Con Law Outline
Con Law Outline
Con Law Outline
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Constitutional Law I
o Congress may eliminate specific avenues for Supreme Court review as long as
it does not eliminate all avenues. For example, in McCardle, two statutes had allowed the Supreme
Court to grant habeas corpus to federal prisoners. The Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality
of the repeal of one of the statutes because the other statute remained as an avenue for Supreme
Court habeas corpus review.
o Although Congress may eliminate Supreme Court review of certain cases within the federal
judicial power, it must permit jurisdiction to remain in some lower federal court.
o If Congress were to deny all Supreme Court review of an alleged violation of constitutional rights
—or go even further and deny a hearing before any federal judge on such a claim—this would
violate due process of law.
United States v. Klein
Congress passed a law terminating federal court jurisdiction in cases in which a claim was made of
recovery of property seized by the United States during the Civil War and where the claimant used a
presidential pardon to show he had not aided the enemy.
RULE: Congress violated the separation of powers by passing a law rescinding the Supreme Court’s
appellate jurisdiction in claims cases supported by a presidential pardon and by infringing the president’s
exclusive power to pardon.
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Constitutional Law I
Prudential Standing
Third- Party Standing
RULE: When deciding whether a third party has standing to bring a suit to champion the rights of another,
the court looks at two factors:
o How close the relationship is between the third party and the party whose rights are being
affected; and
o How likely it would be that the person whose rights are being affected would bring suit.
Singleton v. Wulff:
Physicians who provided abortions had standing to sue on behalf of women whose abortions were not
covered by Medicaid because the physician suffered an injury since they were not paid for their services
and their interests were closely enough aligned with their patients to ensure effective representation.
RULE: Persons may sue to protect a third party’s right only when (1) the relationship between the parties is
such that the person suing may advocate effectively for the right and (2) there are genuine obstacles to the
third party asserting the right in court.
Taxpayer Standing
RULE: Generally, being a taxpayer does not give a person standing to challenge government action.
The exception is that here MAY be “taxpayer standing” where the taxpayer is challenging the enactment
under the Taxing and Spending Clause AND claims that the challenged enactment exceeds specific
constitutional limitations outside of the grant of the power to tax and spend.
United States v. Richardson:
Plaintiff challenging reporting of CIA expenditures did not have standing to sue because was not
challenging the constitutionality of Congressional authority under the Taxing and Spending Power.
RULE: Taxpayer status is not sufficient to confer standing to challenge the constitutionality of federal
action unless the taxpayer alleges direct injury from the practice and not general grievances common to all
members of the public.
Flast v. Cohen:
A plaintiff taxpayer has standing to sue the challenge expenditure of funds as violating the First
Amendment Establishment Clause.
Taxpayer status is sufficient to confer standing on an individual to bring suit in federal court to challenge
the constitutionality of federal spending in violation of the First Amendment Free Exercise and
Establishment clauses.
PRESIDENTAL POWERS
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Constitutional Law I
Although the President has inherent powers, there are limits on such powers, particularly when the
President acts contrary to Congress or usurps the power of another branch. The approaches in this case
provide a framework for analyzing whether presidential action is constitutional.
Three Models:
Justice Approach
Jackson/Frankfurter When the Constitution and Congress are silent, the President
(Concurring) may act until Congress acts to restrain him. To put it another
way, the President may act unless he violates a statutory
provision.
ADMINISTRATIVE AGENCY
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Constitutional Law I
Recess Appointments
The Recess Appointments Clause of the Constitution gives the President the power to make appointments
for vacancy without Senate approval during any Senate recess of “sufficient duration.” Under the Clause,
the Senate is in recess only when it states it is in recess. If the Senate does not declare a recess and it holds
pro forma sessions, the Senate is not in recess and the President has no power to make appointments
without Senate approval. [NLRB v. Canning, 573 U.S. 513 (2014)]
NLRB v. Noel Canning:
A President may appoint officers without the advice and consent of the Senate during a recess pursuant to
the Recess Appointment Clause during inter-session and intra-session recesses and for vacancies that occur
prior to the recess. However, a recess must be at least 10 days long and pro forma sessions of one of the
Houses count as real sessions and therefore can prevent a recess to allow the President to appoint officers.
The Recess Appointment power allows the President to make appointments to fill any vacancy whenever
the Senate declares that it is in recess for ten days or more.
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Constitutional Law I
EXECUTIVE POWER & FOREIGN POLICY AND THE PRESIDENT’S EXPOSURE TO SUIT
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Constitutional Law I
RULE: The non-delegation doctrine does not bar Congress from delegating great authority and discretion
to the President in the conduct of foreign affairs.
Power to Recognize Foreign States
The power to recognize foreign states lies exclusively with the president. [See Zivotofsky v. Kerry, 135 S.
Ct. 2076 (2015)—legislation requiring the secretary of state, upon request, to designate “Israel” and not
“Jerusalem” as the place of birth on the passport of a U.S. citizen born in Jerusalem infringes on the long-
time executive branch policy of favoring recognition of Jerusalem]
Zivotofsky v. Kerry:
The President has exclusive and preclusive power to recognize foreign nations and Congress cannot
interfere with this power.
Treaties and Executive Agreements
Executive Agreements
The President’s power to enter into agreements (i.e., executive agreements) with the heads of foreign
countries is not expressly provided for in the Constitution; nevertheless, the power has become
institutionalized. Executive agreements can probably be on any subject as long as they do not violate the
Constitution. They are very similar to treaties, except that they do not require the consent of the Senate.
o (a) Conflicts with Other Governmental Action
Executive agreements that are not consented to by the Senate are not the “supreme law of
the land.” Thus, conflicting federal statutes and treaties will prevail over an executive
agreement, regardless of which was adopted first. However, executive agreements prevail
over conflicting state laws.
o (b) Example—Power to Settle Claims of United States Citizens
The President, with the implicit approval of Congress, has power to settle claims of
United States citizens against foreign governments through an executive agreement.
[Dames & Moore v. Regan, 453 U.S. 654 (1981)]
Dames & Moore v. Regan:
Executive agreements are agreements between the United States and foreign countries that are effective
when signed by the President and the head of the foreign nation and are valid so long as they do not violate
a provision of the Constitution.
RULE: The President has the power to settle claims by U.S. Citizens against foreign governments, even
without the consent of the U.S. citizens whose claims are compromised.
Checks on Presidential Power – Immunity from Suit
Executive Privilege
The executive privilege is not a constitutional power, but rather is an inherent privilege necessary to protect
the confidentiality of presidential communications.
o Extent of the Privilege
Presidential documents and conversations are presumptively privileged, but the privilege
must yield to the need for such materials as evidence in a criminal case to which they are
relevant and otherwise admissible. This determination must be made by the trial judge
after hearing the evidence.
National Security Secrets: Military, diplomatic, or sensitive national security
secrets are given great deference by the courts.
Criminal Proceedings: In criminal proceedings, presidential communiques will
be available to the prosecution, where a need for such information is
demonstrated. [United States v. Nixon, B.4., supra]
Civil Trials: The Court has avoided ruling on the scope of executive privilege
in a civil case. Nevertheless, in Cheney v. United States District Court, 542 U.S.
367 (2004), the Court noted that the need for information in a criminal case is
“weightier,” and the Executive’s withholding of information in a civil trial
would not impair the judiciary’s ability to fulfill its responsibility to resolve
cases as much as in a criminal trial. Thus, it appears that an Executive branch
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Constitutional Law I
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Constitutional Law I
o If all exercises of power must be indispensable, then Congress could do very little. Instead, the
framers provided a clause that would give flexibility to Congress to deal with unforeseeable
events.
o The necessary and proper clause is in §8, which grants power to Congress as opposed to §9, which
limits congressional power, thus it must be read broadly to grant Congress power, not to limit it.
o Finally, if "necessary" meant indispensable, then the framers would not have also used the word
"proper," which implies that the framers gave Congress broad room to choose among the means it
would use to exercise its powers.
o "Let the end be legitimate, let it be within the scope of the constitution, and all means which are
appropriate, which are plainly adapted to that end, which are not prohibited, but consist with the
letter and spirit of the constitution, are constitutional."
o Marshall says that:
(1) if the law is not prohibited by the constitution; and
(2) the law is calculated to accomplish any of the objects entrusted to the federal
government,
Then: it is not the place of the judiciary to inquire into the degree of its necessity.
RULE: Under the Necessary and Proper Clause, Congress may enact legislation so long as it ends are
legitimate under the Constitution and the legislation is appropriate and plainly adapted to those ends.
The Necessary & Proper Clause
Necessary and Proper “Power”
The Necessary and Proper Clause grants Congress the power to make all laws necessary and proper (i.e.,
appropriate) for carrying into execution any power granted to any branch of the federal government.
United States v. Comstock
The Supreme Court held that the Necessary and Proper Clause grants Congress authority sufficient to enact
the statute for five reasons
o (1) The Necessary and Proper Clause grants broad authority
The Court stays the rule is: "Whether the statute constitutes a means that is rationally
related to the implementation of a constitutionally enumerated power."
THIS IS THE RULE FOR THE NECESSARY AND PROPER CLAUSE
The Court further says that Congress has an implied enumerated power to enact federal
criminal laws arising out of the explicitly enumerated powers to regulate interstate
commerce, enforce civil rights, spend funds for the general welfare, etc.
The Court holds that this civil statute "carries into Execution" the enumerated powers
vested by Congress
o (2) The Court recognized that Congress has long delivered mental health care to federal prisoners.
Note the Court's deference to Congress and to history follows McCulloch
o (3) Congress had good reason to pass the statute as it has the power to protect nearby communities
from the danger prisoners may pose. Thus, the law is reasonably adapted to Congress' power to act
as a federal custodian.
o (4) The Tenth Amendment does not reserve a zone of authority to the states in this context. And if
anything, the statute accommodates state interest
o (5) The Court recognized that the statute was narrow in scope and did not confer on Congress a
general police power, which is reserved to the states.
RULE: The Constitution grants Congress the authority to enact such legislation as is necessary and proper
for carrying into execution the powers vested by the Constitution in the Government of the United States
Summary
The Necessary and Proper Clause grants Congress broad authority to enact federal legislation
The civil commitment statute is a modest addition to long-standing federal prison-related mental-health
statutes.
Congress can reasonably extend its long-standing civil commitment system to cover mentally ill and
sexually dangerous federal prisoners.
The statute properly accounts for state interests.
The link between the statute and Congress's Article I enumerated powers are not too attenuated.
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Constitutional Law I
Historical Approach
Gibbons v. Ogden
How does the Court define commerce?
o “Commerce” is all commercial intercourse, including regulation of the navigable waters. – still
good law
What does the Court say “among the states” means?
o “Among the States” means between more than one state and another, affecting more than one
state, any commerce that is not completely internal to one state.
Are there limitations on Congress’s power to legislate under the Commerce Clause?
o No, the Court says, the power is “complete in itself, may be exercised to its utmost extent, and
acknowledges no limitations other than those prescribed in the Constitution.”
RULE: The federal commerce power extends to all commerce among and between the states and foreign
nations, with only commerce having connections solely within a single state being unreachable under the
commerce power.
Commerce Clause Power from 1890s to 1937
How does the Court define commerce?
o "Commerce" is one limited stage of business, distinct from earlier phrases such as mining,
manufacturing or production (commerce = only stream of commerce)
What does the Court say “among the states” means?
o “Among the States” means there has to be substantial, direct effect on interstate commerce;
Congress can also regulate the stream of commerce (Stockyard cases)
Are there limitations on Congress’s power to legislate under the Commerce Clause?
o The tenth amendment reserves a zone of activity to the states (such as regulation of labor and
employment); BUT Congress can regulate in the area of morality.
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Constitutional Law I
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Constitutional Law I
Are there limitations on Congress’s power to legislate under the Commerce Clause?
o The Court does not reserve any zones of authority specifically to the state. Congress cannot
regulate noneconomic activity.
Commerce Power
Article I, Section 8, Clause 3 empowers Congress to “regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the
several states, and with the Indian tribes.”
Includes Basically All Activity Affecting Two or More States
o Chief Justice Marshall, in Gibbons v. Ogden, 22 U.S. 1 (1824), defined commerce as “every
species of commercial intercourse . . . which concerns more states than one” and included within
the concept virtually every form of activity involving or affecting two or more states.
Includes Transportation or Traffic
o The Court has consistently regarded transportation or traffic as commerce, whether or not a
commercial activity is involved.
Vehicular Transportation Not Required
Any transmission across state lines, such as electricity, gas, telegraph,
telephone, TV, radio, and mail transmission (including educational materials and
sale of insurance), will constitute interstate commerce.
o “Substantial Economic Effect”
The Supreme Court has sustained congressional power to regulate any activity, local or
interstate, that either in itself or in combination with other activities has a “substantial
economic effect upon,” or “effect on movement in,” interstate commerce.
o Power Not Unlimited
The Supreme Court has recently made clear that the power of Congress to regulate
commerce, although very broad, does have limits so as not to obliterate the distinction
between what is national and what is local. To be within Congress’s power under the
Commerce Clause, a federal law must either:
Regulate the channels of interstate commerce;
Regulate the instrumentalities of interstate commerce and persons and things in
interstate commerce; or
Regulate activities that have a substantial effect on interstate commerce.
Three categories may Congress regulate commerce
First, Congress may regulate the use of the channels of interstate commerce.
Second, Congress is empowered to regulate and protect the instrumentalities of interstate commerce, or
persons or things in interstate commerce, even though the threat may come only from intrastate activities.
Finally, Congress’s commerce authority includes the power to regulate those activities having a substantial
relation to interstate commerce
Intrastate Activity
When Congress attempts to regulate intrastate activity under the third prong, above, the Court will uphold
the regulation if it is of economic or commercial activity and the court can conceive of a rational basis on
which Congress could conclude that the activity in aggregate substantially affects interstate commerce.
[Gonzales v. Raich, 545 U.S. 1 (2005)—upholding regulation of intrastate cultivation and use of marijuana
(permitted by state law for medicinal purposes) because it was part of a comprehensive federal program to
combat interstate traffic in illicit drugs] If the regulated intra- state activity is not commercial or economic,
the Court generally will not aggregate the effects and the regulation will be upheld only if Congress can
show a direct substantial economic effect on interstate commerce, which it generally will not be able to do.
[See, e.g., United States v. Lopez, 514 U.S. 549 (1995)—federal statute barring possession of a gun in a
school zone is invalid; United States v. Morrison, 529 U.S. 598 (2000)—federal civil remedy for victims of
gender-motivated violence is invalid]
U.S. v. Lopez
A 12th-grade student was convicted of violating the Gun-Free School Zones Act of 1990, which makes it a
federal offense to possess a gun rear a school.
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Constitutional Law I
Congress cannot use its Commerce Clause power to regulate non-economic, local activity – noneconomic
activity cannot be aggregated.
RULE: Congressional authority to regulate pursuant to the Commerce Clause extends to only those
activities that rationally implicate (1) the channels of interstate commerce; (2) the instrumentalities of
interstate commerce; or (3) activities having a substantial effect upon interstate commerce.
U.S. v. Morrison
An alleged rape victim sought to sue her accused attackers under the federal Violence Against Women Act.
The accused asserts that VAWA is an unconstitutional exercise of congressional authority.
Congress cannot use its Commerce Clause power to regulate non-economic local activity, even if there are
legislative findings showing that the activity has substantial effects on interstate commerce (no rational
basis test/deference to Congress where Congress is regulating non-economic, local activity.
Gonzales v. Raich
Raich sought an injunction against enforcement of the federal Controlled Substances Act, insofar as that
law prohibited her use of marijuana for medical purposes.
RULE: Congress may regulate intrastate activity if there is a rational basis for concluding that the activity
may have a substantial effect on interstate commerce
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Constitutional Law I
Whether that regulation constitutes forcing the states to take action or prohibiting the states from taking
action is a distinction without a difference.
Tenth Amendment Limits on Congressional Power - Take-Aways
The Tenth Amendment only applies when Congress is regulating the states as the states; it is not applicable
when Congress's regulation of the states is incidental to regulation of private actors
The Tenth Amendment prohibits Congress from forcing the states to regulate their own citizens - or as the
Court has put it, it prohibits Congress from compelling the States to enact and enforce a federal regulatory
program.
It does not matter whether the "commandeering" arises from a statute compelling action or prohibiting it;
what matters is if the legislation concerns only the states and forces the states to regulate private actors in a
certain way.
The Tenth Amendment applies when congress legislates in a way that forces either state legislatures or the
state executive to take certain actions with respect to private actors in the state.
Power to Tax
Taxing Power
Congress has the power to lay and collect taxes, imposts, and excises, but they must be uniform throughout
the United States. [Art. I, §8] Capitation or other direct taxes must be laid in proportion to the census [Art.
I, §9, cl. 4], and direct taxes must be apportioned among the states [Art. I, §2, cl. 3].
Power to Spend
Spending Power
Congress may spend to “provide for the common defense and general welfare.” [Art. I, §8] This spending
may be for any public purpose—not merely the accomplishment of other enumerated powers. However,
non-spending regulations are not authorized. Remember that the Bill of Rights still applies to this power;
i.e., the federal government could not condition welfare payments on an agreement not to criticize
government policies.
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Constitutional Law I
RULE: Valid use of the Spending power is subject to three requirements: (1) it must be used for the general
welfare, (2) any conditions on receipt of funds must be unambiguous, and (3) any conditions must be
related to the federal interst in the particular national projects or programs being funded.
NFIB v. Sebelius:
The loss of 10% of a state’s budget for failure to enact the Medicaid expansion is unduly coercive and
therefore unconstitutional.
Five-part test
Spending is pursuant to the general welfare - doesn't have to be good for everyone
(2) the conditions on spending must be expressed unambiguously.
(3) the conditions on spending must be related to the purpose of the spending for federal interest
o The question is whether conditions placed on spending have a rational relationship to the purpose
of the spending program
(4) the conditions must be consistent with other constitutional provisions
o They can't violate another provision of the Constitution
(5) state participation must be voluntary - it may not be coerced.
o The "coercion" inquiry looks at whether the amount of spending at issue is so much as to be
unduly coercive.
o Tenth Amendment analysis
o Look at the amount of spending at risk
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Constitutional Law I
RULE: Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment gives Congress the power to enact laws as remedial
measures and to prevent constitutional violations, but does not allow Congress to define the substantive
scope of constitutional guarantees.
Eleventh Amendment
Georgia v. Chisholm
The Court held that the Constitution made clear that controversies between individual states and citizens of
other states could be heard in federal courts.
This decision found that the Constitution did not bar a citizen of one state from suing another state in
federal court, creating the demand for the enactment of the Eleventh Amendment.
Hans v. Louisiana
The Supreme Court held that the Eleventh Amendment prohibits a state from being sued in federal court,
although the state may be sued in its own state courts.
the Eleventh Amendment has been understood to also prohibit a citizen from suing his or her own State in
federal court (no federal question jurisdiction over cases between a citizen and his or her own State,
alleging violation of a federal statute or the Constitution)
Interpreting the Eleventh Amendment to bar a citizen from suing the citizen’s own state.
The Fourteenth Amendment as a Means for Congress to Authorize Suits Against the States
Fitzpatrick v. Bitzer
Congress amended Title VII of the Civil Rights Act to allow a federal cause of action against state
government for employment discrimination. The provision is being challenged under the Eleventh
Amendment.
RULE: No constitutional provision prohibits Congress from providing for a private cause of action in the
federal courts against a state government as a means of enforcing the guarantees of the Fourteenth
Amendment.
Section 5 grants authority to Congress to abrogate state sovereign immunity
Seminole Tribe of Florida v. Florida
Congress passed a law allowing states to be sued for failing to negotiate in good faith with Indian tribes
regarding the formation of gaming compacts between those parties. The law is challenged as a violation of
the Eleventh Amendment’s sovereign immunity.
RULE: Congress may not, outside enforcement of Fourteenth Amendment Guarantees, authorize federal
lawsuits against states in abrogation of the Eleventh Amendment’s guarantee of state sovereign immunity
Congress does not have power when legislating pursuant to its Article I power to abrogate states’ sovereign
immunity even though Congress manifested the necessary intent to do so.
Limits on Congress’s Ability under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment to Authorize Suits
Against the States
Florida Prepaid Postsecondary Educ. Expense Bd. v. College Sav. Bank:
The Patent Clause does not give Congress the power to abrogate states’ sovereign immunity even though
Congress manifested the necessary intent to do so. In order to legislate under § 5 to abrogate state
sovereign immunity, there must be a record of a pattern of constitutional violations by the State to show
requisite harm requiring remedy.
Kimel v. Florida Board of Regents:
In the ADEA, Congress did not have the power to abrogate states’ sovereign immunity because the remedy
—a cause of action against the states for age discrimination—was insufficiently congruent and proportional
to any purported harm.
Board of Trustees, Univ. of Ala. v. Garrett:
In the ADA, Congress does not have the power to abrogate states’ sovereign immunity because the remedy
—a cause of action against the states for disability discrimination—was insufficiently congruent and
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Constitutional Law I
proportional to any purported harm. The Court will not give deference to the Congressional record in
determining whether the “harm” identified is sufficient to justify the remedy.
Summary Thus Far of Congress’s Power to Abrogate State Sovereign Immunity
The Eleventh Amendment gives the states sovereign immunity in federal court, meaning an individual
cannot sue a state in federal court
Congress can abrogate state sovereign immunity and give individuals a cause of action against the states
when Congress uses its Section 5 power to enact a law that includes such a cause of action
Congress cannot abrogate state sovereign immunity and provide individuals a cause of action against the
states when Congress acts pursuant to its Article I powers
Even when Congress uses its Section 5 powers to abrogate state sovereign immunity and provide a cause of
action against the states, it cannot expand the substantive scope of the Fourteenth Amendment
This means that Congress can only provide a cause of action against the states for discrimination against a
class of people that the Supreme Court has said is protected by the Equal Protection Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment
If Congress is seeking to provide a cause of action against the states for discriminating against a group of
people that the Supreme Court has said does not get special protection under the Equal Protection Clause of
the Fourteenth Amendment, the Court will find the cause of action outside the scope of Congress’s Section
5 powers and will find such a remedy not to be congruent and proportional to any constitutional harm
Classes of Individuals that Receive Protection Under the Equal Protection Clause of the
Fourteenth Amendment
Race
National Origin
Ethnicity
Alienage
Nonmarital Children
Gender
Fundamental Rights that are Protected under the Due Process Clause
The right to marry
The right to procreate
The right to purchase and use birth control
The right to custody of one’s own children and to raise them as one sees fit
The right to abortion
The right to refuse medical treatment
The right to travel freely among the states
The right to vote
The right of access to the courts
Congress’s Power to Authorize Suits Against the States Based on Classes of People or Rights
Protected by the Fourteenth Amendment
Nevada Department of Human Resources v. Hibbs:
The Court applied heightened scrutiny in a case involving gender discrimination, concluding that state
employees may recover money damages in federal court based on a state’s failure to comply with the
FMLA’s family-care provision.
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Constitutional Law I
Tennessee v. Lane:
Congress has the authority when it legislates pursuant to § 5 to enforce fundamental rights—here the
constitutional right of access to the courts—and the ADA’s regulation of public access was both congruent
and proportional.
United States v. Georgia:
Congress can abrogate state sovereign immunity pursuant to the 14th Amendment by establishing private
remedies against the States for actual constitutional violations.
Congress Cannot Authorize Suits Against States in State Court
Alden v. Maine:
Congress cannot use its Article I powers to abrogate a state’s sovereign immunity from private suits in its
own state courts.
Summary of Congressional Abrogation of State Sovereign Immunity Under §5
If the plaintiff alleges a constitutional violation, the state can be sued because Congress has authority to
authorize suits against states under § 5 to redress constitutional violations.
If the plaintiff brings suit to enforce rights under a federal statute, if the statute deals with discrimination
against a class of people that receives special protection under the Equal Protection Clause or a
fundamental right that is protected by the Fourteenth Amendment, the lawsuit against the state will likely
be allowed because Congress can act prophylactically and authorize suits against states under § 5 to
enforce rights or protect classes of individuals that get heightened protection under the Fourteenth
Amendment.
If the plaintiff brings suit to enforce rights under a federal statute and the case does not involve a
fundamental right protected by the Fourteenth Amendment or discrimination against a class of people that
receives special protection under the Fourteenth Amendment, the state can be sued only if Congress finds
pervasive unconstitutional state conduct, which is a very high burden, given the Court’s willingness to
scrutinize the record with a very narrow view of the constitutional right being violated.
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