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2006

Rendering whiteness visible in the Filipino culture through skin-

whitening cosmetic advertisements
Beverly Romero Natividad

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RENDERING WHITENESS VISIBLE IN THE FILIPINO CULTURE

THROUGH SKIN-WHITENING COSMETIC ADVERTISEMENTS

A Thesis

Presented to the

Faculty of

California State University,

San Bernardino

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Master of Arts

in

Communication Studies

by

Beverly Romer© Nattividad

June 2006
 .[Link] VISIBLE, IN THE FILIPINO CULTURE

THROUGH SKIN-WHITENING COSMETIC ADVERTISEMENTS

■ A Thesis

Presented to the

Faculty of

California State University,

San Bernardino

by

Beverly Romero Natividad

June 2006

Approved by:

obin Larsen, Ph. D., Chair, Communication Date

Mo Bahk, Ph. D.

z----
Rueyl ing ChuaggprPin D.

Kathleen Nadeau, Ph. D., Anthropology

 ABSTRACT

Western colonization has hindered Filipinos from

developing a genuine cultural identity by

institutionalizing whiteness in the Filipino culture.

Whiteness, a discursive practice that reinforces the

symbolical association of a white skin tone with

superiority, distracts Filipinos from recognizing cultural

diversity and immobilizes Filipino women and the working

class from resisting oppression. Since Western colonizers

left, the Philippine mass media have assumed the role of

perpetuating whiteness. Thus, the Filipino cultural

identity continuously undergoes a crisis throughout the

postcolonial period.

In order to confront Filipino cultural identity

crisis, Philippine studies researchers call for reexamining

Philippine history and Filipino cultural identity

construction. They focus, however, only on Western

colonization and overlook the mass media's role. This study

seeks to confront current Filipino cultural identity crisis

by investigating whiteness within the mass media context.

First, this study has conducted a semiotic analysis of

skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements to expose whiteness'

association with superiority. The results have shown that

iii
these advertisements reinforce colonial legacies by

associating whiteness, represented through a white skin

tone, with beauty, wealth, power, and purity. Second, this

study has conducted a focus group interview of two groups

of Filipino women, who have fallen victims to skin­

whitening cosmetic advertisements, in order to explore

whiteness.' damaging effects on Filipino self-concept and

cultural identity development. The results have indicated

that these advertisements' promotion of whiteness

diminishes Filipino women's self-concept, engages them in

perpetuating their subordination, and pacifies them from

struggling against Western domination of their Filipino

culture. By examining skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements, this study has rendered whiteness visible.

iv
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the institutions and individuals

who aided and supported me in conducting this study. The

California State University San Bernardino Department of

Communication Studies Faculty, through their liberal,

critical, and humanitarian ways of thinking, encouraged me

to challenge hegemonic notions in my own culture. The

California State University San Bernardino Association of

Students Incorporated relieved me of economic anxieties by

sponsoring this research. Sheila Marie Dasig helped me

gather materials for my semiotic analysis. Maricel Aquino

helped me recruit focus group interview participants and

provided me the venue for the focus group interview in

Dagupan City. The Filipino women who participated in the

focus group interviews provided me the data for this

research. Ever Grand Central Mall, particularly the

Security Administration, allowed me to conduct the

screening survey in their premises. Most of all, my thesis

committee chaired by Dr. Robin Larsen guided me throughout

the course of this research.

v
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT ............................................ iii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS . .■................................ v

CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION ........................ 1

Statement of the Problem .......... 6

Purpose of the Study.......................... 13

Definition of Terms .......................... 14

CHAPTER TWO: REVIEW OF LITERATURE .............. 20

Colonial Legacies in the Filipino Construction

of Race, Gender, and Class.................... 21

Whiteness as the Foundation of

Colonial Legacies .......................... 48

The Rise of Advertisements,

The Fall of Women ............................ 64

Women at the Crossroads of Gender,

Race, and Class Struggle .................... 77

CHAPTER THREE: METHODOLOGY ........................ 91

Semiotic Analysis ............................ 93

Focus Group Interviews ........................ 99

Limitations of the Study ...................... 109

CHAPTER FOUR: BEHIND THE WHITE MASK .............. 112

The Secret to Everlasting Beauty ............... 113

The Antidote to Poverty ........................ 121

The Guardian of Purity ...................... 12 8

The Cure for Insecurity ........................ 131

vi
CHAPTER FIVE: WHITENESS UNVEILED ■................ 137

Whiteness Diminishes Filipino Women's

Self-Concept ............ .................... 138

Whiteness Engages Filipino Women in

Perpetuating their Subordination ............ 151

Whiteness Pacifies Filipino Women to Keep

them from Struggling against Western
Domination of their Filipino Culture ........ 156

CHAPTER SIX: CONCLUSION ......................... 163

Findings and Recommendations ................ 167

APPENDIX A: TABLES ............ 175

APPENDIX B: SAMPLE ADVERTISEMENTS ............. 178

APPENDIX C: SCREENING SURVEY ANDFOCUS GROUP

INTERVIEW QUESTIONS .............. 181

APPENDIX D: CSUSB IRB APPROVAL, INFORMED CONSENT

SAMPLE PHOTOGRAPH/AUDIO/VIDEO USE
INFORMED CONSENT FORM FOR NON-MEDICAL
HUMAN SUBJECTS, PERMISSION TO CONDUCT
SCREENING SURVEY .................. 187

REFERENCES ....................................... 193

vii
 CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION

Colonialism aided Filipinos in developing their

cultural identity. The oppressive conditions of Spanish

colonialism (1548-1898) and American colonialism (1898-

1945) developed Filipino national consciousness (Dolan,

1993; and Steinberg, 1972). Filipino natives, who belonged

to various ethnic backgrounds and social classes, united to

fight for their right to ownership and leadership of their

homeland (Steinberg, 1972). The Filipinos, in addition,

reclaimed their cultural identity by calling themselves

"Filipinos" instead of "Indios", a derogatory term Spanish

colonizers used to [Link] the indigenous inhabitants of

the Philippines (Dolan, 1993).

Colonialism, however, also hindered Filipinos from

reaching the final stage of cultural identity development.

In this stage, called cultural identity achievement, Fong

(2004) explains that individuals have already resolved

identity crisis. Identity crisis, according to Fong,

occurs when individuals' perception of themselves in

relation to their ethnicity, culture, or race comes in

conflict with others' perceptions.- As Filipinos developed

1
national consciousness and resisted White Western

domination during the colonial period, Filipinos also

acquired a mentality that idealized whiteness (Illo, 1998;

Rafael, 1995; Rimonte, 1997; and Root, 1997). Western

colonizers shaped Filipino minds to embrace whiteness by

teaching Filipinos to venerate white images, such as the

Christian God and light-skinned Hollywood celebrities, that

represented beauty, intelligence, wealth, and power (David,

2002; Illo, 1998; Pedero, 2003; Root, 1997) Since

Filipinos, as a group, belong to a non-white race, their

idealization of whiteness contradicted their perception of

themselves. In this regard, Filipinos experienced identity

crisis that has persisted throughout the postcolonial '

period.

Filipinos, at present, continue to adhere to white

symbolical meanings. The Philippine mass media have taken

over the former Western colonial masters' role in promoting

notions that valorize a white skin tone. The Philippine

mass media particularly reproduce and reinforce the

association of a white skin tone with beauty, as well as

nurture Filipinos' desire to be white through skin­

whitening cosmetic advertisements (Illo, 1998; and Pedero,

2003) .

2
 Although research works on Philippine media and

culture cited in this study do not include how skin­

whitening cosmetic advertisements represent a white skin

tone, Western studies reveal that skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements in African American popular media usually

represent a white skin tone in contrast to a dark skin tone

(Rooks, 1996; Russell, Wilson,& Hall 1992; and Weems,

2000). For instance, skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements associate a white skin tone with beauty and

wealth, but they also associate a dark skin tone with

unattractiveness and poverty (Rooks, 1996; Russell, Wilson,

& Hall 1992; and Weems, 2000). Skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements, thus, suggest that skin color determines

individuals' character and social status. Furthermore,

they obscure the inequality issues that perpetuate non­

white people's subordination. Skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements attribute the unequal relationship between

Whites and non-whites to skin color rather than to white

domination.

Studies on skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements

contextualized within the United States, also, indicate

that these advertisements specifically target people of

color, in this case Black women, who historically developed

3
self-hatred due to their negative representations in the

dominant American media. Prior to the mass production and

marketing of skin-whitening cosmetics, African American

women attempted to get the darkness out of their skin by

using lye, acidic products, and "homemade concoctions of

lemon juice, bleach, or urine" (Russell, Wilson, & Hall,

1992, p. 50) and swallowing arsenic wafers. Black women's

struggle to change their physical appearance manifests

Black women's rejection of themselves due to their dark

skin tone. At the same time, such behavior manifests Black

women's rejection of their racial identity, since skin

color demarcates race. In this regard, U.S. studies show

that skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements' idealization

of whiteness affects both non-white women's self-concept

and cultural identity development simultaneously.

In sum, skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements

perpetuate the white domination of non-whites by

reinforcing the association of a white skin tone with ideal

human qualities and a dark skin tone with undesirable human

qualities. Skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements'

reproduction of images that show the bipolar oppositions

between whites and non-whites adversely affect the latter,

whose self-esteem diminishes. Black women, however, suffer

4
from low self-esteem more than Black men do because they

are the primary target of skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements.

Filipino women with dark skin tone share African

American women's experience of whiteness. The association

of white skin tone with beauty in the Filipino culture

makes non-white Filipino women feel inferior, especially in

interacting with men (David, 2002) . Like Black women in

the United States, non-white Filipino women display a lack

of pride for themselves and their cultural identity. They

purchase skin-whitening cosmetics to transform themselves

according to the white ideal image of femininity (Pedero,

2003; and Philippine Dermatological Society, 2004).

Filipino idealization of whiteness perpetuates the

identity crisis confronting Filipinos in the postcolonial

period. Idealizing whiteness obstructs Filipinos from

recognizing the diversity that characterizes Filipino

cultural identity, liberating Filipino culture from Western

domination, and cultivating pride for their culture and

identity. While idealizing whiteness affects both Filipino

men and women, it has greater implications for the latter.

Filipino women struggle to look white because the notion

that a white skin tone is the ideal image of femininity is

5
reinforced in Filipino cultural practices and the

Philippine mass media. Since the ruling class has

institutionalized whiteness, whiteness has also become

equated with wealth and power. In this regard, whiteness

intersects with the dominant ideologies of race, gender,

and class.

Statement of the Problem

In order to resolve the Filipino identity crisis,

Revilla (1997) , Rimonte (1997) , and Root (1997) suggest

reexamining and reconstructing Philippine history and

acknowledging cultural diversity. Rimonte (1997) and

Revilla (1997) urge Filipinos to review their history in

order to find out who they are and enlighten themselves

about the root cause of the Filipino identity crisis.

While Rimonte (1997) and Revilla (1997) emphasize history's

importance, Root (1997) stresses the need for Filipinos to

acknowledge the diversity that currently characterizes the

Filipino culture.

Reexamining Philippine history and acknowledging

today's cultural diversity will help Filipinos to resolve

their identity crisis by changing the Filipino mindset.

These scholars' propositions are intended to raise Filipino

6
awareness of the motives of Western colonization in

subjugating Filipinos and of the colonization's damaging

effects on Filipino culture. At the same time, they are

also intended to rectify Filipino racial perceptions.

However, these propositions focus only on colonialism,

which originally caused an earlier Filipino identity

crisis. They overlook the mass media's role in

perpetuating Filipino identity crisis in the postcolonial

period. Research shows that the mass media reinforce

Filipinos' idealization of whiteness in the postcolonial

period and subordinate Filipinos' perception of themselves

and their cultural identity in relation to whiteness

(David, 2002; and Illo, 1998) . Therefore, the mass media

hinder Filipinos from understanding and appreciating their

diversity and their culture's difference from the culture

of their former colonizers. Hence, the call for

confronting Filipino identity crisis should include

examining the mass media.

Whereas colonialism has facilitated the transfer of

white ideology to the Philippines, the mass media reinforce

the naturalization of whiteness as a superior racial and

gendered trait and as belonging to the privileged class

through images that associate whiteness with beauty, self­

7
esteem, and prosperity. Skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements, in particular, explicitly promote these

notions of whiteness. This study contributes to research

that confronts Filipino identity crisis by investigating

how skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements affect

postcolonial Filipinos' development of self-concept and

cultural identity.

In conducting this study, semiotic analysis and focus

group interviews were employed as research tools. First, a

semiotic analysis of television commercials and women's

magazine advertisements of local and foreign skin-whitening

cosmetics in the Philippines was conducted to determine how

skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements reinforce the

idealization of whiteness in the Filipino culture. Skin­

whitening cosmetics are suited for this study because they

function as a site where colonialism and the mass media

connive in promoting hegemonic notions of whiteness. This

function is evident in Philippine cosmetic industry reports

that attribute the stable economic growth of skin-whitening'

cosmetics to Filipino colonial mentality and the mass media

(Philippine Board of Investments, 2003). Second, two

groups of Filipino women, who were influenced by television

commercials and magazine advertisements to use cosmetics

8
with whitening agents, were interviewed to find out how the

idealization of whiteness influences Filipino women's self-

concept and cultural identity development. Filipino women,

according to the Philippine Board of Investments (2003) and

Rimando (2003), are the primary target market and consumers

of skin-whitening cosmetics.

While skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements seem

superficial, their effects are deep-seated. Skin-whitening

cosmetic advertisements' influence on women's self-concept

interacts with women's concept of their cultural identity,

because skin color, in both the society and the mass media,

has been constructed as a racial, gender, and class marker.

Since studies contextualized within the United States

showed that skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements

targeting Black women after the Civil Rights Movement

(Rooks, 1996; and Weems, 2000) have reproduced the racial,

gender, and class ideologies of White domination of Blacks,

this study concludes that skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements in the Philippines have reinforced similar

legacies of colonialism. Colonialism, according to David

(2002), Illo (1998), Pedero (2003), Rafael (1995), and

Rimonte (1997), has long institutionalized whiteness in the

9
Filipino culture as the representation of beauty, wealth,

and power. Thus, the first research question:

Do television commercials and women's magazine

advertisements of skin-whitening cosmetics in the

Philippines reinforce the colonial construction of

whiteness?

Studies of television and women's magazines within the

United States have found that cosmetic advertisements'

promotion of ideal images of femininity causes women to

feel insecure about themselves (Bignell, 1997; Currie,

1999; McCracken, 1993; Silverblatt, 1995; and Twitchell,

1996). Furthermore, studies contextualized within the U.S.

found that skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements'

valorization of a white skin tone as opposed to a dark skin

tone diminishes dark-skinned women's pride for themselves

(Rooks, 1997; and Weems, 2000) . According to these

studies, the- negative representations of a dark skin tone

in skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements have caused Black

women to reject themselves based on their skin color.

Thus, these studies show that skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements influence non-white women's perception of

themselves. Similarly, the next research question

investigates whether television commercials and women's

10
magazine advertisements of skin-whitening cosmetics in the

Philippines would make non-white Filipino women

dissatisfied with themselves. The second research

question:

Does exposure to skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements cause non-white Filipino women to

perceive themselves inferior to light-skinned women

and to use skin-whiteners in order to raise their

self-esteem?

The mass media alone, however, do not influence

people's perceptions. People also gain knowledge and form

perceptions of themselves and their cultural identity-

through socialization (Fong, 2004; Gudykunst, 2001; and

Tuan, 1998) . When Filipinos were colonized, they were

socialized as well into a foreign culture. Filipinos

became aware of their otherness primarily based on their

skin tone. This study, thus, posits that skin-whitening

cosmetic advertisements do not create, only nurture,

Filipino women's desire to be white. Their desire comes

from the idealization of whiteness in Filipino social and

cultural practices. The third research question:

11
 Have Filipino social and cultural practices that

idealize whiteness created Filipino women's desire to

be white?

Filipino women's use of skin-whitening cosmetics

implies that they believe the advertisements' messages

about the benefits of using such products. When consumers

buy advertised products, they also buy into the

advertisements' ideology (Williamson, 1978). Thus, the

fourth research question:

Does skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements' promotion

of whiteness perpetuate the hegemonic notions of race,

gender, and class which the Filipinos have inherited

from their Western colonizers?

Skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements, in lieu of

White Western colonial masters, perpetuate the ideology

that has caused Filipino identity crisis. As long as the

Philippine mass media cater to skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements, the Filipinos will continue to believe in

and accept the superiority of the White race. In this

regard, Filipinos will attempt to form themselves and their

cultural identity according to the image of whiteness,

instead of focusing their attention on achieving a cultural

identity that is anchored on their indigenous culture.

12
 Purpose of the Study

Filipinos' consumption of whitening products, which

has increased the growth of the skin care industry in the

Philippines by 17% in current value term as of 2002

(Euromonitor, 2003), indicates that the Filipinos lack

awareness of and resistance to their ongoing subordination

Thus, Filipino consumers of skin-whitening cosmetics and

advocates of the white standard of beauty fail to notice

the white ideological meanings embedded in skin-whitening

products. Furthermore, they do not see the damage that

skin-whitening cosmetics inflict on the Filipino self-

concept and cultural identity. By investigating these

advertisements' construction of whiteness, this study

intends to expose the white ideology incorporated in the

production and marketing of skin-whitening cosmetics, and

also intends to raise the consciousness of Filipino women,

especially dark-skinned women, on their marginalization

brought about by the racial and patriarchal standards of

beauty.

Although other research has already been conducted on

skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements in non-white media,

these studies have excluded skin-whitening consumers

(Peiss, 1998). This study, however, supplements what has

13
been lacking. This study incorporates consumers'

perception of skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements and,

at the same time, investigates their motivation for

whitening their skin.

Furthermore, this study contributes to existing

studies on whiteness by taking the subject matter beyond

the context of a society dominated by Whites, particularly

that of the United States, and contributes to the area of

research examining global marketing of hegemonic whiteness.

According to Shome (2002), the study of whiteness should be

contextualized outside a white culture, because whiteness

has long traveled abroad, either through colonization or

cultural production. Thus, this study, as a whole, expands

the field of studies on the internationalization of

whiteness.

Definition of Terms

People develop their self-concept in relation to their

cultural identity (Chuang, 2004; and Woodward, 2002) . They

learn about themselves as they undertake their cultural

identity search during childhood (Chuang 2004; and

Gudykunst, 2001). They form perceptions of themselves

14
based on their knowledge of their cultural identity and

other people's opinions of them.

The self and cultural identity are separate entities

that are interconnected by categories people use to group

themselves or distinguish themselves from each other.

(Wiegert & Gecas 2003; and Woodward, 2002). These

categories include race, gender, class, nationality and

ethnicity, among others (Chuang, 2004) . Although the self

has a subject component, which is known only to the self's

owner, both the self and cultural identity undergo

construction through other people's eyes (Weigert & Gecas

2003; and Woodward, 2002). In this study, the Filipino

self and cultural identity are represented through the

Filipino woman's body, which intertwines race, gender, and

class. The Filipino woman herein is defined as a female

human being who has Filipino lineage and resides in the

Philippines.

Although socialization primarily influences Filipino

women's perception of themselves and their cultural

identity, the mass media play a significant role in shaping

perceptions (Fong & Chuang, 2004; Gudykunst, 2001; and

Wolf, 1991). Children's books, teen magazines, and women's

magazines educate women about their stereotypical roles as

15
housewife and mother and on the values associated with

femininity, particularly beauty, from childhood to

adulthood (Wolff, 1994). Television transmits dominant

ideologies such as whiteness, patriarchy, and capitalism.

This study seeks to examine how the mass media's promotion

of dominant ideologies affects Filipino women's perceptions

of themselves and their cultural, gendered, racial, and

class identity. It employs semiotic analysis to identify

the dominant ideologies that have been incorporated in the

media.

Semiotic analysis is concerned with how meanings are

produced through signs. Signs, which represent a concept, -

do not have a fixed meaning until placed in a context

together with other signs. This study limited its semiotic

analysis to skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements in

women's magazines and on television in the Philippines.

Cosmetics, according to the Philippine Consumer Act or

RA 7934, are any "articles (1) intended to be rubbed,

poured, sprinkled or sprayed on, introduced into, or

otherwise applied to the human body, or any part thereof,

for cleansing, beautifying, promoting attractiveness or

altering the appearance, and (2) intended for use as a

component of any such article, except that such item shall

16
not include soap" (Philippine Board of Investment, 2003, p.

1). This definition does not include soap. However, skin­

whitening cosmetics in this study included soap with

whitening ingredients. Soap, which was originally marketed

as a cleansing or hygiene product, is now being promoted as

a beautifying agent (Vinikas, 1992; and Peiss, 1998).

Thus, soap qualifies as a cosmetic product.

A semiotic analysis of skin-whitening cosmetic

commercials and advertisements was conducted to find out

about the representations of whiteness. Although whiteness

denotes belongingness to the White race, whiteness connotes

multiple meanings. Whiteness signifies, in most cases,

femininity, but can also represent male power (Kang, 2002;

and Woodward, 2002). It also connotes belonging to the

upper class (Lykes & Mallona, 1997; and Shome, 2002) .

Furthermore, whiteness is not limited to a cultural

category. Shome (2002) said:

Whiteness, thus, is not merely a discourse that

is contained in societies inhabited by white

people; it is not a phenomenon that is enacted

only where white bodies exist. Whiteness is not

just about bodies and skin color, but rather more

about the discursive practices that, because of

17
 colonialism and neocolonialism, privilege and

sustain the global dominance of white imperial

subjects and Eurocentric worldviews, (p. 108)

The Philippines exemplifies a non-white society where

whiteness is reenacted. Placed under, white colonial rule,

the Philippines internalized the privileging of whiteness

in its social and cultural practices. Whiteness continues

to permeate Filipino culture throughout the postcolonial

period. The Filipino women's desire for a white complexion

and the stable growth of the Philippine cosmetic industry

due to skin-whitening cosmetics signify that white

domination of the Philippines has not ended. Thus, this

study assumes Shome's (2002) definition of whiteness.

In conclusion, colonialism has both a positive and a

negative effect on the Filipino culture. It has paved the

way for the construction of a Filipino cultural identity,

but it has hindered the Filipino cultural identity from

being fully developed. Western colonization has left the

Filipinos confused about their cultural identity. As

Filipinos struggle to assert their independence from their

former White colonizers, their mentality and socio-cultural

practices continue to adhere to the White culture. Thus,

the Filipinos experience identity crisis.

18
 Filipino-American researchers recommend reexamining

and reconstructing Philippine history in order to resolve

the Filipino identity crisis. According to them, history

would help Filipinos identify the root cause of their

identity crisis and end the problem. This study seeks to

contribute to Filipino-American efforts in resolving

Filipino identity crisis by investigating current

Philippine mass media. The mass media perpetuate Filipino

identity crisis through images that idealize whiteness.

. This study will particularly examine skin-whitening

cosmetic advertisements to find out how they idealize

whiteness. Then, this study will conduct two focus group

interviews of Filipino women who use skin-whitening

cosmetics in order to determine how this idealization of

whiteness influences Filipino women's self-concept and

cultural identity development. Through these methods, this

study aims to expose the damage that the idealization of

whiteness inflicts on Filipino development of self-concept

and cultural identity.

19
 CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF LITERATURE

Although this study focuses on Filipino cultural

identity crisis in the contemporary period, this study

still recognizes history's importance in examining this

crisis. Thus, this study includes a review of both

historical events that have prefaced and recent phenomena

that have perpetuated the cultural identity crisis that

Filipinos currently experience. The first two sections of

this chapter, which review history, argue that Western

colonization's institutionalization of whiteness deters the

Filipino people, and other formerly colonized non-white

people, from constructing a genuine cultural identity. The

succeeding sections, then, link history to the present

time. In these sections, this study argues first, that the

mass media have taken over the role of Western colonial

masters in reinforcing whiteness and second, that women

have become the bearers of the injustices that resulted

from whiteness. Overall, the literature review argues that

Filipino cultural identity crisis has thrived from the past

to the present because whiteness continues to exist.

20
 Colonial Legacies in the Filipino Construction
of Race, Gender, and Class

Prior to Western colonization of the Philippines, the

various ethnic groups inhabiting the archipelago were

autonomous from each other. Each ethnic group had its

unique complex system of race, gender, and class

relationships. Through assimilation into one culture,

Western colonization brought these ethnic groups together

and formed a new system of intercultural relationships that

became prevalent throughout the postcolonial period. The

system is anchored on hierarchy and, thus, promotes social

inequality.

Multiple Ethnicities, One Cultural Identity

Filipinos' social and cultural construction was a

product of historical events that occurred in three

historical periods. Andres and Ilada-Andres (1987), David

(2002), Dolan (1993), Forbes (1945), Karnow (1986), Kroeber

(1928), and Phelan (1958) have all indicated that the

’settling and co-habitation of various ethnic groups in the

Philippines from the precolonial to the colonial period

created a multi-ethnic and racially-mixed Philippines.

However, according to David (2002), Revilla (1997), Rimonte

(1997), and Root (1997), Western colonizers

21
institutionalized racial hierarchy and social inequality in

the Philippines that has continued during the postcolonial

period.

Kroeber (1928) identified the Negritos, also known as

Aetas, as the first inhabitants of the Philippines.

However, he did not regard the Negritos as the Filipino

people's ancestors because they looked different physically

from the majority of the Filipino people back then and now.

He described the Negritos, whom he said resembled Central

African black pygmies, as less than five feet in height and

black-skinned, with "thick, short, wooly hair" (p. 36).

While he did not describe the later dominant Filipino

groups' physical appearance, he implied that majority of

the Filipinos are brown-skinned by alluding that this later

groups of Filipinos came from the Malays, who once

dominated the Philippines. Since the Negritos did not

resemble the dominant Filipinos, Kroeber excluded the

Negritos from being members of Philippine culture and

society. He wrote:

We have then before us a thoroughly separate and

apparently ancient type of man which cannot

possibly be regarded as a variety or modification

22
 of the race that constitutes the bulk of the

Philippine population. (p. 39)

To understand the Negrito culture, Kroeber (1928)

attempted to reconstruct the Negritos. He said the

Negritos resembled Central Africa's black pygmies, but

their language was not related to African pygmy dialects or

Austro-Asiatic language. Instead, Kroeber said, the

Negrito language resembled the Malayan Filipinos' language

in the Negrito locality. He, also, said that he finds the

Negrito culture an imitation of Filipino culture. Thus, he

concluded that the Negrito language and culture might have

been lost as a result of the Malay domination of Negritos.

Since Kroeber could not locate the Negritos' cultural

origin, he therefore implied that the Negritos do not have

a history and identity.

Other indigenous cultural groups followed the Negritos

prior to the Malays. Forbes (1945) identified two of these

groups as the Australian-Ainu of Japan and the Indonesians.

Forbes did not describe the former, but described the

latter as people with "prominent and angular general

features, straight black hair, light to dark brown skin,

and an average height of about five feet seven inches, some

attaining a stature of six feet or more" (p. 259). In this

23
description, Forbes revealed that the Indonesians resembled

closely the Malays in terms of skin color and hair type.

This implies that the Indonesians and the Malays could have

been a variation of each other.

The Filipinos in general, according to Forbes (1945),

vary in skin color and physical appearance. Forbes

attributed this variation to assimilation that had occurred

among the indigenous groups prior to the colonial period.

He also suggested that the Chinese and Caucasian ethnic

groups might have assimilated with these indigenous groups

through marriage, since a few Filipinos looked either

Caucasian or Mestizo. In this regard, Forbes indicated

that the term "Filipino" encompasses people of different

skin color who have genealogical ties to the Philippines.

While Kroeber (1928) and Forbes (1945) focused on the

Philippines' past, Dolan (1993) focused on the present. He

named four major ethnic groups that currently make up the

Filipinos. These groups were the lowland Christians, the

Muslims, the upland tribes and the Chinese. Among these

groups, the report said, the Christian Filipinos were the

dominant group.

According to Dolan (1993), the Christian and Muslim

Filipinos originated from the Malays, who were

24
predominantly Muslims. However, some of these Malays

assimilated Spanish culture and became Christians. The

lowland Christians developed a national consciousness as a

result of the social oppression and racial discrimination

they suffered in the hands of Spanish colonizers. The

report said that the lowland Christian intellectual elites,

who advocated social reform and assimilation of Philippines

with Spain, merged with the peasants, who advocated a

revolutionary struggle to gain Philippine independence and

freedom from Spain. Labeled "Indios" by the Spaniards, the

lowland Christians came up with the term "Filipinos" to

refer to themselves.

Although the Filipino development of a national

identity during the Spanish colonial period, which has been

one of the darkest moments in Philippine history, was a

great accomplishment, it also had a downside. The national

identity excluded ethnic groups that did not assimilate

with the Filipino Christian majority. Hence, the Filipino

national identity became a divisive rather than a unifying

factor for a diverse Filipino population. The Filipino

1
national identity, in addition, was tainted with Western

influence since it was’ constructed from the perspective of

Filipinos who had assimilated the Spanish culture.

25
speculated, then the Filipinos could look to the upland

tribal groups for knowledge about Filipino indigenous

cultural identity.

The Filipino Chinese, according to Dolan (1993), are

of two types: the Mestizos and immigrant Chinese. The

Mestizos are born of Chinese and Filipino parents but

"tended to deprecate their Chinese ancestry and to identify

as Filipinos" (p. 87). The immigrant Chinese, on the other

hand, were those whose parents were both Chinese. They

viewed their culture as superior. Thus, Dolan implied that

the Chinese had also adopted a hierarchical system based on

race.

The Chinese Mestizos were not the only ones who

married outside their cultures. Dolan (1993) revealed that

some Muslims and tribal groups have also intermarried with

each other, the dominant Filipinos, the Western colonizers,

and the Chinese throughout the years. As a result, the

Filipinos have become a mixture of multiple ethnic

identities.

In contrast to Dolan (1993), Andres and Ilada-Andres

(1987) cited five major ethnic groups which have exerted a

strong influence on Filipino cultural identity. The

authors said that the first of these groups, which came

27
from the Philippines' neighboring countries in Asia, were

the Malays, the Chinese, and the Indonesians. The last two

groups were the Spaniards and Americans, who

institutionalized their influence on Filipino culture

through religion, education, and government. While these

latter influences seemed beneficial, Andres and Ilada-

Andres said that these Westerners also brought customs that

were damaging to the Filipino culture. The Filipinos

inherited from the Spaniards the tendency to put "emphasis

on appearance, reputation, privilege, and status" (p. 13)

and acquired from the Americans a mentality that prefers

imported goods.

Karnow (1986) placed more value on Chinese, rather

than Western, influences on the Filipinos. According to

Karnow, the Chinese significantly influenced the Filipinos

in terms of racial mixing. Since Chinese merchants

intermarried with Filipinos during the pre-Hispanic period,

thus, Karnow said, almost every Filipino at present has

Chinese ancestry.

In line with Forbes (1945), Dolan (1993), Andres and

Ilada-Andres (1987), Karnow (1986), and Phelan (1959) have

all suggested that intermarriages have occurred among

different cultural groups that settled in the Philippines.

28
The resulting cultural groups, according to Phelan, have

consisted of the Malayan-Polynesian, Chinese, Muslim, and

Spanish. Among these groups, Phelan said the Chinese were

the largest racial donors, whereas the Spanish were the

smallest racial donors.

According to Phelan (1959), Spanish colonizers were

not able to turn the Philippines into a mestizaje nation

because they were small in number and they were largely

concentrated in Manila. Phelan (1959) argued that most

Spaniards did not find the archipelago profitable compared

to Mexico, where they had discovered minerals and profited

from the mining industry they established. While some of

the Spaniards residing in the Philippines had taken

Filipino women as wives or mistresses, most of them

preferred to marry within their race to gain economic or

social advantages. Thus, Phelan concluded, only a few

Filipinos acquired Spanish blood.

By tracing the roots and routes of the Filipino

people, these authors have historically constructed the

Filipino cultural identity. The authors have shown that

the indigenous Filipino cultural identity is largely rooted

in the Malayan culture because the Malays dominated the

Philippines before the Westerners came. However, they have

29
also shown that the settling of other cultures, interracial

marriages, and white domination have together produced a

complex Filipino cultural identity. With the coming of

Western colonizers, Filipino intercultural relationships

became more problematic. Other researchers show that

Western colonization institutionalized a racial hierarchy,

which made the establishment of an inclusive Filipino

cultural identity more difficult. Racial hierarchy caused

Filipinos to desire the dominant culture and, furthermore,

to reject cultural diversity.

Root (1997) argued that Western colonization

discouraged cultural diversity in the Philippines by

training Filipinos to subscribe to one culture. With the

West's assimilationist practice. Root said, Western

colonizers taught the Filipino natives to embrace only the

White culture. As a result, the Filipinos developed

colorism and inferiority complex.

Like other former European and American colonies, Root

continued, the Filipinos came up with a term referring to

light skin. Mestizo or Mestiza is used to refer to

Filipinos of mixed indigenous and Spanish heritage. Later

on, the term came to mean mixed Filipino and White

American. Such a racial term, according to Root, does not

30
only connote superiority, but also implies the acceptance

of a racial hierarchy, in which a white skin tone is at the

top and a black skin tone is at the bottom.

David (2002) demonstrated how Spanish colonization is

linked to racial hierarchy in the Philippines in his essay,

"The Plight of the Aetas". The dark-skinned Aetas, who are

more popularly known as Negritos, were removed from their

ancestral lands when the Spaniards colonized the

Philippines. The Spanish colonizers institutionalized

ownership of these lands through land titles. The

displacement of Aetas in the Philippines continued until

the postcolonial period. During this time, according to

David, Filipino illegal loggers have caused the Aetas'

displacement.

Aside from social oppression, David (2002) implied

that the Aetas also suffered from racial segregation.

David addressed this issue by asking these questions:

Do we consider them a part of us? Are they

entitled to partake of the feasts that we have

prepared for our family and friends? Shall we

ask them why they are not dressed for the party

to which they invited themselves? Will the

31
 guards ever allow them inside the megamalls? Is

Philippines 2000 also for them? (p. 66)

Through .these questions, David implied that Filipinos treat

Aetas as social outcasts because the latter's physical

appearance does not resemble the majority of modern day

Filipinos. Filipino indifference towards Aetas sprung from

Western colonizers' oppression of this ethnic group due to

their dark skin tone. In this regard, David showed that

Filipinos reenact racism within their culture.

David (2002) further supports his testimony that a

racial hierarchy exists in the Filipino culture by citing

the mass media's bias towards light-skinned Filipinos.

According to David, the Philippine mass media turn white­

skinned Filipino only into celebrities. One exception was

Nora Aunor, dubbed the Superstar of the whole Philippine

entertainment industry, who David described as "dark,

short, indigenous, and beautiful" (p. 208). Her

popularity, however, was short lived. David traced

Filipino obsession with whiteness to Western colonization.

He wrote:

I can only suppose that this concept of beauty is

one of the more enduring legacies of Spanish

32
 colonialism, which has been reinforced by-

American television. (p. 228)

Like David (2002), Rimonte (1997) holds Spanish

colonialism liable for the social ills that most Filipinos

in the Philippines currently experience. However, Rimonte

said that most Filipinos think otherwise. Filipinos,

instead, valorize Spanish colonialism for civilizing and

Christianizing the Philippines and blame themselves for

their damaged culture. Rimonte concluded that this notion

contributes to the victimization of Filipinos and, at the

same time, creates confusion about "Filipino identity and

obligations to the West" (p. 41).

Rimonte (1997) sought to enlighten Filipino minds by

deconstructing Philippine history. She rejected Spanish

colonization advocates' claim that Spanish conquests simply

aimed to convert Filipinos who are non-Christians and

pagans into Catholics. Her article particularly responded

to Phelan (1958) who, Rimonte said, argued that Spain did

not intend to colonize the Philippines.

Citing Spanish leaders' letters and instructions

concerning voyages, Rimonte (1997) provided evidence that

Spanish conquerors' primary goals were to possess lands and

establish new territories for the King of Spain. Rimonte

33
said, however, that the Spanish conquerors were also

instructed to work with the Catholic Church in their

religious mission. Thus, Rimonte implied that

Christianization of Filipino natives was simply a secondary

goal of the Spanish conquests, but nevertheless, it was

used to justify colonization.

Rimonte (1997) added that while the Filipino natives

were Christianized, they were dehumanized at the same time.

The Filipino natives' conversion only involved

Christianizing, but not Hispanizing. Hispanization would

bring Filipino natives to an equal status with their

colonizers, but Christianization would only transform the

natives partly into humans. Thus, Rimonte said,

Christianization allowed Spaniards to exploit and dominate

Filipinos.

Although Spain did not primarily intend to

Christianize the Philippines, Christianization became the

Spanish colonizers' main tool in pacifying the Filipino

natives. Christianization, according to Rimonte (1997),

taught the Filipino converts to worship and obey God

without questions. It also instilled in them that the

Spanish colonizers were God's representatives. By this

34
strategy, the Spaniards prevented Filipino resistance to an

oppressive colonial regime.

Research showed that cultural diversity has

characterized Philippine society since, the precolonial

period. However, the social construction of Filipino

cultural identity does not reflect cultural diversity.

Colonialism has influenced Filipinos to recognize only the

dominant population, composed of Christianized Filipino

Malays, in defining Filipino cultural identity. While

Christianized Filipino Malays dominated other cultural

groups, they became marginalized as Western colonizers

institutionalized white superiority and conditioned

Filipinos to adhere to white ideology. Thus, Filipinos'

idealization of whiteness has further obscured their

cultural identity since they no longer recognize themselves

and their culture unique from Western culture and

appreciate this uniqueness.

Si Malakas at Si Maganda (The Strong and The Beautiful)

Researchers on Philippine history have revealed

contradicting historical constructions between Filipino men

and Filipino women. Andres and Ilada-Andres (1987), Dolan

(1993), Forbes (1945), Karnow (1986), and Phelan (1959), on

the one hand, have argued that Filipino women in the

35
Philippines occupy a high social position compared to other

Asian women and, thus, they share equality with men. On

the other hand, Aguilar (1987) and Acupanda-McGloin (1992)

have argued that Filipino women remain socially oppressed

and, thus, subordinated to Filipino men. These

contradictions indicate that Filipino women have been

sociohistorically constructed from a Western male

perspective but also that some have been made to

deconstruct femininity from a Filipino feminist

perspective.

Dolan (1993) found that Filipino women occupy a high

social position compared with other Asian women. Dolan

said that the Filipino women, unlike other Asian women, are

unique in possessing the "rights to legal equality and to

inherit family property" (p. 96). Furthermore, Filipino

women's social and occupational roles are not limited to

domestic roles. As evidence, Dolan provides data showing

how some Filipino women have occupied high-ranking

positions in the government, education, and business

sectors.

Dolan (1993), however, also disclosed in 1990 that a

majority of Filipino women were still employed in domestic

services. Most high positions were still given to men.

36
These data showed either that Filipino women are still

stereotyped as more capable of doing domestic work than

professional work, or that only a few Filipino women get a

college degree, which is usually a requirement for

professional employment. Nevertheless, Dolan concluded

that even this small number of Filipino women with

professional occupations is a more significant indicator of

Filipino women's situation than the large number of

Filipino women with domestic jobs. Thus, Dolan largely

ignored the sexism that women in the Philippines continue

to experience today.

Similarly, Andres and Ilada-Andres (1987) found

Filipino women's social position to be higher compared to

other Asian women. The authors cited Filipino women's

rights to property, to education, and to vote as evidence

of Filipino women's high social position. In addition, the

authors said that Filipino women enjoy a high social

position because they are in charge of the family budget

and are experts in business affairs.

Whereas Andres and Ilada-Andres (1987) uplifted

Filipino women in comparison to other Asian women, the

authors did the opposite when they compared Filipino women

with Filipino men. The authors described Filipino men, who

37
occupy the role of husband and father, as head of the

family, breadwinner, disciplinarian, and physically strong.

On the other hand, the authors said that Filipino women, as

wife and mother, obey Filipino men, budget the money, do

housekeeping, and take care of the children. In this

regard, the authors relegated Filipino women in a

subordinate role and depicted Filipino men in a powerful

position.

Andres and Ilada-Andres (1987) further enhanced

Filipino men's superiority by revealing the Philippines'

double standards for men and women. According to the

authors, male promiscuity or infidelity is usually accepted

in Philippine society. Filipino men, the authors

explained, justify their promiscuous behavior by equating

masculinity "with the ability to procreate" (p. 83).

Filipino men are initiated into this concept of masculinity

through sexual intercourse at the start of their manhood.

As a result, this practice encourages single Filipino men

to have sexual affairs with several women and some married

Filipino men to have one or more mistresses. On the

contrary, Andres and Ilada-Andres said that female loyalty

is expected in the Filipino culture. Single women are

expected to remain virgin until their wedding night.

38
Otherwise, they would be considered a disgrace to their

family. These double standards indicate Filipino male

superiority because they show that strict rules apply to

Filipino women, but not to Filipino men. This implies,

then, that Filipino culture allots freedom to Filipino men

at the expense of Filipino women. Since Andres and Ilada-

Andres cited these double standards, the authors

contradicted their claim that Filipino women enjoy a high

social position.

Forbes (1945) is another proponent of Filipino women's

high social position compared to other Asian women. His

position was based, also, on the Filipino women's role of

managing household finances, which involves receiving the

family members' wages, budgeting the family income, and

deciding on how to spend family income. However, Forbes

cited other evidence that supports his position.

According to Forbes (1945), Filipino women's

involvement in professions such as medicine, dentistry,

pharmacy, and law shows that Filipino women are more

privileged than other Asian women. Furthermore, Forbes

said that most Filipino women are engaged in social work

through leadership and active participation in social clubs

and organizations, while some even hold important

39
government posts. Thus, Forbes perceived Filipino women

privileged due to their freedom to perform roles outside

the domestic sphere.

Andres and Ilada-Andres (1987), Forbes (1945), and

Dolan (1993) argued that Filipino women hold a high social

position in relation to other Asian women. They showed

that Filipino women have a better domestic role and greater

freedom compared to other Asian women. While this

comparison supports the authors' standpoint, it does not

accurately portray Filipino women because it places

Filipino women in a dominant position over other Asian

women, but removes Filipino women from issues confronting

them within their society. More importantly, comparing

Filipino women with other Asian women diverts the cause of

Filipino women's marginalization away from patriarchy.

Filipino feminist scholars criticized the previous

authors' inaccurate portrayal of Filipino women. According

to Aguilar (1987) and Acupanda-McGloin (1992), Filipino

women's roles as family treasurers and professional

occupations have not liberated Filipino women from

oppressive conditions. They only imply that Filipino women

have moved from their traditional domestic roles as wife

and mother.

40
 Aguilar (1987) debunked the prevailing notion that

Filipino women hold a high position in Philippine society

because they budget the household income. This hegemony,

according to Aguilar, comes from social scientists, who

belong to the privileged class and, therefore, overlook

women's domestic oppression, economic condition, and

marginalization. It also reflects Filipino intellectuals'

colonial mentality and lack of critical consciousness.

Aguilar (1987), also, criticized other research works

claiming that Filipino women share equality with Filipino

men. According to Aguilar, empirical research concludes

that gender equality exists in the Philippines because

Filipino women are given the freedom to argue their

opinions. While this indicates that Filipino women as much

as Filipino men participate in family decision-making,

Aguilar pointed out that Filipino men always make the final

decision. In this regard, Aguilar showed that Filipino

women are still subject to patriarchal authority.

Like the previous authors, Aguilar (1987) acknowledged

that Filipino women's role, at present, is no longer

confined within the domestic space. Filipino women

nowadays are also engaged in various professions. Aguilar,

however, said that these professions do not liberate

41
Filipino women from their marginalized position. According

to Aguilar, research showed that these professions, such as

teaching and nursing for instance, are low paying

professions. Women also "have higher unemployment and

underemployment rates, are placed in manual and menial

jobs, and receive consistently lower cash earnings relative

to men" (p. 55). Aguilar, thus, showed that the Filipino

culture still regard Filipino women subordinate to Filipino

men.

Acupanda-McGloin (1992) shared Aguilar's (1987)

argument that gender equality is not manifested through

women's occupations or professions, especially those

typically reserved for men. She cited former Philippine

president Corazon Aquino and first lady Imelda Marcos as

examples. Although these Filipino women have achieved a

successful career, Acupanda-McGloin said their success

could not be solely attributed to their intellectual skills

and hard work. Their names, which were still attached to

the memories of their husband, also largely determined

their political success. Thus, Acupanda-McGloin implied

that Filipino women are continuously relegated to the roles

of follower and dependent.

42
 Acupanda-McGloin (1992) attributed to Spanish

colonization the root cause of Filipino women's

subordination. According to the author, Filipino men and

women shared gender equality prior to the colonial period.

She cited the Philippine folktale of the origin of men and

women as evidence of gender equality in pre-colonial

Philippines.

In this folktale, Acupanda-McGloin (1992) recalled,

man and woman came out of two separate bamboo poles at the

same time after a bird pecked each pole. This Philippine

folktale implied that Filipino people's ancestors believed

that men and women were created at the same time.

Acupanda-McGloin suggested that Spanish conversion of

Filipino natives into Christians replaced this Philippine

folktale with the story of Adam and Eve. Thus, Acupanda-

McGloin said, the Filipino concept of gender equality

changed to feudal hierarchy during colonial times.

Acupanda-McGloin (1992) blamed colonialism, also, for

obstructing Filipino women's struggle for liberation.

Colonialism, according to the author's analysis of female

characters in Philippine national hero Jose Rizal's novels,

"Noli Me Tangere" and "El Filibusterismo", divided Filipino

women by creating conflicting identities. One identity

43
represents the elite, such as Corazon Aquino and Imelda

Marcos, who embrace the status quo. The other identity

represents the poor, led by Philippine revolutionary

heroine Gabriel Silang, who fight for gender and social

equality. Thus, Filipino women are placed at odds with

each other and caught in a struggle between liberating

themselves from gender and class oppression.

Aguilar (1987) and Acupanda-McGloin (1992) argued that

Filipino women are marginalized in relation to Filipino

men. According to the authors, Filipino women continue to

be dependent on men for decision-making, career success,

and economic survival despite Filipino women's advancement

from their traditional roles. In this regard, the authors

placed Filipino women in equal status with other Asian

women.

Research has shown that Western colonization changed

Filipinos' construction of gender. While Filipino men and

women shared equality prior to the colonial period, the

former were elevated to a higher status at the beginning of

Western colonization as Filipino women were confined to

domestic roles. Although some Filipino women, through the

years, have been able to break free from domestic bondage,

44
Filipino women's status in general remain subordinate to

Filipino men in the Philippines.

Class: A Social Inheritance

Social classes during the precolonial period were

based not on wealth, but on the social roles that members

within an ethnic group performed. Western colonization

modified the distinction among these social classes by-

giving the local ruling class access to colonial power

while keeping the Filipino masses underprivileged. The

local ruling class, at the end of Western colonization,

fully inherited their Western colonial masters' political

and economic power.

Social classes, according to Phelan (1959), had

already existed in the Philippines prior to the colonial

period. The Malays, who had dominated the Philippines, had

been grouped into small units called barangays. Each

barangay, according to Phelan, was composed of four classes

- the chieftains and their families, the maharlika or

nobles, the freemen, and the servile or dependent class who

"the Spaniards misleadingly called slaves" (p. 15). Phelan

explained that the dependent class was not a group of

slaves subject to harsh labor conditions like those of the

European laborers. The dependent class consisted of

45
barangay members who were not able to pay debts or fines

and thus shared their crops with their debtor. Some of

these members were also prisoners of war or criminals and

thus were made to labor in the fields for free.

When the Spaniards colonized the Philippines, Phelan

(1959) said the chieftains of the barangays remained the

Filipino ruling class. They were coerced by the Spanish

magistrates into exploiting Filipino labor. While the

chieftains struggled to fulfill their Spanish rulers'

demands for material things, they also forced their

Filipino constituents to do the hardest work. Some of the

chieftains also became the local magistrates, who were

spared from paying taxes and laboring in the fields. Their

political power was passed on to the next generation.

Dolan (1993), on the other hand, argued that

Philippine society was initially stratified during the

Spanish colonial period. Dolan identified only two,

instead of four, social classes, that had emerged under the

Spanish regime. One was the bourgeoisie, which was

comprised of the Principales, traditional local leaders,

and the Chinese Mestizos, who acquired landed estates from

Spanish friars. The other was the proletariat to which the

rest of the Filipinos belonged. The Principales were

46
European-born Spaniards who became the ancestors of the

Ilustrados, educated Philippine nationals who later on

formed the Philippines' socio-cultural elite. The

Ilustrados had functioned as arbiters between colonizers

and colonized. Eventually, the Ilustrados inherited the

Principales' political leadership as it was passed on from

generation to generation.

The Ilustrados' successors assumed their position onto

the American colonial period. During this period, Rafael

(1993) said that the local elite remained in power by being

employed as supervisors for the US Census Bureau. At the

same time, the Filipino masses were kept in their

subordinate position working as numerators for the same

government agency. Thus, Rafael showed that Western

colonization became involved in transferring political

power from Western colonial masters to the local Filipino

elite.

Western colonization created the economic conditions

that, since then, determined class relationships in the

Philippines. It expanded the political power of the local

ruling class to include control of Philippine economy. As

Western colonization came to an end, the local ruling class

47
fully rose to power while the Filipino masses remained in

their oppressed condition.

Historical research has shown that white domination,

through Western colonization, has permeated race, gender,

and class relations in the Philippines. White domination

established a racial hierarchy that placed Filipinos of

Spanish, American, and Chinese Mestizo descent in a

privileged position because of their white skin color.

White lit perpetuated Filipino local elite in power through

inheritance. It relegated Filipino women to second class

citizens. Although Filipino women have started gaining

victory in their fight against white domination's effect on

them, their positions in the racial and social hierarchy

remain to be resolved.

Whiteness as the Foundation of Colonial Legacies

The white ideology transmitted to the Philippines via

Spanish and American colonization was a product of

Eurocentric notions that circulated in the West prior to

and after the European conquests. Whereas colonialism

facilitated the transfer of white ideology to the

Philippines, current social institutions such as the

school, the elite, and most of all, the mass media

48
reinforce colonial legacies that idealize whiteness in

former colonies or non-white societies influenced by the

West. As whiteness traveled on from one period to another,

it assumed the various ideological meanings associated with

race, gender, and class. Whiteness, regardless of its

meaning, occupied a privileged position like it did during

the colonial period.

The Beginning of Whiteness

The Spanish colonizers' reenactment of whiteness in

the Philippines had its roots in pre-colonial Europe, where

a skin tone reflected the class to which an individual

belongs. In pre-colonial Europe, according to the

Philippine Dermatological Society (2001), a white skin tone

was associated with the leisure class, who didn't work

outdoors and stayed under shady umbrellas. On the contrary,

the Philippine Dermatological Society said, a dark skin

tone was associated with the working class who labored out

in the fields. When the Spaniards came to the Philippines,

they brought with them these stereotypes and perceptions

towards skin tone and passed them to their descendants.

Thus, according to the Philippine Dermatological Society,

"in white colonial countries, white skin became identified

49
with the conquerors, those with power, the rich, and the

beautiful" (Philippine Dermatological Society, 2001).

The American colonizers' privileging of whiteness, on

the other hand, was a reflection of the republican ideology

that pervaded the United States in the early 19th century.

The republican ideology, according to Takaki (2000),

advocated a pure, White American society. Blacks were

perceived as savages due to their dark skin tone, while the

darkness of their skin was perceived to be a kind of

leprosy. Not all shared these perceptions, Takaki said.

Benjamin Rush, who led White Americans in envisioning a

republican society, believed that Blacks had the potential

to become members of a White republican society, but only

if they could make themselves look white. While Rush

fought for the emancipation of Blacks and abolition of

slavery and appeared to be sympathetic to them, he also

called for their symbolical annihilation. He recommended

that Blacks whiten their dark skin through medication.

Only then would they become eligible members of a White

American society.

Rush's discourses and actions show that in the early

19th century America, whiteness represented health while

darkness represented disease. These bipolar oppositions

50
motivated Whites to segregate Blacks. White Americans

wanted to preserve the purity of the White race and

intermixing with Blacks would contaminate this purity.

White efforts to keep their purity from being

contaminated were also reflected in the citizenship

politics of the early 20th century. According to Kang

(2002), these efforts were manifested through new

naturalization and immigration laws. During this period,

however, Blacks were no longer perceived as carriers of a

deadly disease, as they had already been assimilated into

the dominant culture. U.S.-born and immigrant Asians were

the new lepers. Whiteness was now translated as

Americanness. Whites regarded Blacks as one of them but

excluded Asians.

Colonialism exported white symbolical meanings to the

Philippines through cultural icons. Pedero (2003) said the

Filipinos' pride for their race was subjugated when the

Spaniards came and converted "the natives" to Catholicism.

As a result, the "pagan" images worshipped by the Filipinos

were replaced with the statues of Jesus, Mary, and saints

who were mostly white-skinned. At that point, Pedero

(2003) said "the natives began worshipping icons of a white

race" (p. 1). The Filipinos' worship of white icons was

51
reinforced with the coming of Americans, who portrayed

themselves as heroes and introduced Hollywood stars who

were mostly white. The Americans also brought to the

Filipinos white dolls in the form of Barbie and Ken.

When the Western colonial period ended after 350

years, white domination of non-whites persisted in formerly

colonized countries. Social institutions replaced White

colonizers as agents of white ideology. While whiteness in

the colonial period signified racial superiority, whiteness

in the postcolonial period has become equated with

aristocracy.

Whiteness in the Postcolonial Period

The end of Western colonization in 1945 did not

signify the end of white domination. Didillon, Bounsana,

and Vandewiele (1988), Duster (2001), Fine (2002), Gladwin

& Saidin (1980), Kidder (1997), and Shome (2002) showed

that whiteness was kept alive through social institutions,

particularly educational institutions and the elite. They

argued that these social institutions took the place of

White colonial masters by giving individuals access to

wealth and power.

Gladwin and Saidin (1980) argued that the elite, in

all formerly colonized non-white societies, perpetuate this

52
privileging of whiteness. In contemporary Third World

countries, the brown elite have replaced their White

masters in control of their countries' economy. However,

they still look up to their former White masters for

economic guidance and assistance.

Education, Gladwin and Saidin (1980) argued, has been

an essential support to the brown elite's newfound role and

power. It has provided Third World men the privileges

their former White masters used to enjoy, particularly, the

access to wealth and power. The authors concluded that

education functions as an institution for reinforcing

elitism and racism.

Through her accounts of her experience studying in a

Catholic school in India, Shome (2002) showed in detail how

educational institutions reinforce Western beliefs and

values in a Third World country. The Catholic school,

Shome said, socializes younger generations into the Western

culture by teaching them to worship whiteness in the image

of a white god. In addition, the Catholic school

reinforces Western superiority through the English

language. Both the Catholic school and the English

language, according to Shome, connote modernization and

civilization in the Indian nationals' mind. The English

53
language particularly signifies belongingness to an elite

class and high culture. Since fluency in English is a

requirement for securing high-paying jobs, Shome explained,

the English language in India is equated with economic

advancement.

In addition to education, Shome (2002) said skin color

is used to legitimize the privileging of whiteness in

India. Since a fair skin in India signifies beauty,

according to Shome, skin color inflicts violence on non­

white women. However, Shome implied that education rather

than skin color provides Indian nationals access to white

privileges. Despite her skin tone, Shome said, she is

still identified with the privileged class. Her ability to

use the English language brought her closer to whiteness.

Kidder (1997), in like to Shome (2002), discussed how

the elite perpetuate white superiority in a former White

Western colony such as India. In his article, expatriates

who were mostly White North Americans and Europeans

represented the elite. They were the physical

manifestation of whiteness' association with the West and

wealth in the Indian mind. Thus, according to Kidder,

these expatriates in India assume the position of

postcolonial masters and madams. More privileged than the

54
Indians and the people in their country, Kidder said, the

expatriates' privilege is manifested in various ways. One

is through their status, which confers on them the power

to, first, claim success for the work of their subordinates

and, second, acquit themselves of guilt for living in

privilege and having "imperialist motives" (p. 165). Thus,

whiteness has transformed from a racial marker to a social

class delineator.

Didilion, Bounsana, and Vandewiele (1988) also

attributed the perpetuation of white superiority in

Brazzaville, Congo to the elite. This minority group is

composed of young Congolese students, who went to France

and returned to Congo with yellowish skin tone. They

promoted whiteness by popularizing the maquillage practice

or skin-whitening and those who chose to whiten their skin

associate a bright complexion with both beauty and high

social status. The authors said:

The maquillage practice is fostered by the belief that

bright complexion is part of the physical attributes

of socially and sexually highly regarded people (p.

309) .

Participants in this study also expressed this belief.

Just as Didillon et. al.(1988) found, the participants who

55
whiten their skin say they are motivated by their

expectation that a white skin tone will give them a

beautiful, youthful, and natural appearance. In addition,

maquillage practice signifies social status, because only

those with money can afford to beautify themselves in this

way.

Although Didillon et. al. (1988) argued that both

Black African men and women engage in maquillage, their

research findings indicate that a bright complexion is

perceived as a feminine characteristic. Furthermore, their

findings reveal that Black African women have internalized

this notion. The majority of their respondents who use or

are in favor of using skin-whitening cosmetics are women.

Their female respondents also "locate themselves at a

brighter zone of the scale than they actually appeared to

be to the interviewers" (p. 311).

Didillon et al. (1988) found that Congolese women are

motivated to achieve a bright complexion by three factors.

First, Congolese women seek to please men. Second,

Congolese women seek to seduce men. The authors say these

factors suggest that narcissism accompanies the search for

a white skin tone. Third, according to those who reject

maquillage, Congolese women who practice skin-whitening

56
aspire to a high social status. Didillon et al.'s

(1988)research findings indicate that a white complexion in

Brazzaville signifies beauty and upward mobility.

Duster (2001) argued that the transformation of

whiteness, from being a marker for race to being an

indicator for social class, became possible without being

noticed because of the morphing properties of whiteness.

Duster compared whiteness to water, which occupies liquid

or fluid and solid states. When water is transformed from

liquid to solid and vice versa, the process is not visible.

Furthermore, when water's physical form changes, its solid

state is called by a different term even though water's

chemical components remain the same.

In the United States, Duster (2001) argued that

whiteness has been synonymous with race and has been

institutionalized through laws that sustain the privileging

of Whites. Throughout the years of enslaving Blacks,

Whites accumulated wealth and placed themselves at the top

of the social strata. Now, whiteness has become a social

class marker since the United States is no longer

stratified by race. Nevertheless, whiteness stays in its

privileged position.

57
 Through interviews with American high school students

from different racial groups, Fine (1997) showed that

educational institutions in the United States perpetuate

white domination by encouraging White students to reach for

higher goals, while training Blacks to accept their fate.

She found that the school does not make an attempt to

extinguish dominant racial stereotypes operating in the

minds of Black and White students. Later on, such racial

stereotypes influence Black and White students in the

academic decisions they make. White students, for instance,

choose to be in the advanced track because they know they

are bound for college. On the other hand, Black students

choose the standard track because they think they cannot

handle advanced classes.

Fine (1997) explained the reason why Whites in school

keep Blacks in their oppressed condition:

Whiteness was produced through the exclusion and

-denial of opportunity to people of color. In other

words, giving Blacks access to White opportunities

would threaten to stain, indeed blacken, that which is

white. Access is a threat to whiteness when whiteness

requires the exportation and denigration of color (p.

60) .

58
By means of the education system's denigration of Blacks,

Fine said, Whites are able to affirm their superiority.

Thus, Fine revealed that education reinforces the economic

conditions that determine race relations among individuals.

Perpetuating Whiteness through the Mass Media

While colonialism has thrived through the centuries

because of the institutionalization of whiteness, whiteness

has maintained its privileged position due to social

institutions that perpetuate its domination. Among these

social institutions, as previously mentioned, were the

school and the ruling elite. However, the mass media,

overshadow these social institutions in perpetuating

whiteness. Lakoff and Scherr (1984), Shohat (1997), and

Illo (1998) have argued that the mass media also reinforce

white domination in postcolonial societies by representing

whiteness as the ideal image of feminine beauty.

Furthermore, they have shown that whiteness intertwines

beauty with aristocracy. A white skin tone is a criterion

for becoming a celebrity and, thus, white-skinned women

enjoy greater opportunity for upward mobility.

Lakoff and Scherr (1984) said that the mass media in

the United States represent a white skin tone as the

standard for American beauty by transmitting images of

59
people with fair skin, blond hair, and blue eyes. By

reinforcing these images, the mass media influence non­

white women's perception of themselves. The mass media

also perpetuate the reenactment of a white standard of

beauty by reinforcing certain cultural practices of non­

whites in the U.S. Furthermore, they create a social

hierarchy similar to a caste system. They valorize the

individual with a skin color closer to the dominant color

by granting that person a higher social status.

In addition, Lakoff and Scherr's (1984) research

findings revealed that minority women, whose physical

appearance does not resemble the white ideals of beauty in

the media, suffer low self-esteem. Aside from judging

their physical appearance based on the idealized feminine

image in the media, minority women were often times

perceived unattractive and ridiculed by their peers.

They wrote:

Ethnocentric definitions of beauty as much as anything

else, create barriers between peoples and worse,

create feelings of confusion, self-doubt and

inferiority among those who find their way of looking

at the world and at themselves not appreciated (p.

48) .

60
 Similar to Lakoff and Scherr (1984), Shohat (1997)

said that the mass media's promotion of a type of beauty

based on white standards is not limited to First World

countries such as the United States wherein the majority of

the population are Whites. The First World media also

promote the white standard of beauty in non-white Third

World societies. Through their collaboration with Third-

World media, First World media are able to continue to

export white ideology.

Shohat (1997) criticized both the First World media

and Third World media for promoting this white standard of

beauty. She said the mass media's promotion of white beauty

has reinforced colonial legacies and, at the same time, has

alienated non-white women. She wrote:

The dominant media have long disseminated the

hegemonic white-is-beautiful aesthetic inherited

from colonialist discourse, an aesthetic which

exiled women of color from their own bodies.

Until the late 1960s, the overwhelming majority

of Anglo-American fashion journals, films, TV

shows, and commercials promoted a canonical

notion of beauty within which white women (and

61
 secondarily, white men) were the only legitimate

objects of desires. (p. 199)

Thus, Shohat concluded, the media reproduce this earlier

valorization of whiteness and denigration of colored people

that had been made popular through colonial exhibits and

world fairs, wherein colored people were presented as

barbaric and freaks. Today's promotion of Eurocentric

features as the ideal characteristic of feminine beauty

also leads Third World audiences to alter their image to

achieve the likeness of whiteness, by sporting a blond hair

or undergoing cosmetic surgery.

Illo (1999) provided evidence for Shohat's (2002)

argument that the Third World media collaborate with the

First World media in promoting the white standard of beauty

in predominantly non-white societies. Illo cited

Philippine print advertisements, television, and film as

examples of Third World media that transmit images of white

beauty. Print advertisements, for instance, reinforce the

Mestiza as the ideal image of Philippine beauty by

employing only fair-skinned female models. Philippine

magazines, comics, and films usually feature light-skinned

characters whether their roles are either that of

62
protagonists or villains, while television fills its screen

with Mestiza/Mestizo celebrities.

The Western images of beauty projected by the

Philippine mass media, according to Illo (1999), influences

Filipino women's perception of beauty. Illo examined how

Filipino women, in various age groups from both a Metro

Manila mixed-class neighborhood and Ilocos village,

perceive beauty. She found that the Filipinos' perception

of beauty is based on physical qualities such as fair

complexion and a tall, slender figure. These Western

images of beauty denigrate dark-skinned women. More

importantly, Illo said that "these notions of the beautiful

devalue the sun-scorched, rough-skinned and dark figures of

peasant women" (p. 51).

Illo (1999) attributed the popularization of whiteness

as the standard of beauty in the Philippines not to

colonialism but to post-World War II. According to Illo,

Filipino poets, who resisted the Spaniards and Americans,

attempted to define the Filipino identity through reference

to color in their poems. The terms morena and kayumanggi,

which are descriptions of brown skin color, were poetic

musings during the colonial and postcolonial period.

Although identifying Filipinos by their brown skin tone

63
excluded Filipinos with other skin colors, Filipino poets,

Illo implies, took pride in their indigenous culture.

After WWII, however, the images of beauty changed. Illo

said that fair or Mestiza became the idealized image of

beauty.

In sum, whiteness, in any form, has remained in its

privileged position in former colonizing and colonized

countries because social institutions perpetuate its

association with superiority. Whiteness has appeared as a

racial marker in the colonial period through Western

colonizers, who constructed white as a symbol of

civilization and black as a symbol of barbarism in order to

justify their domination of people of color. In the

postcolonial period, it has become more visible as an

indicator of social class through educational institutions

and the ruling elite, which give individuals under their

care access to power and wealth, and of femininity through

the mass media, which depict light-skinned women as the

epitome of beauty.

The Rise of Advertisements, the Fall of Women

Previous studies have shown that the mass media do not

just reproduce dominant ideologies. More importantly, they

64
are agents of socialization that shape audiences' self-

concept by presenting images of the ideal self.

Particularly, the mass media exert influence on audiences'

self-concept through advertisements.

The rise of advertisements as an influential medium of

communication in the U.S. coincided with the change in

Americans' perception of the self by the end of World War

I. Americans' centered their attention on the self, as it

became the source of esteem. Advertisements capitalized on

this change by associating products with social values that

will boost consumers' image.

Advertisements' growth, however, decreased American

women's self-esteem. Advertisements primarily targeted

women as consumers. In order to motivate female consumers

to spend, advertisements appealed to women's insecurity.

They constructed the ideal image of femininity, which women

at present attempt to embody.

Transforming Advertisements for Self Transformation

Advertising in the United States, according to Vinikas

(1992), originally functioned as a medium for informing

possible customers of the existence or availability of a

product. Thus, advertising's earliest role was to meet

existing needs of the public. However, World War I altered

65
advertising's role after the American market overproduced

an abundance of goods. In order to sell these goods,

companies needed to create demands. Advertising, then, was

used to create new needs or desires, and, instead of

focusing on product use, advertising associated products

with social values. In the late 20th century, the author

said, this strategy worked well because, during that

period, Americans experienced a reinterpretation of the

self. 'Their external self became the focus of others'

perceptions, which then became the main basis of the self's

sense of esteem and worth. Advertising, thus, became a

greater source of knowledge about the self.

Advertising's role in persuading audiences to spend

strengthened after the World War II. According to Watson

(1998), advertising encouraged consumerism in the United

States as the United States' economy moved from depression

to expansion after World War II. Advertisers not only sold

products, but also the values they associated with

products. In particular, they attached social values that

give humans satisfaction to brand names. Watson wrote:

So, successful TV advertising campaigns didn't

focus solely on product claims. Rather, they

strove to associate a brand name with a deep

66
 human need or satisfaction - prestige, security,

lovability. (p. 161)

Like Vinikas (1992), Watson concludes that advertising

shifted its focus on product use to the product's effect on

the individual's self-image.

Aside from associating product brands with social

values, advertisements attempt to influence audiences'

self-concept by promoting the ideal human image. Twitchell

(1996), who conducted research on television

advertisements, said the idealized image makes audiences

feel insecure about themselves. Television advertisements

appropriate the desired qualities to commodities and show

audiences that purchasing these commodities will give them

the qualities they desire. In this regard, Twitchell

concluded that television advertisements create in the

audiences the desire to posses the qualities of advertised

images.

Women as Seen on Advertisements

Whereas Twitchell (1996), Vinikas (1992), and Watson

(1998) generalized about advertising's effects on both the

masculine and feminine self, Bignell (1997) , Currie (1999),

and McCracken (1993) focused in on how advertisements

influence women's self-concept. Also, Bignell, Currie, and

67
McCracken focused on advertisements in women's magazines.

These authors argue that women's magazines primarily carry

advertisements that make women feel insecure and encourage

them to spend on products that promise to eliminate their

insecurities.

Currie (1999), through content analysis, found that

women's magazine advertisements in the United States appeal

to women's insecurity in order to persuade them to purchase

advertised products. Currie said advertisements promise

that their product will make women complete. In this

regard, Currie suggests that women's magazine

advertisements turn women into consumers.

Currie (1999), in addition, found that these

magazines' dichotomous representation of women "is based on

the otherness of older non-white, non-heterosexual woman"

(p. 39). They depict women, who are usually young,

beautiful, and white. Thus, his findings indicate that

women's magazines' representations of the ideal women are

founded on racist and sexist ideologies.

In line with Currie (1999) , McCracken (1993) showed

how women's magazine advertisements cause women to feel

inadequate. They build on women's insecurities by

bombarding female readers with ideal faces and figures of

68
women. As female readers see these images over and over

again, they view themselves in a negative way and aspire to

look like the women in the magazine. Thus, McCracken

implies that women's magazines condition women's minds to

look at themselves in a certain way. Advertisements bring

female readers' attention to their flaws and, at the same

time, to the perfect feminine image. McCracken concluded

women's magazine advertisements teach women to become self-

critical.

McCracken (1993) furthermore argued that women's

magazine advertisements make women feel inferior in order

to engage them in consumerism. The advertisements

capitalize on their feelings of inadequacy in order to

encourage them to buy their products. The magazines

associate advertised products with social values that will

give women a sense of fulfillment and wholeness.

Similarly, Bignell (1997) argued that women's

magazines constantly stimulate women's desire for something

which they lack. In particular, women's magazines stir in

women the desire for beauty by portraying female readers as

less attractive than the female models depicted as

desirable. Through these bipolar oppositions, women's

69
magazines influence women's perception of themselves and

their identity.

While Bignell (1997), Currie (1999), and McCracken

(1993) analyzed media texts to illustrate how

advertisements construct meanings that influence women's

self-concept, Richins (1991) conducted an audience analysis

to find out which specific meanings in feminine images

shape women's perception of themselves. In general, his

study also indicated that advertisements shape women's

self-concept by causing women to compare themselves against

women in advertisements.

Richins (1991) conducted an exploratory study in the

United States and found that female college students

compare themselves to attractive models in advertisements.

As a result, the participants perceive themselves to be

less attractive than what they have perceived themselves

prior to the study. In addition, Richins found that they

raise their standard of physical attractiveness as they

feel increasingly less satisfied with themselves.

Research has shown that women's magazines perpetuate

stereotypes that value women for their beauty and reinforce

the white standards of beauty. The sexist and racial

stereotypes toward beauty lower the self-esteem of women

70
whose physical features are not consistent with these

stereotypes. Thus, women's magazines contribute to women's

oppression.

Looking through the Eyes of Ads

As Bignell (1997), Currie (1999), and McCracken (1993)

argued, advertisements cause women to feel insecure in

order to persuade them to purchase advertised products. The

succeeding studies show that advertisements' appeal to

women's insecurity is indeed persuasive. Lakoff and Scherr

(1984), Miller and Cox (1982), Theberge and Kernalegeun

(1979), and Wright, Martin, Flynn, and Gunter (1970) also

documented that women's use of cosmetics is related to

their desire to gain or raise their self-esteem and self-

confidence .

In examining cosmetics' direct effects on women's

self-concept, Wright, et al. (1970) found that women who

use cosmetics believe these products helped them improve

their self-confidence and self-concept. The participants

in this study, "42 young women with varying degrees of

facial blemishes" (p. 12), were given facial cosmetics and

instructions on how to use them. Afterwards, the

participants were asked to determine their self-concept by

means of the Minnesota .Multiphasic Personality Inventory

71
(MMPI) scales. Out of the nine scales, the Depression

scale and the Psychastheria scale were chosen to be the

units of measurement. Depression is characterized by

feelings of uselessness and pessimism, while the latter,

lack of confidence. According to the authors, the results

showed that cosmetics improved the women's self-confidence

and self-concept.

Likewise, Miller and Cox (1982) conducted a study on

cosmetics' effects on women's self-concept, which yielded

results similar to Wright et al.'s (1970) research work.

Their works showed that women with high public self-

consciousness tend to wear more make-up compared to women

with low public self-consciousness. The former, according

to the authors, are convinced that wearing make up improves

their physical appearance. In addition, Miller and Cox's

research findings showed that women who wear make-up are

judged by others to be more physically attractive than

those who don't wear make up. Thus, Miller and Cox

concluded that cosmetics positively affect women's self-

confidence .

While Miller and Cox (1982) indicated that public

self-consciousness is a significant factor in the degree of

women's cosmetic use, Theberge and Kernaleguen (1979)

72
correlated women's level of satisfaction about their bodies

with the degree of cosmetic use. Theberge and Kernaleguen

found that women with high level of body satisfaction give

less importance to cosmetics. By contrast, Theberge and

Kernaleguen found that women with low level of body

satisfaction depend more on cosmetics. The authors also

found that women who are highly satisfied with their bodies

have a positive self-image in contrast to women who are

less satisfied with their bodies. Although these authors

showed a correlation between women's level of body

satisfaction and attitude towards their self-image, they

said their findings did not indicate whether women who are

not satisfied with their body use cosmetics to develop a

positive self-image. Nevertheless, their study suggests

that cosmetics increase women's level of body satisfaction.

Generally, the studies of Miller and Cox (1980),

Theberge and Kernalegeun (1979), and Wright, Martin, Flynn,

and Gunter (1970) showed that women use cosmetics to make

themselves physically attractive. Their findings indicated

that women at the end of the 20th century value physical

attractiveness. Whether men value women for their beauty

and also value themselves for physical attractiveness could

not be determined from these findings, since these authors'

73
research work only involved women. Lakoff and Scherr

(1984), however, showed a few years later that both men and

women value beauty. They conducted psychological research

to examine why people highly value beauty and found the

answer on people's perception of beauty. People perceive

that beauty elicits positive responses as people tend to

act favorably towards those who are attractive. For

instance, Lakoff and Scherr cited other research that found

parents reward physically attractive children for good

behavior, teachers show more interest in educating

physically attractive students, and employers usually hire

applicants who are physically attractive. Since attractive

people receive rewards most of the time, Lakoff and Scherr

argued that attractive people develop high self-esteem and

self-acceptance and are happier with their lives. Thus,

most people are fixated on making themselves attractive.

Although both men and women value beauty, Lakoff and

Scherr (1984) argued that physical attractiveness is

perceived as more significant for women than for men. They

said women are valued for their looks while men are valued

for intelligence. Attractiveness compensates women for

their lack of intelligence. Attractive women do not have

to work hard to hone their intellectual skills. In

74
contrast, unattractive women have to compensate for their

lack of beauty by developing intellectual skills. On the

other hand, men are not compelled to compensate for either

lack of attractiveness or of intelligence. Lakoff and

Scherr thus concluded that attractiveness is a product of

patriarchal ideology.

In sum, research shows that, due to the rise of

American capitalism, advertisements evolved from being a

medium for disseminating information to being an agent of

socialization. Advertisements answered American

capitalists' need to market overproduced goods locally and

globally. The First and Second World Wars yielded new U.S.

colonies that provided new markets for American surplus

goods. Thus, advertisements required an innovative

‘approach to persuading new groups of people to purchase

goods. Advertisements since the 1920 have appealed to

people's psychological and social needs rather than to

their physical needs alone.

Advertisements, as agents of socialization, influence

primarily women's perceptions of themselves.

Advertisements promote and reinforce the global sexist,

racist, and classist construction of femininity through the

representations of beauty. Since advertisements promote

75
beauty based on white ideals, women who do not possess the

qualities of the ideal women feel inferior and compensate

by struggling to conform to their idealized images of

women.

While globally distributed advertisements answer

American capitalists' needs for mass distribution of

commodities, they also fulfill women's desires to possess

qualities that define beauty. Advertisements cause women

to feel inadequate and, at the same time, offer cosmetics

as means to make women feel fulfilled. In this regard,

advertisements show that women's sense of being and pride

is tied to commodities.

Women, however, unwittingly conspire with

advertisements by voluntarily commodifying themselves. By

using cosmetics to improve their looks, women adhere to

advertisements' messages that women's self-worth is rooted

in beauty. They reenact the social construction of women

as display objects. Nevertheless, advertisements reinforce

and naturalize their willing subordination.

76
 Women at the Crossroads of Gender, Race,
and Class Struggle

While advertisements show that beauty liberates women

from personal insecurities and social inequality, a number

of feminist researchers contradict these advertisements.

The latter argue that the hegemonic notions associated with

the construction of beauty perpetuate women's oppression.

Barthel (1988), Bartky (1998), Franzoi (2001), and Milium

(1975) imply that women reenact rather than resist sexism

towards themselves through their beauty rituals. According

to these researchers, beauty reproduces patriarchal

ideology because most women who make themselves attractive

aim to please not themselves, but the opposite sex.

Furthermore, Chow (1991), Kang (2002), Kaw (1998), and Pyke

and Johnson (1992) show that beauty adds burden to non­

white women's struggles against oppression. They

illustrate for instance how Asian American women

experience other forms of sexism within their culture aside

from beauty and, in addition, how they deal with global

racism and classism.

Women versus themselves

Milium (1975) illustrated how women participate in the

construction of their bodies as objects by exposing the

77
patriarchal notion embedded in their use of cosmetics.

According to Milium, women are the primary consumers of

cosmetics because women perceive cosmetics a part of female

sexuality. In using cosmetics, "the woman expects to be

looked at in a way that the man does not. She is the

passive 'looked at' rather than the active

'looker'"(Milium, 1975, p. 6). Thus, despite that the

social construction of beauty subjugates women, women

continue to desire beauty and rely on cosmetics to make

themselves beautiful.

Franzoi (2001) supported Milium's (1975) argument that

women who use cosmetics participate in perpetuating sexism

against themselves. Through his research, Franzoi found

that women benevolent to sexist beliefs are more likely to

engage in personal grooming and use cosmetics to enhance

their physical appearance. Franzoi defined benevolent

sexism, as a cultural ideology that "idealizes women in

traditional gender roles while simultaneously subordinating

them to subservient positions in society" (p. 177). In line

with this definition, Franzoi argued that beauty as a

feminine quality should supposedly empower women over men.

However, men use beauty to exert social control over women.

78
 Bartky (1998), a feminist researcher, illustrated how

women's bodies are constructed as objects, using Foucault's

Panopticon. Like the prisoner in the Panopticon cell, the

woman's body is subject to disciplinary practices and the

control of the person who watches over prisoners in the

Panopticon tower. Since the woman's body is treated as an

ornamented surface, Bartky said that women therefore must

go through disciplinary practices of keeping their bodies

clean, smooth, flawless, and painted. While women are

immersed in rituals of beautifying themselves, they have

within their consciousness the panoptical male gaze and

judgment. In this regard, Bartky argued that the "woman

lives her body as seen by another, by an anonymous

patriarchal other" (p. 34).

Bartky (1998), in addition, elaborated on Milium's

(1975) argument about why women value themselves in terms

of beauty. Bartky too argued that the disciplinary

practices applied on the feminine body contribute to the

marginalization and oppression of women. Despite these

disciplinary practices, Bartky noted that not all women

turn to feminism in order to liberate themselves.

The reason, Bartky argued is that "To have a body felt to

be 'feminine' - a body socially constructed through the

79
appropriate practices - is in most cases crucial to a

woman's sense of herself as female and, since persons

currently can be only as male or female, to her sense of

herself as an existing individual. To possess such a body

may also be essential to her sense of herself as a sexually

desiring and desirable subject. Hence, any political

project that aims to dismantle the machinery that turns a

female body into a feminine one may well be apprehended by

a woman as something that threatens her with

desexualization, if not outright annihilation"(p. 39).

Bartky (1998) tells us that beauty is at the core of all

women's self-concept. Women perceive beauty as a

characteristic that sets them apart from men and underlies

their existence. Thus, women are not conscious of beauty's

oppressive effects on them.

In addition to sexism, Barthel (1988) showed that the

patriarchal construction of women's bodies as objects

incorporates classism. According to Barthel, the notion

that attractive women do not need to work hard to improve

their economic condition because beauty alone aids them in

marrying a rich man shows that beauty liberates women from

class oppression. However, this notion implicitly

perpetuates the association of women with objects. Barthel

80
stated that because beauty attracts rich men's attention,

these men help women become associated with expensive

artifacts that only they can afford.

Historian Weitz (1998) also showed that the notion of

women's bodies as objects has racial implications. Weitz

argued that all women are dehumanized because of the more

or less globally held patriarchal notion that the women's

body is a man's property. In this regard, Weitz said the

women's body is always treated as inferior to men. Non­

white women, however, are treated more inhumanely than

white women. Weitz cited past trends in the United States'

judicial system to illustrate that racism also accompanies

sexism. Prior to the Civil Rights Movement in the U.S.,

Weitz said the law inflicted punishment on White men who

raped White women, while it allowed the possibility of non­

punishment for White men who raped non-white women. On the

other hand, Black men convicted of raping White women were

sentenced to die immediately.

From their perspectives on the social construction of

women's bodies, feminist researches imply that the social

valuation of women based on beauty reinforces sexist,

racist, and classist beliefs that all contribute to women's

oppression. Some women, however, are adamant to these

81
notions' oppressive effects on them because they perceive

beauty a natural characteristic of femininity. Thus, they

willingly, but unwittingly, oppress themselves.

Asian Women: Their Liberation, their Oppression

The difficulty in unifying women to liberate

themselves from oppression is further aggravated by women's

race and class differences. Non-white women such as Asian

American women are often times placed in a situation that

forces them to choose to fight for their people, some of

whom adhere to their cultural practices that subjugate

women, or for their female sexuality at the expense of

their culture. Whichever battle Asian Americans choose,

research shows that their liberation from one oppression

leads to the perpetuation of the rest.

Chow (1991) illustrated the dilemma that Asian

Americans face in struggling against oppression. She said

that Asian American women, who have developed feminist

consciousness, often tend to liberate themselves from

'racism and classism rather than sexism. The reason that

Asian American women choose to adhere to their

stereotypical role, Chow argued, is to preserve harmony in

their community. However, Chow implied that this option

turns Asian American women with feminist consciousness

82
passive in their fight for gender equality. As Asian

American women join their community in fighting for racial

equality, Asian American women reenact the submissive role

expected of them within the Asian American community and

within the United States in general.

Compared to Chow (1991), Pyke and Johnson (1992)

showed that some Asian American women opt to liberate

themselves from gender oppression by deviating from the

stereotypical Asian feminine roles. However, these women

do so at the expense of their cultural identity. Pyke and

Johnson, who examined racial stereotypes' effects on

women's performance of femininity, found that the

association of White femininity with freedom and gender

equality and Asian femininity with passivity,

submissiveness, and gender oppression has led Korean and

Vietnamese American women to embrace Whiteness and reject

their Asian cultural identity in order to liberate

themselves from gender oppression. The authors said that

Korean and Vietnamese American women reenact Whiteness by

behaving according to stereotypes of White women in social

interactions with Whites. However, the authors, also, said

that Korean and Vietnamese American women still conform to

stereotypes of Asian women when interacting with Asians.

83
Korean and Vietnamese American women's negotiation of their

cultural identity, in this regard, implies that they have

not achieved liberation from gender oppression. The

authors said that Asian American women have only

internalized the racialized construction of femininity,

which perpetuates white domination and non-white

subordination. Thus, the authors wrote:

. . . our findings illustrate how the resistance

of gender oppression among our respondents draws

ideologically on the denigration and rejection of

ethnic Asian culture, thereby reinforcing white

dominance...These findings underscore the

crosscutting ways that gender and racial

oppression operates such that strategies and

ideologies focused on the resistance of one form

of domination can reproduce another form. (p.

51)

Kaw (1998) illustrated another means by which Asian

American women sacrifice their cultural identity in order

to achieve freedom from gender oppression. According to

Kaw, a growing number of Asian American women are opting

for cosmetic surgery that would make them look white and

less Asian. The most popular physical features that Asian

84
American women are obtaining through cosmetic surgery are

double eyelids and a prominent nose.

In her interviews of Asian American women who had

already undergone cosmetic surgery, Kaw (1998) found that

the association of Asian racial features such as their slit

eyes or flat nose to negative behavioral traits such as

passivity and a lack of sociability motivate Asian American

women to acquire features similar to Whites. While

cosmetic surgery indicates rejection of cultural identity

and embracing the dominant racial ideology, Kaw said that

Asian American women who have changed their physical

appearance perceive cosmetic surgery as the fulfillment of

their desire to look their best, which implies looking less

Asian. Kaw added that these women, also, believe that

achieving the dominant racial features would increase their

chance of gaining social and economic status. However, Kaw

explained, altering their physical appearance doesn't

transform Asian American women. Instead, cosmetic surgery

normalizes Asian American women by conforming their

physical appearance to the patriarchal and white standards

of beauty. Thus, Kaw implied, Asian American women who

reject the Asian cultural identity through cosmetic surgery

85
perpetuate white domination and, at the same time., the

subordination of women.

Kaw (1998) said that cosmetic surgeons and Asian-

American women who patronize cosmetic surgery both

participate in supporting the dominant racial and gender

ideology that value women for their whiteness and beauty.

She said, "With the authority of scientific rationality and

technological efficiency, medicine is effective in

perpetuating these racist notions. The medical system

bolsters and benefits from the larger consumer-oriented.

society not only by maintaining the idea that beauty should

be every woman's goal but also by promoting a beauty

standard that requires certain racial features of Asian

American women to be modified (p. 168)".

Asian American women's struggles also exist even in

fiction. Kang (2002) analyzed three interracial romantic

films that paired Asian/American women with Caucasian

males. In each film, Kang said, the Asian woman is always

involved in a struggle and experiences conflict. She is

placed in a situation wherein she has to choose between her

ethnic community and her white romantic partner. In the

end, she always chooses to be with the latter. This

86
representation implies that Asian women tend to embrace

whiteness rather than their culture.

Chow (1991) , Kang (2 002) , Kaw (1998) , and Pyke and

Johnson (1992) illustrated the difficulties that Asian

American women experience in struggling for liberation from

gender, race, and class oppression. Asian American women

also, according to the authors, are more oppressed because

their cultural identity as non-whites places them in a

repressed condition compared to White women, whose

whiteness Asian American women equate with freedom. In

this regard, the studies indicated that Asian American

women perceive their Asian cultural identity oppressive to

women. This perception causes Asian American women to

reject their Asianness and embrace whiteness in order to

free themselves from gender oppression.

Women's gender oppression, feminist researchers have

implied, intertwines with race and class oppression.

Although women globally experience similar manifestations

of sexism, the race and class to which they belong make a

difference in their perspectives on social practices that

subordinate them as women and level of commitment to

women's liberation. In this regard, women are faced with

87
the challenge of raising the consciousness of their cohorts

to and uniting them against all forms of oppression.

The literature review showed that Western colonization

changed the structure of gender, race, and class relations

in the Filipino culture. Prior to Western colonization,

Filipino men and Filipino women perceived themselves equal,

despite their differences in domestic and social

responsibilities, while they ranked individuals within

their ethnic group based on their occupation. Although

ethnic domination occurred, it was due to one ethnic group

outnumbering the rest. Race was not the foundation of

social hierarchy. Western colonization, however,

institutionalized gender, race, and class hierarchy in the

Philippines by incorporating whiteness into the Filipino

culture.

The Western colonial construction of whiteness in the

Philippines resonates with early Eurocentric views that

associated a white skin tone with aristocracy, purity, and

intelligence. From the colonial period to the present,

whiteness has assumed various properties. It is now a

racial marker, a social class indicator, and a gauge for

femininity all at the same time.

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 Through the Philippine mass media, whiteness'

representations in the Philippines during the Western

colonial period have been carried over to the postcolonial

period. One of the social institutions that has replaced

Western colonizers, the Philippine mass media currently

reinforce white ideology by promoting the white skin tone

as a source of beauty and pride. Since the Filipinos have

varying skin tones, the mass media's valorization of a

white skin tone perpetuates Western colonizers'

institutionalization of gender, racial, and social

hierarchy in the Philippines.

The mass media in both the Philippines and other

countries function as a socializing agent and ideological

apparatus. Their representations of cultural identities

influence to a certain degree people's worldviews. In the

Philippines, the literature review has indicated that the

mass media's association of whiteness with beauty and pride

has influenced primarily the Filipino women. It has caused

Filipino women to judge their and other women's level of

attractiveness based on white standards. Furthermore, it

has caused Filipino women who perceive themselves in

contrast to the media's representation of beauty to develop

a negative self-image.

89
 Television commercials and women's magazines

particularly promote dominant ideologies affecting women's

self-concept. Western research has shown that these media

appeal to women's insecurity by reinforcing the hegemonic

ideal image of femininity. At the same time, they persuade

women to improve their looks and gain self-confidence

through cosmetics.

Thus, this literature review shows that whiteness was

primarily constructed from a white patriarchal perspective.

While whiteness oppresses non-white men' and white and non-

white women globally, it further marginalizes non-white

women. For instance, feminist studies on Filipino women

and Asian women show that all Asian women are in a

subordinate position regardless of their location. They

are subordinated first, to men, second, to White women and

third, to economically privileged White or non-white women.

Asian women's threefold subordination places them in a

dilemma as they tend to liberate themselves from one form

of oppression while they unwittingly contribute in

perpetuating the rest.

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 CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

Research has shown that colonialism instituted the

idealization of whiteness in non-white societies (Dela

Cadena, 2000; and Pedero, 1998). After the colonial

period, the idealization of whiteness in these societies

has continued to persist as social institutions took the

place of former White Western colonial masters (Gladwin &

Saidin, 1980; Kidder, 1997; and Shome, 2002). Among these

social institutions are the mass media (David, 2002; Illo,

1998; and Shohat, 1997). This study now seeks to expose

the continuous idealization of whiteness in such as non­

white society as the Philippines, where women were

previously subjected to White Western colonial rule. It

also investigates the mass media's contribution in

perpetuating the privileging of whiteness in this society,

and, by extension, other non-white societies.

As stated earlier, this study specifically focuses on

the Philippines. The Filipinos, who were colonized by

Spain and the United States for a total of 350 years, have

developed a colonial mentality that makes them vulnerable

to white domination. In this case, the Filipinos fail to

91
recognize their subordination and to challenge the white

domination of their culture.

In order to meet the research objectives, this study

relied on two qualitative research tools. A semiotic

analysis of the five skin-whitening cosmetic commercials on

television and the seven skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements In women's magazines in the Philippines was

used to reveal the nature of the whiteness ideology. In

addition, thematic analysis was used to analyze two focus

group interviews conducted with 16 Filipino women presumed

to be influenced by TV commercials and women's magazine

advertisements to use skin-whitening cosmetics. The

purpose was to find out how they were affected by skin­

whitening cosmetic advertisements, particularly in regard

to their self-concepts in relation to race, gender, and

class. The focus group interviews selected Filipino women

for two reasons. First, they are the primary group of

consumers of skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements.

Second, according to Flores (2001), the Filipino women also

"can very well speak for both men and women. They are

truly the bridge between two genders and between two

worlds" ( p.35).

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 Semiotic Analysis

Semiotic analysis brings out the ideological meanings

encoded in a media text. It has been used numerous times

in Western mass media studies to illustrate that television

functions not only as an entertainment medium, but as an

ideological apparatus (Fiske, 1987; Himmelstein, 1984;

Spigel, 1992; and Watson, 1998). It has also aided Western

mass media researchers in revealing race, gender, and class

ideologies incorporated in women's magazines and

advertisements (Cortese, 1999; McCracken, 1993; and

Williamson, 1978).

Spigel (1992) was able to decode the representation of

television as the other woman through a semiotic analysis

of advertisements that featured television. According to

Spigel, these advertisements usually depicted men watching

television and ignoring the women. Spigel said that this

implies women compete with television in attracting the

male gaze. Thus, advertisements of television reduce women

to the status of objects that are meant to be viewed.

Williamson (1978) showed how women are constructed as

objects in her semiotic analysis of cosmetic advertisements

in women's magazines published in the United States. These

advertisements turn women into objects by separating

93
women's body parts, such as the eyes, face, and skin, from

women and presenting these body parts as desirable objects.

In this way, Williamson said, advertisements act as a

mirror that reflects and improves upon a person's image.

Advertisements, also, entice women to purchase products in

order to possess a better image of themselves. Thus,

Williamson said advertisements turn women's selves into

objects, which women lack and, therefore, desire.

The skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements analyzed for this study were obtained from a

sample of 20 television commercials and 10 women's magazine

advertisements in the Philippines. A colleague in the

Philippines recorded all commercials shown on the two major

Philippine television stations, ABS-CBN Channel 2 and GMA

Channel 7. She recorded commercials aired throughout the

month of July 2003. Most of these advertisements sponsored

locally produced daytime soap operas, which followed

noontime game/boudeville-like shows, and also nighttime

television dramas, which followed six o'clock news

programs. According to my colleague, skin-whitening

cosmetic commercials were scarce during that month compared

to April and May, which are the summer months, but were

representative of those aired in the rest of the year.

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.However, the skin-whitening advertisements that appeared in

July introduced new skin-whitening cosmetics, and it was

anticipated that focus group participants would have paid

them greater notice.

While she recorded television commercials of skin­

whitening cosmetics, the same colleague also purchased

women's magazines that contained skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements and cut out these advertisements. She was

instructed to select magazines that cater to the middle and

upper class Filipino women, who are the target market of

skin-whitening cosmetics. The magazines she found

containing skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements were Mod,

Women's Journal, and Women Today, which were all published

in July 2003. In addition, I collected samples of skin­

whitening cosmetic advertisements from the same magazines

in October 2003. These magazines, which were published

monthly by Filipino-owned publishing companies in the

Philippines, use the English language as medium of

communication. Thus, these magazines cater to the elite

women, whose first language is English, and the college

educated middle class women, some of whom do not speak

English articulately, but write and read English well.

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 After gathering the data for my semiotic analysis, my

colleague sent me two videocassette tapes of various

commercials and ten pages of skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements. I selected from all these commercials and

advertisements the ones that would be included for the

semiotic analysis. In order to be selected, the commercial

or advertisement should feature at least one cosmetic

product that either contain skin-whitening ingredients or

explicitly state its skin-whitening function. The

advertisement did not have to feature a human being.

I looked at the magazine advertisements first. Out of

the ten skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements, six

qualified for the semiotic analysis. These were of Pop

lotion and cream products, Johnson's baby milk lotion,

DeoWhite deodorant, Likas papaya whitening herbal soap,

Vaseline intensive care lotion, and Maxi-Peel exfoliant.

After screening to select these advertisements, I began my

analysis.

Next, I watched the television commercials and

identified those that promote skin-whitening cosmetics.

Each time a skin-whitening cosmetic commercial appeared, I

took note of the scene, the slogan, the dialogue, and the

commercial jingle and wrote them down. Only five out of

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the twenty skin-whitening cosmetic TV commercials were

recorded and all of these qualified for semiotic analysis.

These were Silka papaya soap, RDL skin care products,

Secret deodorant, CY Gabriel papaya soap, and Vaseline

intensive care lotion. I proceeded with my semiotic

analysis of each skin-whitening commercial after I viewed

both videocassette tapes.

I analyzed both verbal and visual images in relation

to each other in order to reveal each skin-whitening

cosmetic advertisement's representation of whiteness.

McCracken (1993) said "most purchase advertisements

communicate through the interaction of verbal and

photographic texts" (p. 100). Advertisement slogans and

copy "form a montage with the photograph", which create a

new meaning in the reader (McCracken, 1993, p. 100). Since

advertisements do not rely on words alone in persuading

consumers to purchase advertised products, analysis of

advertisements should also include visual text (Milium,

1975). Thus, this study examined both the verbal and

visual components of selected skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements.

The verbal images included the advertisement's

headline, slogan, and copy, commercial jingle, and dialogue

97
as well as the product's label. I categorized the verbal

images into the three levels of meaning: denotation,

connotation, and ideological meaning. Then, I linked the

verbal images' ideological meaning to the visual image in

order to create a coherent meaning.

The visual images included the models, products, other

material objects used, and colors. However, I focused more

on the model in advertisements where models appeared.

According to Milium (1975), the meanings of visual images

are expressed primarily through the model's face, which

represents the whole person, and next, the model's body.

Particularly, I looked at the model's appearance,

movements, gestures, and affective displays because these

are all signs and, thus, they convey information and

meaning (Milium, 1975). Appearance refers to the model's

"age, sex, racial characteristic, size and looks"; manner,

to "expression, pose, and clothing"; and gestures, to the

model's physical activities in the advertisement (Milium,

1975, p. 56).

As McCracken (1993) mentioned, the reader creates

meanings from the interaction of words and visual images in

advertisements. This implies that the reader is not a

passive receiver of messages. Mass media studies in the

98
West have shown that readers or audiences create meanings

which may or may not be the same as the meanings producers

encoded in textual messages (Bodroghkozy, 1992; D'Acci,

1992; Fiske, 1987; Hall, 2001; and Radway, 1985).

Audiences may not initially get the meaning of juxtaposed

images, but exposure to the same advertisement over and

over again will lead them to discover its intended meaning

(Messaris, 1997) . Then, audiences can decide whether to

accept or reject the dominant ideology that the

advertisements are promoting. The second phase of the

research methodology; thus, involved audience analysis of

skin-whitening advertisements.

Focus Group Interviews

Both focus group interviews were intended to find out

the cultural implications of television commercials and

women's magazine advertisements of skin-whitening cosmetics

in the Philippines. However, I avoided assuming that

advertisements have absolute power in influencing

audiences' mindset and behavior. The participants were

simply asked whether advertisements influenced them in

purchasing skin-whitening cosmetics during the screening

survey. The participants, then, were asked to explain how

99
skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements represent a white

skin tone.

The focus group interviews started with participant

recruitment. Since this study was contextualized within

the Philippines, the participant recruitment and the focus

group interviews were both held in the Philippines. The

participants for the focus group interviews were recruited

from among Filipino women who use skin-whitening cosmetics.

These women predominantly come from the A and B classes, or

upper class, and the C class or middle class (Robles,

2003). While upper class Filipino women usually purchase

imported cosmetic products, middle class Filipino women

usually purchase Philippine-made cosmetics but occasionally

buy imported ones. The D class or lower class Filipino

women, on the other hand, only buy talcum powder and/or

lipstick (Robles, 2003) . Although talcum powder also comes

in white color, it does not have skin-whitening ingredient

and does not intend to have a lasting skin-whitening

effect. This study is limited to Filipino women who use

cosmetics with skin-whitening ingredients. Since lower

class Filipino women only rely on talcum powder to whiten

their skin, they were excluded from the focus group

interview. Thus, the participant recruitment was conducted

100
in locations where a combination of upper and middle class

Filipino women can be found.

In recruiting participants, I conducted a screening

survey (see Appendix C) of 200 Filipino women. The

screening survey aimed to recruit participants who share a

common background and behavior. Through the screening

survey, we were able to obtain information on prospective

participants' age, familiarity with cosmetic

advertisements, cosmetic buying behavior, communication

skills level, skin tone, willingness and availability to

participate in the focus group interview, and contact

information. While I conducted my screening survey in

Caloocan City, my colleague conducted her screening survey

In Dagupan City.

The participant recruitment was supposed to be held

only in Dagupan City. Particularly, the screening survey

was to be conducted inside the cosmetic section of CSI

Department Store, Dagupan City's major department store.

However, my request for permission from the CSI Department

Store Management to conduct my screening survey within

their store premises was denied. Thus, I modified my

participant recruitment process.

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 I asked a colleague, who is a resident of Dagupan

City, to conduct half of the screening survey in Dagupan-

City's Bonuan District. This district is a hub for higher

education institutions and various types of business.

Thus, most of the people who walk on the streets of this

district are college students, professionals, and general

employees. She conducted the survey on October 12 and 13,

2003 .

I conducted the second part of the screening survey in

front of Ever Department Store, which is located within the

Grand Central Mall in Caloocan City, on October 13. Since

Caloocan City is more developed and liberal compared to

Dagupan City, there is a possibility that Ever Department

Store's managers are more open-minded. At first, I

conducted the screening survey within the store's cosmetic

section without permission from the manager. I was able to

survey three Filipino women, who I spotted selecting skin­

whitening products, until the security guard stopped me and

asked me to obtain permission to conduct the survey from

the manager. The manager, however, referred me to the

mall's security administration office. I handed the

security official a letter (see Appendix D) requesting

permission to conduct a survey and a copy of the California

102
State University San Bernardino IRB approval to use human

subjects (see Appendix D). He approved my request, but

allowed me to do the survey in front of the department

store for three hours only. Nevertheless, I was able to

survey 100 Filipino women.

Instead of handing the screening survey to the

respondent, we asked the questions and noted the

respondent's answers on the questionnaire. In this way, we

were able to terminate the survey immediately when the

respondent was under 18 or over 45 years old, did not use

skin-whitening cosmetics, and were not influenced by TV

commercials or women's magazine advertisements to use skin­

whitening cosmetics. We asked the questions in English,

but occasionally translated the questions to Tagalog for

respondents who had difficulty answering the question. We

also allowed respondents to express themselves in Tagalog.

After the screening survey, I solely determined who

among the respondents in Caloocan City and Dagupan City

using skin-whitening cosmetics and between the age of 18

and 45 were eligible to be included in the focus group

interview. I read the responses and made the decision as

to whether a prospective participant meets the focus group

interview selection criteria. The participant was

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considered eligible for the focus group interview if she is

familiar with television commercials and women's magazine

advertisements of skin-whitening cosmetics, is influenced

by these commercials and advertisements in purchasing skin-

whiteners, has a medium-to-high level of communication

skills, and is willing to participate in the focus group

interview.

Out of the 200 prospective participants in the

screening survey, 20 participants were selected for the

focus group interview. My colleague and I each contacted

ten participants from our respective areas either by phone

or by text messaging. All 20 participants were informed of

the incentives, date, time, and location of the interview

and were asked to confirm their attendance.

The first focus group interview was held in Caloocan

City. It was held at 9:30 in the morning at Shakey's Pizza

Restaurant, also located in the Grand Central Mall. Only

six of the ten participants were able to make it to the

focus group interview. The second focus group interview

was conducted at 2:00 in the afternoon at a colleague's

residence in Dagupan City. In contrast to the first focus

group, all ten participants from Dagupan City attended the

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second focus group interview. Each focus group interview

lasted two hours.

In conducting each focus group interview, I began by

introducing myself, by giving an overview of my research,

and by stating the purpose of the interview. I explained

that the interview would be recorded and transcribed for

their responses to be used as data for my research.

Furthermore, I informed the participants that their names

and responses would be published as part of my thesis.

However, I stated that I will use a name that sounds like

theirs, instead of their real names, if they choose to

remain anonymous. The participants opted to conceal their

identity.

Then, I asked the participants if they had any questions

about or objections about the research. When none of the

participants answered, I gave each participant two copies

of the informed consent form (see Appendix D), which the

California State University San Bernardino Institutional

Review Board (CSUSB IRB) Committee approved. I read aloud

the informed consent and, afterwards, I asked them to sign

the form if they agree to the terms and conditions stated

in the form. If they do not agree, I gave them the option

to leave the form blank and exit the group. I collected

105
one copy of the form from each participant and left each

participant a copy for her records, after the forms were

signed.

Next, I gave each participant two copies of the

"Sample Photograph/Video/Audio Use Informed Consent Form

For Non-Medical Human Subjects" (see Appendix D), which the

CSUSB IRB Committee approved and provided. I asked them to

check the box for audiotape. Afterwards, I read aloud each

term stated in the form and asked the participants to place

their initial beside each statement to indicate their

consent. Again, I collected one copy of the form from each

participant and left each participant a copy, after the

forms were initialed.

At this time, I turned on my audiocassette recorder.

I stated the number of the focus group interview, whether

it was the first or second group, the title of my research,

and the date, time and location of the interview.

Afterwards, I asked each participant to introduce herself.

The introduction included the participants' name,

occupation, single or married status, and hometown.

Introducing themselves helped the participants feel at ease

with each other. Then, I asked the first question from my

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guide questions (see Appendix C) to formally start the

discussion.

The first focus group interview was more structured

than the second focus group interview. Although the first

one involved only a small number of participants, all

expressed their views concerning each question without

hesitation. However, the participants would only give

answers pertaining to the question specifically asked.

The second focus group interview went smoothly. Most

of the participants were willing to share their thoughts

without waiting to be called. Each of these active

participants would interject one after the other. Often

times, their views would address more than one question in

my list. However, some of the participants had to be

prodded to talk. Once they did, they copied each other's

statements or the active participants' statements. In this

regard, the first focus group interview produced a greater

variety of data.

After both focus group interviews ended, I transcribed

the discussions from each group verbatim. Then, I

organized both groups' responses into themes using

wholistic approach. Themes are summaries of'central ideas

that a researcher has discovered from the text of lived

107
experiences (van Manen, 1990). The wholistic approach

looks for the meaning that would generally explain a

collective narrative.

In conducting the thematic analysis of my focus group

interviews, I followed Moustakas' (1994) steps in analyzing

transcribed interviews. First, I listed all the

participants' expressions, even if these expressions

consisted only of one word such as "yes" or "no". Second,

I selected the expressions that are relevant to my research

questions and eliminated those that are not. Third, I

reviewed the selected expressions and determined which ones

convey similar ideas. Last, I formulated a theme that best

conveys the meaning of each collective ideas.

Both semiotic analysis and focus group interview

methods are popularly used in qualitative research

involving women (Madriz, 2000; and van Zoonen, 2000) .

Semiotic analysis brings out the deeper meaning of a text

as it goes beyond quantifying stereotypical images of women

in the media (van Zoonen, 2000) while a focus group

interview creates a collective testimony of women's

experiences and individual lives (Madriz, 2000). Thus,

semiotic analysis and focus group interview were

appropriate and effective tools in conducting this study.

108
 Limitations of the Study-

Various social institutions such as the school, the

ruling elite, and the mass media have replaced Western

colonizers in promoting whiteness in the Philippines. This

study, however, limits the investigation of whiteness to

the Philippine media. Since whiteness incorporates race,

gender, and class ideologies, investigating its

representations could be best done in examining the

apparatus that promotes ideology. The mass media were

selected for this study because they particularly function

as an ideological apparatus.

In examining the influence of the Philippine mass

media's promotion of whiteness on Filipino audiences, this

study only included Filipino female audiences. Although

Filipino men are increasingly using skin-whitening

cosmetics, whiteness does not oppress them in terms of

gender relations. Whiteness is associated with beauty.

Women are valued for their beauty while men are valued for

their intelligence. Thus, having a white skin tone does

not place Filipino men at the top of the social strata.

Future research could investigate why Filipino men use

skin-whitening cosmetics and how Filipino women perceive

this behavior.

109
 As a result of migration and economic opportunities

abroad, Filipinos have been scattered in different world

regions. Both Filipino men and women have become mobile in

search of a better life and their dislocation goes beyond

the Philippine national borders. This study, however, is

limited to Filipino women residing in the Philippines.

Filipino women's experiences of whiteness are not the same

as Filipino women's experiences abroad, particularly in

Western societies. In the U.S., for instance, light­

skinned Filipino women are not in a dominant position along

with Caucasian women. All Filipino women are part of the

minority groups in the United States and categorized as

women of color regardless of the lightness or darkness of

their skin. Whereas Filipino women in the Philippines

openly engaged in lightening their skin tone, Filipino

women in the U.S. are inhibited to do so (Root, 1997).

Skin-whitening in the U.S. would signify denial of one's

racial identity (Root, 1997). This does not necessarily

mean that Filipino women who migrated to the U.S., or to

any Western country, have lost their prejudices against a

dark skin tone. Future research could explore whether

Filipino women who were raised in the Philippines and

migrated to a Western country, where racism is an issue,

110
would still adhere to a white ideology. In addition,

future research could investigate whether Filipino women in

the U.S. would raise their children to idealize whiteness

or appreciate themselves and their cultural identity.

Ill
 CHAPTER FOUR

BEHIND THE WHITE MASK

Findings of the semiotic analysis of the six skin­

whitening cosmetic magazine advertisements and five •

television commercials containing explicit skin-whitening

reference have addressed the first research question (see

Appendix A, Tables 1 and 2). This study found that these

advertisements equate whiteness with beauty, aristocracy,

and power. In addition, it promotes early 19th century

American republican ideology that whiteness is tantamount

to purity. Thus, skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements

legitimize colonial legacies that idealize whiteness in

postcolonial Philippines.

Although whiteness represents various ideological

meanings, the association of a white skin tone with beauty

always emerges in each skin-whitening advertisement

analyzed for this study. The hegemonic notion of white-is

beautiful intersects the other representations of

whiteness. This implies that skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements represent whiteness and beauty as

interchangeable and synonymous with each other. As a

whole, the skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements promoted

112
whiteness as the secret to everlasting beauty, the antidote

to poverty, the epitome of purity, and the cure for

insecurity.

The Secret to Everlasting Beauty

Since cosmetics are produced and consumed for

aesthetic purposes, commercials and advertisements position

cosmetics with skin-whitening agents as products that would

satisfy female consumers' desire to improve their looks.

They promise to make women beautiful by whitening their

skin. In this regard, skin-whitening cosmetic commercials

and advertisements associate a white skin tone with beauty.

Among these, RDL, Silka, Pop, and Likas particularly

promoted their product's ability to make female consumers

look white and beautiful.

RDL's commercial did not explicitly claim that RDL

products whiten the skin. The sign "whitening" was simply

written on product labels, which signified that RDL

products function as skin-whiteners. Instead of

emphasizing RDL products' capacity to whiten the skin,

however, the television commercial focused on the aesthetic

benefit that female consumers would gain from using RDL

skin-whitening cosmetics. The commercial's slogan, "With

113
RDL, beauty is yours to keep", informed women that RDL will

help them maintain their beauty by keeping their skin

white. In this regard; RDL's commercial linked beauty to a

white skin tone.

RDL further reinforced the white ideology embedded in

beauty through its commercial models who are all Filipino

women with light skin tone. However, the camera closed in

on the models' faces only. This implies that the

advertisements place the significance of whiteness on

women's faces. In addition, the advertisement turns white

women's faces into desirable objects.

Similar to RDL's commercial, Pop's advertisement in a

women's magazine subtly promoted the association of a white

skin tone with beauty. The slogan that appeared on the

magazine page, "We enhance the loveliness of women," only

claimed that Pop products will make women more beautiful.

It does not give a physical description of the women whom

Pop considers beautiful. However, the labels on the

advertised Pop products, "NUTRIENT PEARL WHITE LOTION" and

"Beauty white with pearl nutrient", signified that Pop

associates a white skin tone with beauty. The label

implies that Pop products do not whiten a dark skin. Pop

only nourishes skin that is already white in order to

114
enhance its loveliness. Combining both slogan and label,

the advertisement creates the message that Pop products are

for women whose skin tone is already white. Thus, light­

skinned women are the women who Pop considers lovely and

whose loveliness Pop wants to enhance.

While Pop's advertisement promotes that white women

are beautiful, the advertisement, at the same time,

suggests that white-skinned women could still improve their

physical appearance. Pop's slogan, which was cited

earlier, indicates that white-skinned women could look

better. Juxtaposed against the slogan is an image of a

Caucasian woman with rosy, glowing skin, dark hair, and

•green eyes. In this case, the slogan functions as the

signifier while the image, the signified. The signified

.represents the better image of light-skinned women. As a

whole, the advertisement implies that Pop would enhance

light-skinned women's loveliness by making their skin tone

as white as Caucasian women's.

Looking at this image, Filipino readers who are

familiar with the Philippine entertainment industry would

surely be reminded of Bing Loyzaga, a popular Filipino

singer and actress in the 90's. Pop's featured model and

Loyzaga share similar facial features except for the color

115
of their eyes. The association between these two female

figures makes Pop's advertisement more persuasive. Pop

shows that the Caucasian woman is the better image of

feminine beauty and whiteness. The advertisement, also,

promotes White women in the West as superior over white­

skinned women in a former colony and the gauge against

which whiteness and beauty should be measured. Thus, Pop

not only reinforces the association of whiteness with

beauty but perpetuates the colonial relationship between

the West and the Philippines in a postcolonial era.

Pop, which is a non-Filipino brand of cosmetics,

included in their advertisement the cities wherein their

products are distributed. These cities, Paris, London and

New York, are known for their haute couture. Thus, the

advertisement indicates that Pop products are geared

towards White Western elite.

While RDL and Pop simply indicates that a white skin

tone signifies beauty, Silka showed the social values that

the Filipino culture attaches to a white skin tone. Among

these values are the physical attractiveness and sexual

desirability that Filipino men find in light-skinned

Filipino women. In the television commercial, which

featured Filipino characters, Silka showed a young man

116
smelling the exposed white shoulders of a young woman

standing in front of him. Unable to resist his urge, he

kisses the young woman's shoulders, after which, he hears a

female voice that ends his fantasy. He finds himself face

to face with the dark-skinned female cashier. Here, the

advertisement shows that a white skin tone is important for

women, as it is important to men. The whiteness of a

women's skin, according to the commercial, turns men on.

Silka attempts to persuade Filipino female audiences to

purchase its skin[whitening soap by showing that light­

skinned women could easily find a man. Thus, Silka shows

that race ideology intertwines with gender ideology.

Silka's television commercial also incorporates the

male gaze embedded in the white standardization of beauty.

In the next scene, Silka reveals that the young man and the

young woman have no relationship with and are strangers to

each other. Both are customers standing inline to place

their order. However, Silka constructs a distinction

between these two customers based on their gender. While

the commercial positions the man as the looker, it

positions the woman as the object being looked at and

desired. Thus, Silka's television commercial reinforces

another White Western colonial legacy - the domination of

117
Filipino men over Filipino women.

Silka also reproduced the bipolar oppositions between

blackness and whiteness. The young woman, who is a

customer, signifies whiteness while the female cashier

signifies blackness. The young woman, who has a dark

straight hair that falls down to his shoulders and a slim

figure, is shown wearing a sleeveless orange top, that

exposes her arms and shoulders. On the other hand, the

female cashier is dressed up similarly to a Black mammy,

which became the dominant representation of Black women in

the American media prior to the civil rights movement

(Weems, 2000). In the American media, the Black mammy was

depicted as a heavyset woman who always tucked her curly

hair under her stocking caps and wore an apron. In Silka's

advertisement, the female cashier has a round figure and

wears a hair net, instead of stocking caps, and also an

apron. Silka's contrasting depictions between a light­

skinned and a dark-skinned Filipino woman, thus, also

reflect the intertwining of racial and class ideologies.

While the advertisement associates a white skin tone with

the bourgeoisie, it associates a dark skin tone with the

working class.

118
 The next advertising text also showed the

interrelations among race, gender, and class ideologies in

the white standardization of beauty. The advertisement for

Likas, which is a well-known brand name of skin-whitening

soap in the Philippines, associates a white complexion with

beauty and wealth. Instead of relying on visual images to

transmit its message, Likas' advertisement used more verbal

images.

Likas equates whiteness with beauty by combining the

signifiers "fairer", which denotes whiter, and "beautiful"

in a statement that describes the benefits female consumers

will gain from using Likas papaya soap. Here is an excerpt

from Likas' advertisement copy:

In essence, Likas papaya is made of true,

organic, all-natural botanical ingredients and

even enriched with papaya extracts & enzymes to

produce that smoother, undeniably fairer,

beautiful skin.

The ad copy placed whiteness and beauty within the same

context and category. Thus, Likas implies that whiteness

and beauty are synonymous with each other.

119
 Through the ad copy, Likas also expressed that the

white standardization of beauty has economic implications.

The first paragraph said:

If it's beauty, never take chances. The small

difference in amount that you may find in other

brands does not guarantee you of a more

effective, more satisfying result.

Here, Likas tells female consumers that beauty also has a

social hierarchy. The price of a skin-whitening soap

determines the level of whiteness a female consumer will

achieve. This means that a skin-whitening soap with a

higher price will lead to a whiter, beautiful skin. Thus,

the advertisement implies that light-skinned Filipino women

-in the upper class are more beautiful than those in the
4

middle or lower classes since the former can afford the

high price of beauty. In general, the advertisement

implies that the white standard of beauty connotes social

status.

Since the advertisement associates a white skin tone

with the elite, the advertisement associates a dark skin

tone with the middle and lower classes. Thus, Likas'

advertisement targets middle and lower class Filipino women

who desire to be white, but would choose to purchase a low-

120
priced brand of skin-whitening soap in lieu of their

family's needs. The last paragraph of Likas' ad copy,

tells these women to give more importance to their physical

appearance and encourage them to spend their money on

luxuries rather than on necessities:

Choose the right investment when it comes to

maintaining your beauty. Choose only the

trusted, the proven effective...Likas Papaya

Organic Herbal Whitening Soap.

At the same time, it reinforces the patriarchal notion that

women are valued for their beauty while men are valued for

their intelligence.

RDL, Pop, Silka, and Likas show that the construction

of a white skin tone as the standard of beauty incorporates

dominant race, gender, and class ideologies. These

ideologies usually overlap. However, in this study, gender

ideology dominates the association of a white skin tone

with beauty, since beauty is attributed to femininity.

The Antidote to Poverty

Skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and advertisements

measure Filipino women's success in terms of career and

marriage. CY Gabriel and Maxi-Peel show that a white skin

121
tone enables Filipino women to achieve success. In these

advertisements, a white skin tone represents beauty, which

gives women opportunities to become .rich and famous as well

as have a husband and child.

CY Gabriel showed the association of a white skin tone

with success by employing a reigning Filipino beauty queen,

who is light-skinned like the previous beauty queens of the

Philippines, to endorse its papaya soap in a television

commercial. Although the television commercial does not

promote that CY Gabriel whitens the skin, the signifier

"papaya" indicates that CY Gabriel has the ability to

whiten the skin. Papaya, a tropical fruit, is a popular

whitening agent that most cosmetic corporations in the

Philippines commonly use in manufacturing skin-whiteners.

By choosing a Filipino beauty queen to promote a skin­

whitening cosmetic, CY Gabriel institutionalizes Filipinos'

perception of beauty based on a white skin tone. At the

same time, CY Gabriel links whiteness and beauty to

aristocracy and power.

Wearing a white towel wrapped around her body, the

Filipino beauty queen manifests simplicity. While this .

virtue contradicts the lifestyle associated with her

122
position, it complements her beauty secrets, which she

shares with her audiences. She said:

As a beauty queen, my beauty secrets are simple:

clean living and healthy lifestyle.

Looking straight at the camera as she spoke these words,

she appeared to be a queen addressing her people. In this

case, she was addressing the Filipino masses composed

mainly of the middle and lower classes.

The Filipino beauty queen, in this commercial, offers

hope of upward mobility to Filipino women with simple

lives. Her message implies that underprivileged Filipino

women have the opportunity to achieve a high social

position. Filipino women only need beauty in order to gain

such opportunity. They can achieve beauty simply by

keeping themselves clean and healthy.

The Filipino beauty queen, afterwards, mentioned that

she uses CY Gabriel papaya soap to help her maintain her

beauty. Here, the commercial implies that beauty comes

from having a white skin tone. Since the commercial links

clean living and healthy lifestyle to beauty, CY Gabriel,

thus, associates cleanliness and health to a white skin

tone. Moreover, the commercial perpetuates Mestizas as the

ideal image of Philippine feminine beauty.

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 Like CY Gabriel, Maxi-Peel featured popular Filipino

Mestizas in the Philippines to promote its skin-whitening

astringent in print advertisement. Kristine Hermosa and

Claudine Barretto are both well-known young dramatic

actresses in contemporary Philippine showbusiness.

Synovate, a global market research, revealed that Hermosa

ranked first and Barretto, second among the favorite

actresses of the Philippines (Asian Pacific Post, 2001).

Through these female celebrities, the advertisement shows

that a white skin tone is the Filipino women's key to fame

and fortune.

Maxi-Peel exfoliant works as a skin-whitener by

peeling off the skin's outer layer, which tends to turn

dark due to sun exposure. As the skin's outer layer peels

off, the skin's inner and whiter layer is exposed. In this

way, Maxi-Peel exfoliant whitens the skin. However, the

advertisement promotes Maxi-Peel exfoliant as a beauty

product rather than a skin-whitener. The advertisement

uses synonyms for whiteness to conceal the white ideology

embedded in Maxi-Peel exfoliant.

The advertisement's headline, "What Keeps Kristine and

Claudine Peeling Beautiful?", already gives readers the

hint that the advertisement is about a beauty product. In

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addition, the signifier "peeling" reveals the answer to the

question asked at the beginning of the advertisement. The

advertisement implies that skin peeling keeps the two

female celebrities beautiful. Thus, the advertisement

emphasizes skin peeling as a process of beautifying rather

than whitening the skin.

The advertisement, also, avoided using the signifier

"white" to describe Kristine and Claudine's complexion.

For instance, the advertisement described Kristine's skin

smooth and milky. The adjective "milky" embodies the

qualities of milk, particularly the milk's white color. On

the other hand, the advertisement described Claudine, who

also has a natural white skin tone,, luminous beauty.

Hence, the advertisement uses milk and beauty as synonyms

for a white skin tone.

Both CY Gabriel and Maxi-Peel showed that a light skin

tone gives Filipino women access to wealth and power.

Since a light skin tone signifies beauty, the

advertisements imply that Filipino women do not need hard

work, intelligence, and skills in order to reach the top of

the social ladder. Skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements showed that beauty is not enough for middle ■

or lower class women to move to the upper class. Thus,

125
they perpetuate not only the association of whiteness with

class superiority, but also the patriarchal notion of women

as display objects.

While GY Gabriel and Maxi-Peel depicted a light-

skinned woman successful in her career, Vaseline portrayed

a light-skinned Filipino woman successful in her married

life. Vaseline, however, shows that having a white skin

tone does not necessarily spell success. A light-skinned

woman, according to Vaseline, should not even have dark

spots at all on any part of her body to guarantee that she

would find a husband.

Vaseline used analogy in order to convey its message.

In the commercial, three Filipino Mestizas are compared.

The commercial begins with a woman reading a book by

herself on a park bench. She has short curly hair and

wears a floral, short-sleeved lavender dress that is

matched with a lavender scarf around her neck. The camera

zooms in on her elbow and reveals a slight brown spot.

Then, the camera shifts to another woman who comes in with

a Dalmatian and sits beside the first woman. She has short

straight hair and wears a white dress with black polka

dots. The camera zooms in on her knees and reveals a light

brown spot. Another woman, who has straight black hair

126
arranged in a chignon and wears a colorful dress with thin

straps, joins the two women. The camera, also, zooms in on

her elbows and knees, which are as white as the rest of her

skin. A few minutes after she sits down, her husband and

her son come out from behind the bench and embrace her. In

this regard, the advertisement depicted the third woman in

contrast with the other two. The ad suggests that an even

white skin tone makes a woman complete and gives a woman an

-edge over other women.

The commercials show that all three female characters

have something in common. Aside from having a light skin

tone, they have outfits that match their accessories. They

are well-coordinated in their physical appearance. Their

appearances, also, complement their personality. The first

character, for instance, seems reserved. She represents an

intellectual woman who spends her time buried in a book.

In contrast, the second character is outgoing and enjoys

physical activities. The third character, meanwhile,

appears conservative but sophisticated. While all three

look similar, the advertisement reveals that the third

character is different. She has an even white skin tone

and, furthermore, a happy married life compared with the

other two women, who are both single.

127
 CY Gabriel, Maxi-Peel and Vaseline suggest that a

white skin tone is the key to. Filipino women's success.

According to them, a white skin tone gives women beauty,

which leads them to achieve a glamorous profession and a

high social status. However, they also suggest that having

a white skin tone does not guarantee women success. Women

must compete against each other. In order to come out the

/ winner, Vaseline suggests that women's skin tone must be

perfect.

The Guardian of Purity

■ The republican ideology that perceives the white race

pure (Takaki, 2002) has been resurrected in skin-whitening

cosmetic advertisements. Johnson's and Vaseline both echo

the republican spirit, which Jefferson popularized in the

19th century (Takaki, 2 002), into the 21st century by

associating a white skin tone with purity. These

advertisements defined purity as innocence and

flawlessness.

Johnson's advertisement symbolized purity through an

infant. Johnson's featured a young Filipino Mestiza

holding a Mestiza baby close to her shin. The tip of their

noses was touching and both models were laughing. Through

128
this image, the ad suggests that Johnson's baby milk lotion

will turn an adult woman's skin as soft and smooth as a

baby's skin. This is further complemented by the headline

and the ad copy. The headline, "Baby your skin", tells

women to pamper their skin, to take care of their skin the

way they would take care of a baby. According to the ad,

women can baby their skin by using Johnson's baby milk

lotion because "it contains natural milk proteins which

moisturize and help maintain the skin's natural fairness".

In this case, the ad positions Johnson's baby milk lotion

as nourishment for the skin.

Although the ad does not explicitly claim that

Johnson's baby milk lotion whitens the skin, it positions

the product as a skin-whitening cosmetic because it tells

the readers that by using Johnson's baby milk lotion, they

"can have the baby smooth, baby fair and baby beautiful

skin" they were born with.

Vaseline defines whiteness as being free from

impurities. Vaseline's advertising headline

New Vaseline White & Clear Lotion

the only one enriched with Mela-Lipids:

129
equates whiteness with clarity by placing the adjectives

white and clear together to produce the same meaning. In

contrast, the advertising copy,

Targets your dark spots

While actively whitening your skin

Provides Double UV Protection

From the sun and further skin darkening

equates darkness with impurities that damages a white skin

tone and, therefore, must be eradicated. Vaseline tells

female consumers that by keeping the skin white at all

times, whiteness will prevail over darkness. In this case,

Vaseline represents darkness as an infection that must be

prevented from contaminating whiteness.

By associating whiteness with innocence and purity,

Johnson's and Vaseline reproduce the traditional

representation of whiteness as good. Since the opposite of

whiteness is darkness, these advertisements also represent

darkness as evil. Johnson's and Vaseline claim that their

products will prevent and eliminate darkness by whitening

the skin. In this regard, these advertisements represent

whiteness as the guardian of purity.

130
 The Cure for Insecurity

A deodorant, as the term suggests, eliminates odor,

particularly a foul odor. Skin-whitening cosmetic

commercials and advertisements, however, have given

deodorant a new meaning and, therefore, a new function.

DeoWhite and Secret primarily promote their deodorant

product's ability to whiten underarms. They tell female

consumers that white, instead of odor-free, underarms will

give them self-confidence.

DeoWhite places more importance on white underarms by

citing first its product's skin-whitening function in the

ad copy. The ad copy stated:

Your white underarms with DeoWhite are to die

for. It's because DeoWhite is the one with

Axillume Plus that whitens dark underarms.

DeoWhite also kills odor-causing bacteria and

helps control sweat.

The signifier also, which appears in the last statement of

the copy, indicates that DeoWhite regards its product's

anti-bacterial and anti-perspiration functions as

additional perks only. Hence, DeoWhite implies that

whiteness comes first before hygiene..

131
 While DeoWhite's ad copy informs consumers of DeoWhite

deodorant's skin-whitening function, DeoWhite's heading and

visual image show the value of having white underarms. The

heading, "Dying with envy...use DeoWhite", suggests that

DeoWhite can cure women of insecurity by whitening women's

underarms. The visual image, in turn, illustrates why

women with dark underarms envy women with white underarms.

DeoWhite used contrasting images in conveying its message.

The advertisement featured one female college student, who

is wearing a sleeveless top, sitting on one side of the

bench while five male college students are looking at her.

The female student seems to be unfazed and enjoying the

attention.

On the other side of the bench, the advertisement

showed two brown-skinned female college students, who are

wearing blouses with sleeves, watching the scene at the

other side. They have sad faces. These contrasting images

have two implications. First, the advertisement implies

that a woman with white underarms is privileged to wear

clothes that expose a private body part. In the Filipino

culture, dark underarms are embarrassing because the dark

color makes underarms look unwashed and unshaven. Thus,

Filipino women who wear clothes with sleeves all the time

132
are more likely concealing dark underarms. Second, the

advertisement implies that women with exposed white

underarms attract men. Thus, having white underarms make

women physically attractive and sexually appealing:

Through contrast, DeoWhite reproduces bipolar

oppositions between black/darkness and white/whiteness.

The advertisement associates black/darkness with

repression, insecurity, non-aggressiveness and repulsion.

On the other hand, the advertisement associates

white/whiteness with freedom, self-confidence,

aggressiveness, and attractiveness.

Similarly, Secret shows that whiteness gives Filipino

women confidence to expose their underarms which, in the

Filipino culture, are considered private body parts. The

commercial, also, emphasizes Secret deodorant's ability to

whiten rather than deodorize underarms. According to the

ad, Secret "keeps your skin naturally light." It

demonstrated how Secret saves women from embarrassment. A

fair-skinned woman wearing a blue, sleeveless is stretching

her arms upward and backward, thus, exposing her white and

dry underarms. A male model comes up to her and helps her

stretch her arms. His face gets close to her underarm.

She frowns. The word "Exposed?" comes up. Then, she

133
smiles. Her reaction showed that she was embarrassed at

first, then became at ease, after remembering that her

underarms are white. Thus, Secret shows that white

underarms relieve women of insecurity. At the same time,

men are attracted to women with white underarms.

DeoWhite and Secret both show that a dark skin tone is

a source of women's shame and insecurity. These

uncomfortable and negative feelings oppress women. In

order to be liberated, DeoWhite and Secret call for the

elimination of dark spots. They urge women with dark skin

tone or dark spots on their skin to become white. Thus,

DeoWhite and Secret associate whiteness with confidence.

Discussion

Consistent with discourses on the colonial

construction of whiteness, this study found that television

commercials and women's magazine advertisements of skin­

whitening cosmetics in the Philippines reinforce colonial

legacies that idealize whiteness. They show that

whiteness, visibly represented through a white skin tone,

is associated with beauty, wealth, power, and purity.

Although both Filipino men and women reenact whiteness, the

commercials and advertisements indicate that whiteness is

' 134
more significant for the latter because beauty and purity

are both stereotypes of femininity. A white skin tone,

according to the commercials and advertisements, bestows

women the beauty that they need in order to gain access to

wealth and power. While they define wealth in terms of

having a lucrative career, they manifest power through

self-confidence.

Since the skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements analyzed for this study echo the colonial

construction of whiteness, this study concurs with other

research that concluded the mass media was an ideological

apparatus and neo-colonizer. Although whiteness most

prominently exudes racism, the semiotic analysis of skin­

whitening cosmetic commercials and advertisements

illustrates that whiteness equally promotes sexism and

classism. Their stereotypical association of a white

skin tone with femininity shows that the male gaze is

embedded in the socio-cultural construction of whiteness.

The male gaze, according to Bartky (1998), Franzoi (2001),

and Milium (1975), dictates how women should look like as

well as how women should look at themselves and at each

other.

135
 Skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements, also, signify that a white skin tone,

instead of good conduct, makes women pure. Their

association of a white skin tone with purity reverberates

with the 19th century perception that the White race

symbolizes purity and the Black race symbolizes filth.

Thus, skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements' promotion of whiteness establishes the

white skin tone as an ideal component of the image of

femininity and the standard by which women evaluate

themselves.

13 6
 CHAPTER FIVE

WHITENESS UNVEILED

The results of the semiotic analysis of skin-whitening

cosmetic television commercials and women's magazine

advertisements in the preceding chapter has addressed this

study's first research question, do skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements reinforce the colonial construction of

whiteness. It has shown that these commercials and

advertisements perpetuate colonial legacies that associate

whiteness with beauty, wealth, and power. However, the

semiotic analysis deals only with one objective of this

research, which is to expose how the Philippine mass media

promote whiteness. The other objective of this study is to

investigate how the mass media's promotion of whiteness

contributes in perpetuating current Filipino cultural

identity crisis. This chapter presents findings on the

three research questions asked through group interviews of

Filipino women who have been influenced by television

commercials and women's magazine advertisements to use

skin-whitening cosmetics. Following the focus group

interviews was the thematic analysis of the participants'

collective narratives. This study found that the following

137
three themes emerged from their discussions: skin­

whitening cosmetic advertisements' representations of

whiteness have caused them as Filipino women to perceive

themselves as inferior; have ’engaged Filipino women in

unknowingly perpetuating their subordination; and have

pacified Filipino women to keep them from struggling

against Western domination of their Filipino culture. In

the following sections is evidence to support these three

findings.

Whiteness Diminishes Filipino Women's

Self-concept

Advertisements, according to Western mass media

studies (Twitchell, 1996; Vinikas, 1992; Watson, 1998;

Bignell, 1997; Currie, 1999; and McCracken, 1993), attempt

to persuade audiences to buy their products by associating

products with social values and images that appeal to human

desires. Advertisements that target women in particular

often make women feel insecure through feminine images that

represent the hegemonic notion of beauty, sexual

desirability, and self-satisfaction. Advertisements'

influence on audiences, however, is determined by other

factors crucial to audiences' internalization of

138
advertising messages. First, audiences must have

considerable amount of exposure to advertisements. Second,

audiences must be able to decode the same meaning that

advertisers encoded in the advertisements.

Focus group interview participants in this study-

demonstrated heavy exposure to skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements by reiterating what these advertisements say

either about skin-whitening cosmetics or a white skin tone.

At the same time, the participants' perceptions about

themselves in relation to advertisements were shown to have

motivated them to use skin-whitening cosmetics. Thus, the

focus group interview has addressed the second research

question:

Does exposure to skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements cause non-white Filipino women to

perceive themselves as inferior to light-skinned women

and to use skin-whiteners to raise their self-esteem?

Participants from both focus groups recalled primarily

the skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and advertisements'

association of whiteness with beauty.

Focus Group 1

Amy: If you're consistent in using the product, you

will be able to maintain your good looks.

139
 Linda: If you use the product, you will be more

beautiful.

Olivia: If you're white, it (the product) adds to

your beauty because it (the product) reduces the skin

melatonin. They (advertisements) also say that guys

will be attracted to you.

Focus Group 2

Daisy: It attracts guys.

Rosa: Boys will be attracted to you if you have a

smooth skin.

Jackie: He (husband or boyfriend) will always be by

your side.

Mercy: Involving boys is popular in (skin-whitening

cosmetic) commercials at present. Do you recall that

commercial showing a girl with dark armpits? What a

turn off.

Myla: Block & White.

Rosa: That's true. Dark armpits are really a turn

off. You can't wear sleeveless.

Mercy: That's why the model clipped her arms to her

side.

The participants' reading of the skin-whitening

advertisements they were exposed to resembled my findings

140
of skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements' representations

of whiteness. The similarity of our findings, however,

should not be taken as an indication that the focus group

participants were trained to read media texts- using

semiotic analysis. Some skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements explicitly show that a white skin tone

represents beauty. The Block & White TV commercial, which

the second focus group participants cited in their

discussion, exemplifies the blatant way skin-whitening

cosmetic advertisements promote whiteness.

Block & White has not been included in my textual

analysis of skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements, but I

am familiar with this commercial. The commercial features

a light-skinned female server wearing a sleeveless top. As

she approaches three male customers, she overhears these

men talk about women. Each male customer mentions that

women with dark underarms turn them off. The server, then,

clips her arms and backs into the dark section of the

restaurant, which implies that she has dark underarms.

Similar to my semiotic analysis of Vaseline skin­

whitening lotion, Block & White emphasizes the importance

of having even light skin tone. Thus, Block & White

reproduces the anti-miscegenation views of 19th century

141
White Americans, which proposed that the intellectual,

entrepreneurial, and virtuous White race be protected from

the barbaric, lazy, and sensual non-white races (Takaki,

2001). These views dichotomized the relationship between

Whites and non-whites. Through them, White Americans in

the 19th century were able to justify their domination of

non-whites. However, Block & White has concealed its

racist message by prominently showing whiteness as a gender

issue.

Since ideological meanings are latent and focus group

interview participants are not trained in semiotic

analysis, the participants are not able to decode the

racial and patriarchal ideology in Block & White and other

skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements they were exposed

to. The participants know that skin-whitening cosmetic

commercials and advertisements associate a white skin tone

with beauty because this relationship is shown in the

denotative level. This awareness indicates that the

participants are exposed to these commercials and

advertisements. However, based on their group discussions,

this study inferred that exposure to advertisements does

not eventually persuade the participants to purchase skin­

whitening cosmetic products. The participants do not find

142
advertisements convincing immediately because they believe

that advertisements only inform consumers of the product's

benefits. They stated:

Focus Group 1

Olivia: Advertisements do not convince me because I

know advertisements only show the product's good

effects.

Annie: At first, ads sound convincing because, of

course, they have to sell the product. Most of the

time, I kinda lose my trust in advertisements because

most companies, when they advertise, they sound really

good and true. But after using the product for a

while, the product turns out to be ineffective. So,

ads kind of trick or deceive people.

Linda: Advertisements convince me to try the

product if they show the product's whitening effects

through a model.

Amy: The same thing; If I see the effects of the

product in the commercial, then I will be convinced.

Focus Group 2

Mercy: I believe in the product's effectiveness if

the ad says dermatology-tested.

143
 Jane: I don't trust ads. If my friends tell me

that the advertised product is effective, then I try

the product.

These statements imply that the participants are only

partly suspicious of advertisements. However, they

consider testimonies from experts in the field of

dermatology, actual users of the product being advertised,

and people they know as more reliable sources of

information. Their reliance on personal recommendation

reflects the collectivist nature of the Filipino culture.

Filipinos think in terms of what is acceptable to their in­

group. In this case, the participants' in-group included

consumers of skin-whitening cosmetics and the out-group

included skin-whitening cosmetic advertisers.

Although commercial models work for the advertisers,

in the participants' minds, they represent the consumers'

interest. The participants believe that commercial models

risk their face and their body when they agree to try the

advertised products. Furthermore, the participants deem

that commercial models, particularly celebrity endorsers,

risk their reputation when they guarantee the effectiveness

of the advertised product. Thus, the participants find

144
commercial models' testimonies credible. These perceptions

were revealed in the following statements:

Focus Group 1

Amy: I think models have sensitive skin. If the

product is effective on them, it is effective as well

on ordinary people like me.

Olivia: Actresses, who are also commercial models,

such as Kris Aquino and Christine Hermosa, and

Christine Bersola are convincing. I read in a

magazine that Christine Bersola doesn't endorse a

product that is not effective on her. So, I think the

model tries the product first before endorsing it.

Annie: If they can make a woman pretty, like the

woman in the advertisement, then I would believe. It

helps especially if they use commercial models who are

really pretty, with fair, clear skin. If they can

turn me into one of these women, then I would love

using the product.

Focus Group 2

Myla: Through the model, especially in TV

commercials, you will see the product's effect; if the

model's skin becomes smooth and white in two weeks.

145
 Liz: The model has a stronger impact than just a

slogan. Advertisements usually employ models who are

naturally beautiful and have good skin in order to

convince people to buy the product. People get

attracted to the commercial model, but do not believe

in the slogan right away. People would like to see

the product's effect.

While the participants perceive female commercial

models as credible witnesses to skin-whitening cosmetics'

effectiveness, they also see in these models the ideal

image of femininity. The commercial models exemplify the

physical qualities of women who are perceived desirable in

the Filipino culture. Thus, the light-skinned female

commercial models represent Filipino women's desired

selves. In contrast, they represent female audiences as

undesirable.

While exposure to skin-whitening cosmetic commercials

on television and advertisements in women's magazines has

instilled in the participants' mind the white standard of

beauty, it has also diminished the participants' self­

esteem. Their motivations for using skin-whitening

cosmetics reflect their acquired inferiority complex. They

said:

146
Focus Group 1

Amy: For us women, we have to be presentable to

everybody, in everything...that' s why we need to use

skin-whitening products like astringent or soap.

Olivia: I use whitening products because they add to

my personality. When I apply for a job, although I am

only a student, I know that first impressions last.

They will look at your personality. If you're white,

that adds to your personality.

To be more specific, I asked Olivia who she was referring

to when she said "They". She answered:

Olivia: Of course, the managers, human resources

department, those in charge of hiring.

In this discussion, Olivia indirectly linked whiteness

with personality and greater chance of employment

opportunity. When Olivia was directly asked if employers

prefer applicants with light skin tone, she downplayed the

importance of a light skin tone in the employment hiring

process. She said that employers will primarily look at

the applicant's job skills. The skin color is only

secondary.

Linda, who works as a secretary, supported Olivia's

testimony. She said:

147
 Linda: Sometimes, I accept employment applications.

For the management position, with pleasing personality

is one of the qualifications. However, it is placed

at the bottom of the application form. It is

included, although it is not necessary.

Focus Group 2

Toni: I am a mother. I don't want people to think

that I am neglecting myself just because I have kids

already. Also, I go to work. I want to look

presentable.

Myla: So people would say that I look good although I

just stay home and I am only a housewife. Also, so my

husband would always find me attractive whenever he

comes home.

Mercy: So your husband would not replace you.

Nina: To be confident; when you're white, you can

carry yourself well regardless of what clothes to

wear.

Through these statements, the participants revealed

that they associate whiteness with looking presentable,

having a pleasing personality, and possessing self-

confidence. In addition, they showed that the participants

are deprived of such qualities because of their dark skin.

148
Thus, the participants have perceived themselves inferior

in relation to skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements' representations of whitehess.

While it appears that the participants' desire for

whiteness is aimed towards satisfying themselves, it is

actually geared towards pleasing others. The participants-

regard whiteness as an integral part of female sexuality

because of its significance to the opposite sex and to the

general public. They desire to be white because Filipino

men find light-skinned women attractive and that most

Filipinos find light-skinned women amiable. In this

regard, whiteness has become a guarantee for Filipino women

of a successful heterosexual relationship and a career.

The skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements' direct

influence on Filipino female audiences' self-concept is

manifested through the participants' comparison of

themselves with the commercial models in the

advertisements. Some of the participants feel frustrated

in knowing that they would never achieve the models' white

skin tone. Others, on the other hand, remain hopeful.

Focus Group 1

Amy: Sometimes I would compare myself to the models.

I would tell myself that someday, I would be as white

149
 as they are. That's why I use not just one, but

several skin-whitening products.

Linda: Since they are models, you want your skin to

be like theirs. You expect your skin to resemble the

model's skin.

Amy: Although we know that Kris Aquino has natural

white skin tone, we seem to desire to be as white as

she is because we will be more attractive to people.

Linda: The reality is, Kris already has a white

complexion. Since she still uses skin-whiteners,

you'll not be able to achieve her whiteness. It also

depends on your complexion.

Focus Group 2

Esther: I just want to have a fair skin tone.

Daisy: We don't expect to be as white as commercial

models or actresses because those people always have

air-conditioning and visit their dermatologist.

Mercy: I use skin-whitening cosmetics just to keep my

skin tone light.

In sum, the focus group interviews have shown that

skin-whitening cosmetic commercials on Philippine

television and advertisements in Filipino-owned women's

magazines' promotion of whiteness have denigrated Filipino

150
women's self-concept. Through light-skinned, female

commercial models, skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements represent the ideal image of femininity in

the Filipino culture. This representation establishes a

bipolar opposition between female commercial models, who

signify the desired self and female audiences, who signify

the undesired self.

Whiteness Engages Filipino Women in

Perpetuating their Subordination

Although skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements

perpetuate Filipino women's adherence to whiteness, they

only nurture Filipino women's desire for white complexion.

Their desire is rooted in Filipino social and cultural

practices that valorize whiteness. This section addresses

the third research question:

Do Filipino social and cultural practices that

valorize whiteness initially cause Filipino women to

want to be white?

Based on the participants' narratives, this study

concludes that Filipinos' reenactment of whiteness has

initially triggered Filipino women's desire to be white.

Filipino men's preference for light-skinned women has

151
particularly encouraged Filipino women to use skin­

whitening cosmetics. The participants said:

Focus Group 1

Amy: I desired to look white when my husband urged me

to use skin-whiteners. Now, everytime I want to try a

product that I saw on a TV commercial, I ask for his

opinion. He will really promote the product and push

me to use it because in our business, I need to be

presentable to our customers. We own a shop and I am

the one who deals with our customers face-to-face.

Olivia: I desired to look white when I transferred to

Fatima College. It was because most of my classmates

were 1ight-skinned. I was different. Sometimes, they

mocked me. I felt being discriminated against because

of my dark skin.

Linda: I just want to be white because people admire

J
those who are white.

Marylou: I have noticed that when a very white­

skinned girl passes by, heads turn to her. Guys are

more attracted to a very white-skinned girl.

Annie: I remember when I was! growing up, people would

say 'Oh, she's so white' or 'Oh, she has a light skin

tone'. I found that a compliment. Ever since then, I

152
 V

thought that a light skin tone is good and beautiful.

So, I try to keep and maintain my skin color because

of what people had said about me when I was growing

up.

Focus Group 2

Marcia: I think boys prefer light-skinned girls.

There were a lot of lovely girls at the University of

the Philippines and all of them are light-skinned.

There were also a lot of cute guys, but they only pay

attention to light-skinned girls.

Mel: Same here. I got envious of others who are

light-skinned, although the Filipinos' natural skin

color is dark brown.

Colonialism, earlier studies showed, greatly

influenced the Filipinos' racial perceptions and relations.

It created in them a mentality that valorizes a white skin

tone and naturalizes racial hierarchy. However the

association of whiteness with beauty permeated gender

relations as well. Whiteness was stereotyped as a feminine

quality and stratified relationships among women, with

those who have light complexion at' the top of the social

strata. Whiteness, in this regard, became both a race and

gender category.

153
 The participants' responses to this theme illustrate

what Duster (2001) calls the morphing properties of

whiteness. White domination, which is manifested through

discrimination against non-whites, is whiteness' racial

property. On the other hand, male admiration of light­

skinned women displays whiteness' gender property.

The participants' experiences of whiteness further

demonstrate the sexist ideology of whiteness. Most of the

participants stated that they desire to look white because

men are more attracted to women with a light skin tone.

These statements imply that women's desire for whiteness

aims to please men primarily. Women evaluate themselves

and other women based on a criterion that men use in

evaluating women. Hence, women view themselves in the same

way that men look at them. By adhering to the white

standard of beauty, Filipino women also submit themselves

to patriarchy and participate in their subordination. In

addition to Filipino men, the older generation of Filipinos

also contributes in perpetuating whiteness. Filipino

elders instill hegemonic notions of whiteness in the minds

of young Filipino people early in life. The young

generation, then, transmits these notions to the generation

that follows them.

154
 While the white standards of beauty cause light­

skinned women to perceive themselves positively, they make

dark-skinned women feel inferior. Annie, for instance,

developed positive perceptions about herself because she

received numerous compliments due to her skin color when

she was a child. Olivia, on the other hand, has

experienced discrimination from her light-skinned

classmates and, thus, has suffered from low self-esteem.

The discrimination was painful that she did not want to

describe it specifically.

Instead of criticizing whiteness, the focus group

interviews have shown that marginalized Filipino women

struggle to conform to the white construction of Filipino

femininity. Filipino women's lack of resistance to

whiteness' oppressive effects on them is a trademark of

Western colonization. As cited in the literature review

chapter, the Filipino elite during the Spanish colonial

period aimed to assimilate the Philippines into Spain.

Such colonial mentality has been incorporated in the social

constructions of whiteness. Thus, by reenacting whiteness,

the Filipinos in general subject their gender, race, and

class identities to white domination.

155
 Whiteness Pacifies Filipino Women to Keep them
from Struggling against Western Domination of
their Filipino Culture

Earlier, this study established the interconnection

between colonialism and skin-whitening cosmetic commercials

and advertisements in building Filipino women's desire for

whiteness. Colonialism and skin-whitening cosmetic

commercials and advertisements' association of whiteness

primarily with beauty motivate Filipino women to look white

and use skin-whiteners to fulfill their desire. As women

become more involved in making their skin white, the more

they believe in the gender, racial, and class ideology that

whiteness represents. The theme that has emerged from the

following discussions addresses the fourth research

question:

Does skin-whitening cosmetic advertisements' promotion

of whiteness perpetuate the hegemonic notions of race,

gender, and class which the Filipinos have inherited

from their Western colonizers?

The colonial construction of whiteness, which

television commercials and women's magazine advertisements

of skin-whitening cosmetics currently reinforce,

dichotomized gender and racial relationships at the same

time. Whiteness was associated with femininity and, in

156
contrast, darkness was associated with masculinity.

Filipino women have also internalized this dichotomy. The

participants stated:

Focus Group 1

Amy: I already proved that that's the nature of men.

My husband and I have been married for five years. He

always takes me with him to the race. I'd noticed

that men really value beauty, women's physical

appearance, white complexion. They look for beauty.

They don't get attracted to dark-skinned women.

Olivia: That's really how men are. If they will

court a woman, they look at her physical appearance

first. Women are different. Although we also look at

a man's physical appearance, it doesn't matter to us.

All we care for is that our man loves us.

Linda: Men give importance to personality, the

physical appearance. But, they're not only after

beauty. They also look at other characteristics. Not

all men look at physical appearance. Not all men like

white-skinned women. I accept the fact that men

consider a girl's physical appearance first. But I

can't blame them because they're men. It seems they

were born to be like that.

157
Focus Group 2

Mercy: In my opinion, boys do prefer light-skinned

women.

Jackie: That's how men are.

Liz: A light skin tone looks good on women.

Since most participants perceive that men naturally

find light-skinned women attractive, they therefore

perceive that women naturally desire to be white. The

participants said that Filipino women particularly strive

to achieve a white complexion because they are brown­

skinned. However, some participants from both focus groups

argued that skin color is not a fixed gender category.

While some of them based their argument on their

observation that some light-skinned men prefer dark-skinned

women, others cited their own preference for light-skinned

men to support their argument.

While the participants are aware that Filipinos

descended from the brown race, as indicated by their brown

skin, they are also conscious of Filipinos' multiracial

identities, which they know occurred through interracial

mixture. Furthermore, they are aware that the whiteness of

some Filipinos originated from their Spanish and American

colonizers. Despite this consciousness that Westerners

158
subjugated Filipinos in the past, the participants do not

hold former colonial masters responsible for creating in

Filipino women the desire to be white. Instead, they blame

this desire to themselves, whom they perceive inferior. To

illustrate:

Focus Group 1

Olivia: Filipinos just hate themselves. Other races

don't hate the Filipinos. Maybe they (other cultures)

hate the Filipinos because we're not as intelligent as

they are. There are Americans who prefer a morena

wife, and so, I don't think they look at the skin

color.

Annie: Yes, Filipinos have colonial mentality. They

always want to follow people in the West. Anything

that's from the West, they want to copy it. Since the

West is white, then the Filipinos want to be white.

The Filipinos have always been like that. They always

want to be white.

Similarly, the second focus group perceives Filipino

women's desire for whiteness as a natural reaction of an

inferior culture to a superior one. Since they said that

the West is superior, they therefore imply that their

Filipino culture is inferior. Thus, the participants

159
willingly submit their femininity and their Filipino

culture to white domination. Evidence of this colonial

mentality is embedded in these statements:

Focus Group 1

Linda: Discrimination exists only in our minds. We

just want higher appreciation.

Focus Group 2

Mercy: The truth is that white, and not black, is

beautiful. That's the reason we women desire to have

a white complexion.

Discussion

The findings of the focus group interviews indicate

that television commercials and women's magazine

advertisements of skin-whitening cosmetics in the

Philippines influence Filipino women's development of self-

concept and cultural identity in relation to gender and

race. While these commercials and advertisements'

promotion of whiteness denigrates Filipino women, whose

skin color is either dark or less white, it also

perpetuates their subordination and Western domination of

their Filipino culture. The commercials and advertisements

naturalize the hegemonic notions of gender and race in the

160
Filipino culture. In this case, Filipino women perceive

hegemony as fixed and, therefore, cannot be challenged.

While the semiotic analysis of skin-whitening cosmetic

commercials and advertisements have found that whiteness is

promoted as an indicator of social class, the focus group

interviews have invalidated the relationship between

whiteness and social class from the audiences' perspective.

The focus group findings indicate that most participants do

not find in the commercials and advertisements the

association of whiteness with wealth and darkness with

poverty. Thus, the findings imply that white ideology in

the Philippines permeates only gender and race relations.

In general, the focus group interview findings show

that skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and advertisements

contribute in perpetuating Filipino cultural identity

crisis. Through Filipino women, who also embody Filipino

men in the patriarchal construction of their femininity,

these commercials and advertisements' promotion of

whiteness reinforce colonial legacies that created the

crisis. The association of whiteness with superiority

continues to diminish Filipinos' sense of pride and to

uphold social inequality in Philippine society. Instead of

struggling to liberate themselves from white domination,

161
Filipinos strive to look white because they perceive that

whiteness will make them part of the dominant culture and

will give them access to power.

162
 CHAPTER SIX

CONCLUSION

The Spanish and American colonization of the

Philippines, which occurred from 1698 to 1945, has created

current Filipino cultural identity crisis by instilling in

the Filipinos a mentality that idealizes whiteness. The

current Filipino identity crisis is particularly manifested

in Filipinos' preference for a white skin tone. Since

Filipinos have descended from the brown race, their

preference for a white skin tone signifies rejection of

their racial identity. Furthermore, it marginalizes lower

class, non-white Filipino women because Western

colonization has associated a white skin tone with beauty,

wealth, intelligence, and power.

Whereas Spanish and American colonization has

institutionalized whiteness in the Filipino culture, the

Philippine mass media perpetuate this ideology in the

postcolonial period. The Philippine mass media reinforce

whiteness' symbolical meanings by glamorizing light-skinned

Filipino men and women. Since the mass media also function

as an agent of socialization, their ideal representations

of whiteness influence Filipino audiences' perception of

163
themselves and their cultural identity in relation to race,

gender, and class. In this regard, Filipinos with a dark

skin tone perceive themselves inferior to those with light

skin tone.

In order to resolve Filipino cultural identity crisis,

Philippine studies researchers call for a reexamination and

revision of Philippine history and acknowledgement of

Filipino cultural diversity. However, these proposals

focus only on Western colonization's role in

institutionalizing whiteness, which originally caused an

earlier Filipino cultural identity crisis. Research has

shown that social institutions such as the school, the

elite, and the mass media have taken over from former

Western colonial masters in promoting whiteness in the

postcolonial period. Thus, these social institutions

should also be investigated for their role in perpetuating

current Filipino cultural identity crisis.

This study contributes to research that attempts to

resolve the Filipino cultural identity crisis by

investigating the Philippine mass media's promotion of

whiteness. Particularly, this study seeks to find out how

the mass media represent whiteness through a white skin

tone and how these representations of whiteness affect

164
Filipinos. In order to meet these objectives, this study

has employed two qualitative research methods.

First, this study has conducted a semiotic analysis of

television commercials and women's magazine advertisements

of skin-whitening cosmetics in the Philippines in order to

expose the representations of whiteness. The commercials

were aired on the two major Philippine television stations,

ABS-CBN Channel 2 and GMA Channel 7, in July 2003. They

sponsored daytime soap operas as well as nighttime dramatic

programs. Out of the 20 cosmetic commercials recorded,

five promoted their products specifically as skin-

whiteners. These commercials were RDL, Vaseline, Secret,

CY Gabriel, and Silka. On the other hand, the

advertisements were featured in the July and October 2003

issues of Mod, Woman Today, and Women's Journal, all

Filipino-owned monthly women's magazines that are published

in English. Six cosmetics were selected for this study.

These were Likas papaya soap, Johnson & Johnson's baby milk

lotion, Pop skin care products, Maxi-Peel exfoliant,

Vaseline intensive care lotion and DeoWhite deodorant.

Second, this study has conducted a focus group

interview of two groups of Filipino women, who have been

motivated by television commercials and women's magazines

165
to use skin-whitening cosmetics, in order to explore how

the mass media's promotion of whiteness influences Filipino

audiences' development of their self-concept and cultural

identity in relation to race, gender, and class. The focus

group interview participants were recruited through a

screening survey of 200 Filipino women. While half of

these women were surveyed in Dagupan City, the other half

were surveyed in Caloocan City. Ten Filipino women from

each surveyed group were selected and contacted for the

focus group interviews. Only six participants came to the

focus group interview in Caloocan, but all ten came to the

focus group interview in Dagupan City.

This study involved Filipino women only because they

are the primary target of skin-whitening cosmetic

advertisements. In addition, Filipino women fairly

•represent men since their femininity was constructed from

the male perspective. The women selected for the focus

group interviews all belong to the middle class and are

between the age of 20 and 40. They also represent a

diverse social sector and possess varying skin tones.

The first focus group was composed of four working

women, who are all white-skinned, and two students, who are

both dark brown-skinned. Out of the working women, only

166
one is married. One of the two students is majoring in

nursing, while the other one is taking her Master's degree

in Nutrition. On the other hand, the second focus group

consisted of three married working women and seven students

majoring in Computer Science. Four of them are light­

skinned, while the others' skin color ranges from tan to

dark brown.

In conducting this study, there were four research

questions asked. First, do television commercials and

women's magazine advertisements of skin-whitening cosmetics

in the Philippines reinforce the colonial construction of

whiteness? Second, does exposure to television commercials

and women's magazine advertisements of skin-whitening

cosmetics and their representations of whiteness diminish

Filipino women's self-esteem? Third, have Filipino social

and cultural practices created in Filipino women the desire

to be white? Fourth, does Filipino women's idealization of

whiteness perpetuate their hegemonic notions of race,

gender, and class?

Findings and Recommendations

The results of the semiotic analysis of skin-whitening

cosmetic commercials on television and advertisements in

167
women's magazines in the Philippines have shown that the

Philippine mass media reinforce colonial legacies by-

associating a white skin tone with beauty, wealth, and

power. At the same time, the results of the focus group

interview of two groups of Filipino women who use skin­

whitening cosmetics have shown that the Philippine mass

media's representations of whiteness negatively influence

Filipinos' self-concept and cultural identity development.

They have also shown that the Filipinos' reenactment of

whiteness largely shapes Filipino mentality.

However, the focus group interview results do not strongly

indicate that Filipino participants perceive whiteness as

their access to wealth and power.

The semiotic analysis reveals particularly the

Philippine mass media's promotion of whiteness as the

standard of beauty and the key to achieving wealth and

power. This study found that beauty is defined through a

white skin tone. Since beauty is stereotypically

attributed to femininity, whether in the Philippines or

abroad, whiteness has more marginalizing effects on

Filipino women. These effects were found through the focus

group interview analysis. While the semiotic analysis

shows that white-skinned women are superior to non-white

168
women, it also shows that a hierarchy exists within the

dominant white group. The hierarchy is dictated by the

degree of women's whiteness. The advertisements imply that

Filipino Mestizas who acquired their light skin tone

through their Spanish, Chinese, and White American

ancestry, are superior to dark-skinned Filipino women, but

are inferior to Caucasian women, who descended from a pure

white race. Thus, skin-whitening cosmetics also target

already light-skinned Filipino women and encourage them to

improve their looks. In addition, skin-whitening cosmetic

commercials and advertisements tie whiteness in the

Philippines to a global issue.

In relation to beauty, the semiotic analysis findings

indicate that the white standard of beauty gives light­

skinned Filipino women opportunities for upward mobility.

Whiteness, according to the commercials and advertisements,

will bring women fame and fortune because a white skin tone

is used as a qualification for becoming a celebrity, a

fashion model, or a beauty queen. Thus, the findings

indicate that whiteness is strongly tied to class issues.

The commercials and advertisements demonstrated power

through self-confidence. If women are confident, then they

will have the power to expose parts of their bodies such as

169
their shoulders and underarms. Furthermore, like a magnet,

they will have the power to attract men. However, the

commercials and advertisements showed that power can only

be achieved by having a white skin tone.

The skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements' association of a white skin tone with

beauty primarily intensifies Filipino women's desire for a

white complexion. The focus group interview results show

that most Filipino women who are engaged in whitening their

skin expect to improve their looks. While improving one's

physical appearance is a legitimate desire, the association

of whiteness with the desired look and darkness with the

undesirable is unwarranted. However, the focus group shows

that skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and advertisements

reinforce this bipolar opposition between a white and a

dark skin tone and diminish Filipino women's self-esteem.

Most Filipino female consumers of skin-whitening cosmetics

perceive themselves inferior in comparison with commercial

models. While they expect that continuous use of skin­

whitening cosmetics will fulfill their desire for a white

complexion, they also face the reality that they will never

achieve the skin-whitening cosmetic endorsers' natural

whiteness.

170
 Although skin-whitening cosmetic commercials and

advertisements reinforce the Western colonial construction

of a white skin tone as the standard of beauty in the

Filipino culture, they only contribute to Filipino women's

desire to be white. The Filipino social and cultural

reenactment of whiteness mainly creates in Filipino women

the desire for a white complexion. The focus group

interview results show that most Filipino women who are

engaged in whitening their skin have observed that a white

skin tone attracts the opposite sex, earns compliments, and

boosts self-confidence.

As Filipino women using skin-whitening cosmetics

perceive themselves inferior to naturally white Filipino

women, they also perceive their cultural identity

subordinate to the West, which in their mind represents the

White race. The focus group interviews' results indicate

that most Filipino women who whiten their skin have

internalized the hegemonic notion that the Western culture

is naturally superior to the Filipino culture. In this

case, they acknowledge as a fact that the West sets

aesthetic standards which the Filipino culture, because of

its subordinate position, inevitably follows. Thus, these

171
women willingly submit their cultural identity to white

domination. ?

Since Filipino women who look up to the West adhere to

a white skin tone as the standard of beauty in their

culture, they expect that Filipino men naturally are

attracted to light-skinned women. The focus group

interviews show that Filipino women conform to existing

stereotypes of gender in the Filipino culture based on skin

color. For instance, they associate darkness with

masculinity and whiteness with femininity. Hence, Filipino

women's idealization of whiteness reinforces their

culture's hegemonic perceptions of gender.

While the focus group interviews' results demonstrate

that whiteness intersects with Filipino female skin­

whitening cosmetic consumers' perceptions of gender and

race, they show that whiteness has a weak influence on

these women's notions about class. The focus group

interviews reveal that Filipino women perceive a white skin

tone insignificant to women's upward mobility. Filipino

women view that a white skin tone makes up a pleasing

personality and, thus, increases their chance for .

employment. However, they believe that employment does not

automatically translate to economic advancement.

172
Furthermore, they perceive that employers give more

importance to job skills than a pleasing personality.

In sum, the findings of the semiotic analysis of skin­

whitening cosmetic television commercials and women's

magazine advertisements in the Philippines and of the focus

group interviews of Filipino women who use skin-whitening

cosmetics show that Western colonization's legacies of

whiteness intertwine with the Philippine mass media in

perpetuating the current Filipino cultural identity crisis.

According to the findings of this study, the Philippine

mass media nurture Filipino women's idealization of

whiteness by reinforcing the white ideology that former

Western colonizers incorporated in Filipino race and gender

relations. The Philippine mass media, through skin­

whitening cosmetic commercials and advertisements,

influence Filipino women's development of self-concept

first. They have diminished Filipino women's pride for

themselves and pushed Filipino women to submit themselves

to male domination. Since the self is made up of cultural

categories such as race and gender, the mass media's

influence how Filipino women's development of self-concept

trickles down as well to their cultural identity.

173
 Filipinos who experience the current cultural identity

crisis are composed of various cultural categories. This

study has limited its investigation to middle class

Filipino women who are actively engaged in whitening their

skin because they most visibly manifest how whiteness

obstructs the development of self-concept and cultural

identity of formerly subjugated non-white people. Their

marginalized position in the Filipino culture also has made

them a site for the intertwining of gender, racial, and

class oppression as a result of white domination. Although

they justly represent the Filipino population, their

experience of cultural identity crisis may be different

from other Filipinos in terms of gender, race, and class.

Future studies should explore whiteness and cultural

identity crisis in the Philippines as experienced by

Filipino men who increasingly use skin-whitening cosmetics,

Filipino women who cannot afford skin-whitening cosmetics

due to their economic condition, and Filipino women who the

Philippine mass media represent as the ideal image of

femininity.

174
APPENDIX A

TABLES

175
 TABLE 1

Skin-Whitening Cosmetic Commercials

on Philippine Television

Summary of Semiotic Analysis

PRODUCT IMAGE GRAPHIC SYMBOLICAL MEANING

(Visual) (Verbal) of A WHITE SKIN TONE
RDL Various cosmetic Whitening A white skin tone
products and keeps women
beautiful.
light-skinned With RDL,
Filipino women's beauty is
faces yours to keep
Silka A young man A white skin tone is
smelling the sexually desirable
exposed white to men.
shoulders of a
young woman

The young man

kissing the young
woman's shoulders
CY Filipino Mestiza As a beauty A light skin tone,
Gabriel beauty queen queen, my which is associated
addressing beauty secrets with cleanliness and
television are simple: health, guarantees
audiences clean living women with high
and healthy social status.
lifestyle
Vaseline 3 Filipino An even white skin
Mestizas: tone signifies
1. single, w/ perfection.
brown elbow
2. single, w/
brown knees
3. married, w/
even white skin
tone
Secret A man Exposed? White underarms give
volunteering to women confidence in
assist a light­ Keep it exposing an intimate
skinned woman, light...Keep it part of their body.
whose underarms fresh
are exposed

176
 TABLE 2

Skin-Whitening Cosmetic Advertisements

in Philippine Women's Magazines

Summary of Semiotic Analysis

PRODUCT IMAGE (Visual) GRAPHIC (Verbal) SYMBOLICAL

MEANING OF A
WHITE SKIN
TONE
Pop Caucasian woman We enhance the Caucasian
with black hair loveliness of women. woman
and green eyes represents the
juxtaposed with improved image
skin-whitening of light­
cosmetics skinned
Filipino
women.
Likas Choose the right Beauty leads
investment when it women to
comes to maintaining upward
your beauty. Choose mobility. A
only...Likas Papaya white skin
Organic Herbal tone maintains
Whitening Soap. a woman's
beauty.
Maxi-Peel Filipino A white skin
actresses tone gives
Kristine Hermosa women access
and Claudine to fame and
Barretto fortune.
Deo-White Dying with envy...use White
Deo-White underarms will
cure women of
insecurity
Johnson's Light-skinned With Johnson's baby Whiteness
mother and baby milk lotion, you can signifies
with black hair have the baby smooth, innocence
baby fair, and baby
beautiful skin you
were born with
Vaseline Filipino Mestiza New Vaseline White & Whiteness
with dark hair Clear lotion...Targets signifies
your dark spots by purity
whitening your skin...
Provides double UV
protection from the
sun and further skin
darkening

177
 APPENDIX B

SAMPLE ADVERTISEMENTS

178
'Never take risks when it comes to Beauty.
If it's beauty, never take chances. The small '
- [Link] amount that you may find in other
brands does not guarantee you of a more '
- - effective, more satisfying result.

In'.essence, Papaya is. made of true

organic, all-natural botanical ingredients and
even enriched with .papaya extracts & enzymes to
produce that smoother, undeniably fairer,
beautiful [Link] is why, it has been trusted by-
millions of Filipinos nationwide and abroad.

Choose the right investment when

it comes to maintaining your beauty.
Choose only the trusted, the proven effective...
Likas Papaya Organic Herbal Whitening Soap? •;'

179
 3

.....

> >V
» '

'fcal%&^ja»Sf^tsSas;.,

180
 APPENDIX C

SCREENING SURVEY AND FOCUS GROUP

INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

181
 SCREENING SURVEY

1. Which of the following groups includes your age?

Under 18 terminate
18-23
24-29
30-35
36-41
42-45
Over 45 terminate

2. Which of the following categories do you belong?

(Please check all that apply.)

Student Mother/housewife - Working woman

If student and/or mother/housewife, proceed to A.

A.
1. Do you receive allowance from your
parents/husband?

Yes proceed to 2
No

2. How often do you receive your allowance?

Daily Weekly Bi-Monthly Monthly

Others____________________________

3 . How much allowance do you receive?

Less than P100

P100-500
P600-1000
P1600-2000
More than P2000

B.
1. What is your occupation?____________
2. How much do you make a month?
Less than P2000

182
 P2100-3000
P3100-4000
P4100-5000
P5100-6000
More than P6000

3. Do you use cosmetics and/or skin care products

Yes continue
No terminate

4. Which brand of cosmetics or skin care products do you

use? (Please circle all that apply.)

Avon Godiva
Johnson & Johnson Pond's
Max Factor Jergen's
Neutrogena Nivea
Eskinol Cover Girl
Kao Kissa
Likas Pop
Hiyas Others

5. Which line of whitening cosmetics do you use?

Face powder Foundation

Concealer Blush on

6. Which line of whitening skin care products do you

use?

Lotion Astringent Facial wash

Body Moisturizer Soap Facial cream
Others

7. Why do you use skin-whitening cosmetics and/or skin

care products?

8. How did you learn about whitening cosmetics or skin

care products?

TV ads continue
Women's magazine ads continue
Newspaper ads terminate
Others______________ terminate

183
Invitation to Participate in a Focus Group Interview

May I please contact you to participate in a focus group

interview? You will be paid P100 for your time and P100
for your transportation expenses. You will also be
provided with refreshments during the interview session,
which will approximately last two hours. I will let you
know of the date, time, and location of the interview by
phone, mail, or text messaging. If you are willing to be
contacted and to participate, please fill in the blanks
with the required information.

Yes No

Name:________________________________
Home Addre s s :____________________ -_______________________

Permanent Address (if different from above):____________

Daytime Tel. No.:____________

Nighttime Tel. No.:_______________
Cell No.:________________

THANK YOU!

184
 FOCUS GROUP INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

On Advertisements

1) What was the first whitening cosmetic or skin care product you saw advertised
in television or a women’s magazine?
2) How did you react to the concept of a cosmetic or skin care product that
whitens the skin?
3) Did the advertisement convince you that the product whitens your skin? If
yes, in what way? If not, why?
4) Whenever you see current advertisements of skin-whiteners, what makes their
catch your attention?
5) What do current skin-whitening advertisements say about having a white
complexion?

On Whitening Cosmetics and Skin Care Products

1) How long have you been using skin-whiteners?

2) What made you use skin-whiteners?
3) Has your skin color or texture improved since you started using skin-
whiteners? What made you think so?
4) Did your skin-whitener meet your expectation? How?

On Whiteness

1) Since when have you desired to look white?

2) What where those instances or events in your life that made you want to
have a white complexion?
3) If not for those instances or events, would you still want to have a white
complexion? Why or why not?
4) How white do you want to be?
5) What do you expect to achieve from having a white complexion?
6) Do you think there are advantages in having a white complexion for
women living in the Philippines? If yes, what are those advantages? If
not, why do you think so?

On Self-Image

1) Before skin-whitening products were introduced to the Philippine market,

how did you feel about yourself in terms of your skin color?

185
2) Before you started using skin-whiteners, how did you feel about yourself
compared to white-skinned women you see either in TV and magazine
advertisements or in person? What made you feel that way?
3) Since you started using skin-whiteners, how do you feel about yourself
now compared to those women?

On Cultural Identity

1) Why do you think there is a skin color distinction among Filipino women?
2) What do you think is the natural skin color of Filipino women? Why?
3) Since white is the skin color of Americans and Europeans, do you think
advertisers or manufacturers of skin-whiteners are trying to make Filipino
women look like Americans and Europeans? Why?
4) Have you been criticized for using skin-whitening products? If so, what
were the criticisms? How did you react to the criticisms?

186
 APPENDIX D

CSUSB IRB APPROVAL, INFORMED CONSENT, SAMPLE

PHOTOGRAPH/AUDIO/VIDEO USE INFORMED CONSENT

FORM FOR NON-MEDICAL HUMAN SUBJECTS,

PERMISSION TO CONDUCT SCREENING

SURVEY

187
tZs
CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY
SAN BERNARDINO
5500 University Parkway, San Bernardino, CA 92407-2397
09/26/2003 CSUSB
INSTITUTIONAL
Ms. Beverly R. Natividad REVIEW BOARD
c/o: Prof. Robin Larsen Full Board Review
Department of Communication Studies IRB# 03010
California State University Status
5500 University Parkway APPROVED
San Bernardino. California 92407

Dear Ms. Natividad:

Your application to use human subjects, titled, “Effects of TV and Women’s Magazine
Advertisements of Skin-Whiteness on Philippine Female Audiences” has been reviewed and
approved by the Institutional Review Board (IRB). Your informed consent document is attached.
This consent document has been stamped and signed by the [RB chairperson. All subsequent
copies used must be this officially approved version. A change in your informed consent requires
resubmission of your protocol as amended.

You are required to notify the IRB if any substantive changes are made in your research
[Link]/protocol, if any unanticipated adverse events are experienced by subjects during your
research, and when your project has ended. If your project lasts longer than one year, you (the
investigator/rescarcher) are required to notify the IRB by email or correspondence of Notice of
Project Ending or Request for Continuation al the end of each year. Failure to notify the IRB of
the above may result in disciplinary action. You are required to keep copies of the informed
consent forms and data for at least three years.

If you have any questions regarding the IRB decision, please contact Michael Gillespie, IRB
Secretary. Mr. Gillespie can be reached by phone at (909) S80-5027, by fax al (909) 880-7028,
or by email al mgillesp@[Link]. Please include your application identification number
(above) in all correspondence.

Best of luck with your research.

Sincerely,

Joseph Lovett. Chair

Institutional Review Board

JL/mg

cc: Prof. Robin Larsen, Department of Communication Studies

The California State University

Bakersfield • Channel [standi • CAto « Oomingiua Hills • Fresno • Futferton • Hayward • Humboldt • Long Beach • Los Angeles • Maritime Academy
Monterey Bay * Northridge • Pomona * Sacramento • Son Bernardino • San Diego • Son Francisco ■ San Jose ■ Sen f-ois Obispo • San Manxa • Sonoma • Stanislaus

188
13. Informed Consent

This research study aims to examine the impact of Philippine television and

women’s magazine advertisements of whitening cosmetics on Filipino women’s

perception of themselves and their cultural identity. I, Beverly R. Natividad, a graduate

student of Communication Studies, under the supervision of Dr. Robin Larsen professor

of Mass Communication, will conduct this research study.

The study, which had been reviewed and approved by the Institutional Review

Board of California State University San Bernardino, involves a focus group interview

for which you are asked to participate. The interview session will last for approximately

two hours and thirty minutes. During the session, you are asked to respond to all the

researcher’s questions as much as possible, to express agreement and disagreement with

the researcher’s and co-participants’ opinions, to provide relevant information, and to

maintain decorum by refraining from yelling, cursing, and doing unrelated focus group

interview activities. With the participants’ permission, the group discussions will be

audiotape recorded.

Your participation in the study is completely voluntary and can be withdrawn

without explanation at any time. Your identity and personal information will be kept

confidential. As compensation for your participation, you will be paid P100 for your

time and P100 for you transportation expenses. You will also be provided with

refreshments.

You are free to express your thoughts on any issues and concerns that will arise

from the group discussion. Arguments might arise and cause emotional and

psychological discomfort to you. In this case, care will be taken to ensure that

189
participants treat each other with respect. The use of profanity and derogatory remarks

will not be tolerated.

Please be assured that your responses during the group discussion will be kept

confidential. In case you have questions about your rights as a participant in this focus

group interview, please contact my thesis adviser, Dr. Robin Larsen. If you are interested

in obtaining a copy of the results of this study, please send me a letter of request through

email or airmail. You will be provided with our contact information.

Your participation in the focus group interview is greatly appreciated. I expect

that this study will provide you the opportunity to reflect on social and cultural issues

affecting you and other women in a traditionally non-white society. I also expect that this

study will contribute to consciousness-raising and understanding among white and non­

white societies on the effects of privileging certain members of individual societies and

the global society based on skin color.

BEVERLY R. NATIVIDAD Date

1,____________________________________,____________ years of age,

acknowledge that I have been informed of, and understand, the nature and purpose of this

study, and that I freely consent to participate in the focus group interview.

Participant’s signature Date

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SAN BERNARDINO

INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD COMMITTEE

approved!'*-' i ,
IPB< qjoio CHAIR..

y u 10

190
 SAMPLE PHOTOGRAPH/VIDEO/AUDIO USE
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
FOR NON-MEDICAL HUMAN SUBJECTS
As part of this research project, wc will be making a photograph/videotape/audiotape recording of you during your
participation in the experiment. Please indicate what uses of this photograph/videotape/audiotape you are willing to
consent to by initialing below. You are free to initial any number of spaces from zero to all of the spaces, and your
response will in no way affect your credit for participating. Wc will only use the photograph/videotape/audiotape in
ways that you agree to. In any use of this photograph/videotape/audiotape, your name would not be identified. If
you do not initial any of the spaces below, the photograph/videotape/audiotape will be destroyed.
Please indicate the type of informed consent
□ Photograph □ Videotape □ Audiotape
(AS APPLICABLE)

• The photograph/videotape/audiotape can be studied by the research team for use in the research
project.
Please initial:_____

• The photograph/videotape/audiotape can be shown/played to subjects in other experiments.

Please initial:_____

• The photograph/videotape/audiotape can be used for scientific publications.

Please initial:_____

• The photograph/videotape/audiotape can be shown/played at meetings of scientists.

Please initial:_____

• The photograph/videotape/audiotape can be shown/played in classrooms to students.

Please initial:_____

• The photograph/videotape/audiotape can be shown/played in public presentations to nonscientific

groups.

Please initial:_____

• The photograph/videotape/audiotape can be used on television and radio.

Please initial:_____

I have read the above description and give my consent for the use of the photograph/videotape/audiotape as
indicated above.

The extra copv of this consent form is for vour records.

CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, SAN BERNARDINO

INSTITUTIONAL REVIEW BOARD COMMTITEE

SIGNATURE_____________________________ DATE_____________ AJecnvrn t'V ; it A voiPAFTER O-L/Af. c

IRB# /■ 1
ct-

191
October 13, 2003

Dear Ma’am/Sir:

Greetings! I am conducting a research on the effects of skin-whitening product advertisements

on Filipino women. My research involves administering a screening survey of Filipino women
who use whitening cosmetics and sfdn care products. The survey will be used as a basis for
selecting participants to a focus group interview, which will be conducted on Saturday, the 18th
of October.

In this regard, I would like to ask permission to administer the screening survey in your store. I
assure you that I will not distract your customer from buying products in your store. Before I
approach the customer, I will wait until she is done looking at or buying a skin-whitening
product. If possible, I would like to get your approval on this day. 1 only have until tomorrow
to administer this survey.

I hope for your consideration and cooperation. Should you approve my request, your name and
the name of your company will be mentioned in the acknowledgment page of my masters’ thesis.
If you have any questions, please contact my thesis adviser, Dr. Robin Larsen, via her email add
rlars@[Link] or the Secretary for the Institute of Review Board, Mr. Michael Gillespie, via his
email add mgillesn@[Link].

Respectfully yours,

Graduate Student
Department of Communication Studies
California State University
San Bernardino, California

Approved by:

D I STORE MANAGER/
APPSGVEG BY: AUTHORIZED COMPANY REPRESENTATIVE

fo. /G.Q3 ______

■^Ocrr. !6>, <2003 CHLY
4I4TII- t:oof=M @ £01^
1”. Wt

192
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