and
the rock strata, the rivers, their basins and their channels are intimately
related to two important events—the birth of the western Indian ocean
and the rise of the Western Ghats. The geological history tells us about
the origin of the land, landscape, rock strata, minerals. Goa forms part
of the Indian Precambrian shield. In this region greenschist supracrustals
overlie a basement trondhjemitic (peninsular) gneiss and are intruded by
granites, dolerites and gabbros. The late Cretaceous Deccan traps lie to the
north east of the state. Laterite covers most formations in this wet tropical
climate. The history of the climate shows us the changing profile of the
atmosphere and how it impacts the land. The biotic history sketches the
history of living species (Table 29.1 includes the statistics on the explored
Biodiversity of Goa). The anthropological history tells us about the origin
of the first humans and further developments.
Table 29.1: Explored biodiversity of Goa
Taxa Catalogued No
FLORA
I. Microbes
a. Viruses 30
b. Yeasts 250
c. Bacteria 150
d. Actinomycetes 25
e. Fungi
- Terrestrial 400+
- Aquatic 80
- Marine 78
(Table 29.1 Contd.)

(Table 29.1 Contd.)

Taxa Catalogued No
II. Algae
- Terrestrial 15
- Fresh water 156
- Marine 50
III. Bryophytes 15
IV. Pteridophytes 48
V. Angiosperms 1,750
VI. Gymnosperms 1
FAUNA
I. Invertebrata
- Protozoa NA
- Porifera NA
- Coelenterata NA
- Platyhelminthes NA
- Aschelminthes NA
- Nematoda 10
- Annelida NA
- Arthropoda 112
- Arachnida 30
- Crustacea 82
- Mollusca
Bivalvia 28
Gastropoda 63
Cephalopoda 02
- Echinodermata NA
II. Protochordata
- Hermichordata NA
III. Vertebrata or Chordata
- Pisces 205
- Reptilia 49
- Aves 357
- Mammalia 45
Note: NA - Not Available
The regional disparities within Goa

Goa means many things to many people. But there are intraregional
variations within Goa. The colonial influence is marginal in the ‘new
240 Nandkumar Kamat
conquest areas’ which are also resource rich. The environmental and
developmental problems are different in these talukas. Comparatively
the ‘old conquest talukas’ show a more cohesive culture, high degree
of urbanisation, industrialisation and development. The environmental
problems of these talukas are different. Then there are ecologically
determined cultural factors which separate the settlements and people in
the Mahadayi/Mandovi river basin from Zuari river basin. For example
the cult of the worship of ‘Gajalaxmi’ or the goddess of monsoon and
vegetation popular in Mandovi river basin is not found in Zuari river basin.
The system of alluvial river silt-based rice farming , locally known as ‘Puran
xeti’ is also dominant in the Mandovi river basin. The coastal low lying
saline lands known as ‘Khazans’ are confined to the estuarine belt whereas
the terraced plantations known as ‘moles’ and ‘kamats’ are located only
on the hillslopes in the midland talukas and in the Western Ghat foothills.
The rainfall intensity varies from west to east. The Sahyadrian Goa is rich
in hydrological and biotic resources. There is also a vertical geographical
divide. The coastal plains and the estuarine floodplains are separated by
the Sahyadrian hills and foothills. For any student of Goa’s environment,
the baseline begins with a good understanding of the natural resources
and the cultural ecology.
Goans can be called ‘ecosystem people’ if we use the definition
provided by Gadgil and Guha, 1992.3 The best reflection of cultural
behaviour of the ecosystem people is found in the Goan folklore. Right
from the pre-historic period there seems to be a good understanding of
the wild flora and fauna among the inhabitants of the Mandovi and Zuari
river basins which drain more than 70 per cent of the state’s geographical
area. The zoomorphic petroglyphs of Panasaimol, Kazur and Mauxi
show the wildlife knowledge of the pre-historic hunters. It is difficult to
identify a distinctly Goan set of environmental ethics but the tradition of
worshipping sacred groves and sacred trees proves that ecotheologically
and ecospiritually the people were quiet advanced.
The environmental issues in Goa

The colonial years: There is clear difference in the environmental issues in
colonial and post-colonial Goa. In the colonial period under consideration,
the economy was based on the primary sector. The manufacturing sector
was marginal and the contribution from the service sector was negligible.
Low population pressure, low purchasing power, low consumption
meant less pollution.
The only source of air pollution was from the burning of the fuelwood
and agricultural residue. Industrial wastewater pollution was negligible.
The age of large-scale use of agrochemicals had not dawned as most of the
agriculture was organic. So there was no overloading of the lentic and lotic
waterbodies with nitrogen and phosphorus leading to eutrophication.
However, clean treated water was scarce and the waterborne diseases
were dominant. Preventive health surveillance was excellent and the
administration could rapidly identify the sources of various epidemics.
Urban sanitation was effective. There were checks on quality of food
sold in markets. The community assets were being managed by the
communidades (an association of some villagers who controlled land
resources). The landlords also managed the community assets such as
bundhs, drainage works, wells under their possession. But they had limited
interest in new capital investment in the lands leased to tenants or occupied
by the mundkars. There were traditional systems like the ‘bhous’ which
looked after the maintenance of the Khazan lands on a cooperative basis.
A major environmental issue in colonial Goa was the damage to the
coastal Khazan lands due to breaches in the protective embankments. There
were problems with coastal management due to erosion of the sea shores.
But sincere efforts were made in the 1950s to address these issues. There
were stringent penalties for intentional flooding of the fertile paddy fields
for the purpose of pisciculture. Complaints against the mining industry
were restricted to the movement of the barges which caused erosion of
the external embankments of the Khazan bundhs near Mapusa, Naroa and
Mandovi rivers.
This problem became acute in 1955–56. For the coastal Khazan
farmers this was the first exposure to the environmental impacts of a new
industry. There is no data available about the deforestation caused by the
opening of the private mining leases during this period (1946–1961) and
the consequent rise in the sediment flow in Mandovi and Zuari rivers.
But a rough estimate could be made from the volume of the Iron ore
exported—from 60 thousand tones in 1946 to six million metric tones
in 1961.
A hundred-fold rise in the ore export meant removal of an overburden
by two hundred times. Most of the ‘massive dead ore reject dumps’ which
are seen in the mining belt between Advalpale-Bicholim to Sanguem have
their foundation in this period.
The Portuguese administration did not take any steps to impose any
environmental guidelines for sustainable mining. But they had made it
mandatory to seek the permission of the Mamlatdar and the Captain of
242 Nandkumar Kamat
ports to remove sand or any part of the earth. Their policy of granting of
the mining leases to all and sundry created a mini ‘iron ore prospecting’
rush in Goa. The primary sector of Goa paid a heavy price for this
policy. There was no understanding of the externalities associated with
unregulated mining activity.
The post-colonial years

The post-colonial years are significant on account of the impact of four
major environmental drivers—mining, urbanisation, industrialisation and
tourism. All these drivers converge on a single focus—‘human interference
in the ecosystems’. Table 29.2 outlines the threat perception for different
ecosystems. The ecological and environmental impacts of mining became
apparent only after 1970s. For a detailed chronological treatment of these
issues, readers may refer to Chapter 8 in Claude Alvares’ Fish Curry and Rice:
A Sourcebook on Goa, Its ecology and Life-style.4
Table 29.2: Threats perception—ecosystems and biodiversity of Goa
Type of Ecosystem Existing and Perceived Threats

Continental Shelf Supertanker traffic, oil pollution, bilge
washings, overfishing, depleting fisheries stocks,
agricultural run-off, red-tides. Sediment plume
with heavy metal oxides, clay colloids, sewage
Beaches and sand dunes Mass tourism, water sports, constructions, sand
(4000 hectares) removal, solid waste, sewage discharges,
dumping of constructional debris, exotic weeds,
land levelling
Intertidal rock pools Oil pollution, solid waste, sewage
(Vagator, Anjuna,
Palolem, Verem)
Estuarine islands Breaches in embankments, flooding, exotic
(Tiswadi, Divar, Chorao, weeds, dumping of waste, cutting of
Jua, Cumbarjua, Corjuve, mangroves, destruction of watersheds
Capao, Rane’s Jua, Saint
Jacinto)
Marine islands (St. Cutting of trees, fires, solid waste
George, grande,
pequeno)
Mangroves (2000 Oil pollution, dumping of plastic waste,
hectares, 9 tidal rivers) constructional debris, fire, deforestation and
land reclamation, exotic weeds
Type of Ecosystem Existing and Perceived Threats

Khazans (saline coastal Damage to bundhs, sluice gates, flooding, illegal
paddy fields spread in 8 pisciculture, soil erosion, land filling and
talukas over 17,000 reclamation, solid waste dumping, scrapyards
hectares)
Riverbanks and Encroachments, blast fisheries, solid waste and
floodplains (about 5000 sewage disposal, oil pollution
hectares)
Lateritic grasslands Deforestation, housing, industries, fires, exotic
(plateaus) weeds
Forests (1250 sq. kms.) Deforestation, mining, quarrying, dams, roads,
kumeri cultivation, monoculture plantations,
artificial breaks, exotic weeds, fires, floods, soil
erosion, poaching
Myristica swamps in Human interference, solid waste, fire
western ghats
Lotic freshwater (rivers) Alluvial sand mining, Sediment from mining
rejects, high turbidity, oil, grease, heavy metals,
nitrates, sewage, solid waste, blast fisheries
Lotic freshwater (springs, Watershed destruction, housing, industries,
fountains) Washing of vehicles, sewage
Lentic freshwater(natural Eutrophication, reclamation, encroachments,
lakes) impact of religious practices (immersion of
idols)
Caves (limestone, Mining, slope instabilities, solid waste
lateritic)
Salt pans (agors) Oil, PHC, heavy metals, sediments, solid waste,
flooding, erosion
Wind blown cliffs Deforestation, quarrying, constructions
Waterfalls Quarrying, deforestation
http://www.goacom.com/goafoundation/biodiversity/
The present environmental discourse regarding mining shows that

perceptions differ sharply between various stakeholders. Whereas villagers
in Sattari and Sanguem are vehemently opposed to the opening of new
mining leases, in areas declared as sanctuaries some people view mining
as an economically beneficial activity. The mining labour unions have
also adopted an ambivalent stance towards the problems faced by the
agricultural proletariat.
The big players in mining have improved their environmental record
and have also obtained the ISO certification for environmentally sound
mining practices. Generally the debate and the controversies have
244 Nandkumar Kamat
centred around issues like deforestation and loss of wildlife, habitat

fragmentation, air and noise pollution, the high levels of dust in the
environment, the location of the reject ore dumps, the sediment flow
polluting the waterbodies, the depletion of local groundwater table, the
hazards created by ore transportation and the erosion of infrastructure like
the roads. There seems to be an economic trade-off to compensate for the
environmental deterioration. People may not be worried about the long-
term effects of the pollution if they get generous financial support to build
a religious structure or a community hall.
The labour shift has also resulted in abandoning of the fields and the
mining area has seen a boom in the service sector. People are caught on
the horns of dilemma—they would lose the economic affluence and direct
and indirect employment if environmental issues are fought aggressively
and apolitically. And if they only focus on improving the environmental
quality, there is fear of division in their ranks and closure of the mines.
The panchayati raj system under India’s 73rd Constitutional Amend-
ment has been empowered to tackle such issues through the medium
of ‘Gramsabha’—the general council of the villagers. But the village
panchayats in the mining belt have consistently failed to take up the issue
of ‘environmentally friendly sustainable mining’ within their jurisdiction.
The village panchayats are empowered to convene multistakeholder
meetings to address all the issues related to environment and development.
But seldom have these powers been invoked. Either there is political
interference or implied threats from the state apparatus.
Mining has been generating more than Rs 1,000 crore-foreign exchange
earnings on average per annum, besides contributing a social capital
of Rs 250 crore per year. About 15,000 people are directly employed.
Another 30,000 are employed in ancillary activities. Thus, 45,000 people
in mining industry make it one of the largest labour lobby in the state of
Goa. The Government of India has done very little to help the state of Goa
to restore the degraded mining areas where mining activity has stopped.
Union government agencies like the Indian bureau of Mines show
scant interest in enforcing their mandate for sustainable mining. The main
importers of Goa’s iron ore are Japan, People’s republic of China and
South Korea. Even these countries have not demanded environmentally
acceptable mining operations. Japan is a big donor for environmental
projects. Most of the Japanese aid for ecorestoration projects in Asia and
India, through bilateral or multilateral channels has been diverted to other
areas. Despite Japan being the oldest importer country of Goa’s iron ore, it
has not shown any interest in helping Goa for eco-rehabilitation projects
in the mining areas. The Goan iron ore exporters have set up their own
foundation which carries the task of implementing some welfare projects
in the mining areas.
The Saleli Revolt—How Neglected Social, Ecological

Issues Precipitate a Crisis
So far, the discourse against mining in Goa has been limited to the
impacts of iron ore mining companies. But large-scale and often illegal
stone quarrying for basalt and laterite is leaving ugly ecological and
environmental footprints.
The agitation by the ryots of Saleli village in Sattari, north Goa district
against the highly polluting stone crushers in 2005 initially did not move
the authorities. The Goa State Pollution Control Board gives the consent
to operate the stone crushers. The local village panchayats are supposed to
give the No Objection Certificate after verifying the site and the possibility
of public nuisance from such activity.
In December 2005, a private stone quarry operator in Saleli village
was brutally lynched by a mob. There was apparently opposition to his
new stone crusher. But there was also another dimension behind the
violence—the unresolved land ownership issue. The ryots who rebelled
were not entitled to the ownership of the lands which they had been
cultivating. There was already a degree of frustration and helplessness
among the people as they continued to witness the expansion of the basalt
quarrying business. Their sacred hills were taken over. The watershed
was bulldozed and the pristine springs vanished. Ultimately when the
quarries reached the ‘Devarais’ (sacred groves), the villagers decided that
they had too much. What followed after the Saleli homicide was an eye
opening lesson for the whole state of Goa. It was a paradigm shift. No
more environmental issue would be now studied in isolation. ‘Saleli’
could happen again—that’s what people talk as if Saleli is a symbol of
some malady.
The Shelvona dumping yard issue

High grade iron ore brought from Karnataka for the beneficiation of
the Goan iron ore has created the problem of heavy dust pollution at
Sanvordem dumping yard. The government looked for alternatives. A site
at Shelvona on the banks of Zuari river is proposed to be acquired but the
246 Nandkumar Kamat
issue has raised dust as there are powerful political role players supporting
and opposing the Shelvona project.
This issue appears as another flashpoint indicating how the mining
is impacting the grass roots level politics in Goa. There is certainly no
unanimity among the mining companies about the selection of the
Shelvona site. As they are divided the politicians and the media is also
towing different lines according to their loyalties. In the very near future,
this issue would emerge as a test case for the mining industry, the local
people and the Government.
Towards sustainable mining

The main problem of open cast iron ore mining in Goa is the huge
amount of overburden. For every metric tone of iron ore two metric tones
of overburden has to be removed. This has resulted in accumulation of
more than a billion tones of overburden which is piled up in ‘dead’ and
‘active’ dumps. Actually this overburden has good amount of iron (less
than 55 but very rarely below 40) and aluminium. But at the present level
of technologies.
It is not exploitable. New technologies like bioleaching and biohydro-
metallurgy may take a few years to break even. Alternatives for the use of
the ore reject which has some clay have been suggested. Excellent adobe
bricks could be manufactured from the ore-reject using some binders.
Economic and engineering models have been worked out by a Goan
engineer, Mr Fernades, but somehow this idea has not caught up. Besides,
at the Goa University, this author has also been experimenting with novel
techniques such as biomining and bioleaching to solubilise the metallic
ores, so that the low grade ores could be utilised.
These experiments are however at a preliminary stage and need further
research.
The main issues in discourse on mining

and environment
There are diverse opinions and lobbies which debate these type of issues.
Here, the expression ‘people’ refer to the inhabitants of the mining area
of Goa, in a belt spread over 600 square kilometres, from Advalpale to
Neturlim, running parallel to the Western Ghats.
 Farmers are opposed to mining but would be satisfied with

compensation.
 Farmers are not satisfied with compensation, but need their area
to be free from mining or ecologically restored.
 Workers are opposed to the closure of mines or lay-offs and have
no public stand on environmental hazards from mining.
 Truck operators are opposed to closure of mines and are
insensitive to the dust pollution.
 People are opposed to open transport of the ore which causes
massive dust pollution.
 Farmers oppose mining but often are contented to forego
cultivation if a mining company offers a good compensation
in lieu of the discontinuation of the farming operations or the
damage caused.
 People in the wildlife sanctuaries are divided over mining. Those
who have good plantations or farms are opposed to mining and
those who are unemployed or landless are in favour. Those who
hope to borrow loans from the banks to operate ore carrying
goods trucks also see new mines as a windfall opportunity. There
is a vertical divide between the ecological stakeholders and the
economic stakeholders.
 People expect the mine owners to be generous for their social,
cultural, religious and educational needs and may ignore the
environmental hazards if these needs are met.
 People view media owned by the mine owners as partial towards
mining and less sensitive towards environmental concerns.
 People expect media owned by other non-mining interests to
take up their grievances.
 The mine owners are concerned about the extortionists and
opportunist elements and the troublemakers who may instigate
the locals over environmental issues.
 The mine owners and the mining companies claim that they have
made substantial investments in social capital formation, by way
of charity and by contributing to the growth and development
of the educational, cultural and sports sectors.
 The labour unions view the mining vs environment, mining vs
agriculture controversies with calculated indifference and have
no clear defined policy to stand with the affected people. In very
rare cases the interests of the mining workers and farmers have
come together.
 People in mining area expect judicial activism over environmental
concerns of mining and are prepared to approach the judiciary
for intervention.
248 Nandkumar Kamat
 Environmental issues related to mining have no priority during

any elections as compared to people’s needs of roads, bus
stands, playgrounds, water, power supply, employment, etc.
The environmental issues associated with urbanisation: Rapid
urbanisation is another issue which has generated a lot of
controversy in Goa because of the large-scale land conversions,
lack of urban amenities like sewage disposal systems, slums,
health problems, pollution, congestion, traffic bottlenecks, etc.
 In 1950 Goa had only 13 per cent urban population. There was a
marginal rise in 1960. But in 1971 the urban population showed
a quantum jump from 14.80 per cent to 25.56 per cent. Again in
1981 it went up to 32.03 per cent, followed by 41.01 per cent
in 1991 and 49.77 per cent in 2001. The latest estimate shows
the urban population reached 54 per cent by March 2005. The
2002 National census put Goa at the top of the list of highly
urbanised states. Among the 11 talukas of Goa, Salcete, Bardez,
Marmgoa and Tiswadi show a very high trend of urbanisation.
Incidentally, these four talukas are also highly globalised. Most
of the wealth of Goa is also accumulated in these four talukas.
(This article was originally published in locally circulated journal Atharva, Vol. II, No.6,
Nov 2007—a monthly of contemporary studies and analyses, edited by Pradip Mhaske,
Ponda, Goa, India)
notes
1. Dhoundial et al. 1987.
2. Gokul, A. R. (1985) ‘Structure and Tectonics of Goa (pp.14-21)’, Earth Resources for
Goa’s Development, seminar volume, Geological Survey of India, Hyderabad.
3. Gadgil M. and Guha, R. (1992) This Fissured Land: An Ecological History of India. Delhi: Oxford
University Press.
4. Alvares C. (2002) Fish Curry and Rice: A Source Book on Goa, Its Ecology and Life-style (4th
edition). Goa: The Goa Foundation.
Section Eight
Gender and Environment
30
Reporting Gender and Environment:
Beyond Tokenism
Laxmi Murthy
In the present climate of political correctness, an awkward three-letter

concoction, s/he, often passes for addressing the ‘gender element’.
Tacking on a ‘her’, ‘women’ and ‘girls’, to a narrative that is essentially
male-focused, however, does not do away with the ‘issue’ of gender.
The past two decades have also witnessed ‘gender mainstreaming’,
an official policy on equal opportunity that entails the incorporation of
equal opportunities for women and men in all policies and structures.
This political strategy aimed at achieving gender equity is seemingly
more broad-based than policies aimed at achieving equal opportunities
for women. Yet, gender mainstreaming is a top-down strategy with a
target group of decision makers, as opposed to women’s rights campaigns
which are most often grassroots movements.
Similarly, talk of ‘gender equity’, the advocacy of equality, or a belief in
basic equal rights and opportunities for all genders within legal, political,
social, or corporate establishments, makes the erroneous assumptions that
women’s rights have already been achieved. In all societies where there
is a historical, traditional and sometimes legal bias against the exercise
of rights by women, gender equity and gender mainstreaming are not
possible without achieving women’s rights, because women in general
continue to suffer structural disadvantage.
Conversely, even as women continue to bear the brunt of systematic,
institutionalised discrimination, movements for change as well as main-
stream discourse that has incorporated a gender critique have ensured great
visibility for women. It seems as though women are everywhere. Indeed,
gender seems to have been taken on board with a vengeance, sometimes
to the extent of becoming a fetish. Part of the problem could be traced to
252 Laxmi Murthy
the particular place women have begun to occupy in any discussion on

the environment. The media could not but reflect this trend.
Women and nature

Environmentalism giving way to ecofeminism in the West in the 1980s
was a corollary of the feminist movement itself. Increasingly, the exploita-
tive relationship between nature and human beings began to be viewed
through the lens of patriarchal domination. Critiques of patriarchal
science, the dominant model of development, with its focus on extraction
of natural resources emerged.1 The gender-based division of labour and
its impact on nature also came in for study. Indeed, it was implied that
women were intrinsically closer to nature and it was ‘natural’ that they
shouldered more responsibility to protect Mother Earth from plunder.
Movements like the Chipko Andolan (movement to prevent deforestation
led by village women in Garhwal) in the 1970s and Greenham Common
(the eponymous women-led protest against nuclear weapons in the early
1980s in England), exemplified and defied this link.
Soon, the proposition that women had an inextricable link with nature
was reinforced by international agencies and NGOs, although the rhetoric
was based more on gender roles rather than biology. For example, the
World Bank holds, ‘Women … play an essential role in the management
of natural resources, including soil, water, forests and energy … and often
have a profound traditional and contemporary knowledge of the natural
world around them.’2 However, this trend of essentialising women,
reinforcing their supposed ‘intrinsic’ bond with nature has had the effect
of laying the burden of dealing with environmental degradation squarely
on women’s shoulders.
Moreover, the media has also tended to suspend a healthy criticality
when it comes to the sacred cows of development, one of which has
been micro-credit and self-help groups. Probing beneath the surface often
yields the real story. The reality that only a tiny percentage of women
own land (75 per cent of women-headed households own less than 0.40
hectares, according to NSS data), increases their vulnerability particularly
in situations of disasters. Nitya Rao3 demonstrates the variance in recovery
due to land ownership in the recent experiences after the Indian Ocean
Tsunami. Studies show that the fishermen community—that is, men—
received replacements of their damaged boats and fishing nets running
into thousands of rupees. In contrast fisherwomen dependent on selling
fish were not compensated for their loss of livelihoods. When International
Reporting Gender and Environment 253
and Local NGOs intervened they used the mechanism of the self-help
groups. This has often resulted in women receiving loans to ensure short-
term sustainability with little surety of economic recovery. The loans
given through the self-help groups have to be repaid whereas the men in
most cases were given grants or at least subsidies. Such disparities have
been rarely highlighted by the media, which tends to take ‘success’ stories
at face value.
Indeed, in the guise of ‘success’ stories and stories of change,
highlighting the heroic efforts of individual women or groups of women,
to deal with the ravaged environment that directly impacts their lives, the
media has been responsible for reinforcing the notion that it is women
who must not only lead, but be the movement themselves. This begs the
question—does this let men off the hook? In order to parse this question,
we must go back to some of the basics of journalism.
Gendered lens
Much before men and women choose journalism as a career, they are
socialised in male and female roles, which are specific to a particular
culture. This socialisation influences how the individual journalist, as well
as the media as a whole reports on, portrays and treats women. Gender
sensitisation helps journalists to identify and understand the attitudes,
prejudices, biases and socialisation which often come through in media
messages; to recognise and analyse the imbalanced portrayal of women in
the media and the marginalisation of women’s voices; and also provides
skills and techniques to journalists and editors to analyse facts, issues and
data from a gender perspective.
Some key factors in sensitising journalists to include the gender
perspective has been to ask whether the coverage reflects a holistic
view that includes women, and also to pause to think whether gender
awareness and sensitivity are built into reporting requirements. Whether
or not coverage has given equal space to men’s and women’s voices, and
whether the gender dimension of the story has been explored are by
now accepted basics of gender-sensitive reporting. Avoiding reinforcing
gender stereotypes, trivialising women’s experiences on the one hand or
sensationalising them on the other, is another basic tenet. This would
be particularly relevant in the use of visuals, both still and broadcast,
reinforcing the stereotype of women as victims, particularly during
natural calamities, for example. At the same time, while guarding against
making women ‘invisible’, over-representation is a potential hazard.
254 Laxmi Murthy
Using inclusive, gender neutral language but also making sure to specify
gender disaggregated data where relevant, is also considered routine in
order to weave gender balance and accuracy.
Gender neutral language matters a great deal. Traditionally, in most
societies, men have been the dominant force and our language has
developed in ways which reflect male dominance, sometimes to the total
exclusion of women. Studies4 have shown that the use of the word ‘man’
(‘social man’, ‘industrial man’, and ‘political man’) evoke, to a statistically
significant degree, images of males only—filtering out recognition
of women’s participation in these major areas of life—whereas the
corresponding headings without ‘man’ evoked images of both males and
females.
Gender-neutral language (gender-generic, gender-inclusive, non-
sexist, or sex-neutral language) is language that attempts to refer neither
to males or females when the sex of the person is irrelevant to the subject.
In English-language journalism, gender-neutral language includes the
use of gender-neutral pronouns, as well as specific words that reinforce
stereotypes of gender roles. Again, in the rush to be gender sensitive and
inclusive, the journalist must guard against the over-use of ‘she’ and ‘her’,
and specifically be cautious when it comes to referring to victims.
Language in any society is dynamic, and the media must not keep up
with the changes, but be the fore-runner of coining new language that
reflects changing social hierarchies and rigid divisions. Not only will this
reach out to a wider audience, it can perform the crucial role of affecting
social consciousness in the long run.
Beyond tokenism—getting at the truth

So when journalists are increasingly being trained to include the gender
element in their stories covering environment, using gender-neutral
language and being sensitive to the use of visuals and women’s voices,
where is the problem?
In the first place, this is simply not being done enough, as several analysts
have pointed out, and there is a long way to go before environmental
reporting is truly inclusive of gender concerns.5 Second, as detailed above,
such an approach, in the name of recognising the crucial link between
women and environment, places the entire burden of environmental
activism on women. Third, token gender sensitivity tends to miss the
more complex stories.
This can be best illustrated through an example of a story that is

literally in the air we breathe: the connection between environmental
pollution and women’s well-being; between chemical corporations and
reproductive health.
The dioxin story

Dioxin and furans, some of the most toxic chemicals known to
humankind, are literally all around us. Dioxins, classified by the World
Health Organisation as carcinogenic, are a chemical family with about
75 members, the most toxic of which is 2.3.7.8-Tetra-Chloro-Dibenzo-
p-Dioxin (TCDD). Synthesised as a by-product of the chlorine industry,
dioxins are also released into the atmosphere by incineration of chlorine-
based products such as plastics, paints, etc. They take centuries to degrade,
and can undergo continual recycling in the environment.
Dioxin, also called an ‘environmental hormone’, is an endocrine
disruptor, that is, it interferes with the normal functioning of the endocrine
system—cells and glands in the body that secrete hormones, the chemical
messengers that regulate bodily processes. Experimental evidence shows
that elevated levels of the female hormone estrogen can promote breast
cell proliferation which can lead to breast cancer. Environmental estrogens
or ‘xenoestrogens’ like dioxin may increase breast cancer risk by binding
to and acting through estrogen receptors, thereby imitating natural
estrogens.
Back in September 1994, the US Environmental Protection Agency
(EPA) released a document of human health risks from exposure to dioxin,
and warned that dioxin poses a large-scale, long term threat to public
health—not only because dioxins are ‘likely to present a cancer hazard to
humans’, but also because they may have adverse effects on development,
reproduction and the immune system.
Research in the West has implicated xenoestrogens in higher rates of
spontaneous abortion, foetal death and intra-uterine growth retardation,
since dioxin is known to block the secretion of the thyroid hormone.
In addition to the amount of exposure, the timing seems to be crucial.
Exposure during foetal development or during early infancy can have
serious implications for future development.
Moreover, pioneering studies on rhesus monkeys in 19936 have
shown that exposure to PCBs (polychlorinated biphenyls) and dioxin
increase the risk of endometriosis—a disease in which endometrial cells
(normally found lining the uterus) proliferate outside the uterus, causing
256 Laxmi Murthy
irregular bleeding, excruciating pain, chronic fatigue and infertility.

PCBs and dioxin are known to affect the immune mechanism, which
is thought to be involved in endometriosis. Researchers also concluded
that human exposure to dioxin is significantly higher than that associated
with endometriosis in monkeys and also state that current public health
standards are not strong enough to provide guarantees against the
potential for dioxin causing endometriosis. What is of concern is that
endometriosis, a debilitating disease now affecting an estimated 7–10 per
cent of women in their reproductive years, was observed at very low
doses of dioxin. In fact, the dose was seven–eight times lower than the
‘no-adverse-effect’ level proposed by the WHO (1,000 pg/kg/day),
indicating that this guideline may not be protective of human health. The
limit now being proposed is about 0.1 pg/kg of body weight, although
many already have levels far above this limit. Another concern is the effect
of ‘synergism’, whereby even minute quantities of these chemicals can
cause immense harm when acting in combination with other chemicals.
The sources of dioxin are all around us, in alarmingly ‘common’
items of daily use which contain chlorine, for instance, paints, pesticides,
detergents, plastics, paper, pharmaceuticals, and PVC. Effluents from
factories manufacturing these products pollute water, soil and air, thus
entering the food chain in several ways. They are passed on via the natural
food chain in constantly higher concentrations. Indeed, scientists believe
that organo-chlorines are now present in the body fat of every person on
the planet. The treatment of drinking water with chlorine has recently
been found to release chlorinated by-products like trihalomethanes, which
could be carcinogenic. A long-term move towards source protection
would minimise hazardous disinfectant treatment.
Pesticides such as DDT, in use for over 50 years and associated
chlorinated pesticides like aldrin, endrin and lindane, remain intact (that
is, are not bio-degradable) and have a disastrous tendency to accumulate
in fatty tissue. As far back as 1993, a study in Punjab found that 80 per cent
of food samples were contaminated by DDT; all 244 examples of milk and
its products and all 130 samples of breast milk contained residues of DDT.
Though DDT was withdrawn from use in agriculture in 1989, it continues
to be used in the public health programme for malaria eradication, since
the short-term benefits are prioritised over the long-term risks.
The link between industry and cancer is apparent for those in the media
who dig beneath the surface. For instance, in the late 1990s, it became
known that Breast Cancer Awareness month in the US which began in
1984 is wholly sponsored by Zeneca Corp, now known as AstraZeneca, a

leading pharmaceutical company, makers of tamoxifen, the controversial,
yet most widely prescribed breast cancer drug. The focus is on early
detection, and there is no mention of prevention. More significantly, there
is no talk of the link between environmental and occupational hazards
with breast cancer. Zeneca pays for and controls all the radio and TV spots,
all the pamphlets, all the information relating to ‘Breast Cancer Awareness
Month’. There is never any mention that environmental risk factors may
induce or promote breast tumours. Ironically, Zeneca earns US$ 300
million each year from sales of the carcinogenic herbicide acetochlor.
Since it also earns about US$ 500 million each year marketing tamoxifen,
cancer prevention is obviously not a priority.
Breast cancer is a major world-wide public health problem, representing
between 3–5 per cent of all deaths in developed countries and 1–3 per
cent deaths in developing countries. Cancer registries in India have also
observed an increase in incidence of breast cancer over the last two
decades. Data released by the Indian Council of Medical Research in 2006
shows that the incidence of breast cancer is high among Indian women in
the metropolitan cities of Mumbai, Chennai, and Delhi. Although accurate
data is not available in India, it is estimated that one in 22 Indian women
is likely to develop breast cancer during her lifetime, though the figure
is considerably higher in America.7 According to a study by International
Agency for Research on Cancer (IARC), there will be approximately
2,50,000 new cases of breast cancer in India by 2015. At present, India
reports around 1,00,000 new cases annually.8
It is now established that due to women’s unique physiology, they may
respond differently than men to environmental toxin exposure. Many of
these toxins are stored in fat and may reside in the body for long periods
of time. Storage of toxins in fat is a problem of greater importance in
women because of their higher percentage of body fat and the hormonal
changes that occur during pregnancy, lactation, and menopause, which
can result in mobilising internal stores of pollutants many years after the
initial exposure.9 Yet, the link between environmental pollution and breast
cancer is rarely made in the mainstream media, which focuses more on
lifestyle factors.
The story of dioxin is not an environmental story alone—the gender
element is crucial to exposing it. As scholar and activist Joni Seager
argues:
258 Laxmi Murthy
The effects of exposure to pollution cannot be generalized across a

population; they will vary considerably with age, class, race, nationality,
gender, geographic location and social location. Feminists are particularly
active in exploring the ways in which the health impacts of pollution are
different for men and for women.10
While declining sperm counts in men has also been correlated with
dioxin in several studies in India and the West, there is no doubt that the
most widespread impact is on women’s health. The timing, prevalence,
and rate of particular cancers (especially breast cancer), reproductive
disorders, and chronic health impairments are typically very different in
women than in their male counterparts.
The link between women’s health, pollution and industry, has not
been adequately investigated in the Indian media, or by the medical
establishment. It has largely been women’s organisations and health
activists who have been raising these issues and insisting that women’s
experiences of pollution be disaggregated from the more typically
generalised studies of pollution impacts. What the media must realise, is
that gender sensitive journalism is good journalism, and the big story will
be missed if half of humanity is ignored.
Notes
1. Maria Mies, best known for Patriarchy and Accumulation on a World Scale (1986) and Vandana
Shiva, with Staying Alive (1989), best represent this stream of thought. Their 1993 book
Ecofeminism is a significant dialogue between feminists in the North and South.
2. www.worldbank.org
3. Rao, Nitya (2005) ‘Gender Equality, Land Rights and Household Food Security
Discussion of Rice Farming Systems’, Economic and Political Weekly, 18–24 June.
4. For example Wendy Martyna’s pioneering 1980 work, ‘The Psychology of the Generic
Masculine’, in McConnell-Ginet, R. Borker and N. Furman (eds), Women and Language in
Literature and Society. New York: Praeger Publishers.
5. See, for example, Joseph, Ammu (2007) ‘The Gender Factor’, in Nalini Rajan (ed.),
21st Century Journalism in India, SAGE Publications, and Joni Seager’s ‘Noticing
Gender (or not) in Disasters’, Chicago Tribune, 14 Sept 2005.
6. Rier, S., D. Martin, R. Bowman, W. Dmowski and J. Becker (1993) ‘Endometriosis
in Rhesus Monkeys Following Chronic Exposure to 2,3,7,8-Tetrachlorodibenzo-p-
Dioxin’, Fundamental and Applied Toxicology, 21: 433–441.
7. http://www.medindia.net/news/view_news_main.asp?x=7279
8. http://sify.com/news/fullstory.php?id=14648743
9. http://www.nutramed.com/environment/airpollutionintro.htm
10. Seager, Joni (1996) ‘Rethinking the Environment: Women and Pollution’, Political
Environments, 3 (Spring).
Section Nine
Environmental Movements
31
The Grass is Greener This Side
Meena Menon
The sun was not yet out. Red tiled roofs emerged from the dull grey
waters. It was a group of submerged huts, all belonging to one family.
Domkhedi village, on the banks of the Narmada River, many years ago,
was a rich bustling settlement which wound down steeply to the river.
Now the boats touched the last remaining flat ground which had a small
hillock on top with a single house. By now, I am sure it has vanished
forever.
The landscape of the valley had changed—the deep ravines were gone.
The backwaters filled them up to the last remaining crests. The people had
left long ago. It was Holi at Domkhedi on the last bit of flat ground. The
celebration of good over evil. A slow menacing dance of a beleaguered
people, praying perhaps for their lives and their lands which were already
taken away from them. It was elemental, the events of the last decade,
and as if by some sorcery, an entire valley was swept under water. These
waters would never part, there would be no revelations. Only a requiem.
When I woke up groggy eyed to the sound of incessant drumming and
a giant bonfire around which men danced—a slow rhythmic movement
in circles, I realised that this was the last time I would be seeing this. These
people, who moved much like their ancestors around a huge fire, were in
reality on a sacrificial altar. They were praying to the five elements. Was
there a sense of betrayal? I did not see it though.
Twenty years ago, when I came to the Narmada valley for the first
time, it was the seat of the anti-dam struggle. There was much intrigue
and expectation. As I heaved up the steep slope from where the boat
had stopped, I saw the lush vegetation all around. It was a poor adivasi
village—no lights, no school and no health care. But in terms of resources,
it was rich. Far away in the city, few cared if Domkhedi lived or drowned.
Many would not even know it and even if they did, so what?
262 Meena Menon
And that dance around the fire was for me a dance of death. I thought
about all that was written about the dam, displacement and about the
people whose lives were in any case ‘so pathetic’. It was better they
moved out to places where the government gave all the facilities or so
the argument went. The argument favoured by those who believed in so
called public purpose projects.
The contrast between Domkhedi and our city lives suddenly struck
me as ludicrous. It also struck me—were these people praying to the five
elements to forgive us for taking away their lives? All night I was haunted
by bizarre thoughts as I watched them dance. It had a strange compelling
quality. Resentful and placatory, even menacing—all sorts of words came
to me trying to describe their dance. It meant so many things, life itself
and I realised what it meant to them to lose that land. It was their sorrow
being churned out in those rhythmic circles, there was no need for words.
It was there for everyone to see. A sort of a last stand under a full moon
while the backwaters lapped silently against half hidden huts. It is a night
I will never forget.
No strange breed, just committed journalists

There were many unforgettable moments during the course of being an
‘environmental’ journalist. The popular perception is that we are some
strange breed which wants to preserve nature at any cost. We care little for
people and development was a no no for us. And of course, ‘we protested
against everything’. Since the days of the Mulshi dam before independence
and later, the Bhakra Nangal dam people have questioned the need for big
dams and the entire model of development that relied on these temples of
progress. In Maharashtra too, many stalwarts opposed dams and formed
organisations against them. Their struggles were reported widely, and then
I don’t think it was called environmental journalism. My first exposure
to remote areas started with Murbad, near Mumbai, where people were
waging a war over land. The struggle for land was such a primary one
and to tag it only as an environment movement would be doing it a
grave injustice. Later, I met the feisty Kaluram Dhondge of Bhoomi Sena
who had led a revolutionary movement for people’s rights over forest
land in Palghar and surrounding areas of the predominantly adivasi Thane
district. Meeting people like Kaluram taught me that environmental
journalism was all encompassing, it centred on the fundamentals of human
existence, the right over natural resources and a say in development. It
was also painfully clear that the land rights movements which took off
The Grass is Greener This Side 263
in a sporadic way in many parts of the country did not sustain for long
and many of the problems we see today can be traced back to that basic
issue. With some notable exceptions the issue really has not grabbed the
attention of the media and that would count as one of our failures in a
sense. As a journalist in the early 1980s, the Narmada movement was a
very attractive one to report on and not at all easy. I remember spending a
week in the valley in 1988 on the ‘Samvad Yatra’ led by Medha Patkar. It
was an initiation of sorts. We were a group of journalists who staggered
along with Medha and her energetic companions, walking all day through
villages where she would hold meetings and then crashing at night. It’s
so easy to get taken in by the romance of it all. The long boat rides on
the emerald green and yet dangerous Narmada, the moonlit walks, the
variety of people you meet and the immense hospitality of the region, to
say nothing of the food. The meetings brought us back to earth and the
issues were so many—poor rehabilitation policies, at that time no land for
land and a growing opposition to the dam. The seriousness of it all slowly
sank in. When you see the lives of the people, their simplicity, especially
in the remote adivasi regions, you do feel a twinge. Can’t these people
get something better? But a thought holds you back. Why must people,
always poor at that, move to make way for large projects so that the rest
of us can enjoy electricity 24 × 7.
Journalism with a cause

Then people say how can we live in darkness? Don’t we need power?
Certainly we do, I won’t be writing this without power, but so do the
people who are displaced. The argument is for a more equitable form of
development, which does not dump those who are giving up land and
their livelihoods. No one denies that irrigation is important but why can’t
we look at alternatives, options of smaller dams, micro irrigation and
other models. Or if you must displace people, at least ensure an efficient
rehabilitation package. Where is all that participatory development
we had heard about? While the press did its fair share to promote an
alternative line of thinking for a while, it all died down. I was often told
I romanticised about these things and I wanted to preserve adivasis in
their remote forests for posterity. The stereotypes about ‘environment’
journalism never cease to amaze me, specially from my colleagues.
But I must say that while the movement against the Sardar Sarovar
Project (SSP) at least ensured a decent rehabilitation package for those
affected, the Indira Sagar dam much bigger than the Sardar Sarovar
264 Meena Menon
Project, left behind a trail of displaced people who were paid money for
their land and asked to fend for themselves. While we are a long way from
decent rehabilitation for projects, we displace people with great alacrity,
as you can see in Bargi and so many other dams. There was little media
reporting on Indira Sagar till Harsud was flooded. Harsud, remember,
was the place where in 1989 the various people’s movements gathered to
protest against dams and destructive development.
After Sardar Sarovar, few protests got so much media attention and I
think we need to do some introspection on why this was so. In retrospect,
the anti Sardar Sarovar Project (SSP) movement though it enjoyed wide
media coverage and was inspiring for many, led to few changes in
government policy or thinking. The Supreme Court giving the go ahead
for the dam dampened the struggle against it.
Some years ago when I visited the rehabilitation sites in Maharashtra
I met some of the local activists of the struggle who had moved out. I
still remember Kewal Singh during the hey days of the agitation who
had sworn to die but not leave his village and here was Kewal Singh
in a rehabilitation site. He told me he had no choice but to leave along
with the rest of his village. It was either that or face the water. It was life
and death and he chose life. It is easy to be infected by the idealism and
excitement of a movement and when I saw Kewal Singh, an eager youth
so militant once and now so subdued, I understood the reality he was
facing, like so many others, who really did not have a choice.
Over the years you do understand people’s movements better and can
decide if the issues are sustainable in the long run. No choice—that seems
to be the motto of people faced with large projects coming up in their
area. But the people of Orissa turned that around to stall a few bauxite
mining projects. Orissa with its large reserves of bauxite was an attractive
option for companies who wanted to create export oriented units there.
A little further from Rayagada is Kashipur, the seat of opposition to the
Utkal mining project. When I travelled in the area thanks to a fellowship,
what really got me mad was the abject poverty and the great roads.
Kashipur block hit the headlines many years ago for its deaths due to
malnutrition.
After so many deaths the government built roads everywhere, as if that
was the main reason why people died. There was huge money sunk into
the area after Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi visited the place in 1987 and
yet the people barely had enough to eat. The bauxite companies promised
them the moon but the people did not fall in line. They had little land,
grew paddy and bare essentials, and even crushed their own oil using
wooden implements. Here were some of the lowest levels of literacy in

the country, people had very little to wear and not much work the year
round. I met a Punjabi family in Rayagada who said they were hoping
the new factories that would come up here would give people jobs. That
showed me the disconnect between the protestors and the middle class.
The entire administration was bending backwards to please these
companies and the police even fired on the agitators killing three of
them at Maikanch. The current struggles against Posco and Tata only
magnify the problems at stake. Here was another life and death situation.
Post globalisation one has to contend with global companies and the
predominance of export, the poor adivasi is only a tool to be moved out.
At that time few journalists covered this crucial battle for land but I would
think it is an ongoing battle and needs much wider media focus with
more emphasis on the issues involving land rights and ownership.
The media’s corporate avatar is evident when you have a legislation
which mandates that land must be given back to the adivasis. There is a
hue and cry from all quarters saying that the forests will be depleted. In
fact there is real sluggishness on the part of the government to implement
the Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition
of Forest Rights) Act 2006. The same government with great alacrity
clears a wind energy project in the forest areas of Dhule, on land on which
the rights of forest dwellers have not yet been settled. When the people
protest, the leaders of the agitation are externed and there are cases against
all the protestors. While the people are not against wind energy, they are
certainly against the government allotting land to wind energy majors
instead of solving their decades old problem of land ownership.
Dealing with the trade-offs

According to me that’s a classic 21st century conflict which few are
reporting on. You often hear praise of wind energy and our installed
capacity but few question the reality. Wind energy is a clean and renewable
power source no questions on that, but why locate it on forest land, where
thousands of trees are cut to make way for the wind towers.
There is another small problem, some of that land could belong to
people and because of the delayed implementation of the new law, no
one knows for sure. Subdue all protests, extern the leaders. We have come
full circle. Under what bracket does this fall into? Where does this become
environment and where does this become human rights or land rights—
266 Meena Menon
the lines are increasingly getting blurred and by ignoring such issues it
does not mean the lines will fade away. From the 1980s onwards non
governmental organisations (NGOs) entered the environment arena in a
big way. Kalpavriksh brought out the first critique against the SSP and is
still continuing its work on many basic problems facing the country. In
many places, it was NGOs which often alerted journalists and helped them
with stories and logistics. In Orissa for instance many NGOs supported the
people’s struggle against the Utkal project but later they were black listed
by the government. While travelling in Orissa which has a very large
number of NGOs, I often asked them what they thought of the mining
protests. Some of them were too insulated to even respond while others
said there were more worried about their own issues. This fragmentation
of issues and project wise approach, depending on funding, often led to
a poor understanding of the larger picture. In fact many of the people
spoke about the role of the NGOs and how sometimes they tend to
put a dampener on the people’s movements. I recently heard that the
Madhya Pradesh government had cancelled the leases to the Tawa Matsya
Sangh which was running a prosperous cooperative which helped people
displaced by the Tawa dam earn their living by fishing in the reservoir.
The government did the same thing in Bargi dam some years ago. One of
the earliest dams on the Narmada, I visited the Bargi refugees when I was
in The Times of India in the 1990s. The people were living on small islands
in the reservoir as they had nowhere else to go. Some of them still kept
the cheques the government had given them in lieu of their land. They
did not know what to do with it. We travelled in small ‘dungis’, little
dugouts, where the slightest movement could mean we would end up
in the water. It was like travelling on a sea, endless hours with a single
boatman struggling with the oars. And sometimes there was no land in
sight for miles. The islands were so small that we had to go to another
small hillock by boat for our morning ablutions. Yet people lived there.
During the agitation to demand better rehabilitation, there was a night
watch to warn people against snakes and scorpions. We stayed there
overnight and the women told us horror stories of snakes and scorpions
entering their houses.
The huts were full of insects which plopped into our food and water.
For these people the dam did not mean anything. They lived in darkness,
ate food with insects dropping all over them and lived in fear of being
bitten by poisonous snakes. Some of them moved to Jabalpur to earn
a living carrying petromax lamps during weddings. Their houses were
beside a stinky pond and consisted of plastic sheets held together with
ropes. These were once farmers with large holdings, now reduced to
begging for a livelihood. Travelling around the country gives you the space
to understand different issues at stake. You can go up steep Himalayan
slopes, right down to the coast in your quest for stories. And most of
the things add up to make a big picture. For instance, I don’t know if
malnutrition falls in the ambit of environmental journalism but some
of the trips, even 100 km from Mumbai, bring the problems of adivasi
people to the fore. The community can no longer depend on forests for
their livelihood. Their land is rainfed. They grow a bit of coarse cereals for
their existence and migrate for work.
It is this migration that brings on the problem of malnutrition for their
young children. The unorganised sector has no social structure to care
for the young and for the time when the parents migrate to work in
brick kilns or cut grass, their children wander neglected. I saw the most
horrifying sights in Jawhar in a rural hospital—children with irreversible
protein deficiency called kwashiorkor. Swollen bodies with no hope of
survival.
Sometimes the irate parents drag them away from hospital as they
cannot remain with their children and lose their day’s wages. In fact in
areas like Melghat in Amravati district, the government started paying
Rs 50 a day to parents instead of wages just so that the children are kept
in hospital. Melghat once notorious for its malnutrition has better roads
now(the eternal panacea) but the health care remains abysmal. No doctor
wants to practice there and all the newly built hospital have few medical
persons of any skill. The creation of the tiger reserve had further hampered
the community’s ability to depend on forests and there is a massive plan
to rehouse forest dwellers outside the core area of the park.
The tiger is more important than us humans, is what one adivasi told
me. They can’t understand what the fuss is all about. In these places there
is a direct link between the cutting off of access to forests and depletion of
the nutrition, especially in children. The mothers are weak and bloodless
and often work till the last day of pregnancy. Once the forest department
used to give villagers work but now even that has stopped. By removing
communities from the forests, one hopes the tiger can be saved and the
dwindling numbers may even justify those steps.
But once communities protected the forest and the animals, the situation
has changed from a relationship of co-existence to one of hostility. So you
have the high number of tiger deaths with poachers making inroads into
the forest with the help of locals. What has brought about this situation?
I once had a very romantic idea of forests—inviolate places which one
268 Meena Menon
should preserve for prosperity. No human interference must be tolerated.

But over the years my mind has changed after seeing the way forest
communities have been alienated and how they are fighting for their
lives. The popular stereotype is that forests are being depleted by adivasis.
We forget the contractor, government and political mafia that is involved.
We need to ask some pertinent questions here and the answers may not be
easy to find. Sometimes we do miss the wood for the trees.
One of the most enjoyable projects I worked on was a book on organic
cotton. Cotton uses the largest amount of chemicals in the country and
the idea was to draw up a list of farmers who were not using chemical
fertilisers and pesticides to grow cotton. Initiated through a debate by
Deccan Development Society and Kalpavriksh, the idea was to present
an alternative to the intensive cropping of cotton. I travelled to four
states, meeting farmers and living with them in many cases to get a first
hand account of what they were doing. Cotton was an inspiring subject.
India is a centre of origin of the crop and we had so many indigenous
varieties of cotton before the hybrids were introduced, with American
strains. These longer stapled cotton fibres were more suited for the mills
in Manchester.
Our cotton, the short stapled variety was more suited for hand weaving.
I found farmers managing quite well without pesticides and did amazing
experiments on their own to use different kinds of on farm antidotes
to pests. They even resisted the use of transgenic cotton which is now
being grown all over the place, despite its shortcomings. I also learnt
that while the government promotes transgenic crops, it fails to supply
good quality seeds to farmers. This brings me to near lack of debate
in the media on genetically modified (GM) crops. We don’t question
enough the priorities of the government which is pushing these crops.
Newspapers rarely give information about such crops or foods, so that
the consumer can make an informed choice. While reporting on climate
change is considered de rigueur, the major issue of transgenic crops has
somehow evaded us. In fact I am willing to bet there have been more
reports praising the transgenic crops than the contrary. I find most of
the scientific establishment is dead set against organic farming. Once at
a seminar, one of the scientists in Hyderabad was so disparaging about
it and he asked me ‘You want everything organic, is your telephone also
organic?’
When I think of the research on transgenic rice, I recall my visit to
the rice bowl of Chhattisgarh which made me familiar with the work
of Dr R.H. Richharia. One of the country’s renowned rice scientists, he

was removed as director of the Central Rice Research Institute for his
opposition to the import of dwarf rice varieties into India. He collected
22,500 accessions of rice at the rice germplasm bank at the Indira Gandhi
Agricultural University (IGAU), near Raipur and a majority of them are
from Chhattisgarh.
Dr Richharia wanted to develop strong indigenous strains of rice
which he was not allowed to do thanks to government interference but
his memory is alive in the minds of people who were his followers and
those who worked with him.
Travelling in rural Chhattisgarh I met farmers who grew the old
traditional varieties of rice which are pest resistant and suited to rainfed
areas, and got the same yield as the new hybrid varieties which were
water and chemical intensive. India has a rich tradition of rice and mind
boggling varieties, yet we don’t want to acknowledge that history. I was
glad I got to know some part of it through my travels and friends like Jacob
Nellithanam, who keenly track these issues. Reporting on agriculture,
people’s movements against a variety of projects, from coal based thermal
power plants, dams, mining projects and ports, led me to believe that our
policies are really warped. We did not recognise the inherent qualities
we had as a nation, its rich resources, culture and history while planning
for the future. We accepted outdated models of development and did not
question them despite the overwhelming evidence available. People ask
me, why protest against coal power. Well now we know why! Right now,
while the industry says coal is the best available option, we need to look
beyond that. In areas where coal is used, half the time people are ensuring
that pollution control norms are not exceeded. Why is research in our
country on renewables so poor?
As journalists we need to ask these questions more forcefully. After
seeing the current food crisis in many parts of the world, we must be
grateful we still grow food and not biofuels and end up like Mexico, for
instance which has had to import corn for its consumption needs. You
can’t fool all the people all the time. I think that’s what has kept us ticking
as a country. As a journalist it is important to understand these micro and
macro issues. Sometimes it takes a while before you develop a perspective
but what’s the hurry. When I look back, I think reporting on these issues
has left me feeling quite satisfied, it is substantial work and no one is
giving you these stories on a plate.
270 Meena Menon
What is important is that all of us persisted without much encour-

agement. The prospect of climate change and its devastating implications
has vindicated ‘environment’ journalists and journalism to a great extent.
Depletion of forests, mangroves, using thermal power, fossil fuel,
pesticides and chemicals, soil depletion are all issues that are now in the
forefront of global debates. From being sidelined once as ‘environment
issues’, the focus now is broader, on saving planet earth. Well, we were
there first.
32
The Chipko and Appiko Movements
Pandurang Hegde
The Chipko-Appiko(Hug the trees) movement is a classical case in which

the grass roots movement to protect the forests and natural resources gets
national and international coverage in the media. Unfortunately it is also
a classic case of the media playing to the tunes of the whims and fancies
of the journalists who have tried to change the course of the movement
and in the process have created rifts within the movement by distorted
coverage. The history of the Chipko struggle is also the history of how
media coverage can have a negative impact on the movements. The
launching of the movement by the hill women in the remote Himalayan
village was first covered by the Hindi press. It was Anupam Mishra, a free-
lance journalist who reported the historic event. This was followed up by
the English media. Anil Agarwal, then a reporter for the national daily in
Delhi took up the issue and wrote on the development of the movement.
Similarly another freelance journalist Bharat Dogra wrote articles both in
Hindi and English media. The coverage in the English media attracted
international attention. The European and the Scandinavian countries
covered the movement extensively and hailed it as a major contribution
to the international ecological movement worldwide. This international
coverage did have a positive impact in creating goodwill for the movement
raising its status in various continents as people wanted to know more
about the ways in which the village women followed the Gandhian
tradition of non-violence in protection of the natural resources, especially
the forests in fragile Himalayan eco system.
Chipko, being the first of its kind of environment movement in India
has attracted wide media coverage in the English and vernacular press.
One of its spokesmen Sunderlal Bahuguna was a freelance journalist and
he contributed articles in Hindi and English. The coverage by the regional
media has been a major cause for spread of the movement in regions like
272 Pandurang Hegde
Bastar (Chhattisgarh), Rajasthan, Himachal Pradesh, Karnataka, Kerala and

Orissa.
Though Chipko was essentially a women movement launched and
sustained by hill women, the media projected it as a movement of leaders
like Sunderalal Bahuguna and Chandi Prasad Bhatt. Eventually it was the
negative impact of the media which created a rift within the movement
leading to two different strains of Chipko! Thus the media was trying to
follow the divide and rule principle in order to support one or the other
strains of the movement. It was this negative role of the media which pitted
one against another claiming that theirs was the genuine Chipko! In this
process the media ignored the real supporters—the Chipko women from
the remote hill villages. Instead, the media persons found it easy to report
on the information given by the leaders who were readily accessible.
The tragedy is: media always wants to focus on one or two leaders
whom they can easily approach and get the feed back on the developments.
In the true sense, for media persons to interact with those people who live
in remote regions was a difficult task. To do this, they would have to trek
long distances where modern road network does not exist. Instead, they
found the easy way to report on the basis of information provided by the
leaders who were amenable to the reporters.
The goodwill of Chipko Movement has had a positive impact on the
Appiko Movement in south India. The media gave wide coverage and it
became part of the wider movements like Farmers Movement in Karnataka
and India. The absence of visual media during the 1980s and the extensive
coverage by print media of the issue of forest conservation, including the
famous Silent Valley struggle indicates the wider impact of the role of
media on building public awareness among common people.
Local Vs national media

It is interesting to note that though the national and international media
coverage was positive, at the local level, district and vernacular media
was very critical of the Chipko Movement. It projected a very negative
image, stating that the media attention given to the movement and
the international coverage has resulted in a hype that has halted all the
development work in the Himalayas. The local media put the blame on
the movement pointing out that due to the overemphasis on protection
of trees and forests, basic infrastructure like road building was withheld
by the local government citing environmental reasons. In fact the negative
The Chipko and Appiko Movements 273
image created by the local media made villains of the Chipko activists in
hills.
A similar pattern can be observed in case of Appiko movement, wherein
the national and international media was supportive. The local media was
initially supportive but at later stages played a negative role criticising
the role of forest protection as an impediment to the development of the
region. The reasons for this divergent support from the local and national
media can be ascribed to the fact that the local media loses its charm
once the issue gets national and international coverage. Any coverage by
national daily newspapers or English-language magazines or international
media creates a good will for the movement which is difficult to digest
for the local media and petty politicians who also control the media. It
also suggests that the movement is not dependent on the local media
for support but has allies at larger levels which have a greater impact on
people.
In case of Chipko and Appiko movement, it was much easier to elicit
support for the cause of protection of forests as the common people
felt the need to do something to halt the process of destruction of the
forest resource. These two movements caught the imagination of the
people and it provided an opportunity to express their solidarity for
the cause. Gradually, the conflict over natural resources including the
forests led to the emergence of other struggles like anti-dam, anti-mining
movements in the country. They raised the basic questions on the model
of development. These basic questions on the political economy of the use
of natural resources were seen as anti-development.
The hill women in the Garhwal region of Himalayas launched the
Chipko Andolan in 1973. In Reni Village, Chamoli district, a meeting was
organised to discuss the ways to deal with tree felling in their forests. In
this meeting, Gaura Devi, the elderly woman, gave the call to embrace the
trees in order to save them from the axe men. The contractors had sent
them to fell the ash trees that are used to manufacture cricket bats. The
women were more worried about the disappearance of forests around
their village which had caused hardships to the hill women. The idea
of embarking the trees, protesting in a non-violent way appealed to the
villagers and they initiated the action that led to driving away the axe
men.
The economy of the Himalayas is heavily dependent on the available
biomass, especially the fodder and fuel wood. Fodder for the livestock is
the main link to the farming systems as it provides farmyard manure for
the agricultural crops and it also provides nutrition to the farmer’s family.
274 Pandurang Hegde
As outside contractors felled the forests for timber, the village women had
to walk longer distances in search of fuel wood and fodder. The existence
of natural growth indigenous forests met their needs. As they experienced
the hardship due to felling of forests around the village, they were keen
on taking action to conserve the forests. The Sarvodaya activists supported
the call of hill women and they joined them in launching of tree hugging
Chipko Andolan.
The Chipko Movement spread to many parts of Garhwal region in
Himalayas, especially in those areas where Sarvodaya workers had already
established the contacts with local people. Over the last three decades the
movement has made an impact on local, regional and national levels. It
also got international attention due to the emerging ecological awareness
in the world.
The media coverage at international level emphasised the non-violent
Gandhian approach of the movement and the fact that it was started and
led by village women. For the international press the organic link with
the Gandhian ideology and the continuation of the non-violent struggle
of the village women became very crucial which attracted the attention
of people in western world. It was much different form the emerging
ecological trend in the west.
Over the decades of grass roots activism three main phases of Chipko
Movement can be traced that have been responsible for sustained action.
These phases are: Economic phase, Ecological Phase and Regeneration
phase.
Economic phase
The logging in Himalayas was basically an economic activity that helped
to provide sustained supply of timber for the industries in the Gangetic
plain. The contractors, who belonged to the cities, carried out the logging.
It was believed that the benefits of the logging activity, accrued to only the
contractor and his labourers, mainly form Nepal.
With this premise the Chipko volunteers demanded that the contractor
system used in extraction of timber be stopped. Instead, they put forth
the demand for establishing the labourers co-operatives to replace the
contractor system. These labourer-run co-operatives were seen as the
ideal system where the labourers would be getting the benefits from the
logging rather than the contractor who was not a local person. It was
also assumed that the local labourer would be more caring towards the
forests and would follow management systems that would be beneficial to
conservation of the forest resources. It has the twin objectives of economic
justice and ecological prudence. This socialistic goal of the movement was
the main force for scarping of the contractor system.
The government agreed to this demand of the movement and then in
many areas the logging was handed over to these co-operatives managed
by the labourers. In many areas the Sarvodaya workers were involved in
setting up of the labourer co-operatives and running these institutions
with benefits being shared by the labourers. This definitely helped to bring
numerous employment opportunities to the hill people who were given
the work of logging. They successfully implemented the legal minimum
wages as well as other welfare schemes for the labourers.
They also established small scale industrial units based on local timber
and resin extraction. These small-scale activities did help in bringing
the income to local people. However, the large-scale timber extraction
continued unabated in the hills leading to deterioration of the conditions
of hill women who had to walk long distances for fetching fuel wood,
fodder and water. Though the women launched the movement to conserve
these natural resources, the state and the volunteers of the movement
provided an economic solution that had no relation to the hardship faced
by hill women.
Ecological phase
It was in Hevanal Valley in Tehri district that the hill women challenged
the economic phase of Chipko and initiated the ecological phase. In late
1970s the hill women were protesting the tree felling by the state forest
department. They had tied the sacred thread of rakhee to the trees that were
marked for felling. The villagers had kept vigil for several days. In order to
convince the hill women, a high-ranking forest official came to the forest
to meet the women and Chipko activists. In this meeting the forest officer
tried to convince the villagers about the commercial benefits of timber
and he coined the slogan:
What do the forest bear?
Resin, Timber and Commerce
Resin, Timber and Commerce
Is the road to bring prosperity
276 Pandurang Hegde
The village women spontaneously responded to the forest officer with

their slogan as follows:
What do the forests bear? Soil, Water and Pure Air
Soil, Water and Pure Air
Is the basis of life and prosperity
This spontaneous response of the hill women gave the ecological turn to
the movement. The activists realised that they were fighting for economic
benefits whereas the women were asking something more, to bring back
the prosperity through conservation of the natural resources including
forests. For village people the basis of development was dependent on
availability of the biomass for agriculture and livestock and the need to
protect the water sources. This change in the perspective of the activists
due to the grass roots exposure of people’s vision led to evolution of an
entirely new demand to the government. The demand was a moratorium
on felling of green trees in Himalayas for commercial purposes.
Through these actions the women wanted to exercise their right
over the forest resource. It was a political demand with ecological and
economic objective. This ecological phase was the toughest time for the
Chipko activists as the demand was to change the forest policy from its
commercial to ecological objective. After sustained actions in numerous
regions in Garhwal, the movement eventually succeeded in pressurising
the government. The government put a moratorium on felling of green
trees above 1000 metres in Himalayas. This victory of the hill women
inspired the numerous villagers to launch the regeneration phase to
conserve the natural resources in the villages.
Regeneration phase
The hill women have not only halted the deforestation by their non-
violent action, but they have taken the responsibility of regenerating the
forest in barren land. According to a rough estimate there are about 1,568
villages in which the women have taken control of about 20,000 hectares
of barren forestland and they have brought back the greenery through
regenerating the indigenous forests.
In most of the villages it is the Mahila Mangal Dals (Women’s groups)
who have taken the spontaneous initiative to regenerate the land. They have
set up their own Watchwomen to take care of the forests near the village.
Though planting of indigenous trees is done, in most cases they help the
regeneration of local species. Through the concept of social fencing, the
village livestock is not allowed to graze inside this forest. The extraction
of fuel wood and fodder is also controlled. It is based on the principle of
equity and the need. The villagers laid out rules for management of the
forests. All the households in the village are members and they actively
participate in protection and regeneration of forest resource. Those who
violate the rules are fined. This innovative approach to conservation of
the natural resources has spread to many villages in Himalayas to adjacent
Himachal Pradesh.
The most fascinating aspect of the regenerative model is: with very
little or without any outside financial support or aid from the so called
financial institutions, these village women have succeeded in greening the
barren Himalayas. The success can be attributed to the active participation
and decentralised control of the natural resources, which has helped
them to reduce their hardship. They are able to reap benefits from the
regenerated forests as they can collect the biomass like fodder and fuel
wood from these.
Though Chipko has received worldwide media coverage due to its
ecological philosophy, the credit of sustained action should go to the
simple hill women. The media at regional and national level has given
importance to the movement and this has helped to spread the message
across the length and breadth of the country. The Chipko songs and
the trans Himalayan Padyatra of 4,870 km from Kashmir to Kohima did
succeed in spreading the Chipko message to numerous states in India and
in Bhutan and Nepal. Movements similar to Chipko were launched in
south India known as Appiko Andolan.
Appiko movement
Like a migratory bird the Chipko ideology traversed 2,500 km from the
Himalayas crossing the central India and taking roots on the west coast in
the Western Ghats in south India. It got a different name with the same
tone known as Appiko (meaning hug the trees in Kannada language)
Andolan.
Western Ghats or the Sahyadri mountain range along the west coast
of India is well known for tropical forests. Considered as one of the 18
biodiversity hotspots in the world, it is the catchments of major rivers that
provide irrigation to thousands of hectares in the deccan plains. It is also
host to numerous endemic species of flora and fauna. Spread across the
west coast form Kerala, Tamil Nadu , Karnataka, Goa and Maharashtra. It
is one of the important ecological regions of south India.
278 Pandurang Hegde
Over the years monoculture teak and eucalyptus plantations to meet

the commercial revenue of the state have replaced the tropical forests.
These large-scale monoculture plantations have had negative impact on
the local agricultural economy. The reduction of biodiversity and the tree
cover had caused drying up of the water sources and scarcity of biomass
for agricultural inputs. As the agricultural yields started dwindling, the
people were very concerned about the depletion of the forests.
In Sirsi taluka, Uttara Kannada district, Karnataka, the Youth Club in
Balegadde village wrote to the forest officials against the clear felling of
natural growth forest to convert it to teak plantations. The forest department
replied stating, ‘It was being done as part of the scientific forestry policy of
the state government.’ Having read about Chipko Movement, the villagers
invited Sunderalal Bahuguna of Chipko Movement to their village. They
travelled to the forests that were marked for clear felling. Thereafter
the villagers took an oath to protect the forests by non-violent Chipko
Movement or locally known as Appiko. Inspired by the Chipko Movement
the local people launched Appiko Andolan or Movement in Kelase forest,
near Salkani village in September 1983.
Initially the demand of the Appiko Movement was to halt the clear
felling of natural forests and conversion to monoculture plantations. The
launching of the movement was a threat to the government policy. They
tried every means to stop the spread of the movement. However, the
hidden hardships of the people and the conflict over the natural resources
led to the spread of the movement in numerous districts of Karnataka
from Kodagu in the south to South Kanara and Shimoga districts.
Essentially the local vernacular press at the state level in Bangalore
played an important role in spreading awareness about the movement
as well as putting pressure on the government to respond positively
to the endeavours of the movement to protect the tropical forests. The
positive role played by the media did help in creating awareness as well
as communicating the message to the common man. The coverage by the
media in newspapers and magazines in Kannada language has created a
legend of Appiko in the minds of people. That is really a great positive
contribution of the media in building a movement.
Realising the widespread peoples support and regular media coverage
in newspapers on the movement the government agreed to stop the
clear felling of the natural growth forests to teak plantations. However,
the activists realised that the timber concessions given to wood based
industries and even removing of two trees per hectare was causing large-
scale damage to the existing forest resources. In order to halt further
process of deforestation and threat to the existing forests, movement put

forth the demand of moratorium of green trees in the natural forests in
Western Ghats.
Well-organised grass roots actions over a decade and pressure from
numerous groups forced the state government to change the forest policy.
In 1989 the state government imposed a ban on felling of green trees in
the natural forests. This ban continues till today and thanks to the Appiko
Movement and positive response of the state government it has taken
action to conserve the forests.
Philosophy of Appiko movement

Inspired by Chipko the Appiko movement evolved its own philosophy
of conservation and regeneration of natural resources in the tropical
Western Ghat region. The broad goal is to strive towards establishing a
harmonious relationship between man and nature, while protecting the
tropical forests. The Appiko coined the slogan in Kannada as Ulisu, Belasu
and Balasu. Ulisu in Kannada means, to save, Belasu is to regenerate the
forests and Balasu means rational use of the tropical forests.
The coverage of existing natural forests in Western Ghats is very
scarce, only in the interior hill regions or inaccessible mountain ranges.
But there are constant threats to these existing forests from numerous
developmental schemes like dams and infrastructure projects like railways
and power plants. These natural growth forests play a very important role
in providing water and food security to millions of people in and around
the Western Ghats. In order to protect the interests of the communities
and forest dwellers, Appiko Movement aims at protecting these remaining
forests through grass roots action, creating awareness among the local
communities and direct action. Thousands of such grass root groups
are keeping vigil to conserve the remaining tropical forests. Appiko has
become synonymous with forest conservation as people take to direct
action even in cities like Bangalore to protect trees from being felled.
In Belasu, growing the forest, the emphasis is on natural regeneration
of the indigenous species, and in planting, following the philosophy of
five F species. These are Frit, Fodder, Fuel wood, Fertiliser and Fiber. This
activity of regneration is to be done by the village communities involving
forest dwellers and women. Additional emphasis is on growing the non-
timber forest produce that helps in providing the livelihood to forest
dwellers. Thus, forestation is an alternate to the existing logging activity,
helping them with a source of income and employment.
280 Pandurang Hegde
The third objective of Balsu is to evolve methods of using the forest

and other natural resources rationally, without harming the resource base.
To achieve this objective we work with the communities to install fuel
saving stoves, solar devices, and biogas plants to propagate the alternate
energy resources. Appiko is actively involved in helping forest dwelling
communities to carry out sustainable harvesting of non-timber forest
produce and value addition to increase their income. These opportunities
provide the livelihood options for the forest dwelling communities in
tropical forest region. These are economically viable and ecologically
sound with least impact on the existing natural resources, especially the
tropical forests.
The awareness created among the common people in the region has
made the movement very popular and it has got legendary status. The
essence of the movement has been incorporated into literary and art works
by well-known writers and artists. Yakshagana is one of the popular folk
dance dramas of the region. The philosophy of Appiko has become part
of this Yakshagana. This medium of communicating the message of the
movement has been very effective in creating the awareness about forest
conservation in the region.
The role of the media in reporting the events of Appiko actions in the
various regions of Karnataka has had its effect on policymakers and forest
officials.
Media and the movement

The role of media since 1990s, as part of the globalisation process
has changed the scenario with regard to the coverage of the people’s
movement. The proliferation of the numerous mofussil editions of both
national and state level newspapers has led to restricted news coverage
in the particular editions, which means the news does not go beyond
the district or even parts of the district. This trend is observed in all parts
of the country and the narrowing down of the coverage means the local
struggles do not get wider coverage. It gets bogged down to a small town
coverage whereas during pre-globalisation era it would have got at least
state level coverage. This narrowing down of the coverage is a great loss
to the movement as well as to the cause of environment.
Looking back at these two movements, it can be concluded that
both of them were launched by local forest dwelling people and were
spontaneous. These spontaneous actions led to wider support in many
parts of the country spear heading decentralised movements with local
leadership. They have had a major impact on the forest policy at regional
and national level. They used media as well as local communication
methods like folk songs, dance dramas and Padyatras for spreading the
message of the movement. These tools had a major impact on reaching
the common people and eventually motivating, inspiring them to launch
and sustain the grass roots movement for brining the policy change.
Section Ten
An Anil Agarwal Reader
Anil Agarwal (1947–2002) was a mechanical engineer educated at

the prestigious Indian Institute of Technology Kanpur, who recognised
the importance of environmental journalism early on. Leaving aside the
field he was trained in, he took to journalism and went on to found the
Centre for Science and Environment in 1980. He was the editor of Down to
Earth, a science and environmental magazine, which influenced the debate
on environment significantly across India. In 1987, the United Nations
Environment Programme elected him to the Global 500 Roll of Honour
for his work both within Indian and abroad. The Indian government
honoured him with the Padma Shri and Padma Bhushan awards for his
contribution in the fields of environment and development. But more
than all, Anil has shaped us as writers and contributed significantly to
making us recognise the importance of the environment in our daily hack
work. This section is a tribute to him by the co-editors (Acharya and
Noronha) on behalf of the many scribes whom he inspired in his five
decades on this planet.
33
Media Games
Anil Agarwal
(15 December 1998, Down to Earth)
The manner in which the media reports intergovernmental environmental

conferences is unbelievably biased and distorted, which means that
independent and informed public opinion can never be built on
contentious environmental issues. This is indeed a very serious matter.
As I had to leave Buenos Aires a few days before the end of the climate
change conference for the US, I carefully scanned leading publications
such as Washington Post, New York Times, Time and Newsweek to find
out what finally transpired in this highly contentious meeting. Having
been a journalist in India, I know how many reports are straight hand-
outs of the government’s Press Information Bureau. But these so called
‘international papers’ were absolutely no different. Their reports were
nothing more than a total parroting of the US perspective. They read as
if there was no dispute between the US and the European Union (EU) or
between the US and the Group of 77 (G-77) and China. And even to the
minor extent that these disputes were mentioned, they were painted as
inane and inconsequential. As a result, the US media was making no effort
to help the US public understand the issues confronting the globe.
For instance, every US newspaper praised the two renegade developing
nations, Argentina and Kazakhstan, for taking on ‘voluntary commitments’
for reducing carbon emissions. But nobody bothered to point out that
they were strongly criticised in Buenos Aires for breaking the unity of
the developing world. These two countries were held up as paragons of
environmental virtue in the US press—as nations which were very worried
about their contribution to global environmental harm, which is nothing
but a total fie. Both these countries have no interest whatsoever in the
global environment. They were only trying to earn brownie points with
the US government in return for political and economic gain because the
286 Anil Agarwal
US was the only industrialised country holding up the process, arguing

that it will not ratify the Kyoto Protocol unless developing countries also
take on commitments.
Unfortunately, the Kyoto Protocol cannot go into operation until two
countries, the US and its partner Russia, sign the protocol. Everybody,
thus, strongly felt that USA was holding the entire global process to
ransom with its insistence on developing country participation, which is
not even a condition in the Kyoto Protocol.
Argentina tried hard to get a discussion going on ‘voluntary com-
mitments’ but its proposal was literally shouted out. Argentina had
promised to ‘deliver’ a large number of Latin American countries to the
US with promises for voluntary commitments but finally failed to find a
single ally from the region.
The Buenos Aires meet was split between three groups. The US, the
most powerful nation, constituted one group, and its biggest concern
was ‘economic effectiveness’ of the Kyoto Protocol; in other words, the
cost of meeting its emissions reduction commitments. It wants to reduce
emissions in developing countries, where reduction costs are far cheaper,
to meet its own targets through emissions trading mechanisms.
But the second group in Buenos Aires, the EU, heavily influenced by
the region’s green parties, felt that this would destroy the ‘ecological
effectiveness’ of the Kyoto Protocol, in other words, the protocol would
not prevent global warming. It was therefore arguing that there must
be limits on how much emissions industrialised countries can buy from
developing countries. This suggestion was anathema to the US which
does not want any such ‘caps’.
The third group, the G-77 and China, was on the other hand saying
that it has already been agreed that industrialised nations would take the
lead in cutting emissions; if the agreement was to go overboard then
there was a need to look at the ‘social effectiveness’ of the Kyoto Protocol.
In other words, a decision needs to be taken on ‘equitable entitlements’
to the benefits of the atmosphere which would provide a long-term,
equitable framework for dealing with the problem. But, forget it, none
of these ‘powerful papers’ once mentioned the EU position or the G-77
position.
Public opinion in the US will be vital to solving the global warming
problem because it is not the Clinton-Gore administration which is really
against action on global warming within the US. It is the US Congress
which has been convinced by the powerful automobile-oil industry
lobby that global warming is not even a scientifically correct issue. It
Media Games 287
is pressurising the US administration to refuse ratification of the Kyoto

Protocol unless developing countries sign it, too. The US administration
is in turn putting the heat on developing countries.
But does the mature US public, which did not agree with the impeach-
ment of president Clinton despite his affair with Monica Lewinsky, agree
with the US Congress that industrialised countries should not take action
until developing countries also join? According to a survey of US public
attitudes conducted in the University of Maryland, some 53 per cent of
the respondents said that industrialised countries should start cutting
emissions without any limits on developing countries, as against 44
per cent who were against the idea. This is why it becomes extremely
important for the likes of the Washington Post and others we do better
reporting in the US.
US media made no effort to help the US public understand the issues confronting the globe.
34
Saying It with Pictures
Anil Agarwal
(30 June 1996, Down to Earth)
My friend Paul Wapner, assistant professor of environmental politics

at the American University in Washington, DC, has just published a
book, Environmental Activism and World Politics. He argues that international
relations is no longer the domain of governments, as most scholars in
the field continue to believe. Civil society, aided by the growing web of
international communications, is increasingly exerting an influence on
international relations. He cites what is, indeed, the most dramatic case in
this field, namely, that of environmental activism, which has resulted in
numerous international treaties over the last few years.
I enjoyed reading the book because of the detailed description Wapner
provides of the strategies that Greenpeace, Friends of the Earth and the
World Wide Fund for Nature have adopted to influence international
action. Greenpeace, of course, is the most widely known, and its strategy
is probably the most focussed: the media impact it can create on the issue
it is pushing for. Every journalist knows the simple maxim that a picture
is worth a thousand words. And Greenpeace has internalised this lesson so
well that it has turned it into an art. It organises action in such a way that
the media gets not just words but pictures full of drama. Not surprisingly,
when Greenpeace gets going, everybody sits up. Even the staid Economist
has admitted that corporate PR managers should learn a thing or two
about public relations from this doyen of Western green organisations.
Wapner’s book, thus, is engrossing, to say the least.
I hadn’t quite finished reading it, however, when two friends from
England turned up in Paris to talk to me about a film they wanted to make.
In it, they wanted me to present my views on the environmental concerns
affecting the Third World, and how the Western media has neglected
to convey them to people in the North. We started talking, and soon
Saying It with Pictures 289
agreed that the media, especially the powerful visual variety liked simple
messages because they were so much easier and effective to get across.
I too pointed out how I had once been deeply moved by a BBC
documentary in which a huge rainforest tree was being hacked down.
It came across like murder in paradise, and I immediately wanted to join
the movement to protect rainforests. But within a few minutes, my mind
started working, and I began asking questions: who was this man who was
cutting the tree? Why was he doing it? Was it his economic desperation
to get a piece a land to eke out a survival, or was he simply being paid
by a corporation to meet the consumer demands of the rich? And then,
no longer was the tree important in itself, but, the rest of the world,
its economy, politics, rich-poor divide, issues of equity and justice, all
became intertwined and important. But there was precious little of that
in the film.
I felt disappointed. Yet, it was clearly a very moving film, and had
successfully motivated millions to join the movement, albeit in a very
naive manner. But if, indeed, it had tried to deal with all these complex
issues, it could have ended up being a very confused and ineffective film.
Probably that is why it tried nothing of the sort. The media is the victim
of its own limitations.
Probably that is why organisations like Greenpeace have failed to
educate the Western public about complex issues. Unfortunately, most
Third World issues are complex. For instance, the West can’t just say that
the Third World should not develop further because there is the threat of
global warming.
I remember having a public debate with a Greenpeace spokesperson
at a press conference in London in 1991. The gentleman said India and
China were also responsible for global warming and must begin to cap
their greenhouse-gas emissions. I asked him for the basis of this assertion.
Just the quantum of the two countries’ emissions? But what about the sizes
of their populations, their needs? And to factor all that into the equation,
Greenpeace had to talk of how we share the benefits of the atmosphere,
bring in issues of equity and justice on a mind boggling global scale, and
so on. That was a bit too complicated for an organisation like Greenpeace
to tell the rest of the world. So, all that I could end up concluding publicly
was that his planetary politics was partisan and that he had no right to be
the spokesperson for the world.
But as I talked to my friends about the film they wanted to make, I,
ironically, had to confront the same problem that Greenpeace has handled
with such aplomb. My message was that the Third World must have
290 Anil Agarwal
development, but it must have it in a way that protects the environment

and its people from harm, a large majority of whom are poor, which
in turn raises questions about entitlements to nature’s myriad benefits,
10’c’al democracy, equity, justice, transparency, and what have you. But
all that was too complicated for a television documentary.
Immediately, we had to ask ourselves: how do we simplify this message
so that it can be captured in a few, sharp images? We talked for hours. My
friends almost missed their train back to England. They are still pondering
over the problem. The television company is still interested. I do hope
they can crack the problem and find those dramatic images, because I’d
love to work on this film with them. The media, after all, is the creator of
global consciousness, and we are all its victims.
The media, especially the powerful visual media likes simple messages, because they are easier
to get across. But by avoiding the complexity of issues, it becomes the victim of its own
limitations.
35
No Screen Presence
Anil Agarwal
(30 April 1999)
The world is changing rapidly. People have talked about globalisation

mainly in economic terms. But the 21st century may see a form of political
globalisation which could pose a serious threat to the 20th century
concept of sovereignty. Political globalisation will be pushed by the same
technological change which is pushing economic globalisation, namely,
the dramatic changes that are taking place in communication technologies
which are turning the world into a global village.
Human rights is today an area in which states are beginning to feel that
they have legitimacy in intervening in another state’s affairs. The ongoing
North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO) air raids on Yugoslavia are a
fine example of foreign intervention in a nation’s domestic affairs in the
name of human rights.
A recent article in the New York Times points out that:
NATO’s bombing in Kosovo (is) a clear sign that the West puts a higher
priority on human rights than on sovereignty… On that same day,
England’s highest court ruled that General Augusto Pinochet, the former
Chilean president, could be extradited to Spain on charges of crimes against
humanity even though, under Chilean law, he is exempt from prosecution
for the offenses alleged, which occurred in his own country. Both events
dramatised the weakening of sovereignty… If slaughter and television
come together, as they did in Kosovo, ‘right-minded’ people in Europe
and America demand that their governments do something about it. (If
television is absent, as it largely was from the genocide in Rwanda in 1994,
the demand is much less insistent, however great the loss of innocent life
may prove to be.)
Henry Kissinger also argues in an article in the Newsweek that the

outcome in Kosovo threatens the West neither in political nor in economic
292 Anil Agarwal
terms. For the European Union whose gross national product is larger than
that of USA, developments in Yugoslavia will have almost no economic
impact. Nor does Slobodan Milosevic threaten any ‘global equilibrium’.
In other words, it is human rights which is largely driving the NATO
action.
But if television (TV)-consciousness can help to bring people closer
together, there is a danger it can also promote inappropriate action. As
R.W. Apple, jr, points out in the New York Times:,
… the new ardour for human rights, even when fanned by violence and
misery on the TV screen, stops well short of heedless passion… pictures
of human calamity can arouse the western world to act, but pictures of
western soldiers or airmen dying or suffering humiliation, as in Somalia,
can quickly discourage action.
It is for this reason that Bill Clinton does not want to commit ground
action in Kosovo to support NATO’s air raids even to the point of risking
failure and serious loss of face.
While TV will definitely continue to play an important role in generating
popular emotions and thus influencing political decisions, especially in
electoral democracies, it is important to appreciate the limits of the ‘pop
politics’ generated by TV.
The message on the TV screen depends on the biases of the persons behind
the camera. Rwanda received less attention than Kosovo because Rwanda is
not in the backyard of Europe, whose people control most of the cameras.
What is true of human rights is equally true of environmental concerns.
One good TV programme on Amazonian rainforests can force politicians
to take action to protect forests just as much as TV programmes can force
them to protect Kosovars. Indeed, TV did play a key role in getting the
western people exercised about the so-called ‘global environmental issues’
in the late 1980s—ranging from biodiversity and forest conservation to
prevention of global warming. Scenes of majestic Amazonian trees falling
to the axe of human beings can be quite moving. But western TV failed to
pay equal attention to the desertification in Africa, even though it poses a
serious threat to the very existence of some of the poorest people on Earth.
It, therefore, received little political attention. Equally, the camera may
fail to catch the non-western dimensions of environmental issues—like
the importance of equity in developing a global action plan to combat
global warming.
All this means that we are, in all probability, going to see a steady erosion
of sovereignty as technological instruments for creating cross-country
No Screen Presence 293
consciousness continue to grow. But this amorphous process of ‘political

globalisation’—if it can be so called—poses a serious challenge. The
expansion of human ability to share human travails and tribulations
is definitely a welcome trend. But if the instruments that create global
consciousness largely remain in the hands of a few, human consciousness
could easily become biased and prejudiced. This bias and prejudice,
regardless of whether it is deliberate or inadvertent, could lead to
inadequate or inappropriate political action. Leaders have quite a task to
ensure that growing global consciousness leads to action that carries global
consensus behind it. Leaders from the less powerful nations have an even
greater responsibility to ensure that the world moves in this direction.
Inaction could be worse.
About the Editors and Contributors
Editors
Keya Acharya is an independent journalist and researcher, who has been
writing exclusively on environment and development for many years and
has various national and international publications to her credit. She also
teaches development journalism and development issues to media students
in Bangalore, where she is based and has conducted several media training
workshops. Keya has travelled extensively in the course of her journalism
assignments, reporting from various countries on subjects as diverse as
solid and hazardous wastes, to human rights, corruption, forestry and
wildlife, climate change, agribiotech and others.
E-mail: keya.acharya@gmail.com
Frederick Noronha is a Goa-based journalist and the founder of the

India-EJ, the environmental journalists’ cyber-network that links those
writing on green issues across India. His works focus on developmental
themes and he recently launched an alternative book publishing venture,
Goa, 1556 http://goa1556.goa-india.org. He is known for his work on
Right to Information issues (including in unearthing the frequent-but-
unnoticed crashes of Sea Harrier planes of the Indian Navy), and effectively
linking campaigners who worked on a long and successful drive to launch
community radio in India.
E-mail: fn@goa-india.org
CONTRIBUTORS
Kazimuddin (Kazu) Ahmed is an anthropologist presently working with
Panos South Asia and is based out of Guwahati, Assam. He has earlier
worked with Down to Earth and North Eastern Social Research Centre. His
areas of interest include borders, migration, resource politics, identities,
conflict and media issues. He also experiments with documentary film-

making and photographic documentation.
Shahidul Alam studied and taught chemistry in London University before

taking up photography. He returned to his hometown Dhaka in 1984,
where he photographed the democratic struggle to remove General Ershad.
A former president of the Bangladesh Photographic Society, Alam set up
the Drik Agency, the Bangladesh Photographic Institute and Pathshala:
The South Asian Media Academy Institute of Photography. He has been
a recipient of the Mother Jones, Howard Chapnick and Andrea Frank
awards. Alam is also a jury member at numerous international contests
including World Press Photo, which he has judged on three occasions.
He is an Honorary Fellow of the Bangladesh Photographic Society and the
Royal Photographic Society.
Pallava Bagla has been a globally acclaimed award winning photo-

journalist for 20 years. He has written for Science, the prestigious weekly
magazine of the American Association for the Advancement of Science
(AAAS), Washington DC, for over a decade. He recently joined NDTV,
India’s well-known television channel, as science editor. His solo photo
exhibition on water issues titled ‘Drops of Life’ has been displayed
globally.
Bagla is also a still photographer working for Corbis, one of the world’s
largest photo agency owned by Microsoft chief, Bill Gates. His pictures have
found place in respected magazines like National Geographic, Time, Nature, New
Scientist, Scientific American, Newsweek, Elle and The Economist. He has published
over 800 news and features stories in leading national and international
publications; authored five books; edited five books and over 1,700 of his
photographs have been published over the years. He was also a frequent
contributor to the leading national daily The Indian Express. In 2006, he
was conferred the National Award for Outstanding Effort in Science &
Technology Communication in Print Medium. It is the highest honour
of its kind for science journalism in India, given by the Union Ministry
of Science and Technology. In 2003, he became the first Indian to win
the ‘Outstanding Journalism’ award from the United Nations-sponsored
Consultative Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), the
world’s apex body looking after agricultural research and headquartered
at the World Bank, Washington DC. Previously, he was awarded the
prestigious science writing fellowship at the Marine Biological Laboratory,
296 The Green Pen
Woods Hole, Massachusetts, USA in 1994. In 2004, he became a Fellow

of the Leadership for Environment and Development (LEAD), London.
E-mail: pbagla@vsnl
Lyla Bavadam is a senior assistant editor with Frontline magazine. She

writes on issues specific to the environment as well as on politics and
development. She has been with The Hindu group since 1996 and has
been a working journalist since 1992. Prior to this she worked with a
documentary film unit that produced films and slide shows for clients like
UNICEF, the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Ministry of Human Resource
Development, Government of India and the Public Health Department,
Municipal Corporation of Greater Mumbai.
She was the first Bellagio Forum Fellow, a programme for Environ-
mental Studies in collaboration with the Reuters Foundation Fellowship
Programme. She also received the Panos Reproductive Health Media Fel-
lowship for research that got published in a compilation The Unheard Scream.
She was spotlighted at the Sanctuary Awards in the ‘Defender of Nature’
category because of her writings on the environment. She has written
cnsistently on issues like the Narmada Dam, groundwater, drought and
environmental policy.
Dionne Bunsha is an award-winning journalist in Mumbai, India, who

has written about suicide deaths among farmers, religious strife in India,
human rights, environment and a range of other crucial issues. She
currently works for the Frontline magazine of The Hindu group. She is the
author of Scarred: Experiments with Violence in Gujarat (2006).
Bunsha is a Knight International Journalism Fellow at Stanford
University 2008–09 and has won several awards for her writing. She was
awarded two of the prestigious Ramnath Goenka Excellence in Journalism
Awards, 2006–07 for Environmental Reporting and Books (non-fiction),
the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) Journalism for Tolerance
Prize for South Asia 2005, the Sanskriti Award for Journalism 2003 and
the People’s Union for Civil Liberties Human Rights Award 2003. She
has a Master’s degree in development studies from the London School of
Economics and has also completed a diploma in social communications
media from the Sophia Polytechnic, Mumbai.
Patralekha Chatterjee is a Delhi-based award-winning writer and pho-

tographer. She has reported on public health, human rights, environment
and the economy from many countries for leading publications in Asia,
Europe and North America including The Lancet.
Ardeshir Cowasjee (born 1926) is a renowned newspaper columnist

from Karachi, Sindh in Pakistan. His columns regularly appear in the
country’s oldest English language daily newspaper Dawn and are translated
to appear in the Urdu press. He is also Chairman of the Cowasjee Group
and is engaged in philanthropic activities apart from being regarded as an
old ‘guardian’ of the city of Karachi.
Kunda Dixit served as the Asia-Pacific Regional Editor of Inter Press

Service, and later helped establish Panos South Asia in Kathmandu. He is
now the editor and publisher of Nepali Times and is the author of the books
Dateline Earth and A People War.
Nirmal Ghosh is a senior foreign correspondent for The Straits Times, based
in Bangkok, Thailand. He has lived and worked in Singapore, Manila,
New Delhi and Bangkok, and covered much of Asia as a photojournalist.
He has been President of the Foreign Correspondents Association of
the Philippines (1998–99) and of the Foreign Correspondents Club of
Thailand (2008–09).
He has written on and photographed wildlife, and covered related
issues like biodiversity and climate change for over 25 years and has
authored three books on Indian natural history and wildlife. In 2004, he
won awards for narration and conservation message at Missoula, Montana,
USA, for the documentary film Living with Giants (camera Ashish Chandola).
He is a Trustee of The Corbett Foundation, a wildlife conservation NGO
working with communities living on the periphery of Corbett Tiger
Reserve in northern India and in Kutch in western India. From 2001 to
2003 he was on the Steering Committee of the Government of India’s
Project Elephant.
Peter Griffin used to be in advertising and is now a journalist and web

producer. He works in Mumbai and likes to get out to green, cool places
with either mountains or water bodies in easy reach. He blogs at zigzackly.
blogspot.com and helps run the writing community, Caferati. He is very
impressionable: he became an environmentalist as a child when he saw an
advertisement that said, ‘Don’t waste water; you’ll need it later.’
Nalaka Gunawardene is Director and CEO of TVE Asia Pacific, www.

tveap.org. Trained as a science writer and journalist, Nalaka has worked
with print and broadcast media and later with development organisations
across Asia for over 20 years. He co-founded TVEAP in 1996 as a
non-profit, regional foundation using audio-visual and new media to
298 The Green Pen
communicate development and social issues. Having originated the idea

of The Greenbelt Reports, Nalaka served as its writer and executive producer.
He blogs on media, development and society at http://movingimages.
wordpress.com/
Pandurang Hegde has been with the Appiko and Chipko movements.
After his post graduate study form the University of Delhi, he joined the
Chipko Movement in the Himalayas. He joined Sunderlal Bahuguna in
the historic Kashmir–Kohima Foot March along the Himalayas. Thereafter
he came to Karnataka to help with the spread of Appiko Movement. He
has been part of the movement for the past 25 years. At present he is
motivating people to re-launch Save Western Ghats Movement to conserve
the tropical forests in south India. He works as a freelance journalist,
contributing articles on environment and development issues in three
languages: English, Kannada and Hindi.
E-mail: appiko@gmail.com, appiko@sancharnet.in
Nandkumar Kamat is a microbiologist at the Department of Botany, Goa

University, Goa. For years, he has been active in highlighting environmental
issues in Goa and elsewhere and has an encylopaedic knowledge of a vast
range of issues of relevance to Goa.
E-mail: nkamat@unigoa.ac.in
Richard Mahapatra is the South Asia Regional Coordinator at the New

Delhi office of the Bank Information Center (BIC), which partners with
civil society in developing and transition countries to influence the World
Bank and other international financial institutions to promote social and
economic justice and ecological sustainability. Before joining BIC, Richard
worked as the coordinator of the Environment and Poverty unit of the
Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) where he conceived, designed
and led campaigns on sustainable development. During his tenure as the
news coordinator of the environment magazine Down to Earth, he reported
extensively on environment-poverty linkages in rural areas, people’s
movements for rights over natural resources, and other livelihood issues.
Before CSE, he worked as a correspondent in mainstream media for five
years, focussing on Northeastern India.
E-mail: richardmahapatra@gmail.com
Max Martin is a special correspondent at the Bangalore bureau of the

Mail Today. He writes on science and environment. From 2005 to 2007,
he edited the web publication indiadisasters.org and reported on tsunami

rehabilitation. He has also freelanced as a photojournalist.
Email: maxmillanmartin@gmail.com
Meena Menon has been a journalist since 1984 and has worked with
United News of India, Mid-Day and The Times of India, Mumbai and is at present
with The Hindu as a special correspondent in Mumbai. She has won many
fellowships, including those from the Centre for Science and Environment,
Panos, the National Foundation for India, New Delhi and SARAI. Her
articles on prostitution have been compiled into a book co-authored with
Sharmila Joshi. She is also the author of Organic Cotton: Reinventing the Wheel, a
history and compilation of organic cotton farmers in the country.
E-mail: meenamenon@gmail.com
Laxmi Murthy is currently Associate Editor, Himal Southasian, the monthly

magazine published from Kathmandu. She has written widely on gender,
environment and the links between the two. As a journalism instructor,
she has conducted training courses for working journalists on reporting
gender.
Ahmed Zaki Nafiz is a Maldivian journalist. He has been based in New

Zealand and has worked in the Maldives. He has travelled extensively in
Asia, Europe and the Pacific.
E-mail: ahmedzaki@xtra.co.nz
Sunita Narain has been with the India-based Centre for Science and
Environment since 1982. She is currently the director of the Centre and
the director of the Society for Environmental Communications and the
publisher of the fortnightly magazine Down to Earth. In her years at the Centre,
she has worked hard at analysing and studying the relationship between
environment and development and at creating public consciousness about
the need for sustainable development.
She has co-authored various publications like Towards Green Villages
(1989), Global Warming in an Unequal World: A Case of Environmental Colonialism
(1991) and Towards a Green World: Should Environmental Management Be Built on
Legal Conventions or Human Rights? and has co-edited Dying Wisdom: Rise, Fall and
Potential of India’s Traditional Water Harvesting Systems (1997) and Green Politics:
Global Environmental Negotiations (2000). In 1999, she co-edited the State of
India’s Environment, The Citizens’ Fifth Report and in 2001, Making Water Everybody’s
300 The Green Pen
Business: Practice and Policy of Water Harvesting. She has also authored many
articles and papers. Narain remains an active participant, both nationally
and internationally, in civil society. She serves on the boards of various
organisations and on governmental committees and has spoken at many
forums across the world on issues of her concern and expertise. In 2005,
she was awarded the Padma Shri by the Government of India.
Shree Padre is a farmer by profession, a journalist by obsession. Since

over a decade, he has been zealously documenting and disseminating
information on the common man’s success stories of Rainwater Harvesting
(RWH) from all over India. Under his editorship, Adike Patrike, a 21-year-
old unique farm magazine of, by and for the farmers in Karnataka, started
a pioneering campaign on RWH in Karnataka. He has been a columnist
for Vijaya Karnataka, a leading Kannada daily, and has so far run 220 case
studies in six years. He contributes regularly to www.indiatogether.org
and Civil Society. He has written 11 books on RWH, ten in Kannada and
one in English. Out of this, two books are on drought-proofing. He was in
the forefront of the agitation against spraying endosulfan in the Kasaragod
district of Karnataka.
He has received many state awards as well as the Statesman National
Award for rural reporting.
E-mail: shreepadre@gmail.com
Shivaram Pailoor is news editor and Head, News Unit, All India Radio,
Dharwad, Karnataka. He is also the trustee of the Centre for Agricultural
Media (CAM), which he founded in 2000. The Centre, with an objective
to promote farmer-friendly communication system, tries to build up
alternative efforts in agricultural communication. He has launched a
website: www.farmedia.org, as part of the venture.
Shivaram writes on developmental issues like soil and water harvesting,
GM issues and farm-related issues for major news dailies and magazines in
Karnataka. He has been working in the field of mass communication for
18 years. Having done his doctoral study on effectiveness of agriculture
communication, he has initiated a correspondence diploma course
(Kannada) in farm journalism through CAM in 2003. He is an Ashoka
Fellow.
Email: shivarampailoor@gmail.com
Beena Sarwar is a Pakistani journalist, documentary filmmaker and artist. She

has a BA in studio art and English literature from Brown University (1986)
and an MA in television documentary from Goldsmiths College, University

of London (2001). She started her journalism career as an intern with
the Star Weekend, Karachi in 1981. Her editorial positions include assistant
editor at The Star Weekend, features editor, The Frontier Post (Lahore), editor,
The News on Sunday, a weekly paper that she launched in Pakistan for The News
International and OpEd Editor for The News International. She was a producer
at Geo TV, Pakistan’s first 24-hour news channel. She is a Nieman Fellow
(Harvard, 2006) and a Fellow at the Carr Center for Human Rights Policy
(2007). Her documentary films have been broadcast on various channels
and screened at festivals in Pakistan and abroad. She serves on the board of
Panos South Asia and is associated with the Pakistan–India People’s Forum
for Peace and Democracy (PIPFPD), the Human Rights Commission of
Pakistan and the Women’s Action Forum (WAF). She freelances for
various publications in Pakistan and abroad, including Inter Press Service,
and is on the editorial board of the monthly, Himal Southasian, Kathmandu.
Nandan Saxena is a poet and documentary filmmaker and was a television

journalist earlier.
Sahana Singh is Editor of Asian Water, Asia’s leading magazine on water

and wastewater. She graduated from Delhi College of Engineering and
worked for some time as an engineer in the Environment Department of
HPCL Refinery in Mumbai. After winning two national essay contests, she
made a career shift to writing. In 2003, she was one of the winners of the
Water Media Network Journalists Competition conducted by the World
Bank, and was awarded during the 3rd World Water Forum at Kyoto.
Her winning article focused on the threat of marine organisms being
transported to foreign waters through ships and wiping out local species.
In November 2008, Ms Singh won the Developing Asia Journalism Award
(DAJA) in the Infrastructure category, in Tokyo, where journalists from
Asian countries competed. She lives in Singapore with her husband and
daughter.
Malini Shankar is a Bangalore-based freelance environmental photojour-

nalist specialising in content creation about anthropogenic environmental
conflict that seeks to quantify the impact on wildlife conservation. She has
specialised in writing about anthropogenic environmental conflict in the
Western Ghats. Her articles have been published in Deccan Herald, The New
Indian Express, The Indian Express, The Times of India, The Hindu Group of Publica-
tions, and Features Service Syndicates. She was the UN accredited corre-
spondent covering the proceedings at the World Summit on Sustainable
302 The Green Pen
Development in Johannesburg for Bangalore-based Deccan Herald in 2002.

She has also produced 2–13 episodes of a series for All India Radio and
around a dozen world service radio documentaries for Deutsche Welle
and Panos Radio.
Her articles on Sariska and issues pertaining to tiger conservation have
been widely published. Besides, she has just completed shooting for a
multinational TV production called ‘Eco Crimes’ which is to be broadcast
in 16 countries in nine languages over a three-year-period.
Devinder Sharma is an award-winning journalist, writer, and researcher

respected globally for his analysis on food, agriculture and trade policy.
Trained as an agricultural scientist, Sharma has worked for The Indian Express.
He quit active journalism to research on policy issues concerning food and
agriculture, biodiversity, genetic engineering and IPRs, and hunger, trade
and food security. He is the author of GATT and India—The Politics of Agriculture
(1994), GATT to WTO: Seeds of Despair (1996), In the Famine Trap (1997) and
Trade Liberalisation in Agriculture: Lessons from the First Ten Years of the WTO (2005). His
columns and writings have been widely published in India and abroad.
Kalpana Sharma is an independent journalist and columnist based in

Mumbai. In over three decades as a full-time journalist, she has worked
with The Hindu, for which she writes a column, The Times of India, The Indian
Express and Himmat Weekly. She was one of the co-editors of CSE’s First
Citizens’ Report on the State of India’s Environment (1982). She was also responsible
for 15 years for The Hindu’s annual State of the Environment Report. She
has authored Rediscovering Dharavi: Stories from Asia’s Largest Slum (2000) and
co-edited two books with Ammu Joseph: Whose News? The Media and Women’s
Issues (1994/2006) and Terror, Counter-Terror: Women Speak Out (2003).
Sudhirendar Sharma, an environmentalist, was formerly with the

World Bank. He is an expert on water, a keen observer of climate change
dynamics, a critic of the contemporary development processes, and has
been dividing time as a writer, researcher and consultant. He was a senior
correspondent with India’s leading weekly India Today and the science
editor for The Pioneer newspaper. He holds a Masters in agriculture and a
doctorate in environmental sciences.
S. Gopikrishna Warrier is Lead Media Officer at The International

Crops Research Institute for the Semi-Arid Tropics (ICRISAT). Earlier,
he was principal correspondent at The Hindu Business Line, the south India
correspondent for Down to Earth, and assistant editor at the Indian National
Trust for Art and Cultural Heritage (INTACH). He has been an experienced
communicator and journalist specialising in agricultural, environmental
and developmental issues. In his other work, he has developed relationships
with key stakeholders for public-funded international research
organisations and non-governmental organisations. As a journalist he
has specialised in communicating complicated environment and science
stories in simple language, with the ability to link the macro with the
micro developments. His interests include writing, communication,
travelling, reading, photography and cooking.
Email: gopiwarrier@gmail.com
Manori Wijesekera was a journalist and writer for several years, working
for an English language daily, a business magazine and travel publications,
before joining TVE Asia Pacific in 1998. As its Regional Programme
Manager, she promotes the regional organisation’s partnerships with
dozens of broadcast, civil society and educational organisations across
the Asia Pacific. Manori was production manager of The Greenbelt Reports,
managing four film-maker teams across eight locations in India, Indonesia,
Sri Lanka and Thailand. She also directed its Indonesian and Thai stories.

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THE GREEN PEN

THE GREEN PEN

First published in 2010 by

Sage Publications India Pvt Ltd

Sage Publications Inc

Sage Publications Ltd

Sage Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Available

ISBN: 978-81-321-0301-1 (PB)

The Sage Team: Rekha Natarajan, Rachna Sinha, Anju Saxena

Foreword by Darryl D’Monte xi

9 Good Journalism, That’s Allâ•… 59

20 Water Journalism Warrants Better Attentionâ•… 157

About the Editors and Contributors 294

When I look back at 30 years of writing about the environment, I realise

When I applied for a Homi Bhabha fellowship to do the research, I was

I had to battle with unfamiliar natural sciences constantly during my

I relate these personal instances not out of any exaggerated sense of

media—particularly with the emergence of editors who don’t write a

We both belong to the second generation of environmental journalists in

Keya Acharya, Bangalore, keya.acharya@gmail.com

No icing, just bread and butter

The lions’ historians

all seen as disposable for the accelerating demands of human population.

Good journalism, not good activism

would show that as environmental writers we were panic-stricken in our

The dilemma of a good pitch

But pitch, nevertheless

One of the greatest disservice we have done to the cause of environmental

When activism encroaches on journalism

The subject can be anything: a successful forest conservation campaign

Which page? One or three?

The real reason for the deficient coverage of environmental and

Fact of the matter

Democracy and development

Green grass, greener pastures

Every winter, many Tamang children die due to pneumonia because

In India environmental journalism means global reportage with village

Environmental journalism is not new to the Indian media. Since early

And into the mainstream

Economic liberalisation, environment

Rich Man, Poor Man

Village as Global Beat

The daily rack

Look at the media coverage of the National Rural Employment Guarantee

In 2002, I was working as a correspondent specialising in reporting on

Environmentalism changes shape and colour

Environmentalism and environmental journalism in a country are parts

the West, environmental movements have evolved as the urban middle

strategy also had scope for collaborating with developing countries on

on shrimp aquaculture by permitting, with retrospective effect, industrial

Impact on environmental journalism

From west to east

And from rich to poor

propagandist is rightly condemned as the market takes over the reins of

Some fourteen-odd years ago, during my initial forays into environmental

A history of poor awareness

an uphill task to get a ‘gatekeeper’ (a sub-editor in charge of various

Yet not ‘hard’ enough