Feminism in Psychology: Revolution or Evolution?

Author(s): Judith Worell

Source: The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science , Sep., 2000,
Vol. 571, Feminist Views of the Social Sciences (Sep., 2000), pp. 183-196
Published by: Sage Publications, Inc. in association with the American Academy of
Political and Social Science

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 ANNALS, AAPSS, 571, September 2000

Feminism in Psychology:
Revolution or Evolution?

By JUDITH WORELL

ABSTRACT: This article discusses the major contributions of femi-

nism to the discipline of psychology in the areas of theory, research,
and practice. Among the most important of these innovations are the
introduction of the psychology of girls and women as legitimate topics
of study; naming and exploring important issues in the lives of
women; reconstructing research methods and priorities to study
women in the context of their lived experiences; integrating multiple
diversities into all areas of the discipline; developing innovative ap-
proaches to therapeutic practice; transforming institutions toward
being more inclusive and collaborative; and advocating for social ac-
tion and public policies that benefit the health and well-being of both
women and men. Although feminist scholarship and practice have
permeated substantive areas of the discipline in both subtle and visi-
ble ways, many sectors of psychology remain wary of perspectives
that are openly feminist. Feminist psychology remains active, how-
ever, and will continue to insist on the visibility of women in all its
sectors and practices and on a discipline that values and promotes
equality and social justice for all.

Judith Worell is a licensed clinical psychologist and professor emeritus in the De-
partment ofEducational and Counseling Psychology at the University ofKentucky. She
is author or editor of eight books and past editor of the Psychology of Women Quarterly,
a journal of research. She is past president of the Kentucky Psychological Association,
the Southeastern Psychological Association, the Society for the Psychology of Women, and
the Clinical Psychology of Women section of the American Psychological Association.

183

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184 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

N this article, I discuss the extent EARLY BEGINNINGS

to which the feminist movement
has altered the focus and direction of
Psychology is dedicated to the
psychology as a discipline and the
study of human development, cogni-
major contributions of feminismtion,
to and behavior within a diversity
psychological theory, research, and
of environments. It is a young disci-
practice. Feminist psychologists pline, established as an institution in
have opened doors to the opportuni- 1892 with the inception of the Ameri-
ties for a revised discipline by askingcan Psychological Association. From
new questions, naming new prob- its infancy, psychology quickly estab-
lems, challenging research priorities,lished its territory as that of an objec-
giving voice to the invisible woman, tive, quantitative, empirical, and
revising applied practice (the prac- value-free science. The researcher, as
tice of psychology in clinical and an unbiased observer, conducted
other settings), and applying re- carefully controlled laboratory
search findings to public advocacy. experiments and remained dis-
The introduction of feminist schol- tanced from the subjects of study.
arship and research to the field of Although many early studies were
psychology has been relatively conducted with animals, the goals of
recent. Feminist psychologists gen- research were generally to under-
stand and predict human behavior.
erally endorse a common core of prin-
The outcomes were conceived as uni-
ciples, but we are also confronted by
controversies that divide and chal- versal truths or laws that would
lenge us. Challenge comes also from apply to a wide range of individua
mainstream psychology, whichacross has situations and time.
been alternately accommodating, Interest in applying psychological
ambivalent, or clearly inhospitable. principles to the amelioration of
The story of the feminist movement human distress and misery devel-
itself has reflected struggle and dis- oped after traumatic experiences
sension, but the movement has during World War II drove veterans
achieved and retained its positive to seek relief from their pain and con-
outlook by resolving conflict through
fusion. Since then, the field of psy-
consensus and constructive action
chology has experienced expansive
toward personal and social change.
growth across a range of basic and
Feminist psychologists follow aapplied
simi-areas, including, among oth-
lar path. The feminist revolution in
ers, neurological, cognitive, develop-
psychology has not overturned the personality, social, organiza-
mental,
profession, but the evolving influ-
tional, clinical, and counseling
ence of feminism continues. I con-
psychology. Paradoxically, the intro-
duction
clude that the impact of feminism on of applied practices to the
the future of psychology will be sig-of psychology has both enriched
field
nificant and robust. and divided the discipline.

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 FEMINISM IN PSYCHOLOGY 185

ENTER FEMINISM
(Worell and Johnson 1997). As a cor-
ollary to this goal, when the lives of
The roots of feminist psychologywomen are liberated and trans-
were nourished in the soil of the
formed, men will also be freed from
wider feminist movement. As a broad
the bonds of their gendered lives.
interdisciplinary movement, femi- Transformations in psychology
nism has aimed to achieve equalityhave taken place on many fronts. In
and justice for all women. To this the early 1970s, feminist psycholo-
end, three specific goals have pro-gists questioned the androcentric
vided a common denominator across
bias of psychological knowledge,
the social sciences: (1) to understand
which they believed reflected a male
the imbalances of power and privi- model of reality. They pointed out
lege for women in all societies; (2) to
that researchers and the people they
challenge the disadvantaged status
studied were predominantly male;
of women in both public and private
the topics they studied, such as
arenas; and (3) to advocate on behalf
aggression and achievement,
of and empower girls and women of
reflected male concerns; and the
diverse social, national, and ethnic results of research based on male
identities. Among contemporary
samples were assumed to apply also
social reform movements, feminism
to women (Crawford and Marecek
is especially notable for its appeal to
1989). When women were studied,
groups both within the scientific,
they were evaluated according to a
academic, and professional commu-
male standard, so that women's per-
nities as well as in the general public.
sonality and behavior were seen as
deviant or deficient in comparison.
Psychology
For example, early research that
acknowledges feminism
focused on sex differences claimed
We can date our psychological ori- that in comparison to men, women
gins about 30 years ago to Naomi were less motivated to achieve, less
Weisstein's classic dictum, "Psychol- assertive, and less proficient in sci-
ogy constructs the female" (1968), in ence and mathematics. These pre-
which she declared that psychology sumed deficiencies were then seen as
had neglected and omitted women stereotypes of all women and were
from its corpus of knowledge. Since used to deny women entry or
then, in a relatively brief period of advancement in male-dominated
time, feminist psychologists have employment settings.
made their presence known through Feminist psychologists began to
multiple efforts to revise and recon- challenge this androcentric perspec-
struct the discipline. An overriding tive by illuminating how commonly
goal for feminist psychology has been held sex role or gender stereotypes
to uncover, reshape, rename, and were biased against women. In a
transform the face of its parent disci- landmark study on gender stereotyp-
pline and its connection to the real ing by psychotherapists, Inge
lives of girls and women everywhere Broverman and her colleagues

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186 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

(1970) reported wideas differences in

a viable alternative to prior con-
stereotypes of the healthy ceptions that women and
woman or men exist
man. Men were more as polar opposites.
likely to be seen
(by both women and men) Androgyny aseventually
morecame under
independent, aggressive, direct, attack, however, as just another way
unemotional, competent, and domi-to maintain cultural stereotypes that
nant. Men were also viewed as more differentiate women from men. That
similar than women to the "healthy is, it defined certain personality
person." In contrast, women were traits as stereotypic for either
more likely to be seen as warm, women or men, thus perpetuating
expressive, and sensitive, as well as the myth that the two are indeed
emotional and childlike. These quite different from each other. Addi-
researchers concluded that thera-
tionally, the androgyny model was
pists subscribed to a double stan-
conceived in a narrow frame that
dard, by defining mental health omitsinmany aspects of behavior and
terms of an androcentric model. personality that are not defined by
Phyllis Chesler (1972) then proposed
these two groups of traits. Although
that women are "driven crazy" by
androgyny no longer maintains its
men and male therapists as apopular
means appeal in psychology (Worell
of maintaining patriarchal power1978), Bem's research was an impor-
and control. Studies such as these tant marker for the challenges to sex-
were early precursors to feminist difference research, most of which
models of counseling and psycho- tends to portray women as deficient
therapy with girls and women in (cf.
comparison to men.
Worell and Remer 1992). These early studies provided the
In contrast to these stereotypes, impetus for a burgeoning field of
Sandra Bem's research (1974) on research and scholarship on women
gender stereotyping found that many
and the multiple meanings of gender.
women and men possessed an equalIn succeeding years, feminist psy-
balance of both feminine and mascu-
chologists have contributed to inno-
line characteristics, which she vative approaches in theory develop-
labeled "psychological androgyny."
ment and measurement (Brabeck
Bem further proposed that and Brown 1997); research method
androgyny is the ideal model of men-
and content (Grossman et al. 1997;
tal health, in which both womenWorell
and and Etaugh 1994); and the
men could be flexible in their sex role inclusion of those overlooked women
characteristics, displaying a range of who have contributed to the develop-
characteristics appropriate to the sit- ment of the discipline (Scarborough
uations in which they found them- and Furamoto 1987). Some of the
selves. Thus women could be asser- areas in which feminist psycholo-
tive or compliant, powerful or gists have produced transformations
include constructions of ethical
compassionate, depending on the cir-
cumstances. The concept of behavior (Rave and Larson 1995),
androgyny as a model for ideal curriculum development and peda-
adjustment was attractive for a while
gogy (Kimmel and Worell 1997),

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 FEMINISM IN PSYCHOLOGY 187

violence toward women (Koss et al. launched in 1975. During the same
1994), women's sexuality (Wyatt and period, other scholarly journals
Riederle 1994), and our understand-appeared that focused on feminist
ings of women's mental health and issues, and research on women and
well-being (Rosewater and Walker gender began to be accepted into the
1985; Worell and Remer 1992). We mainstream journals in psychology.
have also influenced conceptions ofHowever, the specialized journals on
effective management and leader- women, gender, and feminism con-
ship (Eagley and Johnson 1990) and tinue to provide the major outlets for
feminist
the structure and functioning of our writing and research. It is
professional organizations (Mednickclear that psychology's acknowledg-
and Urbanski 1991). The new psy- ment of feminism remains cautious

chology of men and masculinity wasand that feminist scholarship tends

born from and fueled by the energyto be kept at the margins.
and insights of the feminist
movement. Feminist psychology
embraces diversity
Although this list of feminist con-
tributions appears substantial, our
Perhaps most important, feminist
influence remains limited within
psychology has become more diverse
each domain. Further, many areas and more inclusive. In moving
resist change. Among these are beyond simplistic questions about
forensic psychology (the relationshipsex differences, we have begun to
between psychology and the law), acknowledge and explore the diver-
mainstream social psychology, com- sity of perspectives among women
munication and social processes, the that intersect with gender (Greene
psychology of personality, and pro- and Sanchez-Hucles 1997; Landrine
cesses in child development. The bar-1995). For many of us, some of these
riers remain where the term "femi-
issues, such as race, ethnicity, sexual
nism" defines the scope or processorientation,
of social class, or ablism,
research. However, when feminist supersede and take precedence over
psychologists use feminist process or those inequities created by gender.
content without using the label, weFor lesbian and bisexual women, sex-
are often more successful in trans-
ual orientation may predominate in
mitting our message. their experiences. Lillian Comas-
The wave of interest and commit- Diaz (1991) has called for "an inte-
ment to a new psychology of women grative feminist psychology ... that
and gender was followed by the embraces cultural, ethnic, and social
establishment of feminist organiza-class pluralism" (607). We have only
tions and scholarly journals. The begun to open our eyes and our
Division of the Psychology of Women research efforts to the lives and expe-
(now the Society for the Psychology riences
of of diverse groups of women
Women) was admitted to the Ameri- who have remained largely voiceless
can Psychological Association in and invisible. In doing so, we expand
1973, and its flagship journal, Psy-our vision and enrich both our sci-
chology of Women Quarterly, was ence and our practice.

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188 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

Feminist psychology The resolution of issues such as

remaining at the margin or moving
remains at the margins
to the center of the discipline is com-
On the other hand,plicated
feministby our influ-
diversity of interests
ences have also been restricted to
and goals and by our plurality of
specific areas of the disciplineidentities
and and priorities. In psychol-
have not visibly influenced mostogy,
tra-
as in all the social sciences, femi-
ditional theorizing and research nists subscribe to a wide range of
practices. Although some innova- beliefs. Despite media statements
tions created by feminist psychologythat attribute a unilateral position to
have been integrated into main- "the feminists," we do not speak with
stream practice, there is limited rec- one voice. As feminist psychologists,
ognition of their identity as feminist we also participate in a wide range of
in origin. What are now believed byactivities-as educators, research-
many psychologists to be correct orers, health providers, administra-
ethical practices had their origins tors, entrepreneurs, authors, and
in feminist activism. Examples of community leaders-and we sub-
feminist-promoted practices includescribe to many goals. Integration into
encouraging career exploration and mainstream psychology may be more
planning for women, forbidding sex- important in some roles, for some
ual intimacy between therapists andissues, and for some psychologists
clients, and recognizing rape as an than for others.
act of aggression rather than of
sexuality.
One of the paradoxes for feminist OPENING DOORS

psychologists, therefore, is how to

bring about feminist transforma- Despite the ambivalence of their
tions in a discipline that chooses to parent discipline, feminist psycholo
ignore but also to selectively assimi- gists have had major influences in
late its beliefs and practices. The many spheres. Among these are (
major polemics center on whether opening innovative areas of researc
feminist psychology is "real science" by asking new questions; (2) nami
or "only politics." Although feminist and renaming the problems; (3) cha
psychologists agree that their sci- lenging research methods and prior
ence is frequently political (infused ties; (4) revising approaches to ther
with values about justice and equal- peutic practice; (5) integrating
ity), they point out that all science is multiple diversities; (6) applying
predicated on a set of values. A major research to public advocacy and leg-
issue between feminist and tradi-
islative policies; and (7) transform-
tional science in psychology ising
the
programs and institutions to ren-
extent to which these values are visi- der them more collaborative and
ble and articulated or hidden and woman friendly. I provide a few
couched in the language of examples of these contributions in
objectivity. the following sections.

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 FEMINISM IN PSYCHOLOGY 189

Asking new public questions

policies to intervene,
remediate, and legislate.
The questions and hypotheses
that drive the research process bothNaming and renaming
frame the issues and determine our the problems
fund of knowledge. By asking ques-
Until a problem or event is given a
tions about the lives of women that
were never before considered, femi- or title, it remains unidentified
name
and devoid of research. Although
nist psychologists have illuminated
women
the hidden experiences and gender have been exposed to sexual
asymmetries that remained sub- assault for centuries, feminists have
merged and unexplored. For exam- shown that naming the problem
ple, instead of asking about the exposes it to public examination.
effects of broken homes or the loss of Two examples here are date rape
(Koss et al. 1994) and sexual harass-
masculinity of fatherless boys, femi-
ment (Fitzgerald 1993), neither of
nist psychologists began to ask about
the health and well-being of single which existed until recently because
no one had given them a name. At the
mothers (Worell 1988). By reframing
the research question to address thepresent time, both of these topics
have received extensive research
well-being of single parents, the
focus moved to those environmental attention, exposing the problems and
variables that affected their lives documenting their prevalence. Femi-
nist research on rape and sexual
and their parenting opportunities,
harassment again resulted in public
including poverty, isolation, and lack
demands for education, legislation,
of social support.
and prevention. Feminist psycholo-
In a similar vein, research on
gists have developed rape-preven-
spouse abuse has been reframed
tion programs for presentation in
from the question of "Why doesn't
schools and have lobbied for health
she just leave?" to those such as "Why
do some men beat their wives and
services and legal resources to assist
sexually assaulted girls and women.
partners?" or "What are the barriers
that keep her from leaving?" The new
Challenging research priorities
questions redirect focus from a
woman's internal pathology (is she As in other social sciences, femi-
just masochistic, gaining pleasure nists in psychology introduced a
from being hurt?) to the pathology of
whole new paradigm for conducting
the system that keeps women impris-research. They challenged the notion
oned by fear and lack of resources.that all research is objective and
The questions raised by feminist psy-
value free, declaring that personal
chologists have opened up entire and political values enter into all
areas of new research and knowledgescholarly efforts. By changing the
about the lives of women and fami- questions asked, by including girls
lies. For the issues of single mother-
and women as research participants,
hood and spouse abuse, feminist by including research subjects as
research has been the source of participants in a collaborative

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190 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

Feminist therapy
enterprise, and by turning grew from the
to qualita-
tive methods that assessed women's
earlier consciousness-raising groups
that characterized the revised
lived experiences, feminists mined
new territories in women's lives. women's movement. In conscious-
Although quantitative approaches ness raising, small groups of women
to data collection remain strong ingathered informally to explore their
psychological research, the inclusionlives and to identify their commonal-
of qualitative methods enabled ities through an analysis of women's
researchers to explore the individualoppression and their subservient
experiences of women within the con- place in society. Discussions in con-
text of their lives. In contrast, tradi-
sciousness-raising groups led to the
tional laboratory research tends totheme that "the personal is political."
view the person outside of her com-This theme implies that women's
munity and cultural context and personal distress is embedded in
thus may ignore important variables inequalities in the political, eco-
that affect her responding. The nomic, legal, and social structures of
debate in psychology around quanti- society that disempower all women
tative versus qualitative research is(Worell 2000).
no longer an active one, however, as Feminist therapists typically view
both approaches are recognized as women's symptoms as their best at-
relevant to the questions we ask. Oftempts at coping with pathological
particular importance in feminist situations, rather than as reflecting
research, as in all feminist princi- pathology within the woman.
ples, is the ethic of social policy and Feminist therapists explore
advocacy for the well-being of womenwomen's distress from the follow-
and families. Thus research is ing perspectives:
directed toward identifying, examin-
ing, and remediating social injustices
1. Attention is directed to the ex-
and status inequities.
ternal sources of women's problems
as well as women's internal conflicts.
Revising therapeutic practice
This position locates women's pathol-
The introduction of a new subfield ogy in a social and political context.
of feminist therapy and counseling2. Power imbalances are
was a direct response to the sexism
acknowledged and egalitaria
and bias that characterized both tionships are encouraged both
Freudian psychoanalysis and and
other
outside of therapy This p
more traditional therapies (Worell
acknowledges women's lowe
1980). At the base of these theories status with respect to men, a
were practices that assumed that the the power imbalances for m
lives and experiences of men (the women.

dominant male culture) and of 3. Personal and social identities-

middle-class heterosexual white with respect to gender, race, ethnic-
women provided the standards for ity, sexual orientation, social class,
normal and desirable human ablism, nationality, and so forth-are
behavior. honored and explored.

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 FEMINISM IN PSYCHOLOGY 191

4. By valuing women women's

and families is highly persp
value
tives, feminist in part therapists
because it is more likely va
women's lived experiences,
translate into policies that benefi id
personal strengths, women and thatencourag remedy injustice
care as well as Socially
caringrelevant psychological
for othe
encourage women to value them- research has been effective in advo-
selves and one another (Enns 1997; cating for women's abortion rights,
Worell and Remer 1992). freedom from marital rape, financial
support following divorce, programs
The tenets of feminist therapy to intervene with eating disorders,
may be articulated differently across the rights of gay and lesbian parents,
therapists who have particular train- initiatives for funding women's
ing backgrounds and theoretical health concerns, and many more
preferences. However, research on issues of similar importance to
feminist, as compared to nonfemi- women's well-being. In this advocacy
nist, therapists has clearly demon- role, feminist psychology has been
strated that, as a group, they are influential in moving mainstream
more likely to adhere to the princi- psychology toward adopting an activ-
ples previously listed (Chandler et al. ist stance.
1999). As a result, women (and some
men) have received the kind of thera- CONTINUING
peutic experiences that are more CONTROVERSIES
likely to lead to personal and social
empowerment. The goals of empow- Both established and innovative
erment therapies are intended not factions within any discipline are
only to alleviate symptoms of dis- subject to ideological conflicts and
tress but also to strengthen individ- internal disagreements. Within fem-
ual well-being and the ability to cope inist psychology, at least three areas
in future stress situations with effec- of concern elicit continuing dialogue
tive interpersonal and problem-solv- and dissent: feminist psychology ver-
ing skills. sus the psychology of women;
essentialism versus social construc-
Applying research tion views; and the question of the
to public advocacy appropriate locus of women's subor-
dination and oppression, be it gender
Traditional psychology has tended
or the many other locations of
to function within the ivory tower.
That is, research was conducted for women's personal and group
identities.
its own value as basic information
about human behavior and the
Feminist psychology versus
human condition. In contrast, femi-
the psychology of women
nist psychologists have promoted the
principle of social activism and Many
advo-psychologists research and
cacy for underrepresented write groups.about women and women's
Within this perspective, researchissues without identifying them-
that is socially relevant to the selves
lives as
offeminist. Although the

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192 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

"Rather
issues may be surface or than making it hard for
substantive,
the division is real and has some women to swim in academic waters,
direct implications. Taken to its feminism seemed to serve as a life
extreme, the psychology of women raft for many professors" (Klonis et
could include popular women's mag-al. 1997, 333). Although 97 percent of
azines that offer advice on how to these women said they had experi-
enced gender discrimination, they
keep one's man or the pop psychology
books that opine on why men hate found that feminism provided them
women. In a more reasonable vein, with the tools to defend against the
the psychology of women implies the negative effects of such discrimina-
study of women, not men, and its tion. Over half of the respondents
focus avoids a blueprint for the inclu- said that their feminist commitment
sion of values, visions of science, or helped them to frame the issues and
guideposts for activism. The study ofto join with others to combat the
women implies a focus on gender asproblems. Thus they may have been
difference (women from men), and better equipped to recognize that
the variations that exist between negative social judgments were a
diverse groups of women become function of sexism rather than of
blurred or invisible. their own shortcomings. These con-
siderations of how feminism will
Further, stripped of its feminist
impede or assist in one's career con-
value orientation and activist stance,
front
the psychology of women is little dif- each scholar who desires to pur-
ferent from traditional psychology, sue a profession in either the psy-
with the addition of women as topics chology of women or feminist
psychology.
of study. Divested of its inclusive and
activist positions, the study of
Essentialism versus
women as targets remains static and
stabilizes the field with entrenched social constructionism

positions that isolate the individualTwo distinct and contrasting

from her social and political contexts.
views permeate the feminist commu-
Identification with feminist psy- nity. On the one hand, those who sub-
chology, in contrast, may place the
scribe to an essentialist view take the
researcher or scholar at risk of isola-
position that women's development
tion, lower status in the academic is uniquely different from that of
community, exclusion from main- men, resulting in women's being
stream journals, and margin- intrinsically more caring and rela-
alization within her own professiontional than men. Women are not only
(Worell 1994). For some psycholo- different from men; they are much
gists, the risk seems too great. But a
better human beings than men
recent study of 77 randomly selected
because women care for others
feminist psychology professors rather than being invested only in
across a range of colleges and univer-themselves (Gilligan 1982). These
sities found that feminism was pro- qualities enable women to achieve
tective for them in the face of aca- greater mutuality and intimacy in
demic gender discrimination. relationships.

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 FEMINISM IN PSYCHOLOGY 193

A social construction view was

oppression. Feminist psychology of g
der, in contrast, takes
originally developed the
by white middle- pos
that the true natures of women and class psychologists and is believed by
men are unknowable. The character- some factions to reflect the privileged
istics that we attribute to females majority perspective that gender is
and males are not intrinsic to the the major site of unequal power rela-
individual and determined by biolog- tions. During the first two decades of
ical sex but are socially and feminist scholarship in psychology,
situationally created. Differences women's subordination was attrib-
across females and males are sociallyuted to patriarchy, or male-domi-
constructed categories that functionnated social structures. The generic
to maintain female-male dichoto- woman was compared to the generic
mies and unequal power relations man, with little distinction being
(Hare-Mustin and Marecek 1988). attributed to social locations other
These social categories then become than gender.
internalized as gendered self-con- The feminist position of women of
cepts that organize both individual color was particularly influential in
life activities and goals and the bringing into focus the diversity
expectations of those with whom we
among women. In assuming the ethic
interact.
of universal sisterhood, early femi-
The contrast between these two
nists ignored the differing life experi-
views of gendered relations is ences of women from diverse ethnic,
observed most clearly in their appli-
racial, national, and multicultural
cations to practice. Some feminist
backgrounds (Comas-Diaz and
therapists, for example, adhere to an
Greene 1994). The insistence of
essentialist position, while most gen-
multicultural feminism on attention
der researchers adopt a social con-
to the diversity of women's experi-
struction point of view. However,encesa spurred new areas of scholar-
new area of research, evolutionary
ship and research on the pluralism in
psychology, has adopted an women's social and personal identi-
essentialist position as well. Evolu-
ties. The issue of white privilege
tionary theorists declare that differ-
entered the dialogue and provided
ences between women and men are
another dimension of discourse; the
based on principals of survival of the
discussion of which group constitutes
fittest, such that male dominance
the real minority became prominent.
and female relationship concerns are
For many women of color, the dichot-
biologically determined. Needless to
omy of gender as female-male pre-
add, feminist psychologists do not
sented them with conflicting loyal-
take kindly to this position.
ties in which solidarity with their
racial or ethnic group often takes pri-
Gender versus diversity
ority over gender. Being asked to
in women's oppression
view men as the source of women's
The third major controversy in oppression denied their sense of
current feminist psychology involvesloyalty to their community and sup-
the appropriate location of women'sport networks. On the other hand,

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 194 THE ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY

"women of color are exposed to substantive areas of psychological

oppression not only within the domi-research and knowledge. Feminist
nant group, but also experience sex-activism has promoted new struc-
ism and oppression within their own tures within psychological associa-
ethnic and racial communities as tions, a substantive increase in the
well" (Comas-Diaz and Greene 1994, number of women in governance and
5). Thus issues of equity and power leadership in the field, and scholarly
imbalance do not necessarily disap-
publications that enrich and expand
pear within minority communities. our psychological perspectives.
These multiple considerations of The creation of new structures
the social location of women's oppres- within organized psychology that
sion also lead to research on discrimi- focus on women has affected the field
nation based on physical appear- in multiple ways. Institutionalized
ance; ablism or disability; and social groups within psychology devoted to
class and the situation of poor women women's concerns have been success-
and their families. However, there ful in making women's issues visible
remains an undercurrent of dis-
and thus in attracting more women
agreement across the community ofand become active in such
to join
feminist psychologists concerning
groups. Within these groups, women
which of these presumed disadvan-
have developed a network of support,
tages are most oppressive to women.
a group of colleagues with whom to
conduct research, and an advocacy
THE FUTURE OF group with which to lobby for
FEMINIST PSYCHOLOGY resources and political strength.
Within the American Psychological
Association,
Where is feminist psychology which has a member-
headed in the next decade and ship of over 160,000, the Society for
beyond? The issues discussed in Psychology
the this of Women is now the
fifth-largest
article will probably not disappear. in membership of the 55
divisions
Feminist psychologists will continue of the organization.
their internal dialogue and Women's
differ- groups within the Ameri-
ences with respect to theory, can Psychological Association have
lobbied for research resources, have
research, and appropriate modes of
practice. Mainstream psychologypromoted agendas and policies that
focus on women's health and
may not be eager to welcome the dis-
sident voices that challenge its well-being, and have promoted th
supremacy. I believe that contro- election of women to outstanding
versy and conflict concerning many leadership positions. The incoming
issues have the potential to open new president of this organization,
avenues of scholarship and research. Norine Johnson, is a feminist psy-
Although many of us experience this chologist whose leadership agenda
conflict as painful, it can also lead to will certainly reflect her feminist
constructive alternatives and inno- commitment. Likewise, feminist psy-
vative approaches. However, femi-
chologists have achieved important
nist scholarship has permeated leadership positions in university

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 FEMINISM IN PSYCHOLOGY 195

psychology the annual meeting of the American

departments and a
idents and Psychological Association,
provosts of Aug.,leadin
Boston.
versities. Although these very
individuals may Chesler, Phyllis.
not 1972. Women and Mad-
publicly
mote their feminist ness. New York: beliefs,
Doubleday. th
cies and actions reflect their Comas-Diaz, Lillian. 1991. Feminism
commitment. and Diversity in Psychology: The Case
of Women of Color. Psychology of
As feminist scholars, we envision a
Women Quarterly 15:594-610.
discipline that is open to change, that
Comas-Diaz, Lillian and Beverly Greene,
values and promotes equality and eds. 1994. Women ofColor: Integrating
social justice across groups and indi- Ethnic and Gender Identities in Psy-
viduals, and that is active in its insis- chotherapy. New York: Guilford.
tence on public advocacy for the Crawford, Mary and Jean Marecek. 1989.
well-being of both women and men Psychology Constructs the Female.
from all groups. It is too early in this Psychology of Women Quarterly
13:147-66.
process to determine whether we
have witnessed a revolution in the Eagley, Alice H. and B. T. Johnson. 1990.
field or the evolution of a new field of Gender and Leadership: A Meta-
psychology that integrates the prin- Analysis. Psychological Bulletin
108:233-56.
ciples of feminism into all of its core
Enns, Carolyn Zerbe. 1997. Feminist The-
functioning. We do know that femi-
ories and Feminist Psychotherapies:
nist psychologists have opened doors Origins, Themes, and Variations. New
that will not easily be closed. York: Harrington Park.
Fitzgerald, Louise F. 1993. The Last
Great Secret: The Sexual Harassment
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