Hannah Gahagan

730167226
PLCY 210

Introduction

In the age of the #MeToo and #TimesUp movements, women have begun to tell their

stories about a previously silenced topic; actors, athletes, professors and politicians have come

forward to speak about their sexual assault. This forced the issue further into the public sphere

and made some people realize how common sexual assault is for women, especially those in

places dominated by men. For example, military service academies have a high rate of sexual

assault but a low rate of reporting; the reporting and investigation process for the victims does

not provide confidentiality and the slow investigation time leads to the threat of repeated

interaction with their perpetrator. This brief will analyze some potential alternatives that

academies can enact to effectively increase the reporting rate. One alternative focuses on the

introduction of a new software, the next focuses on adding an amnesty clause to the current

reporting structure, and the third is to completely revise the current reporting structure. These

policies will be judged based on effectiveness, economic feasibility, and political feasibility to

determine the best alternative.

Problem Definition

There is a significant problem of sexual assault against female cadets and the ineffective

reporting process at the United States Military Service Academies. On average, one in five

females are sexually assaulted during their time in college (Krebs, et al, 2007). Similarly, reports

of sexual assault rate of all women in the military range from 9.5% to 43% (Castro, Kintzle,

Schuyler, Lucas, & Warner, 2015). The United State Military Service Academies combine both

of these populations into one; the academies consist of five elite schools that educate both
students in academics and train them for future military service. These schools include the

United States Air Force Academy (USAFA), the United State Military Academy (USMA), the

United States Naval Academy (USNA), the United States Coast Guard Academy (USCGA), and

the United States Merchant Marines Academy (USMMA). The three that will be focused on in

this brief are USAFA, USMA, and USNA, as the Department of Defense (DoD) documents them

the most in their records. These academies are predominantly male and completely excluded

women until 1976. The total percentage of females of the population teeters around 23% for the

three academies (“West Point, other academies see rise in female cadets,” 2016).

A common problem of the female cadets and midshipmen of these Academies is

Unwanted Sexual Contact (USC): a term that will be used to encompass all forms of rape and

sexual assault. The DoD defines sexual assault as intentional sexual contact, characterized by use

of force or physical threat of abuse of authority, when the victim cannot or does not consent

(Department of Defense, 2017);they further define this to encompass rape, nonconsensual oral or

anal sex, indecent assault (unwanted touching), or any attempt to commit these acts. USC against

women has been prevalent in the military for decades, and in response 2005 the DoD created the

Sexual Assault Prevention and Response Office (SAPRO) to help prevent and respond to sexual

assault in the military. The DoD created this organization to help prevent and educate on

intervention of USC and to provide victim care. SAPRO oversees both the military as a whole

and has a subdivision for the oversight of the military academies (Department of Defence, 2017).

They have worked to prevent sexual assault and provide psychological care for the victims, but

unfortunately after the assault takes place substantial damage is already done.

Unwanted Sexual Contact leads to a multitude of psychological and physical stress

issues. For example, after violent sexual assault Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD), a
psychiatric disorder that occurs after someone experiences a traumatic event, can develop

(Yehuda, 2002). People with PTSD produce a “fight or flight” response putting them into a state

of stress and fear in which they can feel as if they are reliving the traumatic event. PTSD has

been linked to other mental disorders such as alcohol abuse, major depression disorder, and panic

disorder (Lang, 2004). For those in the military, such as the cadets and midshipmen at the

academies, they are more likely to develop PTSD than the general population due to the high

stress of their careers. Furthermore, a study indicated that women veterans who have experience

sexual assault are 9 times more likely to have PTSD than those who had not (Suris, 2004). The

other disorders that are linked to PTSD, such as alcohol abuse, put victims at a high risk of health

problems throughout their lifetime. Victims of USC face more fear when they must face their

assailant in an everyday context; this forced contact is a result of a barrier in the reporting system

set up by the military.

While the SARPO has worked hard to create easy and efficient reporting programs for

victims, the options are limited and constrained. Reporting USC for the military is split into two

types, Unrestricted and Restricted Reporting. In unrestricted reporting, the victim reports the

assault to and SARPO immediately assigns them a Sexual Assault Response Coordinator

(SARC) and a SAPRO Victim Advocate (SAPR VA) and gives the victim the option to consult

with a Special Victims’ Counsel (SVC). The SARPO also provides medical care and a forensic

examination if desired by the victim. This option leads to an investigation into the assault and the

SARPO informs their commander of the assault and the identity of the victim. The restrictive

option allows the victim the same care and support, however, an investigation is not ordered

(Department of Defense, 640328). Instead, SARPO informs the victim’s commander of an

assault but not the victim’s identity. Both of these options have pros and cons, with the restrictive
option the victim is given the option to remain anonymous, however, no investigation occurs. In

contrast, the unrestrictive option identifies the victim, but the assault and perpetrator will be

investigated. This system forces the victim to choose to either remain anonymous or have their

assault investigated, which leads to a potential decrease in reporting.

The majority of the time those who experience USC do not report their assault in fear of

the potential consequences that come with reporting. The Department of Defense released that of

the 747 students who experienced USC at one of their military academies, only 92 reported them

to the DoD (Department of Defense, 2019): a 12% reporting rate. In a study conducted on the

barriers of the reporting rape and sexual assault for college students, the two highest rated

barriers that affected reporting were the shame, guilt, and embarrassment of the rape and the fear

of retaliation from the perpetrator (Sable, 2006). With the system set up by the DoD, it is

impossible for a student to remain anonymous and seek justice, which creates a barrier that

increases the likelihood that a student will not report the USC. Even if unrestricted reporting

takes place, the investigation and decision about punishment takes months, so the assailant is free

and the victims has the risk of contact with them. This system creates an unsafe environment for

the victim and therefore less likely to heal as efficiently.

The DoD works with the service academies to develop an environment that encourages

prevention of USC and a welcoming system of reporting. All three academies have implemented

their own programs to try and increase the rate of reporting and decrease the number of assaults.

Goals

The goal of this policy brief is to analyze various policies that create a system that allows

for easier reporting of USC at the military service academies and will swiftly prosecute the

assailant. Ultimately, increasing the rate of reporting a prosecution will lower the total number of
USC at the academies. The recommended policy will be selected based on its effectiveness of

raising the reporting rate as well as the economic and political feasibility.

Role for Government

The Department of Defense is a organization run and funded by the US government and

their academies provide a free education to those who pledge to serve. The role of the

government in this policy is essential, since they act as superiors in charge of the running of the

academies. The estimated cost it took to educate and train a Navy midshipmen, Army cadet, and

Air Force Cadet for four year in 2002 was $275,000, $349,000, and $330,00, respectively

(United States General Accounting Office, 2003). Looking at this problem economically, when

cadets and midshipmen experience sexual assault they are likely to have PTSD or other distress

disorders leading to a higher risk of dropping out, and therefore their programs will not

effectively produce military employees (Jordan, Combs, & Smith, 2014). By creating policy to

increase the reporting rate, the government will create a safer environment at the academies that

leads to a more productive atmosphere and decrease the risk of those cadets dropping out. The

Department of Defense creating and approving the policy will lead to it being implemented by

the academies.

Criteria

The three alternatives that will be discussed range from revising the reporting options the

academies set up to introducing a completely new idea. The first alternative would be to keep

with the status quo but create an amnesty policy that protects those reporting sexual assault. The

second is revising the current reporting method laid out by the SAPRO into one uniformed

system. The final alternative would be switching over to the primary use of a reporting software
called Callisto, which allows the survivor of a sexual assault to record their details and report it

when they feel ready.

The three alternatives selected will be evaluated on effectiveness achieving the selected

goal: creating a system that increases the reporting rate while also prosecuting the assailant in a

timely-manner. Effectiveness will be measured on how well the selected alternative raises the

reporting rate of unwanted sexual contact. A second criteria that will be taken into account is

economic feasibility as the DoD does not want to spend excess taxpayers’ dollars on a possibly

ineffective program. The final criteria will be political feasibility, since the federal government

funds the service academies if they do not support the alternative it will likely not be funded.

Status Quo + Amnesty Policy

The first alternative would be to keep the reporting system the same but include an

amnesty policy for those reporting a sexual assault. Each of the three academies in this brief have

made plans and improvements of creating a safer reporting environment. For example in the

2017-2018 school year, the USMA moved their SARC office to a more-accessible location to the

cadet and created reference guides to reporting (Department of Defense, 2019). The USNA

began to promote the Leave of Absence program which allowed those who filed an unrestricted

report to take some time off to get the treatment they need following the assault. Finally, the

USAFA began to focus on combating barriers that prevent cadets from reporting assault, such as

punishment for collateral misconduct (eg. underage drinking) at the time of their assault

(Department of Defense, 2019). The Academies hope that with these new policies and services

they employ the reporting rate will increase naturally.

to come forward without the fear of punishment for whatever else they did at the time of the

assault. Many universities have amnesty policies in place for both drug/alcohol overdoses and

sexual violence; the policies protect those who get people help while drinking underaged or

having illegal drugs. For example, at Northwestern University, if a victim reports ‘in good faith’

an assault while under the influence of drugs or alcohol, they are not subject to the University

disciplinary actions for those offenses unless they were placing the health of others at risk

(Cross, n.d.). The Academies should place a similar amnesty policy to promote reporting and

provide support for the survivors of these assaults.

In terms of efficiency, this option would likely increase the reporting rate of those

attending the Military Service Academies. Each year the filed reports of sexual assaults at the

academies increases, but this could be due to the normalizing of reports of sexual assault across

the United States with the rise of the #MeToo movement and people in the public light coming

forward, not due to policy changes (Milligan, 2018). Similarly, cadets reported that the fear of

getting punished or not being believed at the time of the assault because they had been drinking

serves as a large deterrent of reporting, thus providing an amnesty policy for the circumstances

surrounding their assault, the reporting rate would rise (Barry, Namrow, & Debus, 2017).

Although this provides an efficient alternative, it would not be the most efficient because, other

than the installation of the amnesty policy, it is more of a ‘waiting game’ than attacking the

problem. This option would be the most economically feasible as it would only require the DoD

to spend on program that have already been accounted for in the budget. The introduction of the

amnesty policy would not cost the DoD more than what they usually spend on the SARP.
 The introduction of the amnesty problem could pose a problem in the political climate at

the academies right now. By providing amnesty for those performing illegal activities, such as

drugs or drinking underaged, those against the policy could argue that it lets people get off the

hook. In addition, one could also argue that people might report a sexual assault in order to get

out of any repercussions they may face for acting illegally. The academies pride themselves on

developing the character of the future military leaders they educate and have harsh alcohol

policies; for instance, those caught with alcohol are put on ground of expulsion. Therefore, it is

unlikely that those with leadership at the academies would be willing to support an amnesty

policy.

Revision of the Reporting System and Creation of Task Force

Altering the reporting process of the academies to create a more confidential and

prompter system acts as the final alternative. The current reporting system includes unrestricted

and restricted reports, in which survivors can either file and have an investigation with their

name released to their commanders or remain anonymous with no investigation, respectively;

this does not allow the survivor to report their assault and have an investigation while also

remaining anonymous. The Academies’ Gender Relations Report, published every year by the

DoD, determines that the lengthy process and lack of privacy associated with the unrestricted

report serves as a deterrent for the survivor to pursue a formal investigation (Barry et al., 2017).

One can fix the reporting system by creating a method that focuses on keeping the victim

safe and confidential. Rather than having reporting options include nonrestrictive and restrictive,

one uniformed process should exist for the investigation of sexual assault with a task force from

the SARP office that handles all cases. Then, this method would assign each victim a member of

the task force to become their representative. These representatives would be trained in both the
legal process and in helping with mental health. The singular representative would also be

focusing on that person’s case for the entire investigative process, hopefully ending with the

assailant in court. The method plans to provide options at each major decision that the survivor

has in order to make the reporting process tailored to meet their needs; for example, the first

decision would be whether the survivor wants to create an investigation, if so then they must

decide confidentiality, meaning if it stays between them and the office or if they approve sharing

the information with their superiors, such as their commander (Appendix 1.)

The construction of the new task force and revision of the reporting process would likely

improve the reporting rate while also swiftly investigating and prosecuting the assailant, if the

survivor desires. This alternative would be the most efficient in concluding the investigation and

making it as easy as possible for the survivor; this method fosters this by having one person

focused on the survivor’s case while detouring other problems, such as the reputation of the

academy or the cost of court martialing a cadet. Unfortunately, this cannot be compared to other

programs because no data currently exists on the creation of task forces like these on college

campuses.

This would be the least economically feasible alternative as it would require the

formation of a new task force, which requires the recruitment, training, and paying of at least 20

new employees per academy. Twenty employees would be the minimum amount of people to

hire with one for every 200 cadets. SARPO would also have to house the task force’s office and

would need to be in a location that does not draw too much attention to itself, as cadets report

that people notice when you go to the SARP office and rumors start (Barry, Namrow, & Debus,

2017).
 This option would be moderately politically feasible. Although the Military Service

Academies claim to be dedicated to raising the reporting rate and lowering sexual assault overall,

they likely would not be comfortable with a task force that brings attention to the assaults, as

seen in the 2003 USAFA sexual assault scandal where many survivors of sexual assault claimed

that the academy looked past their assault or painted them as having mental health problems

(Zubeck, n.d.). The academy does not want to gain unwanted attention from having cases for all

those who were accused of sexual assault and possibly expelling them. This option would

therefore not be the most politically feasible, as the academies do not want to shed light on the

problems within it infrastructure, therefore pushing those who report assault to the side.

Callisto: A Reporting Software

The final alternative to make an easier reporting process for victims is an application that

provides a safe space for reporting. The first of its kind, Callisto, creates a place where survivors

can tell their story while also reporting in the way that they feel safest.

Callisto offers three processes for the survivor to report. Firstly, they offer an area where

the victim can create an encrypted time-stamped record of the assault, but the information does

not have to be reported until the survivor desires. This can act as a key piece of evidence in an

investigation; a defendant could not claim the victim misremembers the incident as the victim

has a written account just after the incident. Callisto secondly offers a matching service, which

allows the app to create a file on the perpetrator; if another survivor also enterers the information

of the same perpetrator, the contact information of both survivors is then sent to the Title IX

coordinator and develops case against the perpetrator. Sometimes people do not report unwanted

sexual contact because they do not want to ruin someone’s life for a one time ‘mistake’, however

it is estimated that repeated offenders carry out 90% of college sexual assaults (Lisak & Miller,
2002). By creating a system that reports an assailant when more than one person generates a

report, it increases the likelihood of the assailant’s persecution and prevention from carrying out

more assaults; CEO Jessica Ladd argues that 59% of sexual assaults can be prevented simply by

charging those repeated offenders (Wittwer, 2019). The final option is to report the assault. This

sends a report with all the details provided in the time-stamped file to the authorities, with this

information written down already survivors are not forced to retell their stories multiple times

and relive the trauma.

In the app’s pilot year, the reporting rate of one of the schools that uses the system nearly

quadrupled, the school was not identified for confidentiality reasons (“This online tool empowers

campus rape survivors — and catches repeat offenders,” 2018). In the 2017-2018 school year,

15% of the reports entered into the matching system were matched, showing that the system

works in catching repeat offenders (Callisto, 2018). The application has a high effectiveness at

raising the rate at the schools that currently implement it, and one may argue that the same

results would occur at the academies.

This is an example of privatization and government financing; the DoD would be directly

paying a private party to provide a good, in this instance a place to report sexual assault. This

would alter the reporting system set up by SARP and allow for a less-rigid process more suitable

for survivors’ needs. While sometimes people argue that privatization costs too much, this option

would be the most economically feasible. For the 17 colleges that have been using Callisto, the

startup fee has been between $5,000 and $10,000, with a lower annual renewal fee(O’Brien,

2017). For the three service academies, a startup fee between $15,000 and $30,000 would exist,

which is half the cost of the education of a single cadet for one year at an academy.
 The establishment of Callisto as a reporting system for the Academies exists as likely the

most feasible option. Given the political climate and the minimal controversy surround this topic,

this proposal would likely pass in the DoD. One could complain against the system and claim

that someone could falsely accuse another of sexual assault; however, this could just as easily

occur in the current system in place at the academy.

This program would meet the goals of creating a reporting system that produces a high

reporting rate while also having an affordable system that lets the survivor report at their own

discretion.

Recommendations

Based on the criteria of effectiveness, the implementation of Callisto, the reporting

software, exists as the best policy alternative for increasing the rate of reporting in the service

academies. The service comes at a relatively low cost and is politically feasible in the current

climate of the academies.

In terms of implementation, the Department of Defense would first need to obtain a

license for Callisto which cost at most $10,000. To evaluate the effectiveness of this alternative,

the DoD should measure reporting rates, as they do every year, and analyze the changes that

occur after the implementation of Callisto. While it may appear as an increase of sexual assaults

due to more reports, this should be viewed as a positive outcome as it means more reported

assaults and comfort of the survivors with the reporting system. The Academies must tell the

students of this reporting software and recommend it if they experience sexual assault. Callisto

reports that survivors who visited the Callisto website were 6 times as likely to report their

assault to the authorities than those who had not (Callisto, 2018). The school could provide a
seminar or meeting at the beginning of each school year that shows the cadets how to log onto

and access Callisto and the services that it provides.

In summation, the United States Military Service Academies have been battling sexual

assault and a low reporting rate for many years, without much success. By using Callisto, a

software that creates a user-friendly and confidential place for survivors to report assaults, the

academies can raise their reporting rates while also keeping cost low.
 Appendix 1.

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