LUTHERAN IDENTITY OF BATAK CHURCHES. Jhon Simorangkir. Submitted To LTS 16 Jan 2017D PDF

LUTHERAN IDENTITY OF BATAK CHURCHES:
A STUDY OF THE CONFESSION OF FAITH OF THE HKBP
AND THE BASIC ARTICLES OF FAITH OF THE GKPI

A Dissertation
Presented to the Faculty of
The Lutheran Theological Seminary
In Partial Fulfillment of
the Requirements for the Degree of
DOCTOR OF THEOLOGY
Submitted by
Jhon Piter Enriko Simorangkir
January 2017
Hong Kong
To
My wife, Tiarma Pintauli Tambun, my children Pinondang Maura Simorangkir,
Tarida Epiphania Simorangkir, Joseph Martua Shemuel Simorangkir
who support me with their love, especially during my studies in Hong Kong. Being
separated for so long is extremely difficult. God must have helped us. He makes us
stronger and closer to each other.
And to my mother, Tio Rugun Hutabarat, and in loving memory of my late father,
Rev. Salamat Tua Simorangkir. Their love for us and their gratitude for God’s love is
always an inspiration for me in my work as pastor. God is so kind, my father often
told me. I agree and feel the same way, too. “The Lord is good to all, and his
compassion is over all that he has made” (Psalm 145:9, NRSV).
ii
ABSTRACT
The Batak Church is the result of the Rhenish Mission’s evangelization.
Heavily influenced by pietism, the mission, which stood as a confessionally neutral
mission body, served Batak land for 80 years. But later in 1952, when the HKBP had
become an autonomous church, it joined the Lutheran World Federation (LWF).
Many question the Lutheran identity of the HKBP and other Lutheran
churches in Indonesia, saying “tidak murni Lutheran” (it is not truly Lutheran) or
“theologically not Lutheran at all”. Such views closely relate to the history of Batak
churches themselves.
When the Batak Church in 1951 applied for membership in the LWF, rather
than adopting the Augsburg Confession, it chose to draw up its own confession. It
was then on the basis of the Batak Church’s confession that the LWF received them.
This study argues that the Lutheran identity of the Batak churches depends
not just on the period before the emergence of its confession but also from its new
Lutheran confession. Through an examination of the confessions of Batak churches,
this study demonstrates how Batak churches that originated as non-confessional
churches but later became Lutheran understand their Lutheran identity. Based on the
examination of their confessions, Batak churches have clearly expressed their
Lutheran identity. However, these confessions do not clearly show an effort to link
Lutheran theological convictions to or use Lutheran theology to deal with the
contextual challenges facing Batak churches. Although Batak churches have
embraced Lutheranism, they are not yet seriously working on a theology to fit their
Lutheran identity.
iii
Acknowledgments
I am blessed to have the opportunity to study at the Lutheran
Theological Seminary Hong Kong under the endorsement of my synod,
GKPI (Christian Protestant Church in Indonesia) and with scholarship
support from the United Evangelical Mission (UEM) at Wuppertal, Germany.
For this gracious support, I am wholeheartedly grateful to God and my
church and sponsor.
I want to thank my adviser Dr. Jan Martin Depner for his help since
the beginning of the program. He pushed me to think critically, while giving
me support and room for building my ideas. I also wish to thank my second
adviser Prof. Dr. Andreas Nehring, lecturer at the Friedrich Alexander
University of Erlangen-Nuremberg in Germany. Dr. Nehring carefully read
my dissertation and gave me credits on parts that I did well. He also helped
me to see weak points in my writing, which in turn made me think more
deeply about my findings and sharpened my presentation. John Meyrick,
lecturer of English at LTS, also helped me greatly. John is not only an
English adviser to me but also a good partner with wide knowledge. I got
advantage from our discussions in several areas. Of course, what I finally put
in my writing is wholly my responsibility but his comments and questions
have challenged me to somehow deepen my analysis and reflection. I also
received valuable notes and suggestions from Dr. Carolyn Schneider, who
acted as chairperson at my oral defense on December 15, 2016. I thank her
because her thorough reading and comments help me to improve my
iv
dissertation. I also wish to say thanks to Dr. Tjeerd de Boer, an opponent at
my oral defense, for his suggestions.
From 2006 to 2011, I worked as a parish pastor in “Resort” Parbubu
Dolok, Tarutung, North Sumatra (resort is a unit of ministries consisting of
several parishes). At that time, I did not have any expectation of continuing
my studies to doctoral level. However, after five years in that place, the Rev.
Patut Sipahutar, M.Th, elected Bishop of GKPI, offered me a chance to
continue my studies. I always remember how Bishop Sipahutar encouraged
me to pursue doctoral studies abroad. He wrote endorsements, etc., and
together we prepared my applications. I also wish to thank Rev. Berend
Veddeler, Rev. Dr. Andar Parlindungan and Claudia Schletter from UEM for
all their support and kindness. They are so supportive and warm in their
communications.
Among many people who have given me valuable help in my studies I
want to mention Prof. Dr. Jan S. Aritonang, Bishop and General Secretary of
the GKPI, Rev. Oloan Pasaribu, M.Th and Rev. R.S. Hutabarat, M.Th, and
Dr. J.R. Hutauruk. Warmest thanks to Christiati E. Sianipar who also has
kindly supported my family and me during difficult times in my studies.
Thanks also go to Togar Sitanggang – Helen Sianipar, Dr. Sahala
Panggabean – Lena Bertha Nababan, Muda Siregar-Siagian, MA – br.
Sitompul, Ir. L.A. Siahaan, MBA – Taruli Tobing, Ir. J.T Situmorang, Dr.
Riris Nainggolan, Ery Simanjuntak-Hutabarat, Dr. Ferdinand Nainggolan –
Nurlina Aritonang, Ir. M.R.H. Siahaan, Dr. Anwar Tjen, Rev. Rodion
Tampubolon, M.Th, Rev. Maradong Nainggolan, M.Th, Rev. Ferdy
Nainggolan, Gersom Lumbantobing, and Rev. Börözatulo Gea.
v
My special thank also goes to the Principal Dr. Simon Chow, all the
faculty of Lutheran Theological Seminary (LTS) Hong Kong, the librarians
of LTS library, Rev. Christa von Zychlin (Coordinator of International
Students Affairs), Queenie Wong, Ms. Rose, Mr. & Mrs. Dr. Bambang
Ruseno Utomo, Eirene Gulö, Robby Indarjono & Casthelia Kartika. I also
want to thank the library of STT Jakarta (Rince Pohan-Siregar and Bambang
Purgiyanto), the library of STT HKBP Pematangsiantar, and especially the
library of STF Driyarkara Jakarta, where I spent most of my reading and
writing time during my research in Jakarta.
Last but not least, I deeply thank my wife, Tiarma Pintauli Tambun,
S.Si (Teol.) and our children Sino (Pinondang Maura Simorangkir), Tari
(Tarida Epiphania Simorangkir), and Joseph (Joseph Martua Shemuel
Simorangkir) for their love and sacrifice. They have shown to me the deepest
meaning of love and support. In addition, to my mother, Tio Rugun
Hutabarat, for her love and prayer. I am also touched by the support of my
sister Rouly Verawaty Simorangkir and lae S.P. Manik and their children,
Rani, Ira, Ara, and my brother Ronald Poltak Pandapotan Simorangkir, S.E.,
and Elsye Zaluchu and their children, Minar and Ben. My mother-in-law Mrs.
Martina Tambun-Simangunsong Palebangan and all the relatives from my
wife’s side have also shown their care and kindness to our small family
which I left behind for three and a half years during my studies here in Hong
Kong.
Soli Deo Gloria! May God in Jesus Christ be with us now and forever more.
Amen.
vi
Table of Contents
Title Page i
Dedication ii
Abstract iii
Acknowledgements iv
Table of Contents vii
Abbreviations x
Chapter 1. Introduction 1
1.1 Lutheran identity of Batak churches 1
1.1.1 Lutheran churches in Indonesia 7
1.1.2 The use of Luther’s Small Catechism 8
1.1.3 The Lord’s Supper in the “Agenda” (Book of Liturgy) of 11
Batak churches
1.1.4 Church Discipline 13
1.2 Thesis statement 14
1.3 The Purpose and Scope of this Study 15
1.4 Methodology 15
1.5 Difficulties 16
Chapter 2. The Batak Church as the Result of the Rhenish Mission 18

(1861-1940)
2.1 The Rhenish Mission Society 18
2.1.1 The Influence of Lutheran Pietism 18
2.1.2 The Theology of the Teachers of the Barmen Seminary 24
2.1.3 The Theology of the Rhenish Mission’s Missionaries in 30
Batakland
2.1.3.1 Christianization of a Whole Clan 32
2.1.3.2 The Missionaries’ Attitude Towards Adat 39
2.1.3.3 A Unity between School and Church 46
2.2 The Use of Luther’s Small Catechism 50
2.3 The Rhenish Mission’s Missionaries Views on Salvation in 54
General and Faith and Good Works in Particular
Chapter 3. The Batak Church Joined the Lutheran World Federation 62

(1952)
3.1 Situation of the Batak Church Post Rhenish Mission 62
Leadership
3.1.1 Critical Attitude towards the Rhenish Mission Leadership 66
3.1.2 Efforts in Overcoming Its Shortcomings as the Consequence 68
of the World War II
3.2 Decision to Join the Lutheran World Federation 69
3.2.1 Contacts with the LWF 69
3.2.2 The Decision to Apply for LWF Membership and to Draft its 72
own Confession
vii
3.2.3 The Batak Church Became a Member of the LWF 79
3.3 Lutheran Identity 80
3.3.1 Key Points that Mark Lutheranism 81
3.3.2 Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification 87
3.3.3 Lutheran Identity of Asian Lutheran Churches 93
Chapter 4. Lutheran Characteristic of the Confession of 1951 98

4.1 Its Contents in General 98
4.2 Lutheran Characteristic of the Confession of 1951 103
4.2.1 On Justification 103
4.2.2 On Faith and Good Works 111
4.2.2.1 Close Relationship of AC Articles IV, VII, and XX 111
4.2.2.2 Faith Affects Good Works and the Necessity of Good Works 112
4.2.2.3 Which Works Must be Done 116
4.2.2.4 The Comparison to the Confession of 1951 122
4.2.3 On Law and Gospel 124
4.2.4 On the Church 134
4.2.5 On Sacraments 138
4.2.5.1 The Formulation of the Lutheran Confessions 140
4.2.5.2 The Formulation of the 1951 Confession. A Comparison with 147
the Lutheran Confessions and Luther
4.2.5.2.1 Position of the formulation of the 1951 Confession on the 147
Lord’s Supper
4.2.5.2.2 The 1951 Confession’s formulation on the Lord’s Supper can 148
be traced back to the position of the Rhenish Mission and
Nommensen’s translation of Luther’s Small Catechism
4.2.6 On Several other Topics 156
4.2.6.1 On the Servant of God in the Church 157
4.2.6.2 On Church Rites 159
4.2.6.3 On Government 161
4.2.6.4 On Foods 163
Chapter 5. Lutheran Characteristic of the 1996 Confession of the 165

HKBP and of the Basic Articles of Faith of the GKPI
5.1 The Emergence of the 1996 Confession of the HKBP 165
5.2 The Lutheran Characteristic of the 1996 Confession of the 169
HKBP
5.2.2 On Faith and Good Works 174
5.2.3.1 The Formulations that Retain the 1951 Confession’s Emphasis 178
of the Distinction of Law and Gospel
5.2.3.2 The 1996 Confession Omits the 1951 Confession’s Emphasis 181
on the Distinction of Law and Gospel
5.2.3.3 The Newly Added Formulations in the 1996 Confession on the 183
Distinction of Law and Gospel
5.2.5.1 Similarities to the 1951 Confession 186
5.2.5.2 No new efforts to better bond with the formulation of the 186
viii
Lutheran Confessions
5.2.5.3 Indonesian translation of the 1996 Confession and Luther 188
5.2.6 On Several Other Topics 190
5.2.6.1 On the Servant of God in the Church 190
5.2.6.2 On Church Rites 191
5.2.6.4 On Foods 193
5.3 The Emergence of the Basic Articles of Faith of the GKPI 194
5.4 Special Emphasis of Priesthood of All Believers in the GKPI 199
5.5 The Lutheran Characteristic of the Basic Articles of Faith of 200
the GKPI
5.5.5 On Several Other Topics 205
5.5.6 On the Servant of God in the Church 205
Chapter 6. Conclusion and Reflection 207

6.1 Conclusion 208
6.1.1 On Justification by Faith and the Relation of Faith and Good 209
Works
6.1.3 On the Real Presence 213
6.2 Reflection 215
Bibliography 225
ix
ABBREVIATIONS
3 Hs Hamoraon, hagabeon, hasangapon. "3Hs" (“H” is the first letter in

those three words) is the worldview of Batak people which express their
ideals: hamoraon (wealth), hagabeon (fecundity), and hasangapon
(honor, glory)
AC Augsburg Confession
AGTC Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of
Justification in Multilateral Ecumenical Dialogue. A Study on the
Doctrine of Justification by the German Ecumenical Study Comission
(DÖSTA)
Ap. Apology of the Augsburg Confession
BEM Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry
FC Formula of Concord
GKPI Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (Christian Protestant Church in
Indonesia)
GKPS Gereja Kristen Protestant Simalungun (Simalungun Christian Protestant
Church)
HKBP Huria Kristen Batak Protestant (Batak Christian Protestant Church)
HKI Huria Kristen Indonesia (The Indonesian Christian Church)
JDDJ Join Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification
LC Large Catechism
LCA The Lutheran Church of Australia
LW Luther’s Work. American Edition. 55 vols. Ed. Jaroslav Pelikan and
Helmut T. Lehmann. Philadelphia: Fortress Press and St. Louis:
Concordia, 1955-1986
LWF The Lutheran World Federation
PGI Persekutuan Gereje-gereja di Indonesia (Communion of Churches in
Indonesia/CCI)
SA Smalcald Articles
SC Small Catechism
WCC The World Council of Churches
x
CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1.1. Lutheran identity1 of Batak churches
The Batak Church2 is the result of the Rhenish Mission’s evangelization.
mission body, served Batak land for 80 years. Nevertheless, later in 1952, when the
HKBP had become an autonomous church, it joined the Lutheran World Federation
(LWF).
At that time, many people, both in Indonesia and abroad, questioned the
move. Theologians and leaders of churches in Indonesia were working intensely to
build and raise ecumenical awareness. They worried that the admission of the HKBP

1
Etymologically the word “identity” comes from late Latin identitas equivalent to the Latin word
ident (idem: the same). Random House Unabridged Dictionary gives several meaning for it, such as:
1. the state or fact of remaining the same one or ones, as under varying aspects or conditions; 2. the
condition of being oneself or itself, and not another; 3. condition or character as to who a person or
what a thing is. In modern psychology this word is employed specifically. The term also relates to a
philosophical origin. Meanwhile, the more general sense of “identity” also has been adopted by the
language of church and theology. In these studies, the term “identity” is meant as “self-
understanding”. Therefore, the phrase “Lutheran identity” points to the specific self-understanding of
Lutherans. See Random House Unabridged Dictionary (New York: Random House, 1987), 950;
Lutheran Identity. Final Report of the Study Project: “The Identity of the Lutheran Churches in the
Context of the Challenges of our Time” (Strasbourg, Institute for Ecumenical Research, 1977), 13, 14,
54; Don S. Browning, “Identity,” in The Encyclopedia of Christianity, vol. 2, ed. by Erwin Fahlbusch,
et. al. (Grand Rapids/Cambridge/Leiden/Boston/Köln: Wm. B. Eerdmans/Brill, 2001), 653.
2
The term of "the Batak Church" here refers to the one Batak Church, later named the HKBP, at a
time when the Batak Church was still one, and when the churches that split from the Batak Church
had not yet come into existence. There are two kind of split. Firstly, there are churches that came into
existence as a result of conscious and peaceful separation, involving language and cultural differences.
This group includes the GKPS (Simalungun Protestant Christian Church, in 1963), the GKPA
(Christian Protestant Angkola Church, in 1974). Secondly, there are churches that came into existence
as a result of internal conflicts in the HKBP that led to separation. This group includes the GKPB
(Batak Christian Community Church, in 1927), the HKI (The Indonesian Christian Church, in 1927),
the GKPI (Christian Protestant Church in Indonesia; in 1964), and the GKLI (Indonesian Christian
Lutheran Church, 1965). This study is limited to only of the HKBP and the GKPI.
1
to the LWF somehow would obstruct the ecumenical movement. At a roundtable
discussion, Soedarmo, pastor from the Church of Central Java and lecturer in the
field of Dogmatics at Jakarta Theological Seminary, expressed his opinion that the
church doctrines contained in the 1951 Confession of the HKBP were not unique to
Lutheranism, and so its admission to the LWF would not hinder cooperation between
the HKBP and other Indonesian churches. At that time, none of the others had
adopted such a confession and joined any confessional body.3
Assessing the Confession of 1951 of the HKBP Lothar Schreiner4 contends
that there is no any special Lutheran character in the Confession of 1951. Schreiner
argues that the main purpose of the confession is to respond to the challenges and
problems in its surroundings. The Confession of 1951 is not typical of a certain
denomination. It is contextual in character, in Schreiner’s view, because through it
the Batak Church formulated its response to social and cultural problems, faced as it
was by Islam, syncretism, heathenism as well as those who lived without any faith.5
Schreiner also points out to an assessment of the East Asia Christian Conference of
1964. Their statement reads:
There are those churches which are not the result of the work of any
particular denomination in the West. The confessional position of these
churches will be acceptable to more than one confessional family. For
instance, the Batak Church could equally well belong to the Presbyterian
World Alliance as to the Lutheran World Federation. Membership in more
than one confessional family for such churches will be useful as pointing to
the fact it is not all that simple to fix denominational labels with their

3
But interestingly Soedarmo also acknowledged that even though the 1951 Confession of the HKBP
in general was not unique to Lutheranism, the HKBP’s understanding of the sacraments was unique
indeed. Soedarmo’s view on this matter is described in brief in Paul B. Pedersen, Batak Blood and
Protestant Soul (Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1970), 165; cf. Walter Lempp, Benih yang
Tumbuh XII. Suatu Survey mengenai Gereja-gereja di Sumatera Utara (Jakarta: LPS DGI, 1976), 201.
3
Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII, 201.
4
Lothar Schreiner taught at HKBP Seminary at Pematangsiantar in 1956-1965. His writings greatly
advanced an understanding of the theology and history of the Rhenish Mission in Batakland.
5
Lothar Schreiner, “Pengakuan Percaya (Konfesi) HKBP 1951 dengan Usianya,” in B.A.
Simanjuntak (ed.), Pemikiran tentang Batak (Medan: Pusat Dokumentasi dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan
Batak Universitas HKBP Nommensen, 1988), 4, 6.
2
Western connotation on the churches in Indonesia to belong to any World
Confessional Organization.6
Christian de Jonge shares this view.7 Referring to a survey carried out by the PGI
(Communion of Churches in Indonesia/CCI), he asserts that membership of
Indonesian churches in denominational ecumenism (so not only the HKBP) in bodies
such as World Alliance of Reformed Churches, Reformed Ecumenical Synod, the
LWF, etc. was mainly evident in their presence at conferences. Membership was not
internalized, as it had little other effect.8
Moreover, at the time Indonesian theologians and church leaders thought that
HKBP joined the LWF simply because of the financial assistance it would receive.9
De Jonge also agrees.10 He refers to Ulrich Duchrow, who insisted this was the
motive, although the LWF had made it clear beforehand that their aid had nothing to
do with the issue of membership.11 Duchrow says,
One powerful motive – if not the main one – for the Batak Church was the
desire to escape from the distressing situation of an ‘orphaned’ mission
church with the help of the financially strong Lutheran World Federation.

6
The Christian Community within Human Community, Containing Statements from the Bangkok
Assembly of the EACC (February-March 1964). Minutes, part 2, 80. The quote is taken from Nyhus
and Schreiner, “The Confession of Faith of the Batak Church, Indonesia (1951),” in Gerald H.
Anderson (ed.), Asian Voices in Christian Theology (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1976), 226.
7
De Jonge, at that time, was a lecturer on Church History at Jakarta Theological Seminary.
8
Christian De Jonge, Menuju Keesaan Gereja: Sejarah Dokumen-dokumen dan Tema-tema Gerakan
Oikumenis [Towards Unity of the Churches: The History of the Ecumenical Movement’s Documents
and Themes] (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1996), 66. The survey mentioned above was conducted by
the Institute for Research and Studies of the Council of Churches in Indonesia, and was published in
1976. See F. Ukur & F. Cooley (eds.), Jerih dan Juang. Laporan Nasional Survey Menyeluruh Gereja
di Indonesia (Jakarta: LPS DGI, 1976).
9
10
De Jonge, Menuju Keesaan Gereja, 66.
11
U. Duchrow, Conflict over the Ecumenical Movement. Confessing Christ Today in the Universal
Church. Translated from the German by David Lewis (Geneva: WCC, 1981), 208-209. De Jonge,
Menuju Keesaan Gereja, 66; cf. Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember 1948 di
Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of the General Synod of 1948), 14; Fredrik A. Schiotz, “Lutheran
World Missions,” in International Review of Mission, XLIII, July 1954, 315, 317, 320; Fredrik A.
Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions: At the Halfway Mark in this Twentieth Century,” in The
Lutheran Quarterly, 2 no. 1, Feb. 1950, 66.
3
According to Batak custom, moreover, it is difficult to accept a gift without
giving something in return.12
Nevertheless, the success of the HKBP in formulating its own confession was
praised. In a book about Lutheranism, we find the following comment:
One of the most dramatic events in the history of the LWF was the
acceptance of one of the younger churches and its new Lutheran confession.
… The Batak confession is the only new Lutheran confession besides the
Augsburg Confession.13
K. Sitompul, General Secretary of the HKBP in the period of 1950-1957 and one of
the members of the Confessional and Doctrinal Commission which prepared the
draft of the 1951 Confession, mentions that joining the LWF and the new confession
were both highly appreciated.14 The success of the HKBP in drafting its own
confession is acknowledged by Jan S. Aritonang, in the GKPI’s 50th year jubilee
book, as one of important step in the HKBP.15
However, questions and doubts have been raised concerning the Lutheran
identity of Batak churches. The expression “tidak murni Lutheran” (it is not truly
Lutheran) is often repeated.16 Even Darwin Lumbantobing, scholar and former
President of HKBP Seminary, contends that the HKBP is theologically not Lutheran

12
Duchrow, Conflict over the Ecumenical Movement, 208-209. De Jonge, Menuju Keesaan Gereja,
66; cf. Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,”, 315.
13
Eric W. Gritsch, A History of Lutheranism (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2010, 2nd ed.), 232-233.
14
K. Sitompul, Tahaporseai djala Tahatindangkon. Panorangion tu Panindangion Haporseaon ni
HKBP, 66. This document contains his explanation of the first draft of the 1951 Confession prepared
by the bishop of the HKBP of the period of 1942-1972, Justin Sihombing. See Justin Sihombing,
Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP.
15
Jan S. Aritonang, Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan ke Depan
(Pematangsiantar: Kolportase GKPI, 2014), 26.
16
Jan S. Aritonang, Berbagai Aliran di dalam dan sekitar Gereja (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1996,
2nd ed.), 23; Aritonang, Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan ke Depan, 16;
Jan S. Aritonang, “Kata Sambutan,” in Katekismus Besar Martin Luther. Translated by Anwar Tjen
(Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2007, 5th ed.), vii; M.S.E. Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther
dan Relevansinya di Indonesia (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase Pusat GKPI, 2008), 248, 282, 303;
Darwin Lumbantobing, Persekutuan Orang Kudus. Suatu Kajian Dogmatis terhadap Pemahaman dan
Penghayatan Gereja Lutheran, khususnya HKBP tentang Persekutuan Orang Kudus. Thesis STT
Jakarta 1991, 80. Anwar Tjen considers that pastors of Batak churches in general can be described as
knowing Lutheran theology and tradition on a small scale (“mini”). See “Memaknai Gerakan
Reformasi, termasuk Kaitannya dengan Pemahaman Bersama Ajaran Pembenaran oleh Iman,” 5. (A
paper presented at a seminar on the anniversary of The Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of
Justification , STFT St. Thomas, 30 October 2004).
4
at all. Lumbantobing says that “HKBP’s membership of the LWF is organizational
rather than an acceptance of Lutheran theological understanding or accepting
Lutheran Confessions.”17
J.R. Hutauruk, a historian from HKBP Seminary and a former Bishop of the HKBP,
points out that the HKBP did not embrace Lutheranism through its confession. It was
not drafted to embrace Lutheranism confessionally.18 Hutauruk argues that the
HKBP did not actually become Lutheran on admission to the LWF in 1952.19 This
position is different, for example, to the HKI, which clearly states that their church is
confessionally bound to Lutheranism by adopting the Augsburg Confession of
1530.20
So far there are two important studies that discussed the Confession of 1951.
One is Andar Lumbantobing’s dissertation. In his dissertation from 1957, which was
published in 1961, Das Amt in der Batak-Kirche (The Ministry in the Batak-Church),
with the Indonesian edition of this book being available in 1992 (under the title,
Makna Wibawa Jabatan dalam Gereja Batak; The Meaning of Ministerial Position
in the Batak Church), Andar Lumbantobing conducted a study on the development of
ministry in the Batak church.21 Actually Lumbantobing did not only focus on the
1951 Confession. However, Lumbantobing also examined some of the contents of

17
Darwin Lumbantobing, Burning and Current Theological Issues. Isu-isu Teologi Hangat dan
Terkini di HKBP (Pematangsiantar: L-SAPA, 2013), 20.
18
J.R. Hutauruk, “Peranan Konfesi dalam Tantangan Hidup Rohani khususnya Konfesi 1951,” in
Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, ed. J.R. Hutauruk, et. al. (Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP Pematangsiantar,
1991), 84.
19
Hutauruk, “Peranan Konfesi dalam Tantangan Hidup Rohani khususnya Konfesi 1951,” in
Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 84.
20
See HKI, Tata Gereja Huria Kristen Indonesia (HKI) 2005 (Church Constitution of HKI)
(Pematangsiantar: HKI, 2009), 4, 81.
21
Andar Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan dalam Gereja Batak, translated by K.M.
Lumbantobing, E.F. Lumbantobing-Lezar, Jan S. Aritonang (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1996, 2nd.).
As Lothar Schreiner correctly mentioned, this study is practically a history of the Batak church
through the discussion of its ministry. In his reviews on Andar’s dissertation, Schreiner says, “This
highly informative and revealing study is almost a history of Batak-Church under the central aspect of
the ministry,” See Lothar Schreiner, review of Das Amt in der Batak-Kirche (The Ministry in the
Batak-Church), by Andar Lumbantobing, The S.E. Asia Journal of Theology, vol. 4 no. 3 (January
1963), 71.
5
the 1951 Confession especially on articles that showed relationship to the
understanding of ministry in the Batak church. Lumbantobing discussed the addition
of church discipline, in addition to the gospel and Sacraments, as a mark of the true
church. Lumbantobing contended that church discipline was not of the same rank as
the proclamation of the gospel and the administration of the sacraments. In his view,
the exercise of church discipline should be ranked as an instrument of the gospel and
the sacraments. To support his opinion Lumbantobing quoted Luther, who once
mentioned that church discipline was “a helping-tool and effort in battle with sins
and evil desire.“22 Lumbantobing criticized the inclusion of the exercise of church
discipline as equal in importance to the proclamation of the gospel and
administration of the sacraments in the teaching on the church. Lumbantobing’s
views is important, but he did not discuss the whole articles in the 1951 Confession.
The other scholar is F.H. Sianipar. Sianipar, who discussed the 1951 Confession at
length in 1973, basically wanted to show the importance of doing contextual
theology.23 Within that framework Sianipar appreciated highly the existence of the
1951 Confession as the guidance for clergies, on the one hand, and elders and church
members, on the other hand, in facing the contextual problems and challenges of
Batak people, namely, adat (law and custom) and poverty. But, despite respecting a
number of valuable things, Sianipar also criticized certain formulation in the
Confession of 1951. One of his criticisms that I discuss is on the understanding of
salvation. According to Sianipar, Article VII of the Confession of 1951 was about
future and not present salvation. Such a theology of salvation, Sianipar contended,
was not relevant to the Batak people, who at the same time faced the influence of

22
Lumbantobing quoted it from of E. Thurneysen. See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan dalam
Gereja Batak, 252.
23
F.H. Sianipar, Suatu Problema tentang Methode Theologia dalam Ketegangan yang Dialami oleh
Masyarakat Batak Kristen Masakini (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1974).
6
two other forces, namely adat (law and custom) and secularization.24 I think Sianipar
is correct when he emphasized that salvation should also concern the present.
However, Article VII of the 1951 Confession concerning Salvation, though it gives
primary attention to the relationship of faith and good works, has not altogether
neglected present salvation. If understood carefully, the teaching of justification by
faith alone is very positive in encouraging people who have received the grace of
God to do good works voluntarily and freely to serve and please God and at the same
time to serve their neighbor in love, as Luther emphasized . In this sense, it is not
correct to assume that the 1951 Confession has put too much emphasis on future-
oriented salvation. It is, therefore, increasingly important to explain the relationship
of faith and good works as understood by Lutheran churches. In Lutheran theology,
good works are not unimportant; good works are necessary. It is true that good works
are not needed to obtain salvation. Nevertheless, those who are justified will do good
works freely and spontaneously.
1.1.1 Lutheran churches in Indonesia
Today 13 churches are members of the LWF in Indonesia.25 Most of these
churches, except the HKBP,26 the GKPI,27 and the GKPS,28 have not yet drafted their

24
Masyarakat Batak Kristen Masakini, 25.
25
1) HKBP (Protestant Christian Batak Church) joined the LWF in the year of 1952; number of
members: 4,500,000; 2) GKPS (Simalungun Protestant Christian Church) in 1967; number of
members: 220,586; 3) HKI (The Indonesian Christian Church) in 1970; number of members: 355,000;
4) GPKB (Batak Christian Community Church) in 1972; number of members: 25,000; 5) GKPI
(Christian Protestant Church in Indonesia) in 1975; number of members: 587,985; 6) GKPA
(Christian Protestant Angkola Church) in 1977; number of members: 29.455; 7) GKPM (Protestant
Christian Church in Mentawai) in 1984; number of members: 50,000; 8) GKLI (Indonesian Christian
Lutheran Church) in 1994; number of members: 17,305 9) GKPPD (Pakpak Dairi Christian Protestant
Church) in 2000; number of members: 39,428; 10) GPP (The United Protestant Church) in 2000;
number of members: 12,057; 11) BNKP (The Protestant Christian Church) in 2001; 456,802; 12)
AMIN (Christian Communion of Indonesia Church in Nias) in 2002; number of members: 18.500;
and, 13) ONKP (Communion of Protestant Christian Church) 2014; number of members: 63.274. See
Website of the LWF, www.lutheranworld.org/country/indonesia. Accessed on Mon 15 Aug 2016 at
20:15; cf. M.S.E. Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther dan Relevansinya di Indonesia (2008),
7
own confession. But in their church constitutions they state that they adopt the
Augsburg Confession of 1530.29
In addition, there is another Lutheran church in Indonesia which is not a
member of the LWF, but of the International Lutheran Council, namely, Gereja
Lutheran Indonesia (Lutheran Church in Indonesia).30 This church was founded in
1964 and its Church Constitution Article 4 this church states that they adopt and are
bound by the Augsburg Confession, Smalcald Articles, Formula of Concord, Small
Catechism and Large Catechism as contained in the Book of Concord of 1580.31
1.1.2 The use of Luther’s Small Catechism

248-249; Aritonang, Berbagai Aliran di dalam dan sekitar Gereja (1994), 23; E. Theodore Bachmann
and Mercia Brenne Bachmann, Lutheran Churches in the World: A Handbook (Minneapolis:
Augsburg Fortress, 1980), 228-239.
26
See Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996
(Pearaja: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 2000).
27
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991) (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase Pusat GKPI, t.t.);
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993) (Pematangsiantar:
Kolportase Pusat GKPI, 1993).
28
See Article of the Confession of the GKPS (Indonesian: Konfesi GKPS). This confession is issued
by the Sinode Bolon ke- 42 (General Assembly) of the GKPS on 9-14 July 2015 at Balei Bolon GKPS
Pematang Siantar. The 42th Synod Bolon Assembly of the GKPS decided that the confession would
be discussed again before the Executive Board Committee would draft the final version in October
2015. By 2016 the document would be sent to all congregations of the GKPS. See Minutes of the 42th
Sinode Bolon Assembly of the GKPS (Risalah Sinode Bolon GKPS ke- 42). Pematangsiantar, 9 Juni-
14 Juni 2015, 85-99.
29
For example, Article 6, 3 concerning Confession of Faith of the GPKB. See GPKB, Tata Gereja
GPKB (Church Constitution of GPKB) (Jakarta: Majelis Pusat GPKB, 2011), 7; and, Article 6
concerning Confession of the HKI. In the explanation of this article, the HKI clearly states that its
church is confessionally bound to Lutheranism by adopting the Augsburg Confession 1530. See HKI,
Tata Gereja Huria Kristen Indonesia (HKI) 2005 (Church Constitution of HKI) (Pematangsiantar:
HKI, 2009), 4, 81.
30
Aritonang mentions that the establishment of this church was sponsored by Lutheran churches in
Scandinavian. See Aritonang, Berbagai Aliran di dalam dan sekitar Gereja, 23; Simorangkir, Ajaran
Dua Kerajaan Luther dan Relevansinya di Indonesia, 249. On my visit to this church, August 2016,
Pastor Warsito, Bishop of Gereja Lutheran Indonesia, mentioned that their sister church is a Lutheran
church in Milwaukee, Wisconsin USA.
31
See Articles 2 and 4 of “Pernyataan Keputusan Rapat Sidang Gereja Lutheran Indonesia,” no. 1,
2009, 2-3.
8
Lutheran churches in Indonesia use Luther’s Small Catechism.32 This has
been the practice since the period of the Rhenish Mission.33
In 1970s, as part of a partnership with the Lutheran Churches of Australia
(LCA), a number of churches in North Sumatra undertook the project of translating
all the documents of the Lutheran Confessions (Lutheran Literature Team), including
Luther’s Small Catechism, into the Indonesian language.34 Cooperation with LCA,35
in addition to the translation project, includes a scholarship program, Lutheran Hour
on radio, and an exchange minister. As exchange minister the LCA sent Rev. G.D.
Dahlenburg and his wife, who worked and served the GKPI from 1986 to 1991.36
Dahlenburg wrote two small but valuable books on Lutheranism.37

32
There is also a church within these Lutheran churches that make use of both Luther’s Small
Catechism and the Heidelberg Catechism. See Article 9 of Tata Gereja BNKP (Church Constitution of
The Protestant Christian Church), 2007, 7.
33
See the discussion of the use of Luther’s Small Catechism within Batak churches in section 2.2 of
Chapter II.
34
Despite continuing to reprint the Luther's Small Catechism, which was translated into Toba Batak
language by Nommensen in 1874, the first document to be translated in this project was the Augsburg
Confession in 1978 and after that the Large Catechism in 1980, and, the Apology of the Augsburg
Confession in 1983, and then the Formula of Concord. See Konfesi Augsburg Then. 1530: Yang
Diserahkan kepada Kaisar Karel V Tgl. 21 Januari 1530. Diterjemahkan oleh Team Ahli Gereje-
gereja Sumatera Utara atas Kerja Sama dengan Lutheran Church of Australia, 1978; Katekhismus
Besar Dr. Martin Luther, Team Gereje-gereja Sumatera Utara atas Kerjasama dengan Lutheran
Church Australia (Lutheran Literature Team, 1980) [Translated in cooperation with LCA Australia];
Apologi Konfesi Augsburg Thn. 1531. Diambil dari “The Book of Concord” (Th. G. Tappert, 1979)
dan diterjemahkan oleh Tim Literatur LKS atas kerjasama dengan Lutheran Church of Australia
(Pematangsiantar: Lembaga Komunikasi Sejahtera, 1983) [Taken from “The Book of Condord” ed. by
Th. G. Tappert and translated by LKS Team in cooperation with LCA Australia]; Rumus Konkord.
Thn: 1577. Diterjemahkan oleh Lutheran Literature Team atas kerjasama dengan Lutheran Church of
Australia [Translated in cooperation with LCA Australia]. These translations were edited once again
and reprinted in 2004. See Buku Konkord. Konfesi Gereja Lutheran. Ed. by M.S.E. Simorangkir
(Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2004); cf. E. Theodore Bachmann and Mercia Brenne Bachmann,
Lutheran Churches in the World: A Handbook, 228.
35
According to E. Theodore Bachmann and Mercia Brenne Bachmann, this project was aided not by
the LCA alone but also by the International Lutheran Laymen’s League (LCMS/USA). With the
support of these two institutions, the Sumatra Lutheran Hour and Lutheran Literature Team were
formed in 1977. Later the two projects merged in 1982 and took the name “Lembaga Komunikasi
Sejahtera” (Society for the Communication of Spiritual Blessings). For Luther’s 500th anniversary
(1983) this institution published a small book, entitled, Martin Luther: Tokoh Gereja yang Dikenal
Sepanjang Masa (Martin Luther: A Famous Church Father of All Time). See E. Theodore Bachmann
and Mercia Brenne Bachmann, Lutheran Churches in the World: A Handbook, 228; cf. Martin
Luther: Tokoh Gereja yang Dikenal Sepanjang Masa (Pematangsiantar: LKS, 1983).
36
R.W. Gerhardy, “Pengertian Dan Pengalaman Gereja Lutheran Australia dalam Bekerjasama
dengan Gereja-gereja Lutheran di Indonesia,” in Missio Dei. Kumpulan Karangan Kenang-kenangan
pada Ulang Tahun ke- 60 Ds. Dr. A. Lumbantobing, eds. R.M.G. Marbun and A. Munthe
(Pematangsiantar: Kolportase/Publikasi Pusat GKPI, 1980), 55, 58; Aritonang, Yubileum 50 Tahun
9
Luther’s Small Catechism remains an important source for Lutheran churches
in Indonesia, particularly for its use in catechetical instruction and Sunday Service.38
The catechetical instruction book used for confirmation class in the HKBP at present,
Buku Sipangkeon ni Parguru Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP
(Catechetical Instruction Used by Catechumens in the HKBP), reprinted in 2011 as
Buku Parguru Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP (Catechetical Instruction
for Catechumens in the HKBP) follows the content and structure of Luther’s Small
Catechism namely, the Ten Commandments, Creeds, the Lord’s Prayer, the Holy
Communion, and Holy Baptism. In addition, in HKBP’s book come the following
chapters: The Word of God, and The Church.39 Meanwhile, catechetical instruction
books of the GKPI only refer to Luther’s Small Catechism in related topics.40
However, no matter which book is used for confirmation, it is obvious that within the

GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan ke Depan, 260; Suara GKPI [=“Voice of GKPI”: GKPI’s
monthly bulletin] no. 5 May 1987, 17-18; Suara GKPI no. 01/1992, 19-20; C.G. Schmidt, “Pdt. W.
Lumbantobing dan Gereja Lutheran Australia,” in Penatalayanan yang Baik. Buku Kenangan
Jubileum 70 Tahun Bapak Pdt. W. Lumbantobing, 1984, 14-15; E. Theodore Bachmann and Mercia
Brenne Bachmann, Lutheran Churches in the World: A Handbook, 228; cf. Information from the
LCA’s side on LCA’s engagement in Indonesia provided by Glenice Hartwich. Mail correspondences
on April 13, 2015 and May 11, 2015.
37
G.D. Dahlenburg, Konfesi-konfesi Gereja Lutheran. Pengantar dan Cuplikan Penting Konfesi-
konfesi Gereja Lutheran (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2000, 2nd ed.); G.D. Dahlenburg, Pemberitaan
Firman dan Pelayanan Sakramen (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1991). Dahlenburg also wrote a
number of articles on Lutheranism published in the church magazine of the GKPI, Suara GKPI
(Voice of the GKPI). See Dahlenburg, “Kerjasama GKPI dan LCA” [Cooperation between GKPI and
LCA] in Suara GKPI no. 02/1989, 32-34; Dahlenburg, “Theologi Martin Luther (Part 1),” [Theology
of Martin Luther] in Suara GKPI no. 4/1989, 19-21; Dahlenburg, “Theologi Martin Luther (Part 2),”
in GKPI no. 5/1989, 21-23; Dahlenburg, “Theologi Martin Luther (Part 3),” in GKPI no. 6/1989, 40-
41; Dahlenburg, “Theologi Martin Luther (Part 4),” in GKPI no. 7/1989, 25-27; Dahlenburg,
“Kemerdekaan Orang Kristen,” [The Freedom of a Christian] in Suara GKPI no. 11/1989, 26-27;
Dahlenburg, “Penyampaian Firman dalam Bentuk Khotbah dan Penelaahan Alkitab [Part 1],”
[Proclamation of the Word of God in the form of Preaching and in Bible Study] in Suara GKPI
01/1990, 41-42; Dahlenburg, “Penyampaian Firman dalam Bentuk Khotbah dan Penelaahan Alkitab
[Part 2],” in Suara GKPI 02/1990, 39-42; cf. “Pdt. G.D. Dahlenburg Kembali ke Australia,” [Rev.
Dahlenburg Leaves Indonesia to go back to Australia] in Suara GKPI no. 01/1992, 19-20.
38
See Section 2.2 of Chapter II.
39
See Buku Sipangkeon ni Parguru Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP (Peraja, Tarutung:
Kantor Pusat HKBP), 73-76; Buku Parguru Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP (Pearaja,
Tarutung: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 2011), 122-129.
40
Jan S. Aritonang, Buku Katekhisasi di Gereja Kristen Protestant Indonesia (GKPI)
(Pematangsiantar: Kolportase Pusat GKPI, 2001); Buku Katekisasi Sidi di Gereja Kristen Protestant
Indonesia (GKPI) (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase GKPI, 2013). The latter is aimed to replace the
previous one.
10
circle of Batak Lutheran churches in Indonesia the use of Luther’s Small Catechism
in their confirmation class continues.
There are also efforts to provide alternative catechetical instruction material,
especially for confirmation classes within the circle of Batak Lutheran churches in
Indonesia, in which Luther’s Small Catechism (together with the Bible) is used as
reference and guidance in teaching selected topics. The following books, Buku
Panduan Pelayanan Sidi41 and Bertumbuh sebagai Umat Allah42 have such intention.
The Lutheran Heritage Foundation has tried to spread the teaching and
message of Luther’s Small Catechism through its translation projects in books that
elaborate Luther’s Small Catechism into many languages of different countries,
including in Indonesia.43
1.1.3 The Lord’s Supper in the “Agenda” (Book of Liturgy) of Batak churches
The Rhenish Mission introduced and translated the Prussian Church
Agenda44 into Batak and used it as the “Agenda” (Book of Liturgy or worship
directory) of the Batak Church.45 In this book of liturgy, “the real presence” of

41
Buku Panduan Pelayanan Sidi, translated by Marudut Manalu, et. al. (Pearaja: HKBP, 2000).
Translated from Kennith Smith, et. al., Handbook for Confirmation Ministry.
42
Bertumbuh sebagai Umat Allah, translated by A.A. Sitompul, et. al. (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia,
1991). Translated from E.W. Janetzki, et.al., Growing as God’s People. A Learning Resource Based
on Luther’s Small Catechism.
43
Such as Landasan Iman Kristen dengan Penjelasannya oleh Martin Luther. Dua edisi: Edisi Guru
dan Edisi Siswa (Two edition: Teacher and Student) (Macomb, Michigan: Lutheran Heritage
Foundation, 2006). Translated from Exploring Luther’s Small Catechism. A Workbook for Luther’s
Small Catechism with Explanation; Landasan Iman Kristen dengan Penjelasannya (Macomb,
Michigan: Lutheran Heritage Foundation, 2004). Translated from Luther’s Small Catechism.
44
In 19th-century, Prussia, Germany, Union Church, namely the union of the Lutheran and Reformed,
used a single worship directory. See Wolfgang Neugebauer, “Prussia,” Religion: Past and Present,
vol. X, 485; Wilhelm H. Neuser, “Agendenstreit (Liturgical Dispute),” in Religion: Past and Present,
vol. I, 101.
45
The Agenda of the Batak Church was drawn up in 1904. Missionaries Steinsiek and Jung were
assigned to prepare it by referring to the Prussian book of liturgy and adapting it to the context and
needs of the Batak Church. Prussia’s book of liturgy itself was composed in 1895 by 23 theologians
from Lutheran and Reformed backgrounds. See Andar M. Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan
dalam Gereja Batak (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1996, 2nd), 234; Th. Müller Krüger, Sedjarah
Gereja di Indonesia (Djakarta: Badan Penerbit Kristen, 1966, 2nd), 223-224; J.R. Hutauruk, “Agenda
HKBP: Sejarah dan Perkembangannya,” Seminar Liturgi/Ibadah HKBP, Medan, 04 Juni 2013, 1;
11
Christ’s body and blood in the elements of bread and wine were not mentioned.46 Up
to the present, some churches still use that “Agenda” though some have revised it.
The GKPS and the GKPI have revised their book of liturgy. The revision
made by the GKPS in its book of liturgy on the section of the Holy Communion
shows the tendency toward “real presence”. The Book of Worship of the GKPS
inserts this notion in its liturgy of the Holy Communion:
Do you believe in the Word of God, which says that the bread and wine in the
Holy Communion are the body and blood of Lord Jesus Christ? Yes, I
believe.47
In its recently drafted confession, the GKPS formulates its understanding on the
Lord’s Supper as follows:
The GKPS acknowledges and teaches that in the Holy Communion the body
and blood of Christ are truly present under the bread and wine, which become
the vehicle of the sacrament. It is the Word that differentiates the bread and
wine of the Holy Communion from the regular bread and wine. It is also the
Words that institute the bread and wine to become the body and blood of
Christ (Luke 22: 19-20).48
Meanwhile, the GKPI has clearly embraced “the real presence” in its formulation of
the Lord’s Supper. The Book of Liturgy of the GKPI states:
The Holy Communion is a spiritual feast, the feast of believers with God.
This sacrament of Holy Communion is truly the body and blood of our Lord

Wilhelm H. Neuser, “Agendenstreit (Liturgical Dispute),” in Religion: Past and Present, vol. I, 101;
See Wolfgang Neugebauer, “Prussia,” Religion: Past and Present, vol. X, 485; J.R. Hutauruk,
“Kelutheran Gereja-gereja Batak Anggota LWF di Indonesia,” July and August 2006, 4
46
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prussian_Union_of_churches. Accessed on 17 August 2016. 12.12;
Wilhelm H. Neuser, “Agendenstreit (Liturgical Dispute),” in Religion: Past and Present, vol. I, 101;
See Wolfgang Neugebauer, “Prussia,” Religion: Past and Present, vol. X, 485
47
GKPS, Tata Ibadah Gereja Kristen Protestan Simalungun (GKPS) (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase
GKPS, 2004), 140, 146.
48
See Article of the Confession of the GKPS (Indonesian: Konfesi GKPS). This Confession is issued
by the Sinode Bolon ke- 42 (General Assembly) of the GKPS on 9-14 July 2015 at Balei Bolon GKPS
Pematang Siantar. The minutes of the of the 42th Synod Bolon Assembly of the GKPS record that this
confession should be discussed again in order to have a final draft at the Executive Board Committee
in October 2015 and by 2016 the document would be officially issued to all the congregations of the
GKPS. See Minutes of the 42th Synod Bolon Assembly of the GKPS (Risalah Sinode Bolon GKPS
ke- 42). Pematangsiantar, 9 June-14 June 2015, 85.
12
Jesus Christ in the form of bread and wine through his Word, as instituted by
Jesus Christ himself for us his people to eat and drink.49
The GKPI itself had already formulated “the real presence” in its understanding of
the Lord’s Supper earlier on when this church drafted its confession in 1991. The
Basic Articles of Faith of the GKPI state:
The Holy Communion is the message of Lord Jesus Christ who says: “Take,
eat, this is my body,” and, “All of you drink it, for this is my blood …” (Matt.
26:26-27). Because of the Words that accompanied the physical eating and
drinking, we, therefore, receive the true body and blood of Christ.50
The Gereja Lutheran Indonesia (Lutheran Church in Indonesia), a member of
the International Lutheran Council, not the LWF, mentioned earlier also uses “the
real presence” language in their Book of Liturgy on the Lord’s Supper:
Take this, eat, this is the true body of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Savior, given
into death for your sins.
Take, drink, this is the true blood of Jesus Christ, our Lord and Savior, shed
for the forgiveness of your sins.51
This formulation precisely follows the formulation of Lutheran churches as
contained in Lutheran Service Book: Pew Edition.52
1.1.4 Church Discipline
As inherited from the Rhenish Mission all Lutheran churches in Indonesia
affiliated to the LWF exercise church discipline in the life of their churches. The
strong emphasis on the exercise of church discipline is then one of the characteristics
of the churches that emerged from the work of the Rhenish Mission. This practice of

49
GKPI, Buku Tata Ibadah Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (GKPI), 58, 62.
50
Article IX, 6 (The Sacraments). See GKPI, Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (The Basic
Articles of Faith of the GKPI) (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase Pusat GKPI, 1991), 26.
51
“Tata Cara Kebaktian Perjamuan Kudus”. [Liturgy of the Holy Communion]. See Gereja Lutheran
Indonesia, Tata Cara Kebaktian Gereja Lutheran Indonesia, 18.
52
See Lutheran Service Book (Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 2006).
13
church discipline can be traced back to Calvin. However, the practice of church
discipline was not prominent in Lutheran churches.53
The exercise of church discipline in the time of the Rhenish Mission aimed to
punish and to block the practices of ancestor worship. Of course, the exercise of
Church Discipline was not just about banning ancestor worship; it dealt with
everything concerning church government and prohibited anything contrary to the
Ten Commandments. In later times, the practice of church discipline was not simply
to exercise punishment; more emphasis was given to pastoral care.54
1.2 Thesis statement
Many question the Lutheran identity of the HKBP and other Lutheran
churches in Indonesia, saying “tidak murni Lutheran” (it is not truly Lutheran) or
“theologically not Lutheran at all”. Such views closely relate to the history of Batak
churches. The Batak Church and later other Lutheran churches in Sumatra frequently
used the Small Catechism in catechetical instruction and Sunday worship.
Nonetheless, the Batak Church itself was the result of a mission body that was
confessionally neutral. Moreover, the Rhenish Mission also introduced a book of
liturgy that had its origin in the worship directory of the Union church which united
Lutherans and Reformed. Moreover, the mission introduced the practices of church
discipline that showed Calvinist influence.
When the Batak Church in 1951 applied for membership in the LWF, rather
than adopting the Augsburg Confession, it chose to draw up its own confession. It

53
See Robert v. Friedburg, “Church Discipline. I. History,” in Religion: Past and Present, vol. III, 89;
P.G. Lindhart. Tr., “Church Discipline,” in the Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, vol. II, 505-509.
54
The Order of Church Discipline of HKBP has been revised four times, first in 1897, second in 1924,
third in 1952 and the latest in 1987. See Buku Ruhut Parmahanion dohot Paminsangon di Huria
Kristen Batak Protestan, (Pearaja: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 1987). The Order of Church Discipline of
GKPI was written for the first time in 1968. It was revised in 1981 and then in 2013, under the title
Tata Penggembalaan GKPI (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase GKPI, 2014).
14
was then on the basis of the Batak Church’s confession that the LWF received them.
There is therefore definite grounds for arguing that any discussion of the Lutheran
identity of the Batak Church should be based not just on the period before 1951 but
also what happened afterwards.
Through an examination of the confessions of Batak churches, this study
demonstrates how Batak churches that originated as non-confessional churches but
later became Lutheran understand their Lutheran identity. Based on the examination
of their confessions, Batak churches have clearly expressed their Lutheran identity.
However, these confessions do not clearly show an effort to link Lutheran
theological convictions to or use Lutheran theology to deal with the contextual
challenges facing Batak churches. Although Batak churches have embraced
Lutheranism, they are not yet seriously working on a theology to fit their Lutheran
identity.
1.3 The Purpose and scope of this study
This study aims to examine the Lutheran identity of Batak churches through
an examination of their confessions. The goal is to know how Batak churches
understand their Lutheran identity.
This study is limited to the HKBP and the GKPI, which already have their
own confessions. Both these churches come from the same root and only split into
two different churches because of organizational, not doctrinal, dispute.
1.4 Methodology
I make use of the study of the Institute for Ecumenical Research in
Strasbourg about the ten basic theological convictions that characterize Lutheran
15
churches.55 Accordingly, this study will focus on the teaching of justification by faith
alone, faith and good works, law and gospel, the teaching on the church, the teaching
on the Lord’s Supper, and on several others (on the servant of God in the church, on
church rites, on government, and on foods).
After that, I use “Compare and Contrast” methodology,56 comparing and
contrasting the 1951 Confession, the 1996 Confession of the HKBP and the Basic
Articles of Faith of the GKPI with the Lutheran Confessions. I also study Luther’s
writing outside the Lutheran Confessions, especially in relation to topics such as
justification - faith and good works, law and gospel, and the Lord’s Supper.
Discussion on the Lord’s Supper is especially long, as it is here that differences
between the Lutheran and Reformed/Calvinist tradition are clearest, and these
differences, to some extent, influenced the Batak Church.
In my effort to understand the Lutheran Confessions I especially pay
attention to several Luther/Lutheran Confessions scholars, such as Holsten
Fagerberg, Edmund Schlink, Wilhelm Maurer, Conrad Bergendoff, Willard Dow
Allbeck, J.L. Neve, Günther Gassmann and Scott Hendrix, Leif Grane, Friedrich
Mildenberger, Carl C. Braaten, Eric W. Gritsch and Robert W. Jenson, Bernhard
Lohse, Oswald Bayer, and Vilmos Vajta.
1.5 Difficulties
Because I am unable to read German and Latin, I have only consulted works
in English concerning the Lutheran Confessions, Luther’s works, related sources and

55
Context of the Challenges of our Time” (Strasbourg, Institute for Ecumenical Research, 1977). In
addition to this I also consider Gassmann and Hendrix’s list of the characteristics. See Günther
Gassmann and Scott Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions (Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 1999).
56
Sharon Sorenson, Webster’s New World Student Writing Handbook, 3rd Ed. (New York:
MacMillan, 1997).
16
documents. I realize that this is a weakness. Nevertheless, there are many translations
and scholarly studies in English; these have been a great help.
17
CHAPTER 2
THE BATAK CHURCH AS THE RESULT OF THE RHENISH MISSION
(1861-1940)
The Batak Church is the result of the Rhenish Mission’s evangelization.
mission body, served Batak land for 80 years. However, later in 1952, when HKBP
had become an autonomous church, it joined the Lutheran World Federation. This
chapter will describe the background of the Rhenish Mission, and the legacies that
the Batak Church inherited from the Rhenish Mission. This part will also show in
what ways the Batak Church became acquainted with the idea of the Reformation, in
general, and with the topic of faith and good works in particular.
2.1 The Rhenish Mission Society
The Rhenish Missionary Society (Rheinische Missions-Gesellschaft) was
founded in Barmen, Germany, on September 23, 1828,57 through a merger of several
local missionary societies.58
2.1.1 The Influence of Lutheran Pietism

57
See Jan S. Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland (Indonesia): 1861-1940, translated by Robert
R. Boehlke. (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1994), 69.
58
They were Elberfeld (established in 1799), Barmen, Cologne, and Wesel. See “Rhenish Mission
Society,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. II, edited by Julius Bodensieck
(Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1965), 1646; Andreas Feldtkeller, “United Evangelical
Mission (Vereinigte Evangelische [Rheinische] Mission,” in Religion: Past and Present.
Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol. XIII, ed. by Hans Dieter Betz, Don S. Browning, Bernd
Janowski, and Eberhard Jungel (Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2013), 205.
18
The Rhenish Mission59 and many missionary societies came into existence in
the wake of the Evangelical Awakening of the late 18th century in Germany.60 This
movement can be traced back to Philip Jacob Spener (1635-1705) and August
Hermann Francke (1663-1727). In his essay Pia Desideria (1675), Spener urged a
more extensive use of the Scriptures. He felt that all believers should diligently
exercise a spiritual priesthood, giving an active and devout life (praxis pietatis)
priority over all theory. It was Spener who set forth all the basic ideas and aspirations
of Pietism.61 He believed church life was stuck in the shoals of institutionalism,
dogmatism, and polemics,62 and badly in need of reform. Since, in his view, the
church as a body was reluctant and wicked, the best way to bring about such a
reform was by bringing together and encouraging the eager and the devout.63 Central
to Pietism was regeneration (conversion, new birth). Spener viewed conversion as a
one-time act, consisting of God’s offer of grace and man’s decision to accept it. The
result of this process was the “new man”. The saved had an immediate awareness of
being God’s children.64
Francke made the University of Halle, founded in 1694, a center of Pietism.

59
In 1971, the Rhenish and Bethel Missions were combined into the Vereinte Evangelische Mission
(United Evangelical Mission). The Zaire Mission joined in 1978. Today UEM is a global communion
of 34 Protestant churches in Africa, Asia and Germany and the von Bodelschwingh Foundation
Bethel. UEM’s statement on corporate identity says: “Following the Biblical call we are a communion
of 34 Protestant churches in Africa, Asia and Germany and the von Bodelschwingh Foundation Bethel
united in mission. Our roots are in the Rhenish Mission (founded 1828), the Bethel Mission (founded
1886), and the Zaire Mission (founded 1965). Since 1996, the UEM has been internationally
organised and staffed with its headquarters in Germany and also there are regional offices in Dar es
Salaam, Tanzania and Medan, Indonesia. See "Who We Are,” http://www.vemission.org/en/about-
uem/who-we-are.html (accessed 1 March 2014); Andreas Feldtkeller, “United Evangelical Mission
(Vereinigte Evangelische [Rheinische] Mission,” in Religion: Past and Present. Encyclopedia of
Theology and Religion, vol. XIII, 205.
60
See James A. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969), 25.
61
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969), 17; Scherer, that
the Gospel may be sincerely preached throughout the world, 20; Johannes Wallmann, “Pietism,” in
Religion: Past and Present. Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol. X, 114; Martin Schmidt,
“Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. III, 1902.
62
Martin Schmidt, “Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. III, 1898.
63
Wallmann, “Pietism,” in Religion: Past and Present. Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol.
X, 114.
64
Schmidt, “Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. III, 1899.
19
He applied Spener’s reform to Halle by replacing Aristotelian philosophy with
biblical philology; Bible study and practical training for the ministry were made
central. Personal piety was more important than knowledge.65 He required the reader
to be reborn in order to recognize Christ as the core of Scripture.66 Francke also
made Halle Pietism into missionary practice, sending missions to many countries
(Scandinavia, Russia, southeast Europe, and India).67 At home, he established an
educational institution in which piety and the attainment of job skills were the
educational goals.68 Education became a big enterprise with many international
contacts.69 According to Schmidt, the goal of Francke’s reform can be expressed by
the formula “Changing the world by changing individuals”.70
Many of Francke’s students, among them many sons of the nobility, became
spreaders of pietism. One of them was Nicholas Ludwig von Zinzendorf (1700-
1760). Later Zinzendorf – based on his reading of Luther, the Scriptures, and
extensive ecumenical contacts – dissociated himself from Halle and coined his own
type of piety.71 In 1722, he accepted Protestant refugees from Moravia to his estate in
Saxony and formed the community of Herrnhut (lit. [under] the Lord’s watch). This
community, also known as the Brethren Unity, grew into an interdenominational
renewal movement and mission church. Zinzendorf became the acknowledged leader

65
Johannes Wallmann, “Pietism,” in Religion: Past and Present. Encyclopedia of Theology and
Religion, vol. X, 114.
66
Martin Brecht, with Carter Linberg, “Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of Christianity, Vol. 4, 220.
67
Religion, vol. X, 114; Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 18.
68
69
Martin Schmidt, “Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. III, 1903.
70
Quoted in Wallmann, “Pietism,” in Religion: Past and Present. Encyclopedia of Theology and
71
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 22; Schmidt, “Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of The
Lutheran Church, vol. III, 1903.
20
of the Brethren and imposed his own theological views on them.72 For Zinzendorf
the preaching of the Crucified Lamb replaced the Halle Pietist emphasis on spiritual
regeneration (which produced only leading individuals). Zinzendorf viewed the
church as a community of forgiven sinners. Reconciled at the foot of the cross, they
were formed by the Holy Spirit into the living congregation of Jesus Christ.
Zinzendorf directed his missionaries abroad to gather small flocks of new believers.
He preferred individual conversion rather to “group conversions”. Zinzendorf also
opposed introducing the confessional churches of Western Christendom to the newly
converted in the mission field. In his view, the preaching of Christ crucified must be
the core of mission; it should not be mixed with historical confession.73 It is clear
that with Francke and Zinzendorf with his Brethren the relationship between pietism
and evangelization is close. Those touched by the mercy of God felt impelled to
share the Good News with non-Christians.
Pietism in Lutheranism tended more toward “nonpartisanship”, but,
according to Scherer, despite its moderate confessional stand, Halle was ultimately
faithful to churchly Lutheranism.74 This is clear from the work in Tranquebar in
South India (1706), where Halle maintained Lutheran ecclesiological identity and
sought to conserve the Lutheran heritage within the church.75 On the other hand, the
Herrnhut viewed that historical confessions were not needed for the church of the
future and they should be replaced by a Christocentric proclamation.76
The Evangelical Awakening in Germany in the late 18th century gave rise to
fresh movements of renewal and impulses to mission. In 1780, for example,

72
Brecht and Linberg, “Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of Christianity, Vol. 4, 221; Schmidt,
“Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. III, 1903.
73
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 23; Bosch, Transforming Mission, 253-254.
74
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 23; Wallmann, “Pietism,” in Religion: Past and
Present. Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol. X, 115.
75
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 19-20, 24.
76
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 25.
21
Urlsperger founded the German Society for Christianity.77 This was followed by
other mission societies. These German mission societies had their roots in the
continuing influence of Halle Pietism and of Herrnhut, but partly arose as a reaction
against the rationalistic Enlightenment.78 The awakening had caused Christians in
Germany to come together “on a regional basis to express their missionary concern,
appealing to common scriptural teachings rather than to particular confessions.” 79
This was the background of the founding of the Basel (1815), Rhenish (1826), and
North German (1836) mission societies, in which Lutherans and other evangelical
Christians cooperated, appealing to common scriptural teachings rather than to their
particular confessions.80
Christians in Germany who founded the Rhenish Mission came from
different backgrounds - Lutheran, Reformed, and Union congregations.81 Scherer
uses the term a “supraconfessional-union”82 to describe the Rhenish Mission
position. By it, he means that the Rhenish Mission was not bound to any particular
denomination. But unlike the Basel Mission (1815), which deliberately excluded
Lutheran and Reformed confessional statements from its doctrinal basis, the Rhenish
Mission was more closely related to the life of the churches. Scherer states,
Its original doctrinal standpoint had been that of a “consensus union,” viz.,
the doctrine of the Reformed and Lutheran confessions insofar as these

77
Bosch, Transforming Mission, 280.
78
Scherer says, “Missions of the Evangelical Awakening owed something to the continuing influence
of Halle Pietism and of Moravianism, but they were the direct offspring of the
Christentumsgesellschaft (1780).” See James A. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1969), 25.
79
See James A. Scherer, …that the Gospel may be sincerely preach throughout the world. A Lutheran
Perspective on Mission and Evangelism in the 20th Century (Geneva: The LWF, 1982), 20-21, 24.
80
See James A. Scherer, …that the Gospel may be sincerely preached throughout the world. A
Lutheran Perspective on Mission and Evangelism in the 20th Century, 20-21, 24.
81
Other expression: “Lutherans, Reformed, members of Union congregations and free church people
worked together with very little friction and actually to their mutual enrichment.” See “Rhenish
Mission Society,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, 1646.
82
James A. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 27. Andar Lumbantobing uses the term “the
non-confessional,” while Hasselgren prefer “interdenominational.” See Andar M. Lumbantobing,
“The Confession of the Batak Church. An Introduction and Explanation.” In The Church and the
Confessions, 119; Hasselgren, Rural Batak, Kings in Medan, 80.
22
agreed.83
As part of his argumentation of the Batak Church’s roots, Andar
Lumbantobing tried to make clear that the Rhenish Mission that came and served the
Batak people was neither Lutheran nor Reformed. To support his argument Andar
quoted the Rhenish Mission’s statement of its own identity from 1847, saying:
In our mission society, members of both of the protestant confessions now

still separated, as also of the United Church, are fraternally united. We are far
from disparaging the importance of the difference between the two
confessions, and we are just as far from wanting to urge anyone to give them
up and set them aside. But we are firmly convinced that they are not and must
not be a reason why we should not work together for the cause of Jesus
Christ.84
Later, as seen further in the field, Lutheran and Reformed elements would be
used by the Rhenish Mission’s missionaries in their work in Batakland.85 This was a
time when the Rhenish Mission faced confessional contention inside their
organization, not only in Batakland but also in their other missionary fields.
Nevertheless, the Rhenish Mission was able to resolve this problem in Batakland by
stating their non-affiliation to any particular denomination.86 Elsewhere, as in South
Africa, the Rhenish Mission decided to use three catechisms side by side, i.e.
Luther’s Small Catechism, Heidelberg Catechism (Reformed), and Union Catechism

83
James A. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 27.
84
“Die Rheinische Mission in der Heimat,” in Geschichte de Rheinischen Mission, vol. I, ed. by Ed
Kriele (Barmen, 1928), 114 as quoted in Andar M. Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak
Church. An Introduction and Explanation.” In The Church and the Confessions, 119. This is also
quoted in Andar M. Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan dalam Gereja Batak, 84.
85
Bridston, who taught in the Seminary of HKBP in 1954-1956, contends that the Rhenish Mission
combined both Lutheran and Reformed elements in its work in Batakland. See Keith R. Bridston,
“The Batak Church and Christian Identity,” in Horas HKBP! Essays for a 125-Year-Old Church, ed.
by A.A. Sitompul and Arne Sovik (Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP, 1986), 150.
86
Lothar Schreiner, “Di Sekitar Masalah Pengakuan Iman, Konfessi Augsburg dan Menyaksikan
Ketuhanan Kristus,” in Missio Dei. Kumpulan Karangan Kenang-kenangan pada Ulang Tahun ke- 60
Ds. Dr. A. Lumbantobing, eds. R.M.G. Marbun and A. Munthe (Pematangsiantar:
Kolportase/Publikasi Pusat GKPI, 1980), 137.
23
(Lutherans and Reformed united).87
Before the merger, the Barmen Society had already established a mission
seminary in 1825. Therefore, as early as 1829, the Rhenish Mission had been able to
send out four missionaries to begin work in South Africa. In addition, other fields
were opened: Borneo in 1834, South China in 1846, Sumatra in 1861, Nias in 1865,
and the Mentawai Islands in 1901.88 The Barmen Seminary continued to be a
seminary for the Rhenish Mission Society. Of the 163 missionaries sent to the Batak
area during the period 1861-1940, almost all of them were educated at Barmen.89
2.1.2 The Theology of the Teachers of the Barmen Seminary
Since 1866, the admission requirements of the Barmen Seminary had
emphasized spiritual qualifications. The Seminary was looking for students who had
native intelligence renewed by faith and love of Christ, and good behavior indicative
of such a spiritual renewal.90 Thus, piety continued to be the main requirement for
admission in the next period. Each candidate was asked to examine whether he had
truly experienced conversion and was "new-born".91
In general, education at the Barmen Seminary placed emphasis on developing
students' ability to communicate the Gospel and to seek the conversion of non-
Christians overseas. The Seminary focused upon the need of humankind to find
salvation. Students were taught to share Christ’s redemptive work, which brings a
close, personal, and individual relationship to God. This message, the joy of a

87
Schreiner, “Di Sekitar Masalah Pengakuan Iman, Konfessi Augsburg dan Menyaksikan Ketuhanan
Kristus,” in Missio Dei, 137.
88
See “Rhenish Mission Society,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. II, 1646.
89
Some of them came from the Netherlands and some were university graduates. See Aritonang,
Mission Schools, 70.
90
Aritonang, Mission Schools, 92.
91
24
personal experience of salvation, was to be preached to the ends of the earth.92
In order to understand the background of the missionaries working in the
Batakland we need to discuss briefly the theological emphasis of the Barmen
Seminary’s teachers.93
J.H. Richter94 (1799-1846), whose roots lay in the pietism of Francke and
Zinzendorf, was one of those who laid Barmen’s theological foundations. Richter’s
core instruction was a basic knowledge and understanding of the Bible, and the
teaching on salvation. Richter conceived Christian mission as an effort to build and
to promote the kingdom of God.95
J.C. Wallmann96 (1811-1865), whose theology of redemption originated from
the revival movement, emphasized the needs of each individual for redemption,
repentance and salvation. He understood the religions of indigenous people as a proof
of the darkness of paganism. Therefore, he emphasized the Gospel as the light that
overcomes that darkness through the conversion of indigenous people.97 But in
contrast to most of his contemporaries, Wallmann never idolized Western
civilization or equated it with Christianity. Wallman, a Pietist and Lutheran
conservative, 98 considered that church and mission should go together. At the time,
many fellow churchmen in Rhineland, influenced by the theological liberalism,
showed no interest in doing mission. He insisted on stressing the unity of mission

92
Aritonang, Jan S. and Karel Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity in Indonesia
(Leiden/Boston: Brill, 2008), 536-537; cf. Bosch, Transforming Mission, 252.
93
The source for this part is mainly Aritonang, who follows Schreiner’s presentation on the theology
of the spiritual fathers and the teachers in the Rhenish Mission Seminary. See Aritonang, Mission
Schools in Batakland, 99-128 (Lothar Schreiner, Adat und Evangelium (Güttersloh: Gerd Mohn,
1972), 33-85).
94
Richter taught from 1827-1846, and also served as the first inspector for the Rhenish Mission
Society, and so none of his students became missionaries in the Batakland. See Aritonang, Mission
Schools in Batakland, 70.
95
Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 70, 71.
96
Wallmann taught at the seminary and was also the Rhenish Mission inspector from 1848-1857.
Nommensen and Johannsen were the only two of the Rhenish Mission’s missionaries in the Batakland
who studied under Wallmann. See Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 71.
97
See Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 71.
98
See Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 81.
25
and church, and so ‘each missionary would have his basic relationship with the
church without questioning the church’s theological convictions’.99
G.L. von Rohden100 (1817-1889) saw world history and church history as
united and illustrating the history of the Kingdom of God. But he was aware of the
distinction between civilization, or culture, and Christianity. He stressed that
although missionaries participated as a civilizing force, nevertheless this had to be
grounded in obedience to the Lord. One should bear in mind that it is faith, rather
than civilization or culture, which makes the Gospel triumph over pagan society.101
Friedrich Fabri102 (1824-1891), who emphasized personal piety and a literal
understanding of the Bible, centralized his theology on the Kingdom of God
(Reichstheologie). He differentiated three kinds of kingdoms: the Kingdom of God,
worldly kingdoms and the devil’s kingdom. Everyone has fallen into sin, but
humankind continues to have a consciousness of God and the world. In Fabri’s
opinion, the impact of the Fall was different on Europeans (white race) than on dark-
skinned people. He believed that the white race had received God’s special blessing
in the form of recovery of God’s knowledge and a high civilization. But dark-
skinned people remained in darkness, and so the mission’s task is to communicate
the Gospel from the white race to them.103 In this understanding, evangelism must
run parallel with civilization. But even though his thinking on mission was that at the
end all nations would receive the Gospel, this does not meant that evangelizing
pagan peoples would result in mass conversion. For him mass Christianization was a

99
100
Rohden taught from 1846-1889 and so the majority of the missionaries who served in the
Batakland were his students. See Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 73.
101
102
Fabri was a very important figure in the Rhenish Mission history. He became the inspector during
the period 1857-1884. His position with the Rhenish was an outcome of the effort to recruit academics
to teach at the seminary. Fabri earned his doctoral degree in 1847. See Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 82;
Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 74.
103
Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 75.
26
misconception. Instead, he embraced mission as the conversion of individuals
(Einzelbekehrung), as the way to gather them in an elect community.104 Fabri, as
Wallmann did, viewed that mission and church should go together, and so he
stressed “the mission must be an ecclesiastical institution and mission work is one of
the tasks of the church”.105 Fabri was also known as a colonial politician.106 He
urged the German government of his era, Chancellor Bismarck, to engage in
colonialism because, Fabri argued, Christian nations in the west had a duty to take
part in spreading Christianity and Western civilization to the rest of the world. 107 He
demanded that the German government as the government of a Christian nation
should support Christian mission.108
Gustav Warneck109 (1834-1910) can be classified as neo-Pietist, as he
rejected liberal and rationalistic theology. However, he also endeavored to bridge
the gap between the liberal and the conservative sides,110 and made a strong
contribution to the emphasis on the Christianizing of all nations
(Volkschristianisierung). He meant that one could not make a sharp contradiction

104
Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 76; Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 82.
105
Expressed by Fabri at the RMG festival 1884, in BRMG 1884, p. 263, as quoted in Aritonang,
Mission Schools in Batakland, 76.
106
In 1884 he was forced to leave his position in the Barmen Seminary because of his activities
involving colonial propaganda. See Horst Gründer, “Fabri, Friedrich Gotthardt Karl Ernst,” in
Religion: Past and Present, vol. V, 1-2.
107
The German government did begin colonialization starting from the 1880s. See Aritonang, Mission
Schools in Batakland, 76; Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 82-83.
108
See Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 76; Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 82-83.
109
Warneck served as a teacher from 1871-1874. Apart from teaching he was also a Rhenish Mission
inspector. As already begun with Fabri, the presence of Warneck in the Rhenish Mission was part of
the policy to recruit academics to teach at the seminary. See Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland,
79. Feldtkeller mentions that in the era when mission societies were still controversial in Germany,
Warneck ‘played a decisive role in giving academic study of missions a recognized place within
theological faculties’. His importance also stems from his five volume Evangelische Missionslehre
[Evangelical Theory of Mission] that was ‘the first comprehensive and systematic presentation of the
theological basis of mission and missionary practice’. See Andreas Feldtkeller, “Warneck,” in
Religion: Past and Present, vol. XIII, 417.
110
Warneck did not stand on the pietistic principle that the purpose of missions was the conversion of
individuals. He also disagreed with the view of ‘instant conversion’ that the Pietists held, but rather
embraced evangelism ‘as involving a process, through many stages of development, until the convert
becomes a perfect disciple’. See Peter Beyerhaus and Henry Lefever, The Responsible Church and the
Foreign Mission, 45, 46.
27
between the conversion of nations and of individuals. Warneck maintained that the
salvation of individuals and the Christianizing of nations should be combined in that
the Christianizing of nations follows the conversion of individuals.111 Warneck, who
was familiar with the teaching of Henry Venn (1776-1873) and Rufus Anderson
(1796-1880) on ‘the Three Selves’ formula (‘self-supportive, self-governed and self-
propagating’), took on new accents in building an autonomous native Church.112
According to Venn and Anderson, the young churches should not be dependent on
financial support or personnel from abroad. Indigenous Christian leaders should take
over from the missionaries, and local leaders should take over the task of expanding
the Church.113 However, Warneck, though he did not object to the principles, felt that
autonomy should be placed on “a firm biblical foundation, a life firmly rooted in
indigenous culture and with the leadership of steadfast, trained and committed
people” and so he urged missionaries “to proceed slowly and carefully in the
application of these principles, and to be more concerned with the training of
indigenous personnel and building up the Church than with rash attempts to treat it as
fully grown, regardless of its actual stage of development.”114 The native Church also
can only become autonomous, Warneck argued, if it is not forced to embrace
Western denominational differences. The mission churches should be taught only
“basic creeds like the Apostles’ Creed, plus some simple but distinctly Protestant
statement of faith.”115 In his understanding of Christianizing nations Warneck laid
very great stress on the need for the church to be truly indigenous. He emphasized

111
See Peter Beyerhaus and Henry Lefever, The Responsible Church and the Foreign Mission (Grand
Rapids: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1964), 75. This work is based on Die
Selbstandigkeit der jungen Kirchen als missionarisches Problem, by Peter Beyerhaus, 1956.
112
See Peter Beyerhaus and Henry Lefever, The Responsible Church and the Foreign Mission, 45;
Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 85; Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 116.
113
See Peter Beyerhaus and Henry Lefever, The Responsible Church and the Foreign Mission, 25-33;
Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 84.
114
See Peter Beyerhaus and Henry Lefever, The Responsible Church and the Foreign Mission, 48;
Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 84, 85.
115
See Peter Beyerhaus and Henry Lefever, The Responsible Church and the Foreign Mission, 48.
28
the use and preservation of the mother tongue in church, school, and in any training
institution. He also claimed that natural social ties must be preserved and
strengthened in the process of Christianization. In addition, Warneck urged the
missionaries to appreciate and welcome any folk customs which were not spiritually
incompatible with the Christian belief.116
August Schreiber117 (1839-1903) was the first missionary who was a
university graduate. He studied at Halle and Erlangen. Before becoming the
Inspector of the Rhenish Mission, Schreiber was a missionary in Batakland from
1867 to 1873. Then in 1874 he became a teacher at the Barmen seminary – replacing
Gustav Warneck. Like most of the Rhenish Mission leaders, Schreiber was educated
in an environment that was highly influenced by Pietism. Like Warneck, Schreiber
emphasized the importance of Christianization of the whole nation and the
establishment of an independent church. But more than Warneck, Schreiber
contended that the leadership of the church should be handed over immediately to
the indigenous personnel, at least at the parish level. Schreiber’s more progressive
views on the autonomy of the Batak church were influenced by his studies in
England in 1864-1865, where he became acquainted with and influenced by the idea
of the Three Selves formula. Schreiber was also quite critical about the relationship
of the mission with colonialism. He considered that the mission should maintain a
good distance from the colonial government. Indeed, the mission should exercise
checks on colonization to protect the rights and culture of the indigenous peoples.
Schreiber acknowledged that although the colonial government subsidized Rhenish
mission schools, they could not always count on government support. Indeed, in the
name of neutrality, the colonial government established a number of schools in

116
See Peter Beyerhaus and Henry Lefever, The Responsible Church and the Foreign Mission, 48-49.
117
See Aritonang, Mission Schools in Batakland, 89ff; Hasselgren, Rural Batak, 86-87.
29
competition with those of the mission. Schreiber believed this had a negative impact
upon the Rhenish’s efforts to redirect society and move the Batak church toward
autonomy. Therefore, he tended to think the Rhenish mission should not seek
government support.
2.1.3 The Theology of the Rhenish Mission’s Missionaries in Batakland
Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen (1834-1918) was the pioneer of Batak
Christianization. His arrival in 1862 marked the start of the Rhenish Mission there,118
and he got most of the credit and appreciation for its success. He is called “Ompu i”
(Grand Father), and “Apostle to the Bataks”.119 In 1954, a new university was named
after him, Nommensen University, which is owned by the HKBP.120 Writing about
the importance of Nommensen for the Batak people, church historian Jan S.
Aritonang states,
Undoubtedly, Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen (1834-1918), a missionary sent by

the Rheinische Missions-Gesellschaft (RMG) from Germany and who arrived
in Batak in 1862, enjoyed enormous respect in Batak Christian churches and
communities, particularly in the HKBP. They admired his dedication, vision,
courage, humility, charisma, his leadership (including his tenure as Ephorus
[=bishop] of the Batak Church from1881 to 1918), and his peace-making
character. He was known as the "Messenger of Peace". They also appreciated
his contributions in various fields - spiritual / ecclesiastical, social
institutions, education, health, etc. 121

118
Several attempts had been made by other missionary groups to convert the Batak people long
before Nommensen’s arrival. See Th. Müller Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di Indonesia, 208-212;
Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh, 109-111; Pedersen, Batak Blood and Protestant Soul, 47-56.
119
See Th. Müller Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di Indonesia, 212. On the occasion of the 150th
anniversary of Nommensen’s birthday the faculty of the Seminary of HKBP Pematangsiantar
published Benih yang Berbuah, a volume of writings on Nommensen’s importance and role. See
Benih yang Berbuah. Hari Peringatan 150 Tahun Ompui I Ephorus Dr. Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen
(Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP, 1984) [Seed Bearing Fruit]; Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh,
43; Schreiner, “Nommensen Studies – A Review,” 246-247; Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer
Ludwig Nommensen,” 81.
120
Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen,” 82.
121
Jan S. Aritonang, Berpikir dan Bertindak Historis Sekaligus Teologis. Pidato Pengukuhan dalam
Jabatan Guru Besar Sejarah Gereja pada Sidang Terbuka Senat Sekolah Tinggi Teologi Jakarta,
Sabtu, 11 Juni 2011 (Jakarta: Unit Informasi dan Publikasi STT Jakarta, 2011), 38-39.
30
In Germany, and elsewhere in the western world, Nommensen was respected
and honored. His success and his contribution to the work of mission were analyzed
in a number of writings.122 Nommensen merits these tributes. After working at
Silindung, he expanded the area of evangelization to other parts of Batakland
(Humbang, Toba Samosir, Dairi and East Sumatra). He persistently requested the
Rhenish Mission headquarters in Barmen to send more missionaries to assist in the
work, while also involving native co-workers. He was the main architect. Lothar
Schreiner wrote this about the pioneer’s achievements:
By 1918, the year of his death, the Batak church was firmly established, with
34 pastors, 788 teacher-preachers, and 180,000 members. In addition, sixty
European men and women of the Rhenish Mission served as coworkers with
the Batak leadership.123
Although the role of Nommensen is decisive, other figures’ contributions
should not be forgotten.124 Schreiner, whose writings greatly advanced an
understanding of the theology and history of the Rhenish Mission in Batakland,
contends that a special partnership played an important part in the acceptance of
Christianity in Silindung. This partnership was between three men: Nommensen,
Pontas Lumbantobing and P.H. Johannsen. Pontas Lumbantobing (1830-1900) was a
raja, a local chief who protected Nommensen and mediated between him and other
chiefs. Johannsen was the second Rhenish missionary to be based in the Silindung
valley. He joined the work in Batakland in February 1866. He played a vital role in
training local teachers, writing or translating the course materials, and translating the

122
See information about studies on Nommensen/the Rhenish Mission provided in Schreiner,
“Nommensen Studies – A Review,” 247ff; Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen,”
81-82.
123
See Lothar Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen,” 82.
124
HKBP itself realizes this. In its 150-year history celebration, the HKBP, in addition to highly
acknowledging the primacy of Nommensen, also recognizes that there are many other figures that
played important roles in the evangelization of the Batak people. Therefore, the names and roles of
other figures also need to be introduced. See Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di
dalam Kristus, 44.
31
Old Testament. For Schreiner, this three-sided partnership laid the foundations for
the Christianization of the Batak people.125
Nommensen was the first ephorus of the Batak Church. After him came
Valentin Kessel (1918-1920), Johannes Warneck (1920-1932), P. Landgrebe (1932-
1936), and Ernst Verwiebe (1936-1940).126
Nommensen grew up in the Lutheran revival movement in Schleswig-
Holstein. He was particularly influenced by “salvation history” theology
(Heilsgeschichte) as taught by Fabri and Rohden.127 According to Schreiner, this
conservative interpretation of Christianity can be traced back to A. Tholuck128 and A.
Neander129, who popularized the view of Christianity as “new life”.130
2.1.3.1 Christianization of a Whole Clan
For roughly the first ten years, the invitation to receive this new life did not
get a great response in Batakland. Consequently, from the late 1870s Nommensen
changed tactics. Instead of converting individuals, he would now convert whole
villages and clan groups. This move was the result of Nommensen’s better
understanding of the structure of the local community, in which individuals closely
relate to their marga (clan).131 According to Aritonang, Nommensen and his
colleagues “began to realize that it would be impossible to separate the individual

125
A History of Christianity in Indonesia, 541; See Lothar Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer Ludwig
Nommensen,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research, April 2000, 81; Schreiner, Adat dan
Injil, 8.
126
See Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 397-398.
127
Lothar Schreiner, “Ludwig Nommensen Studies – A Review,” in Mission Studies 9, no. 2 (1992),
241; Lothar Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen,” 81.
128
See Alf Christophersen, “Tholuck, Friedrich August Gottreu,” in Religion: Past and Present.
Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol. XII, 687-688.
129
See Alf Christophersen, “Neander, Johann Wilhelm August,” in Religion: Past and Present.
Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol. IX, 76-77.
130
Lothar Schreiner, “Ludwig Nommensen Studies – A Review,” 244.
131
See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 72ff, 80; Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 45; Lempp, Benih
yang Tumbuh, 112; Aritonang, Mission Schools, 175.
32
from group relationships through the village and marga systems.”132 Nommensen
saw that when raja Pontas,133 converted in 1867, his clan members followed. This
influenced other raja(s) (local chiefs from other clans and villages).134 About the
impact of the raja on the acceptance of Christianity among the Bataks, Andar
Lumbantobing states:
The Rhenish Mission succeeded because they took into account local
customs. The first step the missionaries took was to establish good relations
with the tribal chiefs (raja(s)). For the Bataks, their raja was the bearer of
ancestral tradition, or custodians of adat. Naturally, they would follow his
actions as was made clear in the account of raja Pontas of Pearaja.135
The transition from individual conversions (Einzelbekehrung) to the
Christianization of a whole people or clan (Volkschristianizierung) became the trend
from the late 1870s on.136 This was not just the wish of the missionaries, for many
raja(s) took the initiative to ask for large group baptisms, and for a missionary to be
placed in their village, once a church and school had been built there.137 Four
missionary posts had been established in 1875, respectively in Silindung,
Pansurnapitu, Sipoholon, and Simorangkir. Nommensen was stationed in Pearaja
(clan Lumbantobing), Johannsen in Pansurnapitu (Panggabean Lumbanratus),
August Mohri in Lumbansoit, Sipoholon (Simanungkalit, Situmeang, and Hutauruk),
and Simoneit in Simorangkir (clan Simorangkir).138 Andar Lumbantobing noted that
groups of Bataks themselves were now coming in large numbers asking to be

132
133
A new book on Raja Pontas’ role and contribution to the successful Christianization of the Batak
people has just been published. See Raja Pontas Lumbantobing. Riwayat Hidup, Karya, dan
Pengabdiannya bagi Pengembangan dan Kemajuan Gereja dan Masyarakat Batak, edited by Jan S.
Aritonang (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2013), 80.
134
See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 72ff, 80; Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 45; Lempp, Benih
yang Tumbuh, 112.
135
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 80.
136
137
Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 24-25; Aritonang, Mission Schools,
176-177.
138
Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 42; Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 46.
33
accepted as Christian congregations.139 Based on this fact Nyhus asserts that in this
period “missionaries no longer had to seek out new areas of work, for raja(s) literally
sought them out to Christianize their villages.”140 This mission to the clans
continued, and already in 1881 there were six districts in the Batak church. They
were Sigompulon-Pahae, Sibolga, Silindung, Humbang, and Toba. This showed the
close correspondence of the composition of the church with the arrangement of
Batak tribal clans.141
Table 1.1 Membership Growth

[Cong. = Congregation; M’bers = Members; M = Main Congregation; Br = Branch Congregation; Missi. =
Missionaries; Lay.M = Lay Man; Lay.F = Lay Female; Past. = Pastors; Evg = Evangelists Tchr = Teacher-
preachers]
Year Cong. M’bers West Work- Ers Indi- genous Work- ers
M Br Missi. Lay.M Lay.F Past. Evg Tchr Elders
1861 3
1867 7 115 7 -
1868 7 728 7 -
1870 10 1.071 10 5
1871 10 1.250 10 5
1875 11 2.056 11 13
1877 11 2.156 12 20
1879 11 3.402 11
1880 11 26 16 28 64
1881 13 34 5.988 15
1882 14 43 7.586 16 38 125
1883 13 43 8.239 17 43 133
1887 13 50 11.785 15 3 61 156
1889 13 71 15.124 19 9 85 210
1890 18 81 18.207 22 1 11 88 272
1900 28 175 40.723 41 1 11 23 18 202 725
1910 40 432 103.528 52 4 12 29 22 637 1.779
1911 40 415 103.528 56 4 12 26 27 688 1.857
1914 40 467 159.024 56 6 13 34 19 789 2.241
1918 40 465 185.731 53 7 11 43 19 788 2.241
1921 32 502 196.706 37 9 10 36 13 822 2.176
1925 26 497 223.069 28 10 10 48 19 652 2.182
1930 25 540 292.754 23 17 10 48 25 743 2.292
1935 27 636 368.535 25 16 17 55 10 953 3.011
1938 29 729 416.206 27 20 23 54 12 1.110 3.408
Source: Jan S. Aritonang, Sejarah Pendidikan Kristen di Tanah Batak142

139
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 79, 92; Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 46.
140
Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 25; cf. Lumbantobing, Makna
Wibawa Jabatan, 92.
141
Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 46.
142
Jan S. Aritonang, Sejarah Pendidikan Kristen di Tanah Batak, 196, 281, 364; cf. the English
version of his book, Mission Schools in Batakland, 152, 227, 301; Andar Lumbantobing, Makna
Wibawa Jabatan, 74; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 25; Lempp
34
In 1870 the Rhenish Mission sent 10 missionaries, numbers reaching a peak
in 1911 when 55 missionaries were active. The number of missionaries declined in
the 1930s, falling to fewer than 30 active, primarily as the result of the financial
difficulties of the Rhenish Mission. (See table 1.1.).143
Actually, Christianization of whole clans was less in line with Fabri and with
pietism in general, where the accent was on personal conversion. Nonetheless,
Nommensen was convinced that this new approach would be effective because of
Batak’s communal structure. For some of his colleagues, Nommensen’s new
approach had caused anxiety.144 Krüger records it by saying,
Sometimes missionaries were concerned about the nature of the expansion.

They worried that the movement would take place just physically with no
spiritual profundity. They wanted to limit the expansion and devote their
attention to the personality of each person. However, Nommensen was
convinced that at that time their duty was "not to fish but to catch with nets."
Indeed, that is why he always stressed how important it was to establish many
parishes throughout the area, so those whom they caught with nets should be
properly taken care of. In all his efforts Nommensen considered the need for
workers who came from the tribe itself. So from the beginning he always
urged educating them.145
From the very beginning Nommensen’s approach was to involve native co-
workers, as sintua146 (elders), guru huria147 (teacher-preachers or catechists),

143
Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 33.
144
Aritonang also mentions the differences of opinion about this approach among the missionaries.
See Aritonang, Mission Schools, 175ff.
145
Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di Indonesia, 219.
146
Nommensen appointed sintua in every congregation. The incentive to become an elder was not just
religious, for though unpaid, the position granted a prestige almost on the level of the chief, since they
too were responsible for village welfare (in the spiritual field). See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa
Jabatan, 114, 119 (114-123); cf. Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 34-36.
About the Sintua, Schreiner, who highly values their role, says that especially in branch churches,
community life revolves around them. They even become the real shepherd of the village. In the first
decade, their task was very hard, because in practice they were the main helpers of the missionaries.
See Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 49-50.
147
See the description of catechists or teacher-preachers on Aritonang, Mission Schools, 139-144,
187-225, 277-280; Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 126-143; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church
in the Midst of Social Change, 36-40.
35
evangelists,148 pandita Batak149 (ministers). This continued, and Batak participation
together with that of the raja(s),150 played an important role.151 In order to have more
indigenous co-workers,152 especially full-time workers such as catechists, ministers,
and evangelists, Nommensen, Johannsen and Mohri established in 1874 a Wandering
School (Singkola Mardalandalan)153 which educated 20 students selected from the
best elementary school graduates. This course was an emergency measure to deal
with the increased need for catechists. Back in 1868 Dr. Schreiber was able to open a
Catechetical School for adult students in Parausorat. This school only graduated
three classes of students as Dr. Schreiber’s poor health forced him to move back to
Germany. His successor, Leipoldt, also faced the same problem.154 Because the
graduates of Parausorat did well and Singkola Mardalandalan was ineffective, the
missionaries decided in 1877 to establish a permanent catechetical school, later
called a seminary, at Pansur Napitu. This seminary was led by Johannsen. Johannsen
served at the seminary until his death in 1898, when he was replaced by Johannes
Warneck. In 1901 this seminary moved to Sipoholon near Tarutung, where the
compound was wider and larger. This seminary remained the primary educational
center for church leaders until the 1950s.155 Nommensen and his colleagues also
provided places in the church for influential persons, such as the raja who had joined

148
See the description of evangelists on Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 123-126.
149
See the description of pandita Batak in Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 143-151; Nyhus,
An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 40-41.
150
See description about raja on Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 44-45.
151
Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 26; Jan S. Aritonang and Karel
Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity in Indonesia, 543.
152
From the beginning, Nommensen had a very clear vision of the need to prepare indigenous workers
immediately He believed that one day the Bataks would be independent, and able to train their own
catechists and ministers. See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 143.
153
The Batak students learned by visiting the three missionaries on alternate days: On Mondays and
Tuesdays, students gathered in Nommensen’s place at Saitnihuta, on Wednesdays they were with
Johannsen at Pansurnapitu, and on Fridays, the students were taught by Mohri in Sipoholon. For
details see Aritonang, Mission Schools, 140; Jan S. Aritonang and Karel Steenbrink (eds.), A History
of Christianity in Indonesia, 544.
154
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 129; Aritonang, Mission Schools, 138.
155
Aritonang, Mission Schools, 140; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 37.
36
the church.156 Nommensen, for example, authorized the local chiefs to deal with
members of the congregation in matters relating to adat and always invited them to
attend the synod.157 Later, in the Constitution of 1930, Warneck created the position
of trustee (kasbestuur) responsible for finances and property. The missionaries had
learnt that when the leaders of Batak community were involved in the church
organizational matters within the church went more smoothly.158 Andar
Lumbantobing considered that in the pioneering days this kind of engagement was
necessary, but that it should not automatically bind the church for the future.
Moreover, sometimes the local chief had no real interest in the church, but only
wanted a share in managing it because it gave him respectability.159
However, despite Lumbantobing’s skepticism, all bishops after Nommensen,
including Johannes Warneck, continued the Volkschristianizierung method.160
Warneck was encouraged in this by his father, Gustav Warneck, who actively
promoted this concept of mission.161 It is clear that this approach accelerated the
widespread acceptance of Christianity, aiding the formation of a people’s church.
This emphasis on the community rather than the individual helped preserve the
existing ethnic structure and in this way created an ethnic folk church.162 This is one
of the secrets of success of Christianization in Batak; the missionaries noticed the
Batak people’s "genealogical and sociological [identity], and put it into the structures

156
Lumbantobing mentions that the king was also pleased to be involved in the life of the church by
Nommensen and his colleagues because it meant recognition of their role in life. Lumbantobing,
Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 199-201.
157
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 201; Schreiner, “Nommensen Studies – A Review,” in
Mission Studies 9, no. 1992, 245.
158
Warneck had learned from Nommensen about giving space in the life of the church for certain
elements of the Batak people that did not clash with Christianity, including the involvement of
influential persons such as local chiefs. Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 199-202; Nyhus, An
Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 41-42.
159
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 287-288.
160
According to Nyhus the Christianizing of the entire people in accordance with the Batak’s
genealogical ties continued to the end of the missionary period. See Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in
the Midst of Social Change, 32.
161
162
See Schreiner, “Nommensen Studies,” 246.
37
of the church".163
But if Nommensen’s strategy of catching people with nets worked, what
about their spiritual formation once they had been caught? It should be noted that for
Nommensen, Johannes Warneck and the other Rhenish missionaries
Volkschristianizierung was a strategy of necessity. The original intention of the
missionaries was to create small congregations of true believers.164 And so
Einzelbekehrung and Volkschristianizierung should not be placed in opposition to
one another.165 Warnek realized the impossibility of insisting on individual baptism
in a situation in which large numbers, households and even whole villages, wanted to
be baptized. In such a situation, the mission needed to ensure the continued spiritual
growth of all these converts. As Warnek says, the answer was to prepare a staff of
competent native workers.166 This caring for spiritual growth was the focus of
Verwiebe, the last ephorus (bishop) from the Rhenish Mission, who in 1940 was
suddenly forced to leave Batakland.167 Verwiebe directed his attention towards the
younger generation. For him, the young, now the third generation of Batak
Christians, no longer faced the issue of paganism but of modern secularism.168
To get some idea of how hard it was to ensure the spiritual growth of so many
new converts we can read Andar Lumbantobing. His study shows how traditional
Batak culture influenced the way the function of church office-holders was seen and

163
164
Johannes Warneck, “The Growth of the Church in the Mission Field – Among the Bataks,” in The
International Review of Missions, Vol. 1 No. 1 January 1912, 38; J.R. Hutauruk, Johannes Warneck:
Penggagas, Pengamat dan Pelaku Kemandirian Gereja Batak, 1907-1944 (Medan: Lembaga
Pemberdayaan Media dan Komunikasi, 2014), 3.
165
Aritonang, Mission Schools, 175-176.
166
Johannes Warneck, “The Growth of the Church in the Mission Field – Among the Bataks,” 38-39.
167
On May 10, 1940, Germany occupied the Netherlands. On that same day, the Dutch East Indies
colonial government interned all the Rhenish Mission’s German workers as a retaliatory response. So,
after having existed for almost 80 years in the Batak area, the Rhenish Mission’s work there had come
to an end. See Aritonang, Mission Schools, 303.
168
E. Verwiebe, “The Youth Problem in the Batak Church in Sumatra,” in The International Review
of Missions, Vol. XXVII No. 106 April 1938, 208.
38
practiced. It also shows how this hindered their functioning in a truly biblical
manner.169 The datu, for example, a healer figure, who in the view of the old religion
has sahala (authority), was never called a servant. Therefore, given the connotations
of the Batak term, it is rather difficult to apply the notion of servant to certain offices
in the church.170 It is also the reason why deacons, kasbestuur, and other leaders in
the Batak church still find it difficult to accurately carry out their duties, because
cultural influences are still strong in the Batak church. Church officials see
themselves as leaders, not as servants.171 For Lumbantobing, the way the Bataks had
been converted, and which had created a people’s or ethnic church, resulted in the
ethnic sociological bond replacing the Christian bond (servant of the congregation).
It was the clan that was important. Ever since the era of Nommensen everyone went
to the church of the clan. People who lived in a rather remote village, which was
closer to the church of another clan, would go to the church of their own clan, even
though it was further away.172 Therefore, Lumbantobing thought the territorial
characteristics of the Batak church needed to be balanced with the concept of the
church as a whole. In his views, the Church Constitution of 1930 had given sufficient
emphasis to this need.173
2.1.3.2 The Missionaries’ Attitude towards Adat
Nommensen and his colleagues applied the new life to every aspect of
indigenous experience: daily life and order, custom, law, time, and so on.174 In the

169
170
Andar Lumbantobing, “Sahala of a Medicine Man and a Theological Graduate. A View of the
“Image of the Ministry” in the Batak Church,” in The S.E. Asia Journal of Theology, Vol. 4 No. 3 Jan.
1963, 9.
171
172
173
174
Lothar Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen,” 81. According to Warneck, with
the rapid Christianization in the period of 1890-1915 the formulation of regulations to govern
39
field of spiritual formation, the missionaries compiled a book of liturgy (Agenda),175
book of songs,176 translation of the Bible,177 and Luther’s Small Catechism,178 as
well as composing or translating spiritual books.179 On Sunday, people were not
supposed to work in the fields.180 It was the duty of elders to remind the congregation
to worship daily. Elders were also responsible for visiting those who did not come to
church on Sunday and to make sure that the sick were not brought to the datu. In this
situation, elders would provide care and medicines.181 In the early days of
Christianity missionaries gathered members of the church in the morning to read the
Bible and praise God with song and prayer before they went to the fields. They also
held evening prayers. At 6 o'clock every morning and in the evening the church bells
rang so that wherever people were, whether at home or in the field, or on the go, they

Christian life became a necessity. For him, in the spirit of Christianity's rapid acceptance in Batakland
all became new: customs, laws, mind, imagination, ideals. See footnote 3 in Schreiner, Adat dan Injil,
76.
175
The Agenda of the Batak Church was drawn up in 1904. Missionaries Steinsiek and Jung were
assigned to prepare it by referring to the Prussian book of liturgy and adapting it to the context and
needs of the Batak church. Prussia’s book of liturgy itself was composed in 1895 by 23 theologians
from Lutheran and Reformed backgrounds. See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan…, 234; J.R.
Hutauruk, “Agenda HKBP: Sejarah dan Perkembangannya.” Makalah pada Seminar Liturgi/Ibadah
HKBP, Medan, 4 Juni 2013, 1; J.R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 182.
The Book of Liturgy (Agenda) of the Batak church was a mixture of elements of the liturgy of the
“United” church in Germany, which also contained Calvinist elements, such as passages on the Ten
Commandments. Original elements of the liturgy of the “United” church were "Hallelujah," "Amen,"
and the final section of the Lord's Prayer was sung by the congregations. Likewise, a custom to use a
series of passages according to the lectionary was taken from the “United” church. The Epistle (on a
Sunday worship) was explained briefly by an elder, and the gospel was preached by a teacher-
preacher. Communion was ministered according to the custom of the "United" church, meaning the
participants were not sitting around the table, but coming to the front to receive the bread and wine
from the pastor's hands. Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di Indonesia, 223-224.
176
Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 179-181; Aritonang, Mission Schools,
131. The Buku Ende was a collection of church hymns. These were gradually translated from the
hymn books of the church in Europe, particularly from Germany. Among them were hymns written
by Luther, P. Gerard, Calvin’s psalms, and hymns introduced by Pietism. Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di
Indonesia, 223.
177
Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 171.
178
Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 174-176.
179
Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 60; Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus,
172-174; Aritonang, Mission Schools, 131.
180
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 115, 120; Nyhus, 47.
181
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 115; cf. Agenda di GKPI (GKPI, 1997), 22; Agenda di
HKBP (HKBP, 2005), 35, 44.
40
would pause to pray to God.182 According to Andar Lumbantobing, the custom of
assembling in the church every day no longer continued when the Bible was
translated into the Batak language. People were encouraged to read at home.183 The
Church Constitution of 1881 explained that elders and teacher-preachers were to
instruct that family worship was compulsory for every member of the congregation.
In addition, it was part of the duty of elders to oversee it. At that time, apparently,
Christian congregations conducted evening services every day. The Church
Constitutions of 1930, 1940 and on no longer contain this instruction.184
Efforts to Christianize the whole lives of the Batak Christians was also
evident from the missionaries’ attitude towards adat (law and custom). While at one
time many western missionaries regarded the local culture as barbaric and heathen,
the Rhenish Mission’s attitude towards Batak’s adat was more nuanced. In general,
the Rhenish Mission classified Batak cultural elements into three categories: those
positive, those neutral and those negative.185 Schreiner mentions that missionaries
distinguished elements of Batak beliefs that are contrary to the Gospel, such as
ancestor worship, from the elements that are in line with the gospel, such as
monogamy. In addition, there are neutral elements, such as the laws pertaining to the
land, for example, regarding the rice field. This distinction enabled missionaries to
tolerate some of the adat and in later time, this became the basis, in cooperation with

182
Andar Lumbantobing, “Christian Education in the Batak Church,” in Lutheran World, Vol. II, No.
3, Autumn 1955, 293. There is also an argument that at the time of Nommensen the church bell rang
five times a day as to remind the congregation to have a short prayer five times a day. See Jusen
Boangmanalu, “Doa Lima Waktu “Liturgi Harian HKBP 2001”: Suatu Kajian Historis dan Upaya
Berteologi Kontekstual di HKBP,” in Kontekstualisasi Pemikiran Dogmatika di Indonesia. Buku
Penghormatan 70 Tahun Prof. Dr. Sularso Sopater, ed. by A.A. Yewangoe, et. al. (Jakarta: BPK
Gunung Mulia, 2004), 399.
183
Lumbantobing, “Christian Education in the Batak Church,” 293.
184
J.R. Hutauruk, Menata Rumah Allah. Kumpulan Tata Gereja HKBP (Tarutung: Kantor Pusat
HKBP, 2008), 43, 45.
185
Many scholars have criticized this approach, arguing that it failed to see the culture as a totality and
it did not consider that all the adat were entrenched in Batak ancestor worship. See Aritonang,
Mission Schools, 338, 354-355; Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 79.
41
the Christian chiefs, for them to draw up the "Christian civil laws".186 It might be
true that this categorization had failed to see the Batak culture as a totality, but the
Rhenish Mission’s decision to accommodate Batak culture into Christian life had
also something to do with the preservation of Batak culture itself.187 Basically, the
missionary attitude towards Batak culture was that they wanted to keep people away
from the worship of ancestors. However, they took advantage of those customs and
traditions which did not conflict with Christianity.188 These dealt with birth,
marriage, death, land ownership, lawsuits, crimes, and punishments. The worship of
ancestors, rites of sacrifice and spirit, on the other hand, were regarded, not as adat,
but as the old beliefs of the Batak people.189
In an effort to foster this new Christianity and simultaneously manage the
organization of the church, regulations were set. These rules were originally intended
to release and fortify the Christians from the practice of ancestor worship. They were
the Church Constitution,190 the Order of Church Discipline,191 and the “Christian
civil laws”. The first two became the responsibility of the missionaries, while the
“Christian civil laws,” intended to create a Christian adat, or to modify adat,
operated under the responsibility of local chiefs within their own villages. These civil
laws regulated marriage law, inheritance and so on.192 For example, in accordance

186
Schreiner, “Nommensen Studies – A Review,” in Mission Studies 9, no. 1992, 245.
187
Togar Nainggolan has also criticized the Rhenish Mission and HKBP’s approach towards the adat
and the worship of ancestors, saying that an appropriate approach should rather avoid linking the
worship of ancestors to animism by seeing it as part of the Batak culture. See Togar Nainggolan,
Batak Toba di Jakarta: Kontinuitas dan Perubahan Identitas. [Batak Toba in Jakarta: Continuity and
Changing Identity]. Translated from Continuiteit en verandering: Identiteit van Toba-Batak in Jakarta
(Medan: Penerbit Bina Media, 2006), 239.
188
Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 52ff, 60, 67.
189
Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 52, 60, 67.
190
See the explanation of each constitution of 1866 to 2002 in J.R. Hutauruk, Menata Rumah Allah.
Kumpulan Tata Gereja HKBP (Pearaja: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 2008); Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan
Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 188-190; Hutauruk, Johannes Warneck, 27-37.
191
See Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 185-187; Hutauruk, Johannes
Warneck, 67-70.
192
The first “Christian civil laws” were drawn up in 1867 for Huta Dame, the village which was
founded by Nommensen. The second were drawn up by Johannsen in 1892. And the third were from
42
with Batak custom, marriage within the same marga is not allowed, although there is
no family tie in the European sense. Another example is that an adult Christian male
is not allowed to marry his stepmother even though custom at the time obliged him
to marry her if she had become a widow. A candidate for baptism who had married
his stepmother could only be baptized after he had divorced her.193
The Church Constitution of 1866, which was the first constitution drafted in
the Batak Church, emphasized the prohibition against ancestor worship. The Order
of Church Discipline drawn up in 1897 contained a more detailed list of prohibitions.
For example, the church forbade its members to conduct or take part in the rite
mangalap tondi ni (manahui tua sian) na mate194 (a ritual to possess the spirit of the
dead person) at a funeral. They were also prohibited to take part in mangongkal holi
(an adat of reburial of the bones of the dead in a new tomb). Anyone who took part
in ancestor worship would be banned.195 Of course, the Church Constitution and the
Order of Church Discipline were not just about banning ancestor worship; they dealt
with everything concerning church government and prohibited anything contrary to
the Ten Commandments. Moreover, later on, the Order of Church Discipline did not
simply prescribe certain punishments, it also prescribed pastoral care.196
Schreiner, until now the most important source of discussion on the adat and

1913. See Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 64, 72, 74, 75. After Dutch colonial government entered
Silindung in 1878 this regulation was revised several times and later from 1920 on came under the
authority of the colonial government. See Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 71; cf. Nyhus, An Indonesian
Church in the Midst of Social Change, 25, 36.
193
194
Buku Ruhut Parmahanion dohot Paminsangon di Huria Kristen Batak Protestan, (Pearaja: Kantor
Pusat HKBP, 1987), 22.
195
Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 174-195.
196
The Order of Church Discipline of HKBP has been revised three times. First published in 1897, it
was revised in 1924, in 1952 and then in 1987. See Buku Ruhut Parmahanion dohot Paminsangon di
Huria Kristen Batak Protestan, (Pearaja: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 1987). The Order of Church Discipline
of GKPI was written for the first time in 1968. The revision came in 1981. And the latest, which was
set in 2013, the name became Tata Penggembalaan GKPI (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase GKPI, 2014).
43
Christianity,197 contends that the selective attitude adapted towards indigenous
culture was inadequate and even impossible. He thinks Nommensen and colleagues
failed to understand that adat was a totality and that adat as a whole was rooted in
ancestor worship.198 Realizing that the Batak people cannot be separated from their
dead, Schreiner proposes a solution through the concept of familia Dei and patria, an
idea of communion with Christ after death and the idea of the universality of
salvation. Through this concept, a place for fellowship and communion with the dead
is opened, without making people dependent on the dead.199
Another aspect of the effort to remove ancestor worship is the prominence of
the prohibitions. This is already visible in the decision of Nommensen to divide the
First Commandment into two in the Batak version of Luther's Small Catechism. In
this way, Nommensen intended to emphasize the prohibition on worshipping other
gods or idols gods, precisely because the Batak people were so rooted in ancestor
worship.200 The same was true of the missionary's decision to draw up the Order of
Church Discipline 1897. This rule was widely used to punish or remove members of
the congregation who were involved in ancestor worship.201 Some scholars have
highlighted that the number of rules aimed at eliminating certain customary
practices, especially those associated with ancestor worship, had caused Christianity

197
Schreiner, Adat dan Injil. A festschrift in Indonesian was given to Schreiner on his 75th birthday.
This was recognition of his expertise and to his contribution in the field of adat and Christianity in the
context of Batak people. See Injil dan Tata Hidup (The Gospel and Life Order). Buku Penghargaan
untuk 75 Tahun Pdt. Prof. Dr. Lothar Schreiner, edited by A.A. Sitompul and Karl H. Federschmidt
(Pematangsiantar: STT-HKBP, 2001).
198
199
200
J. Warneck, Sechzig Jahre Batakmission in Sumatra (Barmen: RMG, 1925) as quoted in J.R.
Hutauruk, “Katekhismus Kecil Martin Luther: Lahirnya dan Penggunaannya oleh Martin Luther di
Jerman Abad ke-16 dan oleh I.L. Nommensen serta Jemaat “Batak”/Gereja-gereja Lutheran di Tanah
Batak/Indonesia Abad ke-19, 20 dan 21,” Makalah untuk Seminar “Lutheran Teaching”
diselenggarakan oleh Lutheran Heritage Foundation, Pematangsiantar, 19-21 Juni 2007, dan Tarutung,
26-28 Juni 2007. Probably Nommensen here influenced by Reformed tradition’s in which practicing
the same numbering of the commandments following Calvin.
201
44
to be regarded as a new law.202 This legalism, according to Schreiner, stemmed from
the background of the missionaries. They were influenced both by the high ideals of
holiness of the spiritual Awakening in Germany in the 18th century and by the
Reformed tradition that prominently practiced Church discipline. However, it was
not just missionaries; the Batak held a legalistic view of life through their adat.203
Meanwhile, church discipline is not prominent in Lutheran circles.204 In this
connection, it is important to note the observations of Sandler below as they maintain
a balance between law and grace,
Africans, Indonesians, Papuans, Indians and others are deeply interested in

legal matters, and often have much experience of trials; this training they
bring with them into the Christian Church, where the problem of church
discipline is pressing. There is however a marked tendency towards
legalisms. The commonest punishment is exclusion from communion for a
definite period: six months to a year or more. There are churches in which
delinquents are placed in a “penitents’ class” which, under a simple village
evangelist, is little more than a catechetical exercise. There are also “penitent
forms”, which the sinner must occupy when in church, placed at the front of
the church or chapel.
It has been asked in a Lutheran theological college in South Africa why [the]
Lutheran Church does not have a collection of detailed rules for moral
behavior and conduct in various situations. We see how easy it is for the
emphasis to shift from the free grace of the Gospel to the merits of observing
the law.205

202
Bengt Sundkler, The World of Mission (London: Lutterworth Press, 1965), 185-186; Keith R.
Bridston, “The Batak Church and Christian Identity,” in Horas HKBP! Essays for A 125-Year-Old
Church, edited by A.A. Sitompul and Arne Sovik (Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP, 1986), 147-148;
Schreiner, “Nommensen Studies,” 247-249; Schreiner, “The Legacy of Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen,”
81.
203
Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 76; Jan S. Aritonang, Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI (Gereja Kristen
Protestan Indonesia). Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan Ke Depan [Jubilee 50 Years GKPI (Christian
Protestant Church in Indonesia). Historical Overview and Future Views] (Pematangsiantar:
Kolportase GKPI, 2014), 16.
204
205
Sundkler, The World of Mission, 185-186. Similar issues were raised at the Pastor Conference of
HKBP of 1962. The guest speaker from the Norwegian Lutheran church, Rev. A. Tang, mentioned
that the Lutheran Church of Norway did not have the Order of Church Discipline. A delegate asked
for clarification. Tang replied that for them it did not count as the mark of the true church. A mark of
the true church is when there the gospel is preached harmoniously according to a pure understanding
of it and the sacraments are administered in accordance with the divine Word. Rev. Tang said his
church did not have juridical and administrative rights. The Church only has spiritual power. See
“Notulen ni Rapot Pandita HKBP di Seminari Sipoholon 6 s/d 10 Maret 1962,” 14-15.
45
I have frequently mentioned Andar Lumbantobing, the first Batak pastor to
earn a doctor of theology degree from Germany. He acknowledges that the
application of the Order of Church Discipline is complicated. The difficulty lies in
how and when it is imposed. Indeed, the Order of Church Discipline has been
introduced in the life of the Batak church to direct people towards a good, orderly,
and virtuous Christian life. But the downside is, as Lumbantobing stresses, that God's
grace can become blurred and invisible.206
2.1.3.3 A Unity between School and Church
Another feature of Nommensen and his colleagues’ strategy is that from the
beginning they created a unity between school and church. The Rhenish Mission had
a strategy of establishing and operating schools to found new Christian communities.
The Rhenish Mission built church and school in one complex, thus introducing the
unity of the church-schools model. Therefore, as Nyhus mentions, wherever the
church spread, schools were built.207 This created an interest in schooling among the
Bataks and gave many of them an education.
It is generally acknowledged that the church, through the Rhenish Mission,
was one of the key factors enabling the development of the Batak people.208
Throughout the Rhenish Mission’s existence (1861-1940) in Batakland, the church
was associated with education.209

206
Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan, 253, 255.
207
208
Pedersen states that with Christianity, three alien realities were introduced into Batakland, namely,
the church, medical science, and the educational institutions of the church. See Paul B. Pedersen,
Batak Blood and Protestant Soul. The Development of National Batak Churches in North Sumatra
(Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1970), 80-88.
209
The presence of the church along with schools on the other hand was very time-consuming for
missionaries. They often complained that the organization of the school did not leave them enough
time to do their main task in the church, i.e. doing pastoral ministry. See Mangisi S.E. Simorangkir,
Laporan dari Simorangkir. Laporan Perkembangan Kekristenan di Simorangkir Berdasarkan
Laporan Misionaris RMG [Reports from Simorangkir. Christianity’s Progress in the Simorangkir
46
Table 1.2 Schools Growth
[M = Main Congregation; Br = Branch Congregation; Tchr = Teacher-preachers; Elem = Elementary
School; HS = High school; B-E = Boys at Elementary School; G-E = Girls Elementary School]
Year M Br. Tchr Elem. HS B-E G-E Pupils at

HS
1861
1867 7 7 120 (B)
1868 7 7 1 161 (B/HS)
1870 10 5 10 1
1871 10 5 15 1
1875 11 13 15 2 265 (B/HS)
1877 11 20 24 2
1879 11 31 1 837 (B/HS)
1880 11 26 28 37 1 995 (B/HS)
1881 13 34 1
1882 14 43 38 57 1 1.132 (B/HS)
1883 13 43 43 56 1 1.123 (B/HS)
1887 13 50 61 63 1 1.371 (B/HS)
1889 13 71 85 84 1 1.936 (B/HS)
1890 18 81 88 92 1 2.666 (B/HS)
1900 28 175 202 206 1 6.995 (B/HS) 1.168
1910 40 432 637 494 3 22.314 5.171 225
1911 40 415 688 506 4 23.157 5.856 267
1914 40 467 789 510 5 26.310 6.480 309
1918 40 465 788 520 4 Total: 26.796
1921 32 502 822 510 5 22.355 3.640 367
1925 26 497 652 414 5 19.175 5.708 765
1930 25 540 743 462 6 26.819 8.733 697
1935 27 636 953 576 5 28.629 12.693
1938 29 729 1.110 646 5 36.181 18.300
Source: Jan S. Aritonang, Sejarah Pendidikan Kristen di Tanah Batak210
The Rhenish Mission as a tool to support evangelization and church
establishment conceived schools. The purpose of the organization of the schools was
to help church members to be able to read the Bible and other Christian literature. In
other words, education and other social work were intended to win the Batak people
for the gospel. This often caused conflict between the Rhenish Mission and the Batak
people. The Rhenish Mission did not like the attitude of the Batak people who
demanded that they open and provide schools to enable people to find good jobs and

Based on Rhenish Missionaries Reports] (Bandung: Penerbit satu-satu, 2013), especially 187-188,
199, 201, 215-216, 218-219, 230-232, 236 but also 156-158, 165-166, 172, 176-177, 205, 211-212,
240.
210
Jan S. Aritonang, Sejarah Pendidikan Kristen di Tanah Batak, 196, 281, 364; cf. the English
version of his book, Mission Schools in Batakland, 152, 227, 301.
47
to attain good positions (such as administrative personnel on plantations or other jobs
in the colonial era of the time), namely, schools that used and taught the Dutch
language.211 The Rhenish Mission finally gave in to this demand, although
disagreeing with their worldly motivation. For the Bataks the purpose of education
was to enable them to achieve wealth, position (high office, prestige) and power for
their future life. Concerning this matter Verwiebe – affected by his pietistic
understanding – interestingly said,
People were constantly asking for more and better schools; fathers wanted
their sons to become professors and doctors; others wished them to find
employment with the Dutch government or with European firms or estates.
Although the missionary foresaw many of the destructive influences which
would thus enter into the Batak community, he could do nothing but fulfill
the urgent desire for wider knowledge for the younger generation.212
Regarding the tension between missions and the Batak people at that time,
Kraemer213 suggests a way of solving it in a very broad-minded way. He encouraged
the Rhenish Mission to try to better understand the pagan past of the Batak people
and - while touched by all the extraordinary sacrifices and sincerity of the
missionaries in doing mission for the Batak people – he requested that the Rhenish
Mission would put themselves on the side of the Bataks and pay attention to their
heart's desire. Kraemer says,
If we want to give a short characteristic of the mistakes and shortcomings of

missions in the Batak lands, we should, I believe, say that they have regarded
the Batak people too exclusively as material for the realization of missionary

211
See some other expressions: “The Bataks wanted more than conversion to Christianity. They
wanted an improved material existence and the opportunity to break out of the limitations imposed by
traditional isolationism.” See Paul B. Pedersen, Batak Blood, 92. “The only things that interested
them in their first contacts with the Gospel were increased wealth, prestige and power. If the Gospel
could bring them these things, they were ready to listen, if not, they were not.” See Hendrik Kraemer,
From Mission field to Independent Church: Report on a Decisive Decade in the Growth of Indigenous
Churches in Indonesia (Boekencentrum: The Hague, 1958), 44.
212
E. Verwiebe, “The Youth Problem in the Batak Church in Sumatra,” in The International Review
of Missions, vol. XXVII, no. 106, April 1938, 208.
213
Kraemer made a visit to the Batak Church in February to April 1937 at the invitation of the Bishop
of Batak Church, Dr. Johannes Warneck. See Kraemer, From Mission field to Independent Church,
43.
48
aims (in themselves excellent). Missions were at stake and not the Batak
people. They were interested in education as a missionary instrument and not
as an instrument or nucleus of power for the education and elevation of the
people. … Thus, the Bataks are also generally convinced that missions have
always been half-hearted in introducing and promoting so-called Western
education in the Batak lands.214
Aritonang asserts that since 1883 the Rhenish Mission began to take steps to
fundamentally reform its educational system.215 Educational effort was no longer
treated merely a kind of tool, rather it became more important in itself. The quality of
the schools was enhanced by increasing the number of European teachers, opening
new secondary schools, improving the curriculum and teaching methods, etc.216
Nevertheless, overall, it can be said that Aritonang still views the educational effort
of the Rhenish Mission as a secondary activity or a support for the primary task,
namely evangelization. Therefore, the missionaries were still far from understanding
that their educational efforts were in themselves in keeping with the content of the
gospel.217
Their other efforts in the social sphere were medical: hospitals and service to
the lepers, the blind and deaf.218 The first hospital was founded in Batak on June 2,
1900, with one doctor, Dr. Julius Schreiber. The number of doctors became two
when Dr. Johannes Winkler arrived. Likewise, there were cottage hospitals in Butar
and Pangaribuan, also a number of polyclinics219 and school for nurses and
midwives. The second hospital was founded in 1928 in Balige, which had been a
cottage hospital since 1917. Hutasalem is a settlement for lepers, established in 1900

214
Hendrik Kraemer, From Mission field to Independent Church, 68.
215
216
217
218
Source for this part is J.R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar, dan Bertumbuh, 260-286 and J.R. Hutauruk,
Tuhan Menyertai Umatnya. Garis Besar Sejarah 125 Tahun Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP) 7
Oktober 1861 – 1986 (Pearaja: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 1986), 158-160, 166-167.
219
According to the information provided in Tuhan Menyertai Umatnya, there were 14 cottage
hospitals and 12 polyclinics See J.R. Hutauruk, Tuhan Menyertai Umatnya, 167.
49
at Laguboti. Hephata is a home for the blind and deaf, founded in 1923 at Laguboti.
These efforts brought the church closer to the everyday struggle of people.
Before the Dutch colonial government occupied Batakland, people brought their
problems to the missionaries for advice, writes Andar Lumbantobing. However,
when the Dutch colonial government arrived in the land of Batak, people had to deal
with Dutch government employees. He remarks:
For the missionaries, on the one hand, it was a huge relief. On the other hand,
it caused the missionaries and the Batak to become estranged, and the number
of people who came to church services was declining.220
2.2 The Use of Luther’s Small Catechism
Although the Batak Church was not bound to any particular denomination, it
was influenced by Lutheran theology and pietism. From the very beginning,
Nommensen used Luther’s Small Catechism for guidance on baptismal preparation
and especially for catechetical instruction in the Batak Church, and in the mission
schools.221 Later he translated it.222 In mission schools,223 or in Sunday school, or in
catechetical instruction, students were taught to memorize the content of Luther’s

220
See Andar M. Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan dalam Gereja Batak, 163-164.
221
See Andar M. Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church. An Introduction and
Explanation.” In The Church and the Confessions, 119; J.R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berkembang dan
Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 174; Lothar Schreiner, “Di Sekitar Masalah Pengakuan Iman, Konfessi
Augsburg dan Menyaksikan Ketuhanan Kristus [Around Confession Issues, Augsburg Confession and
Witnessing the Divinity of Christ],” in Missio Dei. Kumpulan Karangan Kenang-kenangan pada
Ulang Tahun ke- 60 Ds. Dr. A. Lumbantobing [Missio Dei. Recollection Articles for Celebrating 60
years Rev. Dr. A. Lumbantobing], eds. R.M.G. Marbun and A. Munthe (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase/
Publikasi Pusat GKPI, 1980), 138; Th. Müller Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di Indonesia, 224; Edward
O.V. Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change: The Batak Protestant Christian
Church, 1942-1957. A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Wisconsin (Madison, 1987), 192.
222
Around ten years after Nommensen settled in Batakland, Luther’s Small Catechism was translated
into the Toba Batak language and published in 1874. See J.R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berkembang dan
Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus. Sejarah 150 Tahun Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP) 7 Oktober
1861 – 7 Oktober 2011 [Birth, Developing and Growing in Christ. 150 Year History of the Batak
Christian Protestant Church (HKBP) October 7, 1861 - October 7, 2011] (Tarutung: Kantor Pusat
HKBP, 2011), 174; Mangisi S.E. Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther Dan Relevansinya di
Indonesia (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase GKPI, 2008), 255; Th. Müller Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di
Indonesia [Church History in Indonesia] (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1966), 224.
223
Especially in the pioneering period, at every school of each level owned by the Rhenish Mission,
the Bible was the main textbook, followed by catechism, hymns, etc. Books on science and general
knowledge were also included by the missionaries. See Aritonang, Mission Schools, 130ff.
50
Small Catechism, especially about the Ten Commandments.224
According to Schreiner, Nommensen and other missionaries, supported by
Fabri, planned the Batak church to be confessionally neutral. This was reflected in
the Constitution of the Batak Church of 1866, written by Nommensen. It stated that
all missionaries working in Sumatra were bound by the Bible, Luther’s Small
Catechism and the Heidelberg Catechism.225 But only the Bible226 and Luther’s
Small Catechism227 were translated into Batak. Luther’s Small Catechism in Batak
was printed in Barmen in 1874 and the Toba Batak Bible was printed in Elberfeld in
1876.228 Confessional neutrality was emphasized again in the Constitution of 1881,
which made no explicit reference to either the Luther’s Small Catechism or the
Heidelberg Catechism. Schreiner argues that the Rhenish’s missionaries had based
their teaching in the Batak Church on Luther’s Small Catechism and the Lutheran

224
T.O.B. Simaremare, “Peranan Katekhismus Lutheri Kecil,” in Benih yang Berbuah. Hari
Peringatan 150 Tahun Ompu I Ephorus Dr. Ingwer Ludwig Nommensen Almarhum (6 Februari 1834
– 6 Februari 1984) (Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP Pematangsiantar, 1984), 96.
225
Kristus,” in Missio Dei, 137ff; Mangisi S.E. Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther Dan
Relevansinya di Indonesia, 252, 255; cf. Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII, 112.
226
Information about the year of translation and publication of the Old and New Testaments are
varied among scholars. Lempp recorded that the Old Testament was translated into Toba Batak
language by Johannsen in 1894, and the New Testament by Nommensen in 1878. See Walter Lempp,
Benih yang Tumbuh XII. Suatu Survey Mengenai Gereja-gereja di Sumatera Utara (Jakarta: Lembaga
Penelitian dan Studi Dewan Gereja-gereja di Indonesia, 1976), 113. Mainwhile Krüger mentioned that
Old Testament had entirely been translated by 1890. See Th. Müller Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di
Indonesia, 223. Another note mentions that the Old Testament was translated over 13 years by P.H.
Johannsen, assisted by his students at the Pansurnapitu seminary, among others was Josua Hutabarat,
before being finally published in 1894. See Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di
dalam Kristus, 171, 173; Jan S. Aritonang mentions that the New Testament was translated by
Nommensen in 1876 and published in 1885. Later on O. Marcks with the assist of J. Warneck revised
Nommensen’s translation (in 1932; see Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh, 173; Schreiner
mentions that Warneck dan Marcks did the revision of the New Testament in 1921-1925. See
Schreiner, Adat dan Injil, 79, 83). Johannsen began translating the Old Testament in the 1870s with
the assistance of his students at the Pansur Napitu Seminary (among others Josua Hutabarat) and
completed the work in 1891. It was published at Barmen in 1893. See Aritonang, Mission Schools,
131.
227
Translated into Toba Batak by Nommensen and published in 1874. See Mangisi S.E. Simorangkir,
Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther Dan Relevansinya di Indonesia (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase GKPI,
2008), 255. The first edition of this translation records that Luther's Small Cathecism was translated
by Nommensen and his colleagues. This note refers to August Mohri and Peter H. Johannsen. See
Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 174.
228
Mangisi S.E. Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther Dan Relevansinya di Indonesia, 255.
51
pietism that most of the German missionaries stood for.229
Johannes Warneck, as the ephorus (bishop) of the Batak Church since 1920,
was not pleased with the initiative of missionary Eigenbrod230 in translating and
circulating the Heidelberg Catechism. He opposed Eigenbrod’s initiative because it
introduced Reformed influence to the Batak Church.231 In contrast, Warneck
supported the publication of another book explaining Luther’s Small Catechism.232
We can imagine the tendency among the majority of the Rhenish’s missionaries
working in the Batakland. Although not bound to a particular denomination, many
missionaries preferred Lutheran pietism. This does not mean that there was no
difference of opinion about the use of Luther’s Small Catechism among the Rhenish
missionaries. Let us consider the opinion of Th. Müller Krüger, who had experience
working as a Rhenish missionary in Batakland before taking a teaching position in
the Hoogere Theologische School in Bogor/Batavia (later to become Jakarta
Theological Seminary). Krüger thinks that the missionaries used Luther’s Small
Catechism because it was so structured and easy to communicate, not, Krüger
argues, because they wanted to spread Lutheranism.233
The Batak churches still up to this time use Luther’s Small Catechism, which
is available in both the Batak and Indonesian languages, as they have done in the
past. It is used as the main source for catechetical instruction. Beside its function in
catechetical instruction, the Batak Churches also use Luther’s Small Catechism in
Sunday school, and in the Sunday service in which the reading of the Ten

229
Ketuhanan Kristus,” in Missio Dei, 138.
230
See Fr. Eigenbrod, et. al., Pangarimpunan ni Oegama Hakristenon. (Lagoeboti: Zendings-
Drukkerij, 1931); J.R. Hutauruk (ed), Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 75.
231
232
233
Th. Müller Krüger, Sedjarah Gereja Di Indonesia, 224.
52
Commandments is a fixed part of the liturgy. Sometimes the reading of the whole
Ten Commandments is replaced by one of the Ten Commandments followed by an
explanation taken from Luther’s Small Catechism.234 Perhaps the difference in past
and present of the use of Luther’s Small Catechism is that young people no longer
have to memorize it.235
The numbering of the Ten Commandments in Nommensen’s translation of
Luther’s Small Catechism is different from the original one. Nommensen had
divided the first commandment into two (and merged the ninth and the tenth).
According to Warneck, Nommensen had decided to do that because of a special
challenge within the Batak context. Realizing that the Batak people worshipped their
ancestors, Nommensen saw that it would be necessary to emphasize the prohibition
of worship of other things than God.236
In his translation of Luther’s Small Catechism Nommensen also did not
include “the Confession and Absolution” part.237 In addition, the way the catechism
is used in Batakland strongly emphasizes the Ten Commandments at the expense of
the rest of the catechism. This imbalance might have led to the Batak churches not
grasping Luther’s overall thought:
What is that? (Or what does this mean?). The simple paraphrase of
catechetical texts elicited by that question is matched by its insistence on

234
Mangisi S.E. Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther Dan Relevansinya di Indonesia, 255;
Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 176; T.O.B. Simaremare,
“Peranan Katekhismus Lutheri Kecil,” in Benih yang Berbuah, 96.
235
Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 176.
236
J. Warneck, Sechzig Jahre Batakmission in Sumatra (Barmen: RMG, 1925) as quoted in J.R.
Hutauruk, “Katekhismus Kecil Martin Luther: Lahirnya dan Penggunaannya oleh Martin Luther di
Jerman Abad ke-16 dan oleh I.L. Nommensen serta Jemaat “Batak”/Gereja-gereja Lutheran di Tanah
Batak/Indonesia Abad ke-19, 20 dan 21,” Makalah untuk Seminar “Lutheran Teaching”
diselenggarakan oleh Lutheran Heritage Foundation, Pematangsiantar, 19-21 Juni 2007, dan Tarutung,
26-28 Juni 2007, 6; Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 175. Cf.
As mentioned before, probably Nommensen here influenced by Reformed tradition’s in which
practicing the same numbering of the commandments following Calvin.
237
J.R. Hutauruk, “Katekhismus Kecil Martin Luther: Lahirnya …,” 5; Jubil Raplan Hutauruk, Lahir,
Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 175.
53
moving from law (Ten Commandments) to gospel (Creed and Lord’s Prayer)
and by expansion of material found in traditional catechisms to include
explanations of holy baptism and the Lord’s Supper.238
2.3 The Rhenish Mission’s Missionaries Views on Salvation in general, and on
Faith and Good Works in particular
As said before, the Rhenish Mission was rooted in Pietism. Pietism regarded
the official church as too cold and intellectual. Pietism preceded but also responded
to the Enlightenment. Pietism wanted believers to rely not on their intellects but to
rely fully on the sacrifice that Jesus had made for all humanity. God reveals himself
through this sacrifice as full of grace. Awareness of this arouses love of God in
believers. This awareness leads those who have realized God’s mercy to want to
share the Good News to non-Christians.
When training for the mission field, the Rhenish missionaries had been taught
to focus upon the need for humankind to find individual salvation from sin.
Missionaries were expected to be able to communicate the Gospel and to convert
non-Christians overseas.239 Hutauruk notes that in the German edition of the Church
Constitution of 1907 the missionaries were asked to focus their sermons on the
proclamation of salvation. The outline of such a sermon clearly emphasized the
history of salvation: creation, the Fall, and the work of salvation in Jesus Christ.
Jesus is the way of life that brings sinners back to God; everyone who calls on the

238
See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert
Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2000), 346. In the advertisement of a
study edition of Luther’s Small Catechism published by ELCA on 500 years of Reformation, Luther’s
explanation of God as not the stern judge but a loving parent in the Small Catechism is highly
appreciated. The great value of Luther’s Small Catechism, as it is still one of the most effective tools
for learning and teaching Christianity, the writers argue, lies on Luther’s achievement in formulating a
simple question-and-answer format that reveals a God who offers unconditional grace and in turn
invites Christians to live accordingly. See Reformation 500 Sourcebook. Anniversary Resources for
Congregations, ed. by Robert Farlee (Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 2016), 137-138.
239
Aritonang, Jan S. and Karel Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity in Indonesia, 536-537.
54
name of Jesus faithfully and with words and deeds to prove his faith, will become a
child of God. 240
Since 1909, Catholics had tried to enter Batakland.241 It was not merely the
desire of the Catholic side. However, the Dutch colonial government had passed
legislation that prohibited double mission in one area. Moreover, since 1881 the
colonial government had reserved Batakland for Protestant missions.242 Nonetheless,
a number of appeals came from the Bataks themselves, requesting the Catholic
Church to establish churches and schools. Around 1912 some Batak representatives
asked the leadership of the Catholic Church in the city of Padang to enter Batakland.
The request was not met. Other requests followed, but did not succeed until after
1933, when the government granted the Catholic Church permission to establish
parishes in Batakland.243 However, Aritonang notes that in reality the Catholics had
opened stations and schools in Silindung from 1924 on in spite of protests from the
Rhenish Mission.244 Having obtained official permission, Catholic parishes and
schools were established in Balige (1934), Hutaraja (1935), Lumban Sormin (1936),
Lintong ni Huta (1936), Pangaribuan (1936), Tarutung (1938), and Aek Raja
(1939).245
As we see, the Catholic presence made rapid progress in Batakland. This was
partly due to the excellent reputation of the Catholic schools in Medan, Padang and
Batavia (Jakarta) and the desire of the Bataks for their children to have access to
schools of a similar quality. Catholic and Rhenish mission attitudes towards the adat

240
Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 61.
241
242
243
Karel Steenbrink and Paule Maas, Orang-orang Katolik di Indonesia 1808-1942, 559, 561, 562;
Kurris, 25.
244
245
R. Kurris, Pelangi di Bukit Barisan. Gereja Katolik Memasuki Tapanuli (Yogyakarta: Kanisius,
2006), 31-122; cf. Th. Van den End dan J. Weitjens, Ragi Carita 2: Sejarah Gereja di Indonesia
1860-an – Sekarang. (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2011, cet. ke-9), 449-451.
55
that could be interpreted as ancestor worship were very different. For the Rhenish
Missionaries there could be no compromise with what they felt was ancestor
worship. Events in Hutaraja and Hutabarat illustrate the difference. Spurred by the
unwillingness of the Batak church to receive the adat of death or mangongkal holi,
which contained ancestor worship, people at both places switched to Catholicism.246
As mentioned, Catholic attitudes toward Batak culture and customs were quite
different from the Rhenish Mission. For example, Catholic priests were not
questioned about the people who were dancing around the bodies of the dead or
around the bones of the dead to be reburied in a new cemetery or monument.
Actually, the dance allowed the Bataks to persuade the spirits of the dead not to harm
their offspring but bless them with descendants, riches and prestige. One time a
Catholic priest participated in a dance like this. Certainly, he did not want to worship
the dead person. In his opinion, the body of the dead must be respected as a temple
of the Holy Spirit, and his participation in the dance was an expression of gratitude to
God for the gift of life which he has bestowed on the dead man while still alive.247
Thus, according to the Catholics, ceremonies surrounding the adat of deaths or
mangongkal traditional can still be celebrated, but, of course, they must be filled
with the Christian faith. Instead of calling the spirits of ancestors and speaking to
them, the Batak people were advised to call on Jesus Christ, who has redeemed and
consecrated us all.248 Indeed, Catholics have had long accumulated experience of
inculturation in all corners of the world. Therefore, in Batakland, too, the Catholic
mission had approached Batak culture with respect and as far as possible tried to fill

246
Kurris, Pelangi di Bukit Barisan, 88, 93-94.
247
Karel Steenbrink dan Paule Maas, Orang-orang Katolik di Indonesia 1808-1942. Jilid 2:
Pertumbuhan yang Spektakuler dari sebuah Minoritas yang Percaya Diri 1903-1942. Translated by
Yosef Maria Florison (Maumere: Ledalero, 2006), 568-569; Joosten, 89, 102.
248
Kurris, Pelangi di Bukit Barisan, 95; Joosten, 102.
56
it with Christian values,249 and purify and raise it to a higher level.250
Catholic plans to enter the Batakland since 1909 also caused the Rhenish
missionaries to emphasize the Protestant doctrine of salvation in their teaching to
distinguish between Protestant and Catholic doctrine.251 The Rhenish Mission
publishing house gave out several books introducing the history of the Reformation,
and especially Luther’s thought. These efforts were part of the Rhenish Mission’s
missionaries’ attempts to stem the Catholic influence that was spreading at that
time.252
The book Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant (The Essence of the
Sermon in the Protestant Church) of 1891, explains the history of the reformation
and the difference between Protestant and Catholics. According to this book, the
Protestant church is based solely on the Word of God, whereas the Catholic Church
claims that Scripture and tradition (the unwritten word of God) together are its
foundation. The other basic conviction of the Protestant church is that humans obtain
salvation only through the grace of God.253 Therefore, the book states that Protestant
understanding rejects Catholic teaching about a variety of matters: the pope and the
church, tradition, good works, the abolition of the punishment of sin, saints,
sacraments, confession, Mass, purgatory.254 The book notes,
Therefore, one must examine the characteristics of the visible church to make

249
Kurris, Pelangi di Bukit Barisan, 94-95.
250
Leo Joosten, Potret sebuah Paroki. Pendirian, Pertumbuhan dan Kehidupan Paroki Pangururan
(Kabanjahe, 2008), 89.
251
Aritonang, Mission Schools, 282; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 29.
252
The books, to mention a few, are P.H. Johannsen, Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant. [The
Essence of the Sermon in the Protestant Church ] Revised by J.H. Meerwaldt in 1914 (Pearaja:
Kolportase Pusat HKBP, 1962), Pangarimpoenan ni Oegama Hakristenon [The Essence of Christian
Religion], na pinatoere ni Pandita Fr. Eigenbrod rap dohot deba donganna saoelaon. Rongkoman
Paopathalihon. Laguboti: Zendings-Drukkerij, 1931; Sungkunsungkun tu angka parguru, na naeng
mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na naeng tardidi [Questions for Catechumen to Receive
Confirmation and Baptismal], pinature ni W. Müller, pandita di Bonandolok. Nirongkom di
Pangarongkoman – Mission Laguboti – Toba, 1919; Katechismus Djamita Huria [Catechism of
Church Sermon]. Translated into Batak by P.H. Johannsen. Elberfeld: R.L. Friderichs & Comp., 1891.
253
P.H. Johannsen, Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant, 16.
254
P.H. Johannsen, Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant, 16-17.
57
sure that the visible church is the true church wherever it is. These are the
signs: 1. If the gospel of the grace of God in Jesus Christ is preached
correctly (John 8, 31. Acts 4, 12; 2) and the sacraments are administered
correctly according to what Lord Jesus has established (1 Corinthians 11, 22-
28). 255
The book explains the teaching of the Catholic Church about good works as follows:
Humans are capable of obtaining eternal life by doing good works. 256
The book registered good works as follows: charity, fasting, attending the Mass, the
Hail Mary (asking for the intercession of the Virgin Mary, the mother of Jesus),
pilgrimage, cloister/monastery, the selling of indulgences. The book says that the
Protestant churches rejected them because according to Romans 3:24 and Galatians
6:16 man is justified only by the mercy of God not by obeying the Torah (law).257
But it is interesting that in further explanation, this book associates justification by
faith with new life. The Catholic Church, this book says, teaches that humans are
capable of consecrating themselves, "capable of doing good works for God, although
not reborn yet through the Holy Spirit", whereas, according to 2 Peter, good works
can only be done through faith.258 This shows the influence of the pietistic
interpretation of Luther.259
This book confirms that in accordance with God's Word Protestant churches
understand that humans cannot obtain their own salvation; only through the grace of
God alone can humans gain salvation. Believers should certainly do good works.
However, what counted as good works are the deeds of faith (Romans 14, 23).

255
256
257
Johannsen, Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant, 28-29.
258
Johannsen, Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant, 29.
259
Elsewhere in the book the writer mentions rebirth as the mark of the visible and invisible church.
See Johannsen, Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant, 23. The interpretation of Luther’s teaching
adding the aspect of rebirth or new birth had been common in Pietism. Pietists sought to bring the
justification of the sinner by grace through faith into the realm of actual experience by laying all
emphasis upon man’s regeneration. See Schmidt, “Pietism,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran
Church, vol. III, 1901.
58
Moreover, only the re-born person in whom the Holy Spirit dwells is able to do good
works. Luther is quoted about the close relationship between justification and good
works:
Luther says: Remember the parable of Jesus in Matthew 7:17: Every good
tree bears good fruit, but the bad tree bears bad fruit. It is not the fruit that
makes the tree good, but the tree must first be good, then the tree will bear
good fruit. The same goes for humans: not everything done makes one good;
he must be good first; then he will be able to do good works. God's Word
does say that good works should be done, but the good deeds are the result of
true faith. When faith is right, it must be accompanied by good works; and if
faith is without works, that shows that faith is just words. Just like a tree, it is
not the fruit that makes a tree into a good tree, but the fruit shows that the tree
is good. Faith also should be recognized by its fruit.260
Another book, Pangarimpoenan ni Oegama Hakristenon (The Essence of
Christian Religion), of 1931,261 teaches that a person becomes righteous before God
only by faith in the Lord Jesus. It is not because of their kindness and ability that
God grants humans justification and holiness. Justification is an act of God’s mercy.
Through it, the sinner becomes like a person who never sinned, and like a person
who has totally obeyed God in the way that Jesus did. God grants all of this freely.
All that is necessary is to accept grace. Three Biblical verses are cited to support this
interpretation: Romans 3: 28; Romans 3:24; Romans 4: 5.262 There follows a
discussion of “Hamoebaon ni roha dohot oelaon na denggan,” (Repentance and
Good Works) which emphasizes that anyone who claims to be a believer without a
change of heart will stay in the old life and not receive salvation. Various examples
of staying in the old life are mentioned: fornicators, sioloi begu (begu = the spirit of
the dead; sioloi begu means someone who obeys the spirit of the dead; the Bible text

260
Johannsen, Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant, 30-31.
261
This book does not mention what year the book was published, but Hutauruk mentions that the
book was published in 1931. See Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh, 174.
262
Pangarimpoenan ni Oegama Hakristenon [The Essence of Christian Religion], na pinatoere ni
Pandita Fr. Eigenbrod rap dohot deba donganna saoelaon. Rongkoman Paopathalihon. Laguboti:
Zendings-Drukkerij, 1931, 23.
59
uses "idolaters"), adulterers, thieves, the greedy, drunkards, revilers, robbers (1 Cor.
6: 9-10). Probably because the book has already stressed that salvation is a gift, and
not obtained as a result of human effort, the question arises, "boasa pola ingkon
patoepaonta dope angka oelaon na denggan?" (Why we must still need to perform
good works?). By way of answer, the book emphasizes that good works are essential
to show gratitude to God who has saved us from destruction. 263 Good works, the
book underlines, are all things done through a true faith in accordance with the
Commandment to love God and work for His glory. Performing good works also
serves the purpose as a guide for others and as an example of a life lived in
accordance with the Word of God.264
W. Müller, a missionary at Bonandolok, published Questions for Catechumen
to Receive Confirmation and Baptism in 1919 (Sungkunsungkun tu angka parguru,
na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na naeng tardidi). It contains
no special section on justification or on faith and good works, but in the section
about God the Father, question 246 asks, “Ala ni aha umbahen songon i roha ni
Debata tu hita?” (Why God has such an attitude toward human beings?). The answer
given is, “Tung ala ni asi ni rohana sambing do dohot ala ni denggan ni basana,
ndada ala ni denggan ni parangenta” (Only by God's mercy and because of his
grace, not because of our good behavior).265 Therefore, the good things in life are
God's gift and not the result of human efforts or achievements. What humans are
responsible for is their response to God’s grace, for only those who believe in the
sacrifice of the Lord Jesus with all their hearts will gain salvation. The 561 questions

263
Pangarimpoenan ni Oegama Hakristenon, 35.
264
Pangarimpoenan ni Oegama Hakristenon, 35.
265
Sungkunsungkun tu angka parguru, na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na
naeng tardidi [Questions for Catechumen to Receive Confirmation and Baptismal], pinature ni W.
Müller, pandita di Bonandolok. Nirongkom di Pangarongkoman – Mission Laguboti – Toba, 1919,
58.
60
and answers that make up the Christian instruction for adult baptismal and
confirmation classes are summarized in three points. One of the three items is:
“Hamubaon ni rohanta marhitehite haporseaon di Tuhanta Jesus Kristus, i do
siringkotan ni rohanta gumodang” (We must above all else attend to the repentance
our heart through faith in the Lord Jesus.).266

266
Sungkunsungkun tu angka parguru, na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na
naeng tardidi, 77, 129.
61
CHAPTER 3
THE BATAK CHURCH JOINED THE LUTHERAN WORLD FEDERATION
(1952)
This chapter provides a description of the entry of the Batak Church into the
LWF, and also the decision of the Batak Church to draft its own confession. In
addition, a description of Lutheran identity in general is provided.
3.1 Situation of the Batak Church Post Rhenish Mission Leadership
When HKBP joined the LWF in 1952 many people questioned the move. In
Indonesia, those outside HKBP focused on what they felt was the absence of a
distinctive Lutheran character within the HKBP.267 They thought the HKBP wanted
to join the LWF solely because of the financial assistance it would receive.268
Christian de Jonge269 shared this view.270 He felt that in becoming a member of the
LWF, HKBP had ignored the characteristics of "union" that had been established by
the Rhenish Mission. De Jonge discusses the matter in writing about denominational
ecumenism. He refers to a survey carried out by the Communion of Churches in
Indonesia, which concluded that membership of Indonesian churches in

267
See Soedarmo’s view on this matter on Pedersen, Batak Blood, 165; cf. Lempp, Benih yang
Tumbuh XII, 201.
268
269
De Jonge, at that time, was a lecturer on Church History at Jakarta Theological Seminary.
270
Christian De Jonge, Menuju Keesaan Gereja: Sejarah Dokumen-dokumen dan Tema-tema
Gerakan Oikumenis [Towards Unity of the Churches: The History of the Ecumenical Movement’s
Documents and Themes] (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1996), 66. The survey mentioned above was
conducted by the Institute for Research and Studies of the Council of Churches in Indonesia, and was
published in 1976. See F. Ukur & F. Cooley (eds.), Jerih dan Juang. Laporan Nasional Survey
Menyeluruh Gereja di Indonesia (Jakarta: LPS DGI, 1976).
62
denominational ecumenism (so not only the HKBP) in bodies such as World
Alliance of Reformed Churches, Reformed Ecumenical Synod, the LWF, etc., was
mainly evident in their presence at conferences. Membership was not internalized, as
it had little other effect.271 De Jonge uses the opinion of Ulrich Duchrow to
strengthen the survey’s conclusion.272 Duchrow insisted that LWF’s financial
assistance was the motivation behind the Batak Church joining the organization,
although the LWF had made it clear beforehand that their aid had nothing to do with
the issue of membership.273 Duchrow says,
One powerful motive – if not the main one – for the Batak Church was the
desire to escape from the distressing situation of an ‘orphaned’ mission
church with the help of the financially strong Lutheran World Federation.
According to Batak custom, moreover, it is difficult to accept a gift without
giving something in return.274
Within the LWF, HKBP’s entry into the LWF was considered theologically
and ecclesiologically significant.275 This was because the LWF constitution of 1947
stated that a church could be accepted as a member only if it accepted the LWF
constitution. The LWF Constitution of 1947 reads:
The Lutheran World Federation acknowledges the Holy Scriptures of the Old
and New Testaments as the only source and the infallible norm of all church
doctrine and practice, and sees in the Confessions of the Lutheran Church,
especially in the Unaltered Augsburg Confession and Luther’s Catechism, a
pure exposition of the Word of God.276

271
272
273
U. Duchrow, Conflict over the Ecumenical Movement. Confessing Christ Today in the Universal
Church, translated from the German by David Lewis (Geneva: WCC, 1981), 208-209. De Jonge,
Menuju Keesaan Gereja, 66; cf. Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember 1948 di
Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of the General Synod of 1948), 14; Fredrik A. Schiotz, “Lutheran
World Missions,” in International Review of Mission, XLIII, July 1954, 315, 317, 320; Fredrik A.
Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions: At the Halfway Mark in this Twentieth Century,” in The
Lutheran Quarterly, 2 no. 1, Feb. 1950, 66.
274
Duchrow, Conflict over the Ecumenical Movement, 208-209. De Jonge, Menuju Keesaan Gereja,
66; cf. Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 315.
275
From Federation to Communion. The History of the Lutheran World Federation, edited by Jens
Holger Schjorring, Prasanna Kumari, Norman Hjelm (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1997), 55; Eric W.
Gritsch, A History of Lutheranism. Second Edition (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2010), 232.
276
This constitution was adopted by the LWF First Assembly, Lund, Sweden, 1947. The doctrinal
basis of the LWF, adopted by the Eight Assembly, Curitiba, Brazil, 1990, made a slight change as
63
However, the HKBP did not entirely adhere to the Augsburg Confession or
other traditional Lutheran documents. On the other hand, it had a confession with
Lutheran elements that was accepted by the LWF. The LWF assessed that the
HKBP's own confession, adopted in 1951, was in harmony with the Lutheran
confessions, and therefore, accepted HKBP as a member in 1952. This showed a new
openness within the LWF.277
Openness was not an easy task. The application to become a member of the
LWF led to sharp discussions on Lutheran identity. What is Lutheran? Writing for
the 125th anniversary of the HKBP, Keith R. Bridston, a former lecturer at HKBP
Seminary Pematangsiantar, examined the various reactions inside the LWF
community. Some were very critical of the Batak Church’s application for LWF
membership. The LWF constitution emphasized Lutheran identity as a criterion for
membership. The Batak Church obviously did not meet this criterion. However, what
won the day was non-insistence on it. Had the LWF insisted, the older Lutheran
churches would have needed to authenticate their own Lutheran identity by
reevaluating their historic confessions.278 Here Bridston refers to the opinion of
modern Lutheran theologians who were aware of different or even new contexts,
which had widened the horizons of the LWF. Bridston makes use of Helmut
Zeddies’ theological thinking. Zeddies argues that formulating a confession needs to

follows: “The Lutheran World Federation confesses the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New
Testaments to be the only source and norm of its doctrine, life and service. It sees in the Three
Ecumenical Creeds and in the Confessions of the Lutheran Church, especially in the unaltered
Augsburg Confession and the Small Catechism of Martin Luther, a pure exposition of the Word of
God.” See From Federation to Communion. The History of the Lutheran World Federation, 527, 530.
277
From Federation to Communion. The History of the Lutheran World Federation, 55.
278
Keith R. Bridston, “The Batak Church and Christian Identity,” in Horas HKBP! Essays for a 125-
Year-Old Church, ed. by A.A. Sitompul and Arne Sovik (Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP, 1986), 151.
64
take into account the questions which confront the church.279 This brought a more
open attitude towards HKBP’s case.
It was this greater openness and the awareness that Lutheranism faced fresh
challenges that opened the door to HKBP membership. This comes out clearly in the
remarks of Paul C. Empie. Empie was one of the executive directors of the National
Lutheran Council. 280 Speaking on behalf of the LWF, Empie explained that after
studying HKBP’s Confession carefully, the LWF membership Committee, reported
that although the exact language of the unaltered Augsburg Confession is not used
the essential substance is in fact there. Therefore, the committee concluded that the
Batak Church may be regarded as meeting the requirements for LWF membership.281
As we have seen, the membership application brought debate both within the
HKBP and the LWF. It was not easy for the LWF to come to a final decision. The
process was long, and it took careful consideration.
How did the HKBP see its entry into the LWF? After the Second World War
ended Bishop Sandegren sought contact with the Batak Church. Justin Sihombing,
bishop (ephorus) of the HKBP at that time, referred to Sandegren’s initiative as the
starting point of the HKBP’s effort to become members of the LWF.282 What bishop
Sihombing, with typical oriental reticence, did say was that HKBP avoided contact
with the Rhenish Mission. HKBP preferred a relationship with a western church or
other organization rather than with the Rhenish Mission.

279
Helmut Zeddies, “The Confession of the Church,” in The Lutheran Church: Past and Present
(Minneapolis: Augsburg Pub. House, 1977), 102.
280
Founded in 1918 by American and Canadian Lutherans. See footnote no. 32.
281
Joseph Ellwanger, “The Batak Protestant Christian Church,” Concordia Theological Monthly, St.
Louis, January, 1959, 15-16.
282
J. Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant (Medan: Philemon & Liberty, tt), 126ff.
In the bibliography of Nyhus’ book, Sihombing’s book title is Seratus Taon Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 1861 – 1961 and the date of publication is given as 1961. See Nyhus, An Indonesian
Church in the Midst of Social Change, 576; while in the biography of J. Sihombing, Barita ni Ompu I
Dr. Justin Sihombing, the book is titled: “Sejarah HKBP 100 Taon, taon 1960”. See F.H. Sianipar,
Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing (1978, no mention of publishing house), 161.
65
3.1.1 Critical Attitude towards the Rhenish Mission Leadership
HKBP reluctance to continue the relationship can be explained by an
increasingly critical attitude towards the Rhenish Mission’s leadership. As early as
1917 Hatopan Kristen Batak (Batak Christian Association) was founded. This was
basically a struggle for the unity and progress of Batak Christians.283 Eventually
three groups seceded from the Batak church and set up new churches. 284 This was
not just triggered by the desire for independence from the Rhenish Mission. Since
1920 each Rhenish Mission church had its parish council (kerkeraad), giving Bataks
a bigger role in leading and managing the affairs of the church.285 Additionally, the
Rhenish Mission called a Synod in 1930 that took the big decision to separate the
church from the mission. Thus, the Batak church became an independent
organization under a new name, the Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP). This
synod also ratified a new church constitution.286 This Constitution of 1930, prepared
by Warneck, created a Synod Executive Board (Hoofdbestuur)) chaired by the
bishop (ephorus) with members: two pastors representing pendeta resort (pastors
who lead a resort, a group of parishes), five representatives from districts (each
district represented by one person), one representing Batak pastors, and one
representing teacher-preachers.287 Here the Rhenish Mission gave a bigger role to the
indigenous officers in organizing the church and in decision-making in the Batak

283
Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 84-128; Aritonang, and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of
Christianity in Indonesia, 548-550.
284
They were “Huria Christen Batak” or “HChB” (Batak Christian Church) at Pematangsiantar on 1
May 1927, “Gereja Mission Batak” or “GMB” (Batak Mission Church) at Medan on 17 July 1927,
and “Punguan Kristen Batak” or “PKB” (Batak Christian Gathering) at Batavia/Jakarta on 10 July
1927. See Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 131-149; Aritonang, and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of
Christianity in Indonesia, 549.
285
Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 122.
286
Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 127; Aritonang, and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity in
Indonesia, 550.
287
Hutauruk, Menata Rumah Allah, 71-73; Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 127; Aritonang, and
Steenbrink (eds.), A History of Christianity in Indonesia, 550.
66
church. However, the missionary leadership still dominated. Similarly, Bataks were
not yet allowed to become a pendeta resort (a parish pastor in a resort; a “resort”
consists of several parishes in which one is the main congregation and the others are
branch congregations; the pastor resides in the main congregation), and especially
not to hold the position of bishop (ephorus). The Rhenish Mission felt that Batak
officers were still not ready to lead HKBP independently.288 Accordingly, Hutauruk
argues that independence movements in the Batak church can only be properly
understood if we see the overall picture. Hutauruk contends that history, culture and
sociology, mingled with political factors, led to a growing nationalism among the
Batak Christians in particular, and the people of Indonesia in general.289
Secondly, in 1940 the Dutch East Indies colonial government interned all the
Rhenish Mission’s German workers. This was an act of retaliation for the German
occupation of the Netherlands on May 10, 1940. So, after almost 80 years, the
Rhenish Mission’s work there had come to an end.290 After the arrest of the German
missionaries, the HKBP held an extraordinary General Synod. Rev. K. Sirait, a Batak
minister from Sibolga, was elected. He defeated Rev. de Kleine, the Dutch
missionary, on the third ballot. It showed a desire for independence; they no longer
wanted to be led by foreign missionaries. That is why the Rev. Sirait successfully
won the election. But in this period new institutions were established to administer
schools, hospitals and other institutions outside the church. The colonial government
handed administrative control over the Rhenish Mission’s property to the

288
Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 115-128; Aritonang, and Steenbrink (eds.), A History of
Christianity in Indonesia, 548-550; cf. Verwiebe, “The Youth Problem in the Batak Church in
Sumatra,”, 209; Kraemer, who appreciated the genuineness and sincerity of their effort in Batakland,
encouraged the Rhenish missionaries to pay full attention to the background of the various grievances
of the Bataks. Kraemer, From Missionfield to Independent Church, 64.
289
A thorough study of the movement which sought independence from missionary leadership is
provided in J.R. Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 73-218.
290
See Jan S. Aritonang, Mission Schools, 303.
67
Zendingsconsulaat (ZCt) of the Dutch in Batavia (later Jakarta). Then, ZCt formed a
new mission agency, the Batak-Nias Zending (BNZ; Batak Nias Mission)291 to
supervise schools and hospitals. There were 450 subsidized schools (Volksscholen
and Vervolgscholen). The establishment of the BNZ and the administrative control
over schools given to this new body disappointed the HKBP. The HKBP still ran 220
unsubsidized schools, but the HKBP leaders wanted to control all schools (both
subsidized and unsubsidized schools) in order to preserve the dual role of the guru
huria (teacher-preachers) in school and church. The BNZ policy of separating
schools from the church had caused a chaotic situation for many congregations since
many guru huria (teacher-preachers) who supported the separation refused to
continue to serve in their congregations. Many teacher-preachers agreed to the
separation of schools from the church, because they wanted to be free from duties in
the congregation, and they assumed that the BNZ would give them a better salary.292
3.1.2 Efforts in Overcoming its Shortcomings as the Consequence of the World
War II
After the Japanese invaded and occupied Indonesia, Batakland became part
of Japan’s colony. The situation of the Batak Church was far worse than under Dutch
rule. The Japanese colonial government took over the schools and hospitals of the

291
See Edward O.V. Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 70ff; cf. Jan S.
292
Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 77; Jan S. Aritonang, Mission
Schools, 309; J.R. Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja, 192. Lumbantobing, Hutauruk and Aritonang
discuss the two views on the church's relationship with the school. One side is of the Rhenish Mission
pattern that understands schools as an integral part of the church, and the other side is the Dutch
Mission pattern that separates it from the task of the church. See J.R. Hutauruk, Kemandirian Gereja,
193-196; Jan S. Aritonang, Mission Schools, 310-311; Andar Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa
Jabatan, 168-169. So in the understanding of Batak leaders, as inherited from the Rhenish Mission,
the church needed to organize schools as part of its ministry.
68
Rhenish Mission. In 1945 the allies forced Japan to surrender and leave Indonesia.293
The changing situation at the end of Dutch rule and the terrible conditions
during the Japanese occupation explain why the HKB needed help to overcome its
shortcomings. But having gained its independence from the Rhenish Mission, the
HKBP did not want to lose it. Had HKBP wanted to establish a relationship with the
Germans, then HKBP would have wanted it with the church, not the mission body.
Or if it should be associated with the Rhenish Mission, it no longer wanted to be in a
relationship like that before the war.294 This is the context for the HKBP affiliation
with the LWF. And it was very important for the HKBP that the LWF treated them
as an independent church.295
3.2 Decision to Join the Lutheran World Federation
3.2.1 Contacts with the LWF
Contact with the LWF can be traced back to when the representative of the
HKBP attended the Tambaram Conference of the International Missionary Council
in 1938. Representing the HKBP at this meeting, Dr. Verwiebe and Pajaman
Sitompul told about the circumstances and difficulties HKBP encountered.296 The
Batak church had been increasingly recognized internationally as operating within

293
About the difficulty and bitterness of life in the days of Japan see Nyhus’ study, An Indonesian
Church in the Middle of Social Change: The Batak Protestant Christian Church, 1942-1957. Nyhus’s
study focuses on the early history of the autonomous HKBP and on the Japanese period (1942-1945).
In March 1942, the Japanese invaded the Dutch East Indies. Cf. J.R. Hutauruk, Tuhan Menyertai
UmatNya. Garis Besar Sejarah 125 Tahun Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP) 7 Oktober 1861 –
1986 (Tarutung: Kntor Pusat HKBP, 1986), 37-40.
294
Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII, 203ff.
295
The words "We're not going to master you" expressed by representatives of the LWF in several
occasions demonstrated an understanding of the concerns of Batak church leaders. See Notulen ni
Rapot Pandita HKBP di Pearaja Tarutung ari 13-16 Agustus 1948 (Minutes of Pastor Conference of
HKBP of 1948), 21; Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember 1948 di Seminarie
Sipoholon (Minutes of the General Synod of 1948), 14; Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 126; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 111; Schiotz, “Lutheran World
Missions,” 317; Pedersen, Batak Blood, 181; cf. Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII, 202.
296
F.H. Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing (1978, no information about publisher), 110;
cf. Fredrik A. Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 316.
69
the framework of the Tambaram Conference. A document containing the history of
the Batak church, and a description of the strategy and success of the mission of the
Rhenish Mission in Batak was presented. The document was written by J. Merle
Davis for the International Missionary Council. In one part Davis writes:
The influence of Lutheran theology is evident in the work of the Mission.

Although the Rhenish Mission is not a denominational body, Luther’s
theology and pietism are manifest in the sense of urgency to redeem the
Batak people by a saving knowledge of God through Christ.297
On the occasion of the Tambaram Conference there was apparently a contact
between the Tamil Evangelical Lutheran Church of South India and representatives
of the Batak church. This contact had given a sense of brotherhood. When the
Japanese occupation of Indonesia came to an end in August 1945, the Executive
Committee of the Federation of Evangelical Lutheran Churches in India was trying
to find a way to have further contact with the Batak Church.298 In 1947, after
discussions with Dr. Ralph Long of the National Lutheran Council (founded in 1918
by American and Canadian Lutherans), Dr. Johannes Sandegren, Bishop of the Tamil
Evangelical Lutheran Church made a visit to Indonesia. But he could not enter into
Batakland because of the Police Action between the Dutch and the Republic.299
However, Bishop Sandegren was able to meet Prof. Dr. Sutan Gunung Mulia
Harahap, a member of the church council of the HKBP, and also De Niet and Van
Beyma of the Dutch Mission Consuls, missionaries Gramberg of Oegstgeest and De
Kleine of the Rhenish Mission. Bishop Sandegren shared his church’s wish to help

297
J. Merle Davis, The Batak Church. An Account of the Organization, Policies and Growth of the
Christian Community of the Bataks of Northern Sumatra. A Document prepared for the Tambaram
Conference, 1938, 4; cf. Before Davis, Hendrik Kraemer had also visited the Batak Church.
Kraemer’s visit was from February to April 1937 at the invitation of the Bishop of the Batak Church,
Dr. Johannes Warneck. See Kraemer, From Mission field to Independent Church: Report on a
Decisive Decade in the Growth of Indigenous Churches in Indonesia (Boekencentrum: The Hague,
1958).
298
Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 316; cf. Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 126; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 111; Pedersen, Batak Blood, 181.
299
70
the Batak Church.300 Dr. Mulia reported the meeting to Bishop Sihombing,
informing him about Bishop Sandegren’s plan to visit the HKBP.301 After returning
back to India, Bishop Sandegren himself sent a letter to Bishop Sihombing. He
informed the leader of the HKBP about his church’s intention. In his account on this
subject, Bishop Sihombing emphasized Bishop Sandegren’s compassionate message,
which quoted 2 Cor. 1:24, “Not that we have lordship over your faith, but are fellow
workers with you for your joy. For you stand firm in faith.” This message moved the
leaders of the Batak Church. And the Batak Church replied by informing Bishop
Sandegren that they were pleased to receive assistance from his church.302
From his recent visit to Jakarta Bishop Sandegren was convinced that a
westerner would have difficulties in going to Indonesia during the country’s struggle
to retain its independence, and so he sent an Indian Christian and physician. Dr. D.R.
Williams was sent as a medical missionary to assist the HKBP. He arrived in
Tarutung on March 30, 1948.303 Dr. Williams was placed in Hospital Balige. At this
time the hospital was operated by the Indonesian government, which did not hand it
over to the HKBP until December 1954.304 Later Dr. Williams established a
polyclinic in Balige, and then at several places, such as Bonandolok, Paindoan and
Porsea. In a report to the general assembly of the HKBP in 1950, he mentioned that
11,226 patients had come to him.305 Dr. Williams soon gained the respect and

300
301
Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 126; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin
Sihombing, 111.
302
Sihombing, 111.
303
Notulen ni Rapot Pandita HKBP di Pearaja Tarutung ari 13-16 Agustus 1948 (Minutes of Pastor
Conference of HKBP of 1948), 21; Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 317; Pedersen, Batak Blood,
181; Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 126; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr.
Justin Sihombing, 111.
304
Hutauruk, Tuhan Menyertai UmatNya, 167.
305
Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP di ari 31 Oct. ro di 4 Nov. 1950 di Seminarie Sipoholon,
Tarutung, (Minutes of the General Synod of 1950), 39; cf. Pedersen, Batak Blood, 182.
71
affection of the Bataks. Bishop Sihombing mentioned that many people were pleased
with Dr. Williams’s work because he was caring and conscientious.306 But a more
important role for Dr. Williams was to act as the HKBP liaison with the LWF.307At
the Pastors’ Conference of 1948 he had suggested the HKBP should become a
member of the LWF and invited Bishop Sandegren to attend HKBP’s Great
Synod.308 The visit finally took place after the Synod, through Dr. Williams, invited
LWF representatives to visit Sumatra. In this period HKBP leaders seemed to have
wanted HKBP to become a member of the LWF.309 When Bishop Sandegren and Dr.
Frederick A. Schiotz of the Commission on Orphaned Younger Churches and
Missions of the LWF came to Sumatra in November 1948,310 they met with the
leadership of the HKBP and members of Synod Executive Board
(Hoofdkerkbestuur).311
3.2.2 The Decision to Apply for LWF Membership and to Draft its own
Confession
At this meeting HKBP conveyed its desire to be a member of the LWF, but

306
Sihombing, 111.
307
Cf. Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 126; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr.
Justin Sihombing, 111.
308
Notulen ni Rapot Pandita HKBP di Pearaja Tarutung ari 13-16 Agustus 1948 (Minutes of Pastor
Conference of HKBP of 1948), 22;
309
Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 317.
310
There are differences regarding the timing of the arrival of the delegation from the Lutheran
Church between HKBP’s sources and other sources. According to sources from the HKBP, the arrival
took place in August 1948. However, according to an article by Schiotz the visit took place in
November. Schiotz’s record seems more accurate because the advice of the physician Dr. Williams to
the HKBP to invite Bishop Sandegren to visit Sumatra was given in August 1948. At the Pastors’
Conference of August 1948 Dr. Williams regretted that Bishop Sandegren and Dr. Schiotz were not
able to stay until November so that they might attend the General Synod held on 24-25 November
1948. See Notulen ni Rapot Pandita HKBP di Pearaja Tarutung ari 13-16 Agustus 1948 (Minutes of
Pastor Conference of HKBP of 1948), 22; Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember
1948 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of the General Synod of 1948), 133; Hutauruk, Lahir,
Berkembang dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 177; cf. Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 317,
320; Pedersen, Batak Blood, 182.
311
Sihombing, 111.
72
the LWF delegation were more interested in focusing their visit on the state and the
needs of the HKBP for LWF assistance.312 It became clear to the LWF that the
HKBP did not want to deal with the Rhenish Mission, or at least that the time was
not ripe, as we can see from the answers given to the LWF at a meeting with the
Synod Executive Board of the HKBP.313
In reply to the HKBP desire to become a member, the LWF explained that
according to the constitution of the LWF there were several stages to be gone
through before membership could be granted. HKBP should not rush, but consider
carefully and consult all its districts first.314 However, a copy of the constitution of
the LWF was given to the HKBP.315
The Great Synod of 1948 that discussed the offer of assistance from the LWF
evidently decided that both membership of the LWF and its assistance should be
filed simultaneously. Thus at this synod the HKBP formally decided to apply for
LWF membership. The synod also stated it was not willing to accept personnel of the
Rhenish Mission.316 It came up in the conversations, when the LWF offered to bear
the cost of a number of Rhenish Mission personnel who had been working in HKBP
to return to their former posts.317

312
Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember 1948 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of
the General Synod of 1948), 15; cf. Pedersen, Batak Blood, 183.
313
Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 317; cf. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 161.
314
Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 318; cf. Pedersen, Batak Blood, 183.
315
Later in the Synod of 1948 the essence of this constitution was presented by the leaders of the
HKBP. See Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember 1948 di Seminarie Sipoholon
(Minutes of the General Synod of 1948), 10.
316
The strict leadership of the Rhenish missionaries, especially post Nommensen, brought a sort of
unwillingness in the Great Synod of 1948 to accept Rhenish Mission personnel back in the HKBP.
See Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember 1948 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of
the General Synod of 1948), 16-17. For more detail about the relationship between the HKBP with the
Rhenish Mission after World War II see Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII, 203-209; Hutauruk, Tuhan
Menyertai UmatNya, 209-212; Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh, 300-302.
317
See the discussion of the topic on Bibelvrow School (biblevrouw=bible women; woman preacher).
In a conversation the LWF mentioned that they were willing to bear the cost of personnel from
Germany who had been leading the school before the War World II. However, the Synod specified
that for the time being a pastor or bibelvrow of the Rhenish Mission could not be accepted. See
73
The HKBP informed the LWF of this decision. Having discussed the matter
internally, the LWF then invited the HKBP to attend the meeting in Rajahmundry,
India, in January 1950. The HKBP was represented by Bishop Justin Sihombing and
Rev. K. Sirait (former bishop), and accompanied by Dr. Williams. The LWF was
represented by Bishop Nygren, then president of the LWF, Bishop Sandegren and
Dr. Schiotz.318 This meeting was held in the middle of increasing criticism from the
Rhenish Mission, the Dutch Missionary Council, and the International Missionary
Council. They criticized the LWF for confessional imperialism and buying the
church with promises of financial assistance.319 In addition, they feared that joining
the LWF would deprive the HKBP of communion with other churches in
Indonesia.320 At the Rajahmundry meeting321 it was agreed that the LWF connection
would not change the existing teaching of the HKBP. Similarly, the HKBP would
not be kept away from other churches in Indonesia, nor prevented from cooperating
with the Jakarta Theological College. On the contrary, HKBP participation in the
LWF would rather help to further enrich its fellowship with sister Christian churches.
Moreover, eligibility for financial assistance from the National Lutheran Council was

Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 24-25 Nopember 1948 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of the
General Synod of 1948), 16-17.
318
Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 317; Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant,
127; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 112; Scherer, Mission and Unity in
Lutheranism, 162.
319
In 1949, ie after the visit Bishop Sandegren and Schiotz in November 1948, HKBP received
assistance from the LWF. Besides Dr. Williams, who had already come earlier, the LWF sent two
theological professors (one American, Dr. J.E. Gronli, and one Indian, Rev. Devanesan). Also
material assistance in the form of a car, 5 typewriters, 100 books, 1 mimeograph, the money to
support the program in the field of evangelism f 5500 (f = the Dutch guilder), also pastor robes. This
assistance was channeled by CYCOM (Commission on Orphaned Younger Churches and Missions)
of the LWF. See Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 23-24-25 November 1949 di Seminarie
Sipoholon (Minutes of the General Synod of 1949), 16, 17; Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP ari 28-
30 Nopember 1951 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of Great Synod of HKBP of 1951), 11; Schiotz,
“Lutheran World Missions,” 317-318; Pedersen, Batak Blood, 182-183.
320
Pedersen, Batak Blood, 185-186; Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 162.
321
For the content or outcome of the Rajahmundry meeting, see Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,”
317; Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 128-129; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr.
Justin Sihombing, 112-113; Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 162-163; Notulen ni Synode
Godang HKBP di ari 31 Oct. ro di 4 Nov. 1950 di Seminarie Sipoholon, Tarutung, (Minutes of the
General Synod of 1950), 38.
74
not contingent upon membership in the LWF. The LWF mentioned that doctrine was
an obstacle to HKBP’s desire to become a member. The Augsburg Confession and
Luther's Small Catechism were mentioned. Therefore, the LWF advised the HKBP to
consider the matter further. The HKBP would need to show that they had studied the
Augsburg Confession and that nothing in their teachings was incompatible with
Lutheran teaching. In the concluding session, speaking on the issue of the
application, Bishop Nygren reminded Batak leaders that according to the usual order,
the application should be placed before the LWF Assembly in 1952.322 Bishop
Sihombing noted that the HKBP concluded the meeting by stating that membership
in the LWF could not be decided because the HKBP did not yet have a confession.
And that only in 1952 would there be acceptance of membership in the LWF. He
also mentioned that according to the LWF the HKBP needed to study the statutes of -
the LWF.323
Why did the HKBP join the LWF? The answer is because the Batak Church
did not want to be in a relationship with the Rhenish Mission like the one it had
before WW II,324 and that they saw themselves as closer to the Lutherans. When
Bishop Nygren asked whether the Bataks considered their church Lutheran, they
replied that Luther’s Small Catechism had occupied a central place in their church.

322
128-129; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 112-113; Scherer, Mission and Unity in
Lutheranism, 162-163; Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP di ari 31 Oct. ro di 4 Nov. 1950 di
Seminarie Sipoholon, Tarutung, (Minutes of the General Synod of 1950), 38.
323
Sihombing, 112.
324
Symbolically it was important that on October 1, 1948 the Rhenish Mission officially declared that
the property of the Rhenish Mission in Sumatra belonged to the HKBP. Only after 1950 did the
HKBP invite personnel of the Rhenish Mission. However, they wanted not priests but physicians and
engineers. In 1951 HKBP requested pastors by name but the Rhenish Mission could not meet the
request, not because they did not want to but because the ones mentioned was not able to do so.
Ephorus Sihombing’s visit to Germany for five months helped restore relations. In the years after the
visit, some personnel from the Rhenish Mission returned to work in the HKBP. But the relationship
had its ups and downs. See Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 23-24-25 November 1949 di
Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of the General Synod of 1949), 17; Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII,
205; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church in the Midst of Social Change, 183.
75
Rev. Sirait added that “we felt that though we may not be one hundred per cent
Lutheran, we are closer to the Lutherans than to anyone else.”325 Later, LWF
acknowledged326 that the use of Luther's Small Catechism to teach people who
wanted to become members, in catechetical instruction, and in preaching brought the
Batak church really close to the requirements of the LWF’s Constitution.327
Prior to this meeting, but after the decision of the Synod of 1948, the
Kerkbestuur of the HKBP had appointed a commission that studied the Augsburg
Confession in connection with the teachings in the HKBP. This commission, which
consisted of Bishop J. Sihombing, Rev. K. Sirait, Ds. K. Sitompul, and Rev. M.
Siregar, then translated the Augsburg Confession into Batak.328 When the results
were presented to the Synod of 1949, the Synod felt that the HKBP had actually
applied the contents of this confession in the life the HKBP even though the
Augsburg Confession was not published by the HKBP. The HKBP felt that its
dogma was quite the same as the Lutheran.329
The Pastors’ Conference of 1950 discussed the results of the Rajahmundry
meeting. Similarly, the work of the Confessional and Doctrinal Commission which
had prepared an overview of the Augsburg Confession, including articles 1 to 28,
and a translation of the articles 1 to 10 was brought to this conference.330 This

325
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 164; Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 318-319;
cf. Pedersen, Batak Blood, 185; Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” 120.
326
A brief statement of this meeting was prepared by the LWF representatives. See Sihombing,
Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 128; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing,
112-113; cf. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 164.
327
Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 164; Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 128; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 112-113.
328
Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 23-24-25 November 1949 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes
of the General Synod of 1949), 27.
329
Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP Ari 23-24-25 November 1949 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes
of the General Synod of 1949), 27; Hutauruk, Lahir, Berkembang dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus,
177; cf. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 162.
330
See “Ina ni Angka Artikel Taringot tu Haporseaon”; Notulen Rapot Pandita HKBP 13-16 Juni
1950 di Seminarium Sipoholon (Minutes of Pastor Conference of 1950), 5-7; Schreiner, “Di Sekitar
Masalah Pengakuan Iman, Konfessi Augsburg dan Menyaksikan Ketuhanan Kristus,” 140;
76
conference331 raised two proposals: first, adopting the Augsburg Confession fully;
second, composing its own confession.332 The Conference, and likewise later the
Great Synod of 1950, chose to prepare their own confession. The reason was that
although the Augsburg Confession in general was not considered contrary to the
belief of the HKBP, it mentioned matters that were alien to the Batak church.333 For
example, “Donatist” and “Anabaptist”. These were seen as irrelevant to the Christian
faith of today in Indonesia. The Pastors’ Conference did not feel the Augsburg
Confession properly formulated their faith. It was not that the HKBP pastors saw any
difference between what they taught and what was in the Augsburg Confession but
rather that its historical background was different from that of the HKBP. The
difference lay in the challenges faced by HKBP.334 Bishop Sihombing was
expressing this when he said:
This quarrel of theirs in ancient times (16th century) is not equal to our
problems today; the development of their church was not the same as the
background of our church.335
Along with discussions on the Augsburg Confession the conference saw that

331
The Batak Church agreed with the LWF that the Bible is the only and infallible source of all
church doctrine and practice; and declared that Luther’s Catechism is a pure exposition of the Word of
God, although Luther's Catechism, especially Luther's Large Catechism had not, at the time, been
translated into Batak. But even for the leaders of the HKBP, the Augsburg Confession was not
familiar yet. See K. Sitompul, Tahaporseai djala Tahatindangkon. Panorangion tu Panindangion
Haporseaon ni HKBP, 65.
332
Notulen Rapot Pandita HKBP 13-16 Juni 1950 di Seminarium Sipoholon (Minutes of Pastor
Conference of 1950), 5-7; Schreiner, “Di Sekitar Masalah Pengakuan Iman, Konfessi Augsburg dan
Menyaksikan Ketuhanan Kristus,” 140.
333
Cf. J. Sihombing, Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP, 2.
334
Notulen Rapot Pandita HKBP 13-16 Juni 1950 di Seminarium Sipoholon (Minutes of Pastor
Conference of 1950), 5-7; Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP di ari 31 Oct. ro di 4 Nov. 1950 di
Seminarie Sipoholon, Tarutung, (Minutes of the General Synod of 1950), 38; Schreiner, “Di Sekitar
Masalah Pengakuan Iman, Konfessi Augsburg dan Menyaksikan Ketuhanan Kristus,” 140; Scherer,
Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 165. In his article of 1980, Sutan Hutagalung mentioned that
churches in Asia and Africa might be unfamiliar with some of the heresies mentioned in the Augsburg
Confession, such as the Manicheans, Valentinians, and Eunomians. See Sutan Hutagalung, “The
Confession of Augustana as a Confession of Faith in the Present Historical Setting,” in Confessio
Augustana 1530-1980: Commemoration and Self-Examination, edited by Vilmos Vajta, LWF Report
no. 9 June 1980, 35.
335
Kristus,” 140; cf. J. Sihombing, Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP, 2.
77
the real and urgent challenge facing the Batak church came from the Roman
Catholics, sects such as the Enthusiasts and the Bible Circle group, and heathenism.
The Batak pastors would have preferred that the Batak Church’s confession paid
attention to how to overcome these challenges, and gave guidance to church
members on how to deal with the problems facing them in these circumstances.336
In a further development Bishop Sihombing drafted a confession,337 using the
Augsburg Confession as its source.338 His draft had 33 articles. In general, it
followed the Augsburg Confession. In a certain number of articles (such as on God
and on sin) the description was broken down into several articles. This was also the
reason why its numbering was different from that of the Augsburg Confession. In
addition, there were topics that did not exist in the Augsburg Confession (ancestor
worship and Sunday, and God's Word was given a special space, whereas the
Augsburg Confession discusses justification and emphasizes the gospel. Also, some
of the articles in the Augsburg Confession were not included in this draft (the Mass;
monastic vows). Another difference was that the draft - as already discussed in the
Pastors’ Conference of 1950 – gave much attention to the real challenges faced by
the Batak church. These were listed and described in the draft. They were the
Roman Catholics, Adventists, Pentecostal, Pinksters Enthusiasts, Siradjabatak
(which preserved Batak heathenism), Bijbelkring (the Bible Circle group),
Nationalistic Christianity (which falsified Christian doctrine to support a political
agenda), syncretistic religion, heathenism, Islam, adat and culture. They are placed

336
Sitompul, Tahaporseai djala Tahatindangkon. Panorangion tu Panindangion Haporseaon ni
HKBP, 66; cf.
337
According to other records, in the midst of the debate over whether to adopt unanimously the
Augsburg Confession or to write its own confession, Ephorus Sihombing received advice from a
Rhenish missionary. He advised the HKBP to formulate its own confession. This advice suited him
and he was pleased to start work on it. See Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 165. Scherer
quoted this from Schreiner, Das Bekenntnis der Batak-Kirche, Entstehung, Gestalt, Bedeutung und
eine revidierte Übersetzung (Munich: Kaiser, 1966), 13.
338
J. Sihombing, Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP.
78
in the front of this confessional draft.339
3.2.3 The Batak Church Became a Member of the LWF
Bishop Sihombing’s draft was then discussed in committee and received
many responses. The Commission eventually condensed the draft into 18 articles.340
The Great Synod of 1951 accepted this draft and approved it as the Confession of the
HKBP.341 Based on this confession and the use of Luther’s Small Catechism, the
1952 Assembly of the LWF, held at Hannover, Germany, granted HKBP
membership.342

339
J. Sihombing, Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP, 5-7.
340
Kristus,” 141; Sitompul, Tahaporseai djala Tahatindangkon. Panorangion tu Panindangion
Haporseaon ni HKBP, 66.
341
Notulen ni Synode Godang HKBP ari 28-30 Nopember 1951 di Seminarie Sipoholon (Minutes of
Great Synod of HKBP of 1951), 5; Sitompul, Tahaporseai djala Tahatindangkon. Panorangion tu
Panindangion Haporseaon ni HKBP, 67; Sihombing, Sejarah ni Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 128;
Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 113; Schreiner, “Di Sekitar Masalah Pengakuan
Iman, Konfessi Augsburg dan Menyaksikan Ketuhanan Kristus,” 141; Scherer, Mission and Unity in
Lutheranism, 165; Hutauruk, Tuhan Menyertai UmatNya, 207; Hutauruk, Lahir, Berkembang dan
Bertumbuh, 178.
342
128; Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 113; Schreiner, “Di Sekitar Masalah
Pengakuan Iman, Konfessi Augsburg dan Menyaksikan Ketuhanan Kristus,” 141; Scherer, Mission
and Unity in Lutheranism, 165; Hutauruk, Tuhan Menyertai UmatNya, 207; Hutauruk, Lahir,
Berkembang dan Bertumbuh, 178. At the Rajahmundry meeting, the HKBP had submitted a proposal
to the LWF for assistance in developing educational institutions. According to the HKBP, about 40
percent of Indonesian education leaders were from HKBP. Therefore, the HKBP felt strongly that the
highest institution of theological training should be in the Batak Church. After HKBP become a
member of the LWF, assistance to the HKBP was coordinated by CYCOM. To avoid overlapping aid
the LWF, the Rhenish Mission and HKBP established CORIA (Committee on Reconstruction Inter-
Church Aid). Schiotz, “Lutheran World Missions,” 319, 320-321. With the help of the LWF and also
with the support of the Rhenish Mission, at the Seminary Sipoholon once established by the Rhenish
Mission, the Sekolah Theologia Menengah (Theological Secondary School) was opened on November
4, 1950. The LWF and the Rhenish Mission provided assistance in the form of foreign staff and the
cost of organizing this seminary. Having established the Nommensen University of the HKBP on
October 7, 1954 in Pematangsiantar, the Sekolah Theologia Menengah was transferred to the Faculty
of Theology of the University Nommensen in Pematangsiantar. Other assistance such as scholarships
for the theological faculty development plan, physical development of the campus, and others see
Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII, 134; Hutauruk, Tuhan Menyertai UmatNya, 199; Hutauruk, Lahir,
Berakar dan Bertumbuh, 210; Pedersen, Batak Blood, 167-171; Cunningham, Clark E., The Postwar
Migration of the Toba-Bataks to East Sumatra (Yale University, South East Asia Studies, Cultural
Report Series, 1958), 178-179. Through the National Lutheran Council the Ford Foundation helped to
build the campus of the Nommensen University in Medan. In the period 1957-1964 the Ford
Foundation had assisted the development of the Economics Faculty by sending and financing seven
foreign professors for a period of one or two years each, sending seventeen students from Nommensen
79
The Batak Church clearly sees itself closer to Lutheranism. The HKBP was
earnest in strengthening its Lutheran identity by formulating a confession that by and
large adopted the contents of the Augsburg Confession. The Batak church had
specifically studied the Augsburg Confession. This is what will be discussed in the
next chapter.
3.3 Lutheran Identity
To understand more about the Lutheran character of the Batak Church we
need to discuss Lutheran identity briefly. Before joining the LWF, rather than
adopting the Augsburg Confession, the HKBP wrote its own confession. This
provoked discussion about “What is Lutheran?, “When is a church Lutheran, and
what makes it so?” 343 As already mentioned above, when the HKBP applied for
membership, the LWF Constitution of 1947 stated that its members were churches
which declared their acceptance of the Constitution of the LWF.344 It then declared
that the doctrinal basis of the LWF of this time consisted of the Holy Scriptures of
the Old and New Testaments and the confessions of the Lutheran Church, especially
the Augsburg Confession and Luther’s Catechism.345 From 1990 on, the doctrinal
basis consists of the Holy Scriptures of the Old and New Testaments, the three
Ecumenical Creeds, and the confessions of the Lutheran Church, especially the
Augsburg Confession and the Small Catechism of Martin Luther, which are seen as a
pure exposition of the Word of God.346 So, from the perspective of the LWF, what
could be regarded as the characteristic of Lutheranism is the acceptance of the

to America for advanced degrees, and providing large quantities of textbooks and educational
equipment. See Pedersen, Batak Blood, 172.
343
Cf. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 171; Arne Sovik, “The Church, Local and
Universal,” 136.
344
See From Federation to Communion. The History of the Lutheran World Federation, 527.
345
346
80
Lutheran Confessions, especially the Augsburg Confession and the Small Catechism
of Martin Luther.
3.3.1 Key Points that Mark Lutheranism
In the period before the 1957 Minneapolis Assembly of the LWF,347 a vital
issue was the place of the Lutheran Confessions in the life and doctrine of Lutheran
churches around the world. Defining Lutheran identity was important for at least two
reasons: firstly, to know more of how Lutheran churches see themselves and how
they would like to be understood; secondly, to convince Lutheran churches that their
confessional element and their Lutheran identity was not an obstacle but, on the
contrary, best served ecumenism.348
Therefore, Lutheran identity was chosen as a study project. The Institute for
Ecumenical Research in Strasbourg, which belongs to the LWF, conducted a study,
which it published in 1977, aiming to highlight the basic theological convictions that
are essential components of Lutheran identity. The background of this study, as
noted earlier, was the awareness among the LWF’s member churches that their
involvement in the ecumenical movement had nothing to do with abandoning their
own particular confession and tradition. Rather, they were taking seriously their
ecumenical commitment as well as their own confessional identity.349 Another
reason was the situation of union (Lutherans and Reformed churches) and of
diversity and variety among the Lutheran Churches.350 There were some Lutheran

347
The Church and the Confessions. The Role of the Confessions in the Life and Doctrine of the
Lutheran Churches, ed. by Vilmos Vajta and Hans Weissgerber (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1963),
iii.
348
The Lutheran Church – Past and Present, ed. by Vilmos Vajta (Minneapolis: Augsburg
Confession, 1977), vi, 80; Braaten, Principles of Lutheran Theology, 44.
349
Context of the Challenges of our Time” (Strasbourg, Institute for Ecumenical Research, 1977), 5.
350
Lutheran Identity, 6.
81
churches that entered into pulpit and altar fellowships or even established a church
union with non-Lutheran churches (in Germany);351 there were different
geographical, cultural and socio-political contexts in which the Lutheran churches
lived;352 there were different theological trends and ecumenical relations.353 These all
raised new questions about Lutheran identity.354
The Institute for Ecumenical Research underlined that there were ten basic
theological convictions that mark Lutheran Identity355:
1. Affirming God’s loving condescension as the only way to salvation.

2. Witnessing to God’s justifying action in Jesus Christ as the essence of the
message of salvation (gospel), as a criterion of the church’s proclamation and
as the foundation of Christian existence.
3. Distinguishing between law and gospel so as to safeguard the character of
grace in the saving message.
4. Emphasizing the proclamation of the Word and the administration of the
sacraments as means necessary for salvation, means by which Christ through
the Holy Spirit creates, preserves and sends his church into the world.
5. Stressing the priesthood of all baptized believers to indicate the equality of all
Christians before God and the apostolic obligation of the whole Christian
community.
6. Affirming the world as the good creation of God, who gives life through the
Word and the Spirit and leads the earth to his glory.
7. Defining the Christians’ secular responsibility as obedient participation in
God’s activity in the world.
8. Using Holy Scripture as the norm for the church’s proclamation and teaching
while at the same time observing the differentiation (but not separation)
between gospel and Scripture.
9. Committing to the Church’s confession as a way to safeguard right
proclamation of the gospel and church fellowship.
10. Seeking intensively for the theological truth for the truth of the proclamation
which is to take place here and now.
It should also be noted that the list of the Institute for Ecumenical Research in
Strasbourg above does not mention the true presence of the body and blood of Christ

351
352
353
354
355
The Report reminds us that not all the following points represent exclusively Lutheran convictions
because the Lutherans hold many of them in common with other churches. But in its totality, the
Report underlines, and its integration and inter-relation, they reveal the essential marks of Lutheran
confessionality and identity. See Lutheran Identity, 14-30; cf. Eric W. Gritsch, A History of
Lutheranism. Second Edition. (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2010), 235.
82
in the Lord's Supper as characteristic of Lutheranism. This obviously is typically
Lutheran and needs to be included in the list, as it was in a similar list made by
Gassmann and Hendrix, containing twelve items as essential components of
Lutheran identity.356 On Sacraments, Gassmann and Hendrix say, “Through them the
Holy Spirit creates faith, and Christ, through the Holy Spirit, is truly present with his
salvation and new life for each believer and for his whole church.”357 That is indeed
the Lutheran understanding of the Sacraments as recorded in the Augsburg
Confession or Luther's Small Catechism.358
From the list above, we can see that the most important Lutheran teachings
have been listed. Above all, the core of the Lutheran tradition is the doctrine of
justification by faith. In a popular form, the website of the LWF likewise summarizes
Lutheran identity as evangelical, sacramental, diaconal, confessional and
ecumenical.359 It acknowledges its roots in the Bible and its history without

356
Günther Gassmann and Scott Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999), 180-182. The study guide of the book Together by Grace:
Introducing the Lutherans, published by ELCA on 500 years of Reformation, lists these items as
foundational concepts to Lutheran faith: justification by grace through faith, law and gospel, means of
grace, theology of the cross, saint and sinner, and vocation. See Susan M. Lang, Together by Grace:
Introducing the Lutherans. Study Guide (Augsburg Fortress, 2016), 4; cf. Together by Grace.
Introducing the Lutherans. Ed. by Kathryn A. Kleinhans (Augsburg Fortress, 2016), 9-45.
Meanwhile, as part of the programs of celebrating 500th Anniversary of the Reformation in the year
2017, the LWF published four booklets: “Liberated by God’s Grace,” “Salvation – Not for Sale,”
“Human Beings – Not for Sale,” and “Creation – Not for Sale.” “Liberated by God’s Grace” is the
LWF’s main theme for the 500th Anniversary of the Reformation (2017) and the other three are the
sub-themes that help to elaborate different aspects of the main theme. In his introductory words
Martin Junge, general secretary of the LWF, admits that it is difficult to talk about “the” Lutheran
identity within the family of the LWF since member churches are diverse in terms of their formative
experiences, social and cultural backgrounds. The other writers, now especially in relation to the
doctrine of justification by faith, seem also trying to respond to voices that suspect the concept of
grace/mercy. Nevertheless, these writings are generally firm that the doctrine of justification by faith
is relevant or applicable to today’s context as it was in Luther’s times. See Liberated by God’s Grace,
edited by Anne Burghardt (Leipzig/Geneva: Evangelische Verlangsanstalt GmbH/The Lutheran
World Federation), 5, 7, 8; Friederike Nüssel, “The Human Condition – A Lutheran Perspective,” in
Human Beings – Not for Sale, edited by Anne Burghardt (Leipzig/Geneva: Evangelische
Verlangsanstalt GmbH/The Lutheran World Federation), 7-13.
357
Gassmann and Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions, 181.
358
“What is the Sacrament of the Altar? Answer: It is the true body and blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ under the bread and wine, instituted by Christ himself for us Christians to eat and to drink.” See
The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb
and Timothy J. Wengert, 362.
359
www.lutheranworld.org/content/our-lutheran-identity (sccessed 20 November 2015).
83
forgetting the context of its member churches in shaping its faith, theology and
understanding of God’s mission. The LWF understands its Lutheran identity as
“evangelical” by stating:
We proclaim the “good news” of Christ’s life, his death on the cross, and his
resurrection. Together we witness that, despite our sins, we are accepted
unconditionally: forgiven, saved and justified by God’s grace for Christ’s
sake through faith alone.360
Given the Lutheran Confessions as the basic element for Lutheran identity, it
does not mean it is not possible to make a new confession. This is the argument of
Helmut Zeddies. Therefore, Zeddies argues, taking the declaration of Barmen and the
Foundations of the Church (Kirkens Grunn) from Norway as examplest, a given
situation requires a new act of confession.361 In fact, the Lutheran Confessions
themselves, at least partly, must have resulted from an act of direct witness.
Orthodoxy in Lutheran circles had indeed taken the Lutheran Confessions “out of
their immediate functional setting and turned them into independent doctrinal bases
on which to build a doctrinal system.”362 But for Zeddies the right attitude is to place
the Lutheran Confessions in “their original context, the occasion on which they were
drafted and their intention.”363 In this understanding, at least in theory, “it is quite
possible not only to develop, but to add to the confessional statements of the
Reformation.”364 So, for Zeddies, the challenge for Lutherans is how to continue to
realize that an act of witness and confession must always happen afresh; and how,
using the Lutheran Confessions, people are assisted to confess.365 Something similar
is also stressed by Friedrich Mildenberger. In the introduction to his book

360
www.lutheranworld.org/content/our-lutheran-identity (accessed 20 November 2015).
361
Zeddies, “The Confession of the Church,” 117.
362
363
364
365
84
Mildenberger underlines that people can, “at one and the same time, agree with the
confession and disagree with the confessional writings.”366 By the confessional
writings Mildenberger means and points to the Lutheran Confessions, the Leuenberg
Agreement, and the Barmen Declaration. It appears that for Mildenberger, the need
to develop a confession is much more important than just to preserve the historical
writings. In the need to respond to the issues that currently confront us, Mildenberger
contends, it is important that there is freedom to have a different view from the
historical writings.367 Such awareness is also what makes someone like Heinrich
Meyer appreciate the efforts of the Batak Church in writing its own confession as
well as the LWF’s willingness to make an exception to its usual requirement to allow
the Batak Church to become a member. Meyer sees in this acceptance an
acknowledgement by the Lutherans that their sixteenth-century confessions have
their limitations, and that the younger churches must be invited to confess the same
Christ in their locality, in their time and language.368
In other words, Helmut Zeddies, Friedrich Mildenberger and Heinrich Meyer
point out that the Augsburg Confession itself arose out of the needs of the time and
that new times may require new confessions to meet new challenges. It is not as
though one confession is adequate for all time; at intervals the church needs to
rethink its confession to address new challenges.
Here should be mentioned the discussion on justification at the Helsinki
assembly of 1963. Many Lutherans around the world expressed their doubt that the
message of justification by faith was still relevant to modern people. The
Commission on Theology of the LWF had prepared a document, whose purpose was

366
Friedrich Mildenberger, Theology of the Lutheran Confessions. Translated by Erwin L. Lueker,
edited by Robert C. Schultz (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986), xi.
367
Mildenberger, Theology of the Lutheran Confessions, xi.
368
G.Z. Oosthuizen, Theological Battleground in Asia and Africa. The Issues facing the Churches and
the Efforts to Overcome Western Divisions (London: C. Hurst & Company, 1972), 215.
85
“to foster the proclamation of the message of justification to people today and thus to
make it useful to the way the church expresses its faith and life.”369 It examined how
the problems modern humans faced were different from those faced by Luther in the
sixteenth century when he came to his convictions on justification by faith. The
challenge was no longer how to be justified before God but how to be justified in the
eyes of fellow human beings.370 Even now, it is God who is facing judgment for the
suffering of innocents and of his “absence” in the midst of human beings’
problems.371 The document reads, “Rather than asking, how I can find a gracious
God? People today are asking the more radical, fundamental question, where is
God?”372
But this effort to interpret the doctrine of justification in a new situation was
unsuccessful, because members could not agree on the contemporary meaning of
justification by faith.373 An analysis stated that the failure lay in “the fact that the
relation between justification and experience was not pursued in several areas but
rather the document concentrated only on the aspect of judgement.” However, the
comments continues, “Luther’s belief that God alone acts in matters of salvation was
not really considered.”374 Carl E. Braaten, criticizing notions that doubt the relevance
of the message of justification to “modern man,” considers that the question of the

369
Diversity and variety among the Lutheran Churches necessitated an examination of confessions
used by LWF member churches. The Third Assembly in Minneapolis had mandated it. See From
Federation to Communion. The History of the Lutheran World Federation, 377; AGTC no. 98. See
Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by Faith in Multilateral
Ecumenical Dialogue. A Study on the Doctrine of Justification by Faith by the German Ecumenical
Study Comission (DÖSTA) (Geneva: The LWF, 2008), 40.
370
371
AGTC no. 101. See Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by
Faith in Multilateral Ecumenical Dialogue, 41; Carl E. Braaten, Principles of Lutheran Theology
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007), 47.
372
See From Federation to Communion. The History of the Lutheran World Federation, 379; AGTC
no. 101. See Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by Faith in
Multilateral Ecumenical Dialogue, 41.
373
See From Federation to Communion. The History of the Lutheran World Federation, 377-379; cf.
Eric W. Gritsch, Fortress Introduction to Lutheranism (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1994), 93.
374
86
existence of God cannot be totally separated from the question of the grace of
God.375
3.3.2 Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification
In 1999, a significant ecumenical event took place when the Roman Catholic
Church and the Lutheran World Federation signed the Joint Declaration on the
Doctrine of Justification (JDDJ). The Lutheran and Catholic churches declared that
they had reached a consensus or common understanding of the basic truths of the
doctrine of justification. The document says,
Together we confess: By grace alone, in faith in Christ’s saving work and not
because of any merit on our part, we are accepted by God and receive the
Holy Spirit, who renews our heart while equipping and calling us to do good
works.376
The formulation clearly covers the Lutheran understanding of justification by faith
alone, although the phrase “by faith alone” is avoided. The problem is only in
relation to the place and meaning of good works in the justification as far as
Lutherans are concerned. It is clear that Lutherans and Catholics together confess
that all persons are sinners and are “incapable of turning by themselves to God to
seek deliverance, of meriting their justification before God, or attaining salvation by
their own abilities.”377 However, Catholics’ concept of human “cooperation” in the
event of justification by grace remains to be accepted by the Lutherans. The JDDJ
states:
When Catholics say that persons “cooperate” in preparing for and accepting
justification by consenting to God’s justifying action, they see such personal
consent as itself an effect of grace, not as an action arising from innate human

375
Braaten, Principles of Lutheran Theology, 47-48.
376
JDDJ no. 15. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification. The Lutheran World
Federation and The Roman Catholic Church. (Grand Rapids/Cambridge: William B. Eerdmans
Publishing Company, 2000), 15.
377
JDDJ no. 19. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 17.
87
abilities.378
Thus human “cooperation” is described in three ways: it is a matter of “personal
consent”; it is “itself an effect of grace”; and, it is “not an action arising from innate
human abilities.” With such formulation the tendency is clear, as Catholics perceive
that persons cooperate toward their justification through their consent to God’s
justifying action.379 Human involment, however, is certainly foreign to Lutheranism
because one cannot speak of “contributing to one’s own justification”.380
Lutheran and Catholic views on the status of good works do not seem to be
merely a misunderstanding. One can suggest that a clear difference is evidently there
when it comes to the place of good works in justification. Indeed, there has been a
different structure of thinking and mode of expression from the beginning. German
Protestant-Catholic theologians who worked intensively in a five-year study program
called The Ecumenical Study Group of Protestant and Catholic Theologians on the
Examination of the Sixteenth-Century Condemnations underline that Catholics dan
Protestants in the sixteenth century were basically different in their “concerns” and
interpretative stresses. The document states:
In the sixteenth century, Catholic theology was afraid that the result of the
Reformers’ doctrine of justification could be summed up as: no freedom, no
new being, no ethical endeavor, no reward, no church (depreciation of
baptism). Protestant theology was afraid that the result of the Catholic
doctrine of justification could be summed up as: the triviality of sin, self-
praise, a righteousness of works, purchasable salvation, a church intervening
between God and human beings.381
Obviously the difference in structure of thinking and mode of expression between

378
379
Cf. AGTC no. 47. See Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by
Faith in Multilateral Ecumenical Dialogue, 23.
380
381
See Karl Lehmann and Wolfhart Pannenberg (eds.), The Condemnation of the Reformation Era:
Do they still Divide? (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 40-41.
88
Lutherans and Catholics affected their understanding of the position and meaning of
good works fundamentally. As the Ecumenical Study Group of Protestant and
Catholic Theologians observes,
The Reformers teach in the strongest terms that, although good works
performed out of faith in God’s grace are certainly the consequence and fruit
of grace, they are in no way a “merit” in the sight of God. The doctrine of the
Roman Catholic Church, on the other hand, insists that the good works of
those who are justified, performed in the power of grace, are in the true sense
meritorious before God, not because of the human achievement as such, but
by virtue of grace and the merits of Christ.382
It is sometimes said that Catholics are optimistic in their views of humankind
(anthropology) while Lutherans are more optimistic of the assurance of salvation.383
The JDDJ text regarding “God’s grace and human cooperation” expresses that to
some extent Lutherans can talk about “human involvement” in justification, namely
in the sense that “in faith the heart is involved, when the Word touches it and creates
faith.”384 The JDDJ makes clear that for Catholics “human cooperation” or the
renewal of human beings in faith does not contribute to justification. The JDDJ
explains:
While Catholic teaching emphasizes the renewal of life by justifying grace,

this renewal in faith, hope, and love is always dependent on God’s
unfathomable grace and contributes nothing to justification about which one
could boast before God (Rom 3:27).385
In the section on “the good works of the justified” the JDDJ stresses that

382
Lehmann and Pannenberg (eds.), The Condemnation of the Reformation Era: Do they still Divide?,
35.
383
Anwar Tjen, “Pemahaman Bersama mengenai Ajaran Pembenaran: Beberapa Catatan dari Seorang
Penafsir “Lutheran”,” in Tak Berbatas, Tak Bermegah. Warisan Rasul Paulus. Punjung Tulis Prof.
Dr. Martin Harun, OFM (Jakarta: LAI, 2011), 242; Dieter Becker, Pedoman Dogmatika. Suatu
Kompendium Singkat (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 52001), 149-150; JDDJ no. 34, 35, 36. See Joint
Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 23-24.
384
JDDJ no. 21. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 17, 30; Lehmann and
Pannenberg (eds.), The Condemnation of the Reformation Era: Do they still Divide?, 46f; Joint
Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification. A Commentary by the Institute for Ecumenical Research,
Strasbourg (Geneva: the LWF, 1997), 34.
385
JDDJ no. 27. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 20, 33-34.
89
good works are the consequence of justification and are it fruits. The JDJJ states,
“We confess together that good works – a Christian life lived in faith, hope, and love
– follow justification and are its fruits.”386
However, in the subsequent description there is a passage that is less precise
in describing Lutheran teaching. It explains good works as an obligation. Lutherans
do not perceive good work as an obligation but a natural consequence of
justification.387 The JDDJ states that Lutherans can accept “the concept of a
preservation of grace and a growth in grace and faith.”388 This is an accommodation
to Catholic understanding that “good works contribute to growth in grace.”389 In turn,
the JDDJ argues, justification brings persons to experience “growth in its effects in
Christian living”, and accordingly, Lutherans may also approve the meritorious
character of good works as long as the character of those works as gifts is not
contested.390 In the understanding of Catholics, the meritorious character of good
works is based on Scriptures that teach that those who perform good works are
promised a reward in heaven. Lutherans, in contrast, so the JDDJ claims, understand
eternal life as a reward, not because of the believer’s merits but because of God’s
promise to the believer.391
A number of professors of theology, especially within the German-speaking
world, reacted by saying no agreement had been achieved on the matter of decisive
importance to the churches of the Reformation, namely, whether faith assures
salvation, nor on the question of whether the justified are sinners, nor on the

386
387
The Instutute for Ecumenical Research, Strasbourg comments as follows: “Here an “obligation” is
spoken of, unusual language for Lutheran ears. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification.
A Commentary by the Institute for Ecumenical Research, Strasbourg, 44.
388
389
390
391
JDDJ no. 39. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 25, 39.
90
significance of good works for salvation.392 One of the theologians who made a
thoroughgoing critique of the JDDJ is Eberhard Jüngel.393
Here I will only discuss one thing,394 namely, about “the justified as sinner”.
Actually, the JDDC also raises this topic specifically.395 Thus is not entirely correct
to say that JDDJ ignores it, for there Catholics and Lutherans confess that the
justified “are continuously exposed to the power of sin still pressing its attacks,” and
“must ask God daily for forgiveness… [They] are ever again called to conversion
and penance, and are ever again granted forgiveness.”396 However, Jüngel is correct
in his view that Catholics cannot really accept the Lutheran view of the justified
person as still a sinner (simul iustus et peccator).397 Luther coined this formula, “To
the extent that I am a Christian, I am righteous, devout and belong to Christ, but to
the extent that I look back to my self and my sin I am miserable and the greatest of
sinners.”398
Catholics state clearly that the formula is not acceptable.399 The JDDJ

392
AGTC no. 14. See Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by
393
Jüngel was professor of Systematic Theology and Philosophy of Religion at University of
Tübingen. He has retired. Interestingly, Jüngel did not sign a famous letter of protest written in 1999
in which many theology professors in Germany were involved. According to Jüngel himself his
criticism springs not from Protestant or Lutheran commitments but from the gospel itself. Therefore,
he was not concerned with preserving past formulations such as the Lutheran Confessions or those of
Luther himself. See Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith. A Theological Study with
an Ecumenical Purpose, xxvi; Ian Taylor, “Without Justificatiion? The Catholic-Lutheran Joint
Declaration and its Protestant Critics,“ in The Way, 43/3 (July 2004), 111.
394
In the previous part of this sub-section I have discussed other matters. See earlier paragraphs of this
3.3.2 section.
395
On section “The Justified as Sinner”. JDDJ no. 28, 29, 30. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine
of Justification, 20-22.
396
JDDJ no. 28. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 20, 21.
397
Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith, 215; Cf. Lehmann and Pannenberg (eds.),
The Condemnation of the Reformation Era: Do they still Divide?, 47.
398
Luther, “The Third Disputation Against the Antinomians (1538),” in WA 39/I, 508, 2-8; cf. Luther,
“Heidelberg Disputation,” in LW 31, 39; Luther, “Romans,” in LW 25, 160; Luther, “The Private
Mass and the Consecration of Priest,” in LW 38, 158; Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian
Faith, 216.
399
Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith, 215; Ted M. Dorman, “The Joint
Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification: Retrospect and Prospects, in JETS 44/3 (September
2001), 427; Lehmann and Pannenberg (eds.), The Condemnation of the Reformation Era: Do they still
Divide?, 47.
91
explains that Catholics perceive that the justified still have an inclination
(concupiscence) that comes from sin and presses toward sin. However, Catholics do
not see this inclination as sin in an authentic sense.400
The formulations in the JDDJ certainly need to be seen in the context of an
effort to bring Lutherans and Catholics closer together, in which each party has to
make space for its counterpart’s position. The text of the JDDJ uses a method of
discourse known as “differentiated consensus”. This term refers to an approach that
does not attempt to reach a comprehensive consensus in which each side must agree
on each and every point of the doctrine of justification.401 The JDDJ acknowledges
that differences remain between Lutherans and Catholics about justification but they
are no longer the occasion for doctrinal condemnations.402
A number of theologians such as Jüngel maintain the strict exclusion of
human works from the economy of salvation and firmly resist the language of human
participation in justification. However, the JDDJ and German Protestant-Catholic
theologians who formed The Ecumenical Study Group of Protestant and Catholic
Theologians on the Examination of the Sixteenth-Century Condemnations maintain
that cooperation can be accepted because “in faith the heart is involved, when the
Word touches it and faith is created.”403 However, no matter which position is taken,
surely all can accept this conclusion:

400
JDDJ no. 30. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 22; cf. AGTC no. 58. See
Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by Faith in Multilateral
Ecumenical Dialogue, 25-26.
401
JDDJ no. 5. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 10-11; cf. AGTC no. 40-41.
See Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by Faith in Multilateral
Ecumenical Dialogue, 20-21.
402
Such as a common understanding of justification for social ethics, a teaching about the church. See
Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification. A Commentary by the Institute for Ecumenical
Research, Strasbourg, 10; cf. JDDJ no. 5. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 11;
AGTC no. 40, 41. See Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by
403
182.
92
The doctrine of justification – and, above all, its biblical foundation – will
always retain a special function in the church. That function is continually to
remind Christians that we sinners live solely from the forgiving love of God,
which we merely allow to be bestowed on us, but which we in no way – in
however modified a form – “earn” or are able to tie down to any
preconditions or postconditions.404
The JDDJ sees the assurance of salvation stressed in the doctrine of justification as
central because, experiencing the misery of sin, human beings can only put their trust
in God. Grace and the working of the Holy Spirit make good works possible. By
accepting this, humans can grow in grace. In this sense, humans cooperate with the
Holy Spirit.405 Only from the viewpoint of thinking about God’s love, “deeply
penetrated by the unlimited power of God who hold the failure and halfheartedness
of human beings toward this gracious activity,” The Ecumenical Study Group of
Protestant and Catholic Theologians on the Examination of the Sixteenth-Century
Condemnations contends, can one essentially speak of good works as of secondary
importance.406
3.3.3 Lutheran Identity of Asian Lutheran Churches
Member churches within the LWF family all over the world discussed the
JDDJ. Discussions were not limited to Lutheran churches or Catholics; churches of
other denominations also debated the topic. Such discussions also took place in
Indonesia.407 However, Asian Lutheran churches did not hold large-scale studies or

404
69.
405
Cf. Lehmann and Pannenberg (eds.), The Condemnation of the Reformation Era: Do they still
Divide?, 182; JDDJ no. 34-36, 37-39. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 23-25.
406
Cf. Lehmann and Pannenberg (eds.), The Condemnation of the Reformation Era: Do they still
Divide?, 182; JDDJ no. 34-36, 37-39. See Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification, 23-25.
407
See Ramli S.N. Harahap, Deklarasi Bersama tentang Ajaran Pembenaran oleh Iman (aslinya
adalah Thesis pada STT Jakarta) [Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification by Faith (this book
is originally a M.Th thesis presented to STT Jakarta] (Yogyakarta: Kanisius, 2014); Anwar Tjen,
“Pemahaman Bersama mengenai Ajaran Pembenaran: Beberapa Catatan dari Seorang Penafsir
“Lutheran”,” in Tak Berbatas, Tak Bermegah. Warisan Rasul Paulus. Punjung Tulis Prof. Dr. Martin
93
discussions on the JDDJ as happened in the West.408 Pilgrim Lo, Luther scholar from
the Lutheran Theological Seminary in Hong Kong, mentions that translating and
understanding the doctrine of justification by faith is a contextual problem in a
Chinese context. It is so, Lo contends, because the translation of the word
“justification” in the Union Version Chinese Bible could carry the meaning of
“designated to be righteous because of belief”.409 Furthermore, aside from the
language issue, Lo points out that many Chinese Christians will not be able to
understand the concept of salvation in which good works are not substantially
involved. For Chinese Christians, according to Lo, after conversion “good moral
behavior” is still “necessary for salvation.”410 Jan S. Aritonang, Church historian
from Jakarta Theological Seminary, Indonesia, despite his appreciation of the
Reformation’s insights, doubts that the teachings of the Reformation Fathers are
relevant for Indonesia within its socio-political and economic context.411
What is actually the state of Lutheran identity in the Asian Lutheran
churches? According to some scholars, Lutheranism in Asia is not always
obvious.412 Efforts are still being made to raise awareness of Asian Lutheran

Harun, OFM (Jakarta: LAI, 2011); Anwar Tjen, “Pemahaman Bersama Ajaran Pembenaran: Beberapa
Catatan dari Sudut Pandang Lutheran,” A Paper, presented in a Lutherans-Catholics seminar in
celebrating of 5 years “The Joint Declaration on the Doctrine of Justification,” held in STFT St.
Thomas, 30 October 2004; Anwar Tjen, “Memaknai Gerakan Reformasi, termasuk kaitannya dengan
Pemahaman Bersama Ajaran Pembenaran oleh Iman: Menarik Pelajaran dari Warisan Sejarah dan
Teologi,” A Paper presented in a seminar in celebrating 491 years of Reformation of Dr. Martin
Luther, held by Universitas Kristen Indonesia, 31 October 2008.
408
Cf. Harahap, Deklarasi Bersama tentang Ajaran Pembenaran oleh Iman, 216, 218; Pilgrim W.K.
Lo, “Reception in the Chinese Context of Hong Kong,” in The Doctrine of Justification: Its Reception
and Meaning Today. LWF Studies No. 02/2003, ed. by Karen L. Bloomquist and Wolfgang Greive
(Geneva: The LWF, 2003), 35.
409
Lo, “Reception in the Chinese Context of Hong Kong,” 36.
410
Lo, “Reception in the Chinese Context of Hong Kong,” 37.
411
Jan S. Aritonang, “Supaya Engkau Membuka Belenggu-belenggu Kelaliman: Menelusuri Kiprah
dan Kepedulian Gereja-gereja Indonesia di Bidang Sosial.” Orasi Dies Natalis ke- 58 Sekolah Tinggi
Teologi Jakarta [Opening Shackles of Tyranny: Tracing the Effort and Care of Churches in Indonesia
in the Social Sector". Oration of 58th Anniversary Jakarta Theological Seminary] 25 September 1992,
15.
412
J. Paul Rajashekar, “Lutheranism in Asia and the Indian Subcontinent,” in Arland Jacobson and
James Aageson (eds.), The Future of Lutheranism in a Global Context (Minneapolis: Augsburg
Fortress, 2008), 71; cf. Rajashekar, “Introduction: Harvesting the Stories of Asian Lutheranism,”13.
94
churches. For example, the Asian desk of the LWF has held a series of conferences
to enhance and develop an Asian Lutheran identity.413 This is because there is
recognition that the Lutheran Confessions are little used in the Asian Lutheran
churches.414
At the conference organized by the Asia desk of the LWF on 17- 21
November 2014 in Medan, Indonesia, participants raised this issue.415 One of the
speakers asserted that “Lutheran identity in Asia was largely understood as a
denominational identity and not so much as confessional identity.”416 Attendants at
the Conference on Asian Lutheranism and Lutheran Identity, held in Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia, 5-8 November 2013, listed the key components of Lutheran theology
essential to Lutheran identity as justification by faith, law and gospel hermeneutics,
theology of the cross, Lutheran liturgy and spirituality.417 On this occasion, the
participants formed the Asia Luther Studies and Research Network. The aim was to
enhance Lutheran identity in Asia.418
The above assessment seems to support the view of J. Paul Rajashekar, who
argues that Asian Lutheran identity is not very obvious. Asian Lutherans have not
been burdened with questions of Lutheran theological identity.419 Asian Lutheran

413
See Steven Lawrence, “Towards an Asian Lutheran Identity and Self-Understanding,” Department
for Mission and Development, Lutheran World Federation, 19 December 2014
<https://www.lutheranworld.org/blog/towards-asian-lutheran-identity-and-self-understanding>
(accessed 18 November 2015).
414
See Steven Lawrence, “Towards an Asian Lutheran Identity and Self-Understanding.”
(415 See Steven Lawrence, “Towards an Asian Lutheran Identity and Self-Understanding.”
416
See Steven Lawrence, “Towards an Asian Lutheran Identity and Self-Understanding.”
417
Martin Yee, “Lutheran Identity in Asia Boosted by Research Network,” The Lutheran World
Federation Communication, 17 December 2013. <https://www.lutheranworld.org/news/lutheran-
identity-asia-boosted-research-network> (accessed 18 November 2015).
418
Yee, “Lutheran Identity in Asia Boosted by Research Network.”
419
J. Paul Rajashekar, “Introduction: Harvesting the Stories of Asian Lutheranism,” in Edmond Yee
and J. Paul Rajashekar (eds.), Abundant Harvest - Stories of Asian Lutheranism (Minneapolis:
Lutheran University Press, 2012), 13
95
identity is more a historical or sociological than a theological profile.420 According to
Rajashekar, Asian Lutheran churches are not really rooted in Lutheran theological
convictions.421 Luther and Luther ‘s reformation of the Church are popular for Asian
Lutherans but it is also obvious, argues Rajashekar, that the burning religious,
cultural and theological issues that Asian Lutheran face are neither explicitly
addressed in Luther’s Catechisms nor in the Lutheran Confessions.422 Therefore,
there is a need for developing an Asian Lutheran theology dealing with the Asian
context.423
However, at the same time Rajashekar also makes special reference to the
Batak (HKBP) Church as the sole exception in Asia that chose to write its own
confession rather than only to “translate” European Lutheran confessions to an Asian
context. While the Batak Church had addressed its cultural and ethical values (adat)
in their new Lutheran confession of 1951, most Asian Lutheran churches, in
Rajashekar’s view, made no effort to contextualize the Lutheran theological
heritage.424
Indeed, Asian Lutherans must consider not just Lutheran identity425 but how
Lutheran theology, in dialogue with history, culture and society, helps Asian
Lutheran churches to face their common challenges, namely, poverty and injustice,

420
J. Paul Rajashekar, “Lutheranism in Asia and the Indian Subcontinent,” in Arland Jacobson and
James Aageson (eds.), The Future of Lutheranism in a Global Context (Minneapolis: Augsburg
Fortress, 2008), 71; cf. Rajashekar, “Introduction: Harvesting the Stories of Asian Lutheranism,”13.
421
Rajashekar, “Introduction: Harvesting the Stories of Asian Lutheranism,” 13.
422
Rajashekar, “Introduction: Harvesting the Stories of Asian Lutheranism,” 15.
423
Rajashekar, “Lutheranism in Asia and the Indian Subcontinent,” 72; cf. Pongsak Limthongviratn,
“Focus and Issues in the Lutheran Church in Asia Now and Tomorrow,” in Jacobson and Aageson
(eds.), The Future of Lutheranism in a Global Context, 53.
424
Rajashekar, “Lutheranism in Asia and the Indian Subcontinent,” 71.
425
The problem is that not all feel that they are really Lutherans. In early 2008 the LWF Department
for Theology and Studies held a seminar under the theme “What do we believe, teach and practice?”.
Although most churches in Asia are rooted in denominationally-based mission work (or mission
societies), it is also clear that “being self-consiously Lutheran has not been the main theological
concern of most Lutheran-initiated churches in Asia and beyond.” See Karen L. Bloomquist,
“Introduction,” in Identity, Survival, Witness. Reconfigurating Theological Agendas, edited by Karen
L. Bloomquist (Geneva: LWF, 2008), 7.
96
fundamentalism, various religions (multi-religions), culture values and customs that
contradict the Gospel.
97
CHAPTER 4
LUTHERAN CHARACTERISTIC OF THE CONFESSION OF 1951
This chapter elaborates the Lutheran characteristic of the Confession of 1951
to show in what sense the Batak Church is Lutheran. The purpose of the Confession
of 1951 was to show approval of the Augsburg Confession (AC). In other words,
although Luther's Small Catechism had been used for a long time, the Batak Church
only studied the Augsburg Confession when preparing to write a confession; it
neither translated nor studied the Apology (Ap.) of the Augsburg Confession, the
Smalcald Articles (SA), the Large Catechism (LC), and the Formula of Concord
(FC) until after joining the LWF.
4.1 Its Content in General
In the Confession of Faith of 1951 the HKBP identified a number of groups
that caused problems and threats to the faith and the life of te church. Until that time
there were only two beliefs/religions the Batak Church competed with: animism and
Islam. Now there were many more. In the confession the Batak Church rejected
several groups that can be classified in four categories:426 1. Non-Christian religions

426
For this classification, with a little adjustment, I follow Sutan Hutagalung, “The Confession of
Augustana as a Confession of Faith in the Present Historical Setting,” in Confessio Augustana 1530-
1980: Commemoration and Self-Examination, edited by Vilmos Vajta LWF Report no. 9 June 1980,
49; cf. Scherer, Mission and Unity in Lutheranism, 167. In addition to a description of the various
religions and doctrines that are recorded in the Confession, see also the details of each of these groups
in Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” 121-135; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church,
105-125.
98
(the Sirajabatak, heathenism/animism: traditional beliefs,427 Islam, syncretism);428 2.
Doctrines of other churches (the Roman Catholics, Adventists, Pentecostals,
Fanatics/Enthusiasts [the “Congregation of Redemption”, abstainers from the blood,
Sibindamora, Sionomhudon, the Bible-Circle group];429 3. Churches that had split
from the Batak Church [Mission Batak, HChB, PKB, and HKI]), 430 and political and
ideological groups (nationalistic Christianity, theosophy, communism, capitalism),431
in which the Confession expressed its position toward them or its rejection of them;
and 4, The Batak Church also stated its position on the adat or local traditions,
saying carefully that apart from those things that were considered good for
Christianity, not everything was in harmony with Christian faith, and so there were
inherent dangers.432
The Confession was firmly based on the Scripture,433 and understood as a
continuation of the previously existing creeds: the Apostles’ Creed, the Nicene Creed
and the Athanasian Creed.434 After the first part, the Confession includes 18 articles
which were prepared by partially following the Augsburg Confession. These articles
followed a certain pattern: After formulating what was believed (“we believe and
confess”), it concluded by stating “we oppose and reject”. This follows the Augsburg

427
See explanation in the Confession itself, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant,
4; cf. Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” 121-125; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church,
105-112.
428
4; cf. Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” 126.
429
3-4; cf. Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” 127-132; Nyhus, An Indonesian
Church, 112-120.
430
4; cf. Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” 128-129; Nyhus, An Indonesian Church,
120-124.
431
4; cf. Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” 133-135. C
432
Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 4; Panindangion Haporseaon
Pengakuan Iman The Confession of Faith Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP) 1951 & 1996
(Tarutung: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 2000), 17.
433
Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 5.
434
99
Confession, which contained polemical passages ("damnamus"). The Confession of
1951 formulated its understanding concerning God (Articles I-III), the Word of God
(IV), sin (V-VII), the church (VIII), those who minister in the church (IX), the Holy
Sacraments (X), church order (XI), government (XII), Sunday (XIII), food (XIV),
faith and good works (XV), remembrance of the dead (XVI), the angels (XVII), and,
the last judgement (XVIII).435
As outlined in the previous description, the Confession of 1951 was written
in connection with the application to become a member of the LWF. To do this the
Batak Church had been studying the Augsburg Confession. The influence was
clearly visible in the Confession of 1951. But at the same time the HKBP stated what
was a challenge for them - doctrines and views which it opposed and rejected.
Therefore it can be said that in general this confession addressed both of these
objectives.
For some scholars, such as Sutan Hutagalung,436 Gassmann and Hendrix,437
the two objectives are very clear. By comparing the titles of the articles, Hutagalung
shows how the Confession of 1951 followed the Augsburg Confession. In so doing,
the Confession of 1951 really wanted to convince readers of its Lutheran character.
But at the same time, Hutagalung argues, the confession was “closely related to the
desire to bear witness to problems faced by the church in its own religious, cultural,
and political situation.”438 Gassmann and Hendrix see that the Confession of 1951 is
a response to other churches and to the growing influence of sects and other

435
Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 6-14.
436
Prof. Dr. Sutan M. Hutagalung was general secretary of GKPI (Christian Protestant Church in
Indonesia) from 1966-1977, 1983-1988. He earned his Ph.D. from Yale University, New Haven,
USA. In the years of 1977-1982 he was appointed as a research professor at the Institute for
Ecumenical Research, Strasbourg, France. See Sutan Manahara Hutagalung, Pemberian adalah
Panggilan. Edited by Rainy M.P. Hutabarat and P. Hasudungan Sirait (Jakarta: Institut Darma
Mahardika, 2013), 339.
437
Günther Gassmann and Scott Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions, 188.
438
Sutan Hutagalung, “The Confession of Augustana as a Confession of Faith in the Present
Historical Setting,” 46.
100
religions, while remaining faithful to the main conviction of the Lutheran
Reformation.439
Other scholars, such as Schreiner, do not see any special Lutheran character
in the Confession of 1951. Schreiner argues that the main purpose of the confession
is to respond to the challenges and problems in its surroundings. For Schreiner the
Confession of 1951 is not typical of a certain denomination. It is contextual in
character, in Schreiner’s view, because through it the Batak Church formulated its
response to social and cultural problems, faced as it was by Islam, syncretism, and
heathenism as well as those who lived without any faith.440 The Confession showed
both the correctness of the gospel and the rejection of doctrines and attitudes that
were contrary to the gospel.441 To further emphasize the lack of a distinctive
Lutheran character in the 1951 Confession, Schreiner mentions that with this
confession the HKBP could have also gone to the Presbyterian World Alliance.442
Schreiner refers to the assessment of the East Asia Christian Conference of 1964:
There are those churches which are not the result of the work of any
particular denomination in the West. The confessional position of these
churches will be acceptable to more than one confessional family. For
instance, the Batak Church could equally well belong to the Presbyterian
World Alliance as to the Lutheran World Federation. Membership in more
than one confessional family for such churches will be useful as pointing to
the fact it is not all that simple to fix denominational labels with their
Western connotation on the churches in Indonesia to belong to any World
Confessional Organization.443

439
Günther Gassmann and Scott Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions
(Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1999), 188.
440
Lothar Schreiner, “Pengakuan Percaya (Konfesi) HKBP 1951 dengan Usianya,” in B.A.
Simanjuntak (ed.), Pemikiran tentang Batak (Medan: Pusat Dokumentasi dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan
Batak Universitas HKBP Nommensen, 1988), 4, 6.
441
Lothar Schreiner, “Pengakuan Percaya (Konfesi) HKBP 1951 dengan Usianya,” 6.
442
Schreiner, “Pengakuan Percaya (Konfesi) HKBP 1951 dengan Usianya,” 7; cf. Edward Nyhus and
Lothar Schreiner, “The Confession of Faith of the Batak Church, Indonesia (1951),” in Gerald H.
Anderson (ed.), Asian Voices in Christian Theology (Maryknoll: Orbis Books, 1976), 213.
443
“The Christian Community within Human Community, Containing Statements from the Bangkok
Assembly of the EACC (February-March 1964),” Minutes, part 2, p. 80. The quote is taken from
Nyhus and Schreiner, “The Confession of Faith of the Batak Church, Indonesia (1951),” 226.
101
Schreiner asserts,
The truth is that to enter into the LWF the HKBP did not consider whether or
not it was Lutheran. The Confession should be understood as a theological
examination of its tradition and the witness that need to be enforced.444
Schreiner’s assessment will be explored, especially in the next section,
because to say the Confession has no Lutheran character is not correct either. To
better understand the Confession of 1951 and the desire of the Batak Church to
strengthen its Lutheran identity, we should not overlook the draft prepared by Bishop
Sihombing, because there are more elements from the Augsburg Confession in it.
Here is a general comparison of the Augsburg Confession and Sihombing's draft of
the Confession of 1951, based on the topic of each article.
Sihombing’s Draft445 The Augsburg Confession446 The Confession of 1951447

Concerning God (1) Concerning God (I) Concerning God (I)
The Trinity (2) Concerning Original Sin (II) The Trinity (II)
The Special Acts of the Triune God Concerning the Son of God (III) The Special Acts of the Triune God
(3) (III)
Salvation made by Christ (4) Concerning Justification (IV) The Word of God (IV)
Origin of Sin (5) Concerning Ministry in the Church Origin of Sin (V)
(V)
Inherited Sin (6) Concerning the New Obedience Inherited Sin (VI)
(VI)
Salvation from Sin (7) Concerning the Church (VII) Salvation from Sin (VII)
Confession of Sin(8) What is the Church (VIII) The Church (VIII)
Works of Preaching (9) Concerning Baptism (IX) Those Who Minister in the Church
(IX)
Bible – The Word of God (10) Concerning the Lord’s Supper (X) The Holy Sacraments (X)
The Word of God and the Holy Concerning Confession (XI) Church Order (XI)
Spirit (11)
Those Who Minister in the Church Concerning Repentance (XII) Concerning Government of the
(12) State (XII)
Concerning the Marriage of Priest Concerning the Use of Sacraments Sunday (XIII)
(13) (XIII)
Obedience (14) Concerning the Church Order Concerning Food (XIV)
(XIV)
Invisible Church (15) Concerning Church Rites (XV) Faith and Good Works (XV)
Visible Church (16) Concerning Civic Affairs (XVI) Remembrance of the Dead (XVI)

444
In Indonesia the sentence reads: “Dengan sebenarnya, gereja HKBP untuk masuk ke LWF tidak
mempertimbangkan apakah dia Lutheran atau tidak, melainkan dia memaparkan pemeriksaan Kristen
tentang tradisinya serta kesaksiannya yang seharusnya ditegakkan.” See Schreiner, “Pengakuan
Percaya (Konfesi) HKBP 1951 dengan Usianya,” 7.
445
Sihombing, Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP, 9-18.
446
and Timothy J. Wengert (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2000), 37ff.
447
Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 6ff.
102
The Holy Sacraments (17) Concerning the Return of Christ for Concerning the Angels (XVII)
Judgement (XVII)
The Use of Sacraments (18) Concerning Free Will (XVIII) The Last Judgement (XVIII)
Baptism (19) Concerning the Cause of Sin
(XIX)
The Holy Communion (20) Concerning Faith and Good Works
(XX)
Concerning Bread and Wine (21) Concerning the Cult of the Saints
(XXI)
Purgatory, the Saints and Reliquary Concerning Both Kinds of the
(22) Sacrament (XXII)
Heathenism (23) Concerning the Marriage of Priest
(XXIII)
Enthusiasts (24) Concerning the Mass (XXIV)
Church Order (25) Concerning Confession (XXV)
Concerning Government of the Concerning the Distinction of
State (26) Foods (XXVI)
Free Will (27) Concerning Monastic Vows
(XXVII)
The Meaning of Confession Concerning the Church’s Power
Lapatan ni na manopoti dosa (28) (XXVIII)
Faith and Good Works (29) Conclusion
The Saints (30)
Concerning Foods (31)
Sunday (32)
The Second Coming of Christ (33)
4.2 Lutheran Characteristic of the Confession of 1951
4.2.1 On Justification
Article VII of the 1951 Confession is not entitled “justification” but it
contains the same substance as AC Article IV concerning justification.448 The
content and the nature of the doctrine of justification is explicitly present there. The
Confession of 1951 emphasizes that salvation is gained through the grace of God, not
the result of human achievement. Article VII concerning Salvation from Sin of the
Confession of 1951 reads:
We believe and confess that salvation from sin cannot be gained by means of
good works, or through one’s power, but only by the grace of God through
the redemption of Jesus Christ. Salvation is received by faith which is
wrought by the Holy Spirit so that the believer appropriates the forgiveness of
sin which Jesus Christ has provided through His death. Such faith is reckoned

448
Article IV concerning Justification in the Augsburg Confession, see The Book of Concord. The
Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 39.
SM Hutagalung mentions that Article VII concerning Salvation from Sin of the 1951 Confession is
similar to Article Augsburg Confession Article IV concerning Justification. See Sutan Hutagalung,
“The Confession of Augustana as a Confession of Faith in the Present Historical Setting,” in
Confessio Augustana 1530-1980: Commemoration and Self Examination, ed. Vajta, LWF Report,
June 1980, 48.
103
by God as righteousness before Him.449
Here the Confession of 1951 emphasizes that justification is exclusively a
divine work of grace without human contribution. In the original words of the
Confession of 1951 the second sentence above says that the way to receive salvation
is through “faith which is wrought by the Holy Spirit so that the believer appropriates
the forgiveness of sin which Jesus Christ has provided through His death.”450 Here
the Confession emphasizes that, from a human point of view, faith in Christ’s
redemptive work is the only thing that is required for a human to be declared
righteous. And, according to the Confession, faith itself is the work of the Spirit. In
short, the Confession wants to declare that God is the sole cause of people’s
salvation.
The formulation of the Confession of 1951 on justification clearly follows the
Augsburg Confession, article IV of which states:
Furthermore, it is taught that we cannot obtain forgiveness of sin and

righteousness before God through our merit, work, or satisfactions, but that
we receive forgiveness of sin and become righteous before God out of grace
for Christ’s sake through faith when we believe that Christ has suffered for us
and that for his sake our sin is forgiven and righteousness and eternal life are
given to us. For God will regard and reckon this faith as righteousness in his
sight, as St. Paul says in Roman 3[:21-26] and 4[:5].451
Basically the main idea in this article is the conviction of the Reformation
that salvation is God's work alone. Humans are not capable of saving themselves.
The only way they can be saved is through faith in God’s work in sending Jesus
Christ for humanity’s salvation. Melanchthon formulated this conviction in the

449
Article VII concerning Salvation from Sin. See Confession of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant,
9.
450
The original wording in Batak reads: “ia dalan manjalo i, i ma marhite sian haporseaon…” See
Panindangion Haporseaon Pengakuan Iman The Confession of Faith Huria Kristen Batak Protestan
(HKBP) 1951 & 1996, 23.
451
Article IV concerning Justification in the German Text. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 36, 38.
104
Augsburg Confession (AC) and Apology of the Augsburg Confession (Ap.).
Melanchthon got the idea from Luther’s writings.452 However, in the Lutheran
Confessions, there are only three of Luther’s writings, namely the Small Catechism,
the Large Catechism, and the Smalcald Articles (SA). In SA, Luther briefly
emphasizes the idea that humans depend entirely on the grace of God in order to be
saved, and that man’s good works are not an element that leads to salvation. Within
this framework Luther understands that good works are a response to or a fruit of
justification. In SA Luther says:
Here is the first article: That Jesus Christ, our God and Lord, “was handed
over to death for our trespasses and was raised for our justification” (Rom.
4[:25]); and he alone is “the Lamb of God, who takes away the sin of the
world” (John 1[:29]); and “the Lord has laid on him the iniquity of us all”
(Isa. 53[:6]); furthermore, “All have sinned,” and “they are now justified
without merit by his grace, through the redemption that is in Christ Jesus …
by his blood” (Rom. 3[:23-25]).
Now because this must be believed and may not be obtained or
grasped otherwise with any work, law, or merit, it is clear and certain that this
faith alone justifies us, as St. Paul says in Romans 3[:28, 26]: “For we hold
that a person is justified by faith apart from works prescribed by the law”;
and also, “that God alone is righteous and justifies the one who has faith in
Jesus.”453
In Ap. Melanchthon uses forensic language to make it clear that justification
has nothing to do with performing good works, but is an act of God. 454 However,
though Melanchthon has already made Luther’s ideas clear in AC, he does not use
forensic language there. AC IV formulates justification as both “to pronounce” and

452
Melanchthon had made use of Luther’s “The Schwabach Articles,” in writing the AC. See Wilhelm
Maurer, Historical Commentary on The Augsburg Confession, translated by H. George Anderson
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986), 285ff; cf. “The Schwabach Articles,” in Sources and Contexts of
the Book of Concord, ed. by Robert Kolb and James A. Nestingen (Minneapolis: Fortress Press,
2001), 83ff.
453
SA II, 1,2,3,4. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 301.
454
Ap. IV: 252, 305 in The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 159, 165; Ap. IV: 252, 305 in The Book of Concord.
The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert
(Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959), 143, 154.
105
“to make” righteous; to pronounce righteous when AC IV says that “God will regard
and reckon this faith as righteousness,”455 and to make righteous when AC states that
we “become righteous before God.”456 In Ap. “to pronounce” and “to make”
righteous are further explained:
Instead, we maintain that, properly and truly, by faith itself we are regarded
as righteous for Christ’s sake, that is, we are acceptable to God. And because
“to be justified” means that out of unrighteous people righteous people are
made or regenerated, it also means that they are pronounced or regarded as
righteous.457
Melanchthon wants to make it even clearer, which is why he resorts to the forensic
metaphor in Ap.458 He explains the word “justify” (in Rom. 5:1) as meaning “to
absolve a guilty man and pronounce him righteous.” Because the accused cannot be
declared innocent on the basis of his own righteousness, since he is guilty, so he can
only be righteous on the basis of the righteousness of another, that is, Christ. So “to
be justified” means to be regarded as righteous. The Ap. reads:
This is how Scripture uses the word “faith,” as this statement of Paul shows,
“Since we are justified by faith, we have peace with God” (Rom. 5:1). In this
passage “justify” is used in a judicial way to mean “to absolve a guilty man
and pronounce him righteous,” and to do so on account of someone else’s
righteousness, namely, Christ’s, which communicated to us through faith. …
Because the righteousness of Christ is given to us through faith, therefore
faith is righteousness in us through imputation. That is, by it we are made
acceptable to God because of God’s imputation and ordinances, as Paul says
(Rom. 4:5), “Faith is reckoned as righteousness.”459

455
CA IV, German Text. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 40.
456
CA IV, German Text. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
457
Ap. IV: 72 in The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 132.
458
Ap. IV, 252, 305. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 159, 165; cf. Ap. IV 252, 305 in The Book of
Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G.
Tappert, 143, 154.
459
Ap. IV 304, 305 in The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 154. Tappert uses the quarto edition [called so because
of its printing format] of April/May 1531, while Kolb and Wengert use the octavo edition [called so
because of its smaller format] of September 1531. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 108-109. Paragraph
305-6 in the quarto edition is rewritten in the octavo edition as follows: “… justification here means to
106
According to Jüngel, Melanchthon’s description of the forensic act of the
justification of the sinner as the imputation or reckoning of one’s righteousness is
intended to make really clear that justification is an event by which God accepts
sinners and that God’s acceptance is purely on the basis of Christ’s righteousness.460
This righteousness is completely extraneous to the sinners and that is why believers
are described as those who “are made acceptable to God because of God’s
imputation,”461 the imputation of God’s righteousness.462 Here Melanchthon echoes
Luther’s thought that God’s righteousness comes to the believers from outside
humanity. In his Lecture on Romans Luther said that "all of our good is outside
us."463 The intention is to stress that justification is a process of salvation where no
human’s cooperation at all is involved. Only God, in Christ, effectively pronounces
sinners righteous. In the understanding of AC and Ap., the forensic judgment of God,
in which God pronounces sinners righteous, is effective to make the sinners
righteous. Accordingly, AC and Ap. indicate a forensic as well as an effective
understanding of justification.464 Jüngel clearly shows that these two aspects are

be regarded as righteous. However, God does not regard a person as righteous in the way that a court
or philosophy does (that is, because of the righteousness of one’s own works, which is rightly placed
in the will). Instead, he regards a person as righteous through mercy because of Christ, when anyone
clings to him by faith. Therefore faith can be called righteousness because it is that which is reckoned
as righteousness (as we say with Paul), regardless of where it is located in the justified person. For this
does not prevent divine reckoning, even if we locate this faith in the will.” See The Book of Concord.
The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert,
165.
460
Eberhard Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith, translated by Jeffrey F. Cayzer
(Edinburgh & New York: T&T Clark, 2001), 205.
461
Ap. IV 304, 305 in The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 154.
462
Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith, 206.
463
Martin Luther, Lectures on Romans, in LW vol. 25, 267; cf. Jüngel also, when discussing this
matter, makes reference to Luther’s thought in Lecture on Romans (LW 25, 257). See Justification:
The Heart of the Christian Faith, 206.
464
Some scholars have drawn this conclusion, for example, Jüngel, Maurer, Gassmann & Hendrix,
Olli-Pukka Vainer. See Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith, 210-211; Maurer,
Historical Commentary on The Augsburg Confession, 341; Gassmann and Hendrix, Fortress
Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions, 79; Olli-Pekka Vainio, Justification and Participation in
Christ (Lieden/Boston: Brill, 2008), 72. But Luther scholars of the early 20 century, such as P.
107
elements present in the justification embraced by Lutheran theology. Jüngel says:
The imputation of extraneous righteousness (imputation alienae iustiae) can

only be rightly grasped when it is seen as God granting divine righteousness
in such a way as to effectively change the being of humans. If sinners are
pronounced righteous by God’s judging Word – which is also pre-eminently
creative in its judging power – and thus recognized by God as being
righteous, then they not only count as righteous, they are righteous.
Since Holl there is an idea that in the AC and Ap. Melanchthon presented a
doctrine of justification by faith different from Luther’s.465 Holl contended that
Melanchthon taught justification on the basis of extrinsic righteousness, the
righteousness of Christ, communicated to the believer through faith. Meanwhile,
Holl argued, Luther taught an ‘analytical’ justification based on the intrinsic
righteousness in the believer.466 In later Lutheranism, as expressed in the Formula of
Concord, the forensic character of justification is preserved. FC III states that faith in
Christ’s merit is what justifies:
Regarding the righteousness of faith before God, we unanimously believe,

teach, and confess … that poor sinful people are justified before God, that is,
absolved … without the least bit of our own “merit or worthiness” …, apart
from all preceding, present, or subsequent works. We are justified on the
basis of sheer grace, because of the sole merit, the entire obedience, and the

Althaus, R. Hermann, K. Holl, and others, disagree about Melanchthon’s forensic understanding of
justification and claim that he deviates from Luther’s understanding of justification. See Green,
“Melanchthon, Philipp,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol. II, 1523; Christiane Tietz,
“Justification – 3. Reformation and Protestant orthodoxy,” in Religion: Past and Present.
Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol. VII, 122, 121.
465
Jüngel, Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith, 205; Maurer, Historical Commentary on
The Augsburg Confession, 341; Gritsch and Jenson, Lutheranism. The Theological Movement and Its
Confessional Writings, 52-53; Lowell C. Green, “Melanchthon, Philipp,” in The Encyclopedia of The
Lutheran Church, vol. II, 1523; Christiane Tietz, “Justification – 3. Reformation and Protestant
orthodoxy,” in Religion: Past and Present. Encyclopedia of Theology and Religion, vol. VII, 121,
122.
466
According to Lowel C. Green, Holl is correct about the young Luther because in 1519 Luther
taught that “Christ’s gift to us is righteousness. All our righteousness is imputed to us by God’s grace”
(S.A. 1, 24). But after 1519 Luther more and more consistently based the justification of the sinner
before God not on the righteousness worked by Christ within the individual (iustitia intrinseca), but
on the righteousness freely given the believer by God for Christ’s sake (iustitia extrinseca). Green
asserts that Luther’s later teaching agreed basically with Melanchthon’s best formulations on
justification. See Green, “Melanchthon, Philipp,” in The Encyclopedia of The Lutheran Church, vol.
II, 1523; cf. Jüngel’s discussion on Holl’s approach to Luther’s thinking on justification. See Jüngel,
Justification: The Heart of the Christian Faith, 208ff; Gregory A. Walter, “Karl Holl (1866-1926),” in
Mark C. Mattes (ed.), Twentieth-Century Lutheran Theologians (Göttingen/Bristol: Vandenhoeck,
2013), 58ff; Maurer, Historical Commentary on The Augsburg Confession, 341.
108
bitter suffering, death, and the resurrection of our Lord Christ alone, whose
obedience is reckoned to us as righteousness.467
… the word “justify” here means to pronounce righteous and free from sins
and to count as freed from the eternal punishment of sin because of Christ’s
righteousness, which is “reckoned to faith by God” (Phil. 3[:9]).468
But at the same time FC also emphasizes the distinction between the forensic side
and the effective side of justification. FC treats regeneratio (“rebirth”), which means
renewal or sanctification, and vivificatio (“making alive”) as the result of
justification, not to be confused with justification by faith.469 So FC did not treat the
effective side of justification as an integral part of justification by faith but rather as
the result of justification.
Within this emphasis on the forensic meaning of justification, FC distances
itself from the effective side of justification. FC states:
The only essential and necessary elements of justification are the grace of
God, the merit of Christ, and the faith that receives this grace and merit in the
gospel’s promise, through which Christ’s righteousness is reckoned to us.
From this we obtain the forgiveness of sins, reconciliation with God, and our
adoption as children, and the inheritance of eternal life.470
On renewal and sanctification FC especially emphasizes that:
Likewise, too, although renewal and sanctification are a blessing of our

mediator Christ and a work of the Holy Spirit, they do not belong in the
article or in the treatment of justification before God but rather result from
it.471

467
SD, III, 9. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
468
469
SD, III, 18, 19, 20, 21. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
470
471
by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 566. It was often claimed, Bernd Oberdorfer argues, that
only an “imputative”/forensic justification (“speaking” people righteous) was appropriate for the
Lutheran understanding of justification, and not including an “effective’ justification (“making”
people righteous). But such distinction, Oberdorfer contends, is not appropriate to the Reformers since
109
The Confession of the HKBP does not discuss justification in such detail.
Similarly, the Confession of 1951 also does not make a special mention of the
doctrine of justification as part of their core teaching. Meanwhile, for Lutheranism
the doctrine of justification is openly treated as the main message of Christianity. In
the Smalcald Articles Luther calls justification by faith “the first and chief article.”
Luther designates salvation through faith alone in Christ’s saving work as that on
which “stands all that we teach and practice against the pope, the devil, and the
world.”472 The doctrine of justification by faith is “the cornerstone of the Lutheran
confessions”473 and this message is applied throughout the confessions as the chief
criterion for Lutheran teaching and practice.474
It should be noted too that the Augsburg Confession does not make any
statement regarding the doctrine of justification as "the first and chief article".
According to Gritsch and Jenson, Melanchthon avoids emphasizing the preeminence
of the usage of “the chief article”. And so, it is not without any reason, Gritsch and
Jenson argue, that Melanchthon places the article on justification after the articles on
God, sin and Christ.475
Thus, while the 1951 Confession is not as detailed as the Lutheran
Confessions, especially the Apology and the Formula of Concord, and does not make
the doctrine of justification the chief element in its teaching, it does express the core

for them God’s Word always creative and when God “speaks” someone righteous, God also “makes”
them righteous. See Bernd Oberdorfer, “How do I find a Gracious God?” in Salvation – Not for Sale,
edited by Anne Burghardt (Leipzig/Geneva: Evangelische Verlangsanstalt GmbH/The Lutheran
World Federation), 9-10.
472
The first article of the Smalcald Articles. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 301; cf. Gassmann and
Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions, 51.
473
See Eric W. Gritsch and Robert W. Jenson, Lutheranism. The Theological Movement and Its
Confessional Writings (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976), 45.
474
See Gassmann and Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions, 51.
475
Gritsch and Jenson, Lutheranism. The Theological Movement and Its Confessional Writings, 49.
110
of this belief. Moreover, the Confession of 1951 contains more about justification in
articles on the Holy Spirit (article III); the church (article VIII); and, of course, faith
and good works (article XV).
4.2.2 On Faith and Good Works
4.2.2.1 Close relationship of AC Articles IV, VI, and XX
Actually, faith and its relationship to good works are dealt with in AC
Articles IV and VI. Article 1V declares that a person is justified purely on account of
Christ’s merit, not because of that person’s good works or merit. Article VI states
that believers should do good work because it is the command and will of God.
Therefore, for Lutherans good works are neither a requirement for nor a way to
salvation but a natural consequence of justification and obedience to God’s
command. AC VI states, “Likewise, they [Lutherans] teach that this faith is bound to
yield good fruits and that it ought to do good works commanded by God on account
of God’s will and not so that we may trust in these works to merit justification before
God.”476
If the matter is dealt with in these two articles, why does Article XX discuss
the relationship? Many scholars believe that AC XX was written in reaction to the
Catholic accusation that Lutherans neglected the necessity of performing good
works.477

476
AC VI, 1 (Latin Text). Cf. German text’s formulation: “A person must do such good works as God
has commanded for God’s sake.” See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 41, 40; The Book of Concord. The
Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 31.
477
See Neve, The Augsburg Confession. A Brief Review of Its History and An Interpretation of Its
Doctrinal Articles (1914), 139; Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning of the Augsburg Confession
(1930), 70; Allbeck, Studies in the Lutheran Confessions, 97; Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning
of the Augsburg Confession (1952), 111; Grane, The Augsburg Confession. A Commentary
(1959/1981), 199; Beck, The Doctrine of Faith. A Study of the Augsburg Confession and
Contemporary Ecumenical Documents (1987), 106; Nestor Beck, The Doctrine of Faith. A Study of
111
4.2.2.2 Faith Affects Good Works and the Necessity of Good Works
A number of scholars have pointed out that Melanchton and Luther differed
on the place of good works in the teaching of justification. According to them,
Luther sees good works as the fruit that proceeds from faith, a consequence of
faith.478 Maurer, for instance, contends that in the 1520s Luther did not insist that
Christians must do good works precisely because he saw them as fruits rather than an
obligation.479 Bayer also shares this view: good works follow voluntarily and freely
from faith.480 That they interpret Luther correctly can be seen in SA:
“Through faith” … we receive a different, new, clean heart and that, for the
sake of Christ our mediator, God will and does regard us as completely
righteous and holy. … Good works follow such faith… if one has a gracious
God, then everything is good. Furthermore, we also say that if good works do
not follow, then faith is false and not true.481
This notion pops up not just in the Lutheran Confessions but in many of Luther’s
other writings. In Disputation Against Scholastic Theology (1517), Luther says, “We
do not become righteous by doing righteous deeds but, having been made righteous,
we do righteous deeds.”482 This is the core of Luther’s thought. In fact whenever
Luther explains the place of good works in the justified person, he declares that such
works are performed freely and spontaneously. In Treatise on Good Works (1520),
Luther emphasizes that, because of faith, Christians do the will of God willingly and

the Augsburg Confession and Contemporary Ecumenical Documents (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing
House, 1987), 106; Gassmann and Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions
(1999), 167.
478
Among others are Maurer and Bayer. See Maurer, Historical Commentary on the Augsburg
Confession, 371; Oswald Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology. A Contemporary Interpretation, 288.
479
Maurer, Historical Commentary on the Augsburg Confession, 371.
480
Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology. A Contemporary Interpretation, 288.
481
SA, III, 13. See The Book of Concord: The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 325; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 315.
482
Disputation Against Scholastic Theology (1517), LW vol. 31, translated by Harold J. Grim. See
Martin Luther’s Basic Theological Writings, ed. by. Timothy F. Hull, 2nd ed, (Minneapolis: Fortress
Press, 2005), 36.
112
spontaneously.483 According to Bayer, Luther thinks that through faith “the human
being receives the desire to fulfill God’s commands.”484 In The Freedom of a
Christian (1520), Luther explains that being freed in faith one receives the freedom
to serve and please God and at the same time to serve neighbors in love.485 In his
Thesis Concerning Faith and Law (1535), Luther underlines that good works are
performed voluntarily, seemingly correcting the tendency toward obligation in
Melanchton’s thought.486 Luther clarifies: “We confess that good works must follow
faith, yes, not only must, but follow voluntarily, just as a good tree not only must
produce good fruits, but does so freely.”487 Doing good works is not a matter of
obligation but a natural consequence of faith. Bayer even asserts that one
misunderstands Luther if his thought on the necessity of good works is interpreted as
a moral obligation in a deontological sense. Because, as has been pointed out, Luther
understands good works “as a consecutive, as an internal natural consequence.”488 In
this way, faith will always be active in good works. For Bayer, Luther’s view of the
relationship between faith and good works is “not a temporal or psychological
consequence, but is a consequence that proceeds logically from the nature of
faith.”489 Another scholar, who like Bayer emphasizes the spontaneity of good
works, is Lennart Pinomaa. Pinomaa asserts that the moral obligation approach is
incompatible with Luther’s spontaneous good works.490

483
Treatise on Good Works (1520), LW 44, 35; cf. Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology. A Contemporary
Interpretation, 288.
484
485
The Freedom of a Christian (1520), in Tranvik, 73, 74, 76, 80, 81, 82.
486
487
Thesis Concerning Faith and Law (1535), LW 34, edited by Lewis Spitz; General Editor Helmut T.
Lehmann (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg Press, 1960), 111. Cf. Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology. A
Contemporary Interpretation, 288.
488
489
490
Lennart Pinomaa, Faith Victorious. An Introduction to Luther’s Theology. Translated by Walter J.
Kukkonen (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1963), 171, 172, 173.
113
In contrast, Melanchthon puts more emphasis on the obligation of the
believers to perform good works, because that is what God commands and wills.491
This is what AC VI states. Melanchthon repeats this in AC Article XX: “Our people
teach that it is necessary to do good works, not that we should count on meriting
grace through them but because it is the will of God.”492 Good works should be done
because God commands them (Latin text). The German text carries this formulation
“for God’s sake and to God’s praise”493 as the purpose of doing good works.
So it is correct that Melanchthon’s main argument is that good works must be
done because they are commanded by God. However, the idea that good works are
the consequences that flow from justification is not entirely lost in AC. It is true that
the notion is absent in AC VI, but not in AC XX, where Melanchthon adds that good
works are the fruits of justification. The Holy Spirit drives those who are justified to
perform good works. So, Melanchthon also can speak of faith spontaneously
producing good works.494 This is very clear from AC XX, 29, which states,
“Moreover, because the Holy Spirit is received through faith, consequently hearts are
renewed and endowed with new affections so as to be able to do good works.”495
AC XX further confirms that whoever is justified now willingly does good
works. AC XX, 36 sees that it is faith that affects believers to perform good works:
Hence it is readily apparent that no one should accuse this teaching of

prohibiting good works. On the contrary, it is rather to be commended for

491
Bayer calls Melanchthon’s notion of the relationship of good works and faith as “a prescriptive
ethic”. See Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology. A Contemporary Interpretation, 288; Maurer, Historical
Commentary on the Augsburg Confession, 371.
492
XX, 27 (Latin text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 57; The Book of Concord. The Confessions
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 45.
493
XX, 27 (German text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
494
Cf. Gassmann and Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions, 168.
495
XX, 29 (Latin text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
114
showing how we can do good works. For without faith human nature cannot
possibly do the works of the First and Second Commandments. Without faith
it does not call upon God, expect anything from God, or bear the cross, but
seeks and trusts in human help.496
Here Melanchthon seems to understand, as Luther did, that through justification one
is also made capable of good works,497 that is, good works proceed from
justification. Nonetheless, Melanchton does emphasize obligation.498 This emphasis
reoccurs when he treats the subject of “the fulfillment of the law” in Ap. XX.499
The Schwabach Articles and Marburg Articles - which are Melanchthon’s
sources in preparing the AC – maintain a close relationship between faith and good
works. The sixth article of Schwabach Articles reads:
Such faith is not a human work, neither is it possible by our power. Rather, it
is God’s work and gift, which the Holy Spirit gives through Christ and effects
in us. … It bears much fruit; it always does good toward God (by praising,
thanking, praying, preaching, and teaching) and toward the neighbor (by
loving, serving, helping, offering counsel, giving, and suffering all kinds of
evil until death.500
A similar notion is stated in the tenth of the Marburg Articles:
[We believe] that this faith is bestowed through the work of the Holy Spirit,
and through it we are regarded as – and become – righteous and holy. This
faith effects good works through us: love of neighbor, prayer to God, and
endurance in all kinds of persecution.501

496
XX, 35-37 (Latin text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
497
According to Vainio, Melancthon presented the teaching of justification as both forensic and
effective in which one who has been justified is also made capable of preforming good works.
However, the act of performing good works is not understood as the cause of salvation; only faith is.
See Vainio, Justification and Participation in Christ. The Development of the Lutheran Doctrine of
Justification from Luther to the Formula of Concord (1580), 74.
498
XX, 29-37 (Latin text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 45-46.
499
Ap. XX, 15. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
500
The Schwabach Articles, “The Sixth [Article]”. See Sources and Context of The Book of Concord.
Edited by Kolb and Nestingen, 85.
501
The Marburg Articles, “On Good Works”. See Sources and Context of The Book of Concord.
Edited by Kolb and Nestingen, 90.
115
As the wording of the Schwabach Articles and Marburg Articles shows, good works
are the fruit of faith, the consequences of faith, not a matter of obligation: “It bears
much fruit; it always does good toward God and toward the neighbor” (the
Schwabach Articles), and, “This faith effects good works through us” (the Marburg
Articles). As Beck pointed out, the Schwabach Articles and Marburg Articles “use
the indicative when they affirm that faith bears much fruit and does good works,”502
whereas AC VI uses the imperative to command the Christian to do good works.
4.2.2.3 Which Works Must be Done
After emphasizing the obligation and necessity of doing good works, AC VI
also states which works are to be done. It is very clear that for Lutherans the
expression “good works” refers to the works commanded by God. Article VI states
that “This faith is bound to yield good fruits and that it ought to do good works
commanded by God on account of God’s will.”503 Although not explicitly mentioned
in Article VI, “good works commanded by God” clearly points to works demanded
by the Ten Commandments. This becomes evident in the foreword of Article XX
which mentions the term “Decalogue”.504
While reaffirming that the Lutherans do not overlook good works, but truly
have taught good works AC XX shows that good works are those which God
commands in the Ten Commandments. AC XX, 1-2 states the matter clearly:

502
Beck, The Doctrine of Faith. A Study of the Augsburg Confession and Contemporary Ecumenical
Documents, 101.
503
AC VI, 1 (Latin Text). Cf. German text’s formulation: “A person must do such good works as God
has commanded for God’s sake”. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 41, 40; The Book of Concord. The
504
AC XX, 1-2. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 52, 53; cf. Tappert uses the term “the Ten
Commandments”. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 41.
116
Our people are falsely accused of prohibiting good works. But their writings
concerning the Decalogue and other writings demonstrate that they have
given [a] good and useful account and admonition concerning proper
Christian walks of life and works.505
AC XX, 1 refers to “the Decalogue,” and a number of the good works listed clearly
refer to the Ten Commandments: “to call on God, to have patience in suffering, to
love the neighbor, to engage diligently in legitimate callings, to be obedient, to avoid
evil lust, etc.”506 What God has commanded concerning daily life as summarized in
the Ten Commandments are indeed the “true Christian estates and works,”507 not
“childish and needless works” or the unnecessary things that were preached by the
Catholic church, such as: “rosaries, the cult of saints, joining religious orders,
pilgrimages, appointed fasts, holy days, brotherhoods.”508
Since what is decisive for good works is God’s command (God’s
mandatum),509 that is, the Ten Commandments, AC XX now shows that good works
are related to one’s station/estate in life or one’s vocation/calling.510 AC XX calls it
“all kinds and walks of life.” The term “walks of life” or “estates” points to the
notion of Luther’s time that God organized human existence in three fundamental
forms: church (ecclesiastical), household (which is at times also referred to by the

505
AC XX, 1-2 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 52; The Book of Concord. The
506
AC XX, 37 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
507
XX, 2 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 41.
508
AC XX, 3 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 41; cf. Neve, The
Augsburg Confession. A Brief Review of Its History and An Interpretation of Its Doctrinal Articles,
139.
509
Fagerberg emphasizes that the concept of mandatum, command, is very vital for the Lutheran
Confessions and the Reformation theologians. See Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran
Confessions (1529-1537), 281.
510
Beck, The Doctrine of Faith. A Study of the Augsburg Confession and Contemporary Ecumenical
Documents, 107-108; Grane, The Augsburg Confession. A Commentary, 200.
117
term “economy”), and state (political).511 Article XX underlines that whatever one’s
particular work might be, each individual possesses his or her vocation. The Latin
text of AC XX, 2 states “They [Reformers’ writings on the Ten Commandments and
others on similar topics] have given good and useful instruction concerning all kinds
and walks of life: what manner of life and which activities in every calling please
God.512 This notion certainly can be traced back to Luther, who applied the term
“vocation” or “calling”– prior to Luther’s time a term only reserved for a religious
call to be priest, monk or nun – to everyone: father, mother, master, mistress, judge,
office holder, government officer, scribe, servant, maid.513 Luther’s idea is that
“every person is called to his/her particular work” so that “everything can be an act
of worship if one’s life is directed toward God and aimed to praise God.”514 For
Luther, as stated by Hans Schwarz, it is a social reality and God’s will that “some are
in the marital, others in spiritual, and still others in the station of government, and yet
none of these stations is higher than the others.”515 Luther seemed to want to make
every Christian aware that “every vocation is divine service.”516 For “whatever you
may be, son, servant, or maid in the meanest circumstances, stay where you are,
because you are in a station where God has put you.”517 It is an important element of
Luther’s concept of vocation that everyone serves others, no matter the nature of the

511
See SA Preface 14. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 291; Bayer,
Martin Luther’s Theology. A Contemporary Interpretation, 122-123.
512
AC XX, 2 (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
513
LW 37, 365; Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology. A Contemporary Interpretation, 141; H.
Echternach, “Work, Vocation, Calling,” in The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, vol. III, 2504.
514
This description owes to the fine explanation given by H. Echternach, “Work, Vocation, Calling,”
in The Encyclopedia of the Lutheran Church, vol. III, 2504.
515
Hans Schwarz, True Faith in the True God: An Introduction to Luther’s Life and Thought,
translated by Mark William Worthing (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1996), 136.
516
Schwarz, True Faith in the True God: An Introduction to Luther’s Life and Thought, 138.
517
Luther, commenting on Isaiah 65:12, Lectures on Isaiah, in LW 17:384. Cf. Schwarz, True Faith in
the True God: An Introduction to Luther’s Life and Thought, 137.
118
calling. Once he preached this: “If everyone served his or her neighbor, then the
whole world would be filled with divine service.”518 At the same time Luther also
considered many traditions connected with popular piety and monasticism as lacking
God’s Word and, therefore, unnecessary and uncommanded.519 Understanding good
works as God’s command, Luther asserted that “the daily work of servants is far
superior to the holiness and rigorous life of the monks.”520 Luther, rejecting the
tendency to regard monasticism as the authentic life of Christians, located it in the
ordinary Christians’ life of sincere love of God and the neighbor in their daily lives
in the world.521 To Luther, as Pinomaa sharply points out, the vocational activity
directed toward neighbors is “the only form in which the love of Christ can be real.”
It is so because, Pinomaa adds, Luther understands that in the monastery it is
impossible to serve all people, and all activities in it were done in order to make one
holy.522 His arguments about vocation show Luther’s opposition to the idea that
salvation is determined by what humans can do through performing various
traditions, rites and ceremonies, “the great and difficult works that they have
invented and piled up for themselves,” but which God does not command.523
Therefore, for Luther, who taught that salvation is God’s grace and good work is the
fruit of faith, “what fulfills the command of God should be identified as a good

518
Luther, sermon on Matthew 22:34ff, as quoted in Schwarz, True Faith in the True God: An
Introduction to Luther’s Life and Thought, 138.
519
Treatise on Good Works (1520) in Hendrix, 114; SA II, 18,20,21,22,24,25; LC I, 74,92,93,118, see
and Timothy J. Wengert, 304-305, 396, 399, 402-403; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 296-297, 374, 377, 381.
520
LC I, 145 as rephrased by Fagerberg. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 406; The Book of
Tappert, 385; Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran Confessions (1529-1537), 285.
521
Karl-Heinz zur Mühlen, “Luther, Martin,” in The Encyclopedia of Christianity, vol. III, 345-346.
522
Pinomaa, Faith Victorious. An Introduction to Luther’s Theology, 169.
523
LC I, 312. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 428; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
119
work.”524 This is what Luther elaborates in his Treatise on Good Works (1520). For
Luther one does good works only when obeying the Ten Commandments. Luther
writes, “No good works exist other than those that God has commanded. … Whoever
wishes to identify and perform good works need only to learn God’s
Commandments.”525
Luther expresses the same idea in LC:
Here, then we have the Ten Commandments, a summary of divine teaching

on what we are to do to make our whole life pleasing to God. They are the
true fountain from which all good works must spring, the true channel
through which all good works must flow. Apart from [these] Ten
Commandments no action or life can be good or pleasing to God, no matter
how great or precious it may be in the eyes of the world.526
In The Freedom of a Christian (1520), good works in the Ten
Commandments serve two motives and purposes, namely, “to do that which is
pleasing to God,”527 and to serve “the need and advantage of the neighbor.”528
Through Christ God gives all righteousness and salvation to all believers without any
merit on their part. In turn, as a Christian I give myself as “a Christ to my
neighbor.”529
By pointing to the Ten Commandments as the “true Christian estates and
works”, AC XX follows Luther in regarding invented practices, such as rosaries, the
cult of saints, joining religious orders, pilgrimages, appointed fasts, holy days and
brotherhoods, as “childish and needless works.” It should be noted that, except for

524
Bayer’s overview about the essence of Luther’s thought in Treatise on Good Works. See Bayer,
Martin Luther’s Theology. A Contemporary Interpretation, 284.
525
Martin Luther, Treatise on Good Works, trans. and introduced by Scott H. Hendrix (Minneapolis:
Fortress, 2012), 17; cf. W.A. Lambert, revised by James Atkinson, LW vol. 44, edited by James
Atkinson (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1966), 21-114.
526
LC I, 311. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
527
The Freedom of a Christian (1520), in Tranvik, 76; cf. 73, 74.
528
The Freedom of a Christian (1520), in Tranvik, 80; cf. 81, 82.
529
The Freedom of a Christian (1520), in Tranvik, 82; cf. Grane, The Augsburg Confession. A
Commentary, 201.
120
monasticism, the traditions and rites mentioned in AC XX are not rejected in
themselves. What is unacceptable is when those activities are taken “to merit grace
and make satisfaction for sins.”530 Lutherans consider that not all traditions practiced
by the Catholic Church are contrary to the will of God. In fact, later many were
preserved in the Lutheran church (see the description of “Church rites” in section
4.2.6.2). Therefore, as Grane emphasizes, one needs to refer to AC Article XXVII to
understand Article XX properly, since what was rejected is “the concept of the
monastic life as a state of perfection.”531 Article XXVII “Concerning Monastic
Vows”, which rejects the concept of monastic life, asserts that Christian perfection is
earnestly to fear God and, at the same time, to have great faith and to trust
that we have a gracious God on account of Christ; to ask for and to expect
with certainty help from God in all things that are to be borne in connection
with our calling; and, in the meantime, diligently to do good works for others
and to serve in our calling.532
The “good works commanded by God” is the criterion AC XX uses to reject
the monastic profession.533 This view is also expressed in AC XXVII534 and Ap.
XXVII, which state that “monastic vows” are not accepted as a “vocation” or
“calling” for Christians because monasticism “has neither a command nor a promise

530
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 44; cf. Grane, The
Augsburg Confession. A Commentary, 201.
531
Grane, The Augsburg Confession. A Commentary, 201.
532
AC XXVII, 49 (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 78-
79; cf. Grane, The Augsburg Confession. A Commentary, 201.
533
534
AC XXVII, 36, 48; cf. AC XXVII, 57, 58 (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 87, 89, 91; The
Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by
Theodore G. Tappert, 76, 78, 80.
121
of God,”535 or “no proof from the Word of God,”536 or is “without the command of
God,”537 or “without a Word of God.”538
4.2.2.4 The Comparison to the Confession of 1951
Despite its tendency to lump together several important thoughts and its
rather unharmonious arrangement, the 1951 Confession includes all the essential
elements of Lutheran teaching on the place of good works in Christian life. The
Batak Church teaches that good works are the fruits of justification by faith, of trust
in Christ who has forgiven us our sins. The Confession of 1951 states very carefully,
We believe and confess that good works must be the fruit of faith. He errs
who hopes to obtain righteousness, life, comfort and bliss by doing good
works. The Lord Jesus alone can forgive sins and bring a man into
relationship with God.539
With this formulation the Batak Church follows Luther in emphasizing good works
as the fruit that comes from faith as a consequence of faith.
The 1951 Confession also explicitly mentions the Ten Commandments in
describing the relationship between faith and good works. Even though it does not
mention the Ten Commandments as the source and reference in speaking about “real
good works,”540 the Batak Church teaches that Christians must observe the

535
Ap. XXVII, 20. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
536
537
538
539
Article XX, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 13.
540
Neve, The Augsburg Confession. A Brief Review of Its History and An Interpretation of Its
Doctrinal Articles, 140; cf. XX, 1-2, 27 (Latin text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 53, 57; The Book of
122
Commandments while underlining that their observance cannot earn anyone
salvation. Article XV states, “Although we have to keep the Ten Commandments,
man lives by faith and not by doing good works.”541 The wording lacks
Melanchthon’s imperative duty to observe the Ten Commandments as AC Article VI
Concerning the New Obedience clearly maintains.
The Batak Church also follows Luther’s notion that God moves us to do good
through the Holy Spirit: “The Holy Spirit moves a man to do good works and if he is
not urged by the Spirit, good works become sin.”542 This is in line with the role of
the Holy Spirit described in AC XX.543 Without the Holy Spirit human beings are too
feeble to do good: “Because the Holy Spirit is given through faith, the heart is also
moved to do good works. For before, because it lacks the Holy Spirit, the heart is too
weak.”544
Through its presentation on the relationship between faith and good works,
Article XV of the 1951 Confession has shown its basic and core understanding of the
teaching of Martin Luther and Lutheran Confessions on the doctrine of justification
by faith.

Tappert, 41, 45.
541
Article XX, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 13. The original
formulation of this part in Batak version actually maintains believers’ responsibility to perform good
work (motivated by Christ’s redemptive work), not a matter of obligation. Moreover, this article has
stated earlier that good work comes from faith as the consequence of faith. See Panindangion
Haporseaon Pengakuan Iman The Confession of Faith Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP) 1951
& 1996, 28; footnote 535 above.
542
Article XX, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 13.
543
This is in agreement with AC V on the role of the Holy Spirit, which says, “He gives the Holy
Spirit who produces faith”. See AC V, 2 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 40; The Book of
Tappert, 31. Beck uses this formulation, “Faith is caused by the Holy Spirit through the Gospel,” in
his explanation on the matter. See Beck, The Doctrine of Faith. A Study of the Augsburg Confession
and Contemporary Ecumenical Documents, 100.
544
AC XX, 28-32 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
123
4.2.3 On Law and Gospel
In the Confession of 1951, there is no explicit emphasis on the distinction
between law and gospel. "The gospel" is mentioned several times, but it is not linked
or compared to “the law”. However, the relationship between the two crops up
sporadically in the 1951 Confession, and these mentions make it clear that gospel has
primacy over law, as we shall see.
In article III concerning "The Special Acts of the Triune God," in the section
on the Holy Spirit, the Confession of 1951 states, “[W]e oppose and reject the
doctrine that states that the Holy Spirit can descend on man through his own efforts,
not necessarily through the gospel.”545 The introduction of the 1951 Confession
mentions various churches and sects which taught that the Holy Spirit can be
possessed through one’s own efforts, holiness and prayer. The confession stresses
that we cannot obtain salvation by obeying the law, that is, by obeying the
Commandments and doing good works, for only grace can save us. The Holy Spirit
comes to us as a gift from God.546 However, in the article concerning God in AC,
there is no reference to the rejection of the doctrine that one can possess the Holy
Spirit through one’s own efforts.
In article VIII concerning “the Church,” the Confession of 1951 states, “We
believe and confess that the true church is present when the gospel is purely
preached.”547 Its parallel in AC is article VII "Concerning the Church". The
background of this notion in AC was the existence of a variety of traditions practiced
in the Catholic Church at that time. According to the Lutherans, it is sufficient for the
true church that the gospel is taught purely and the sacraments are administered

545
546
See the discussion of “Law and Gospel” of the 1996 in Chapter V.
547
124
rightly according to the gospel.548 Like AC, the Confession of 1951 also designates
the true marks of the church. The notion that “the Gospel is purely preached” here is
not chiefly related to the dialectic of law and gospel, something that can be said also
of AC. But as Maurer says, it is important to see that for AC VII “the main emphasis
lies on the pure proclamation of the gospel.”549 So the teaching in AC VII refers to
the gospel with its promise of grace, not the preaching of the law.550 It should be
noted further that the Batak Church includes "Church Discipline" as one of the marks
of the true church. This will be discussed later in the section on the church. Point C
in article VIII of the Confession of 1951 also mentions "the Gospel" as one of the
gifts from Jesus Christ, but not in the context of the dialectical relationship between
law and gospel.551 Indeed, there is no further explanation about the relationship
between the two and how the gospel comes first. However, the law and gospel
principle, the distinction of gospel from law, lies behind the emphasis on the gospel
made by the 1951 Confession in its sporadic mention of the gospel.552
The Confession of 1951 also adopts AC article V, which lists the duties of
those who minister in the church. Among those duties it lists, “Preaching the Gospel
to the members of the church and to those who are not yet members.”553 Here there is
no description as in AC, stressing that in the message of the Gospel “we have a

548
and Timothy J. Wengert, 42, 43.
549
Wilhelm Maurer, Historical Commentary on the Augsburg Confession, translated by H. George
Anderson (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986), 385.
550
See Maurer, Historical Commentary on the Augsburg Confession, 385-386.
551
Panindangion Haporseaon Pengakuan Iman The Confession of Faith Huria Kristen Batak
Protestan (HKBP) 1951 & 1996, 23-25. Lumbantobing’s translation does not use the A, B, C, D, E
subdivision as the original. See Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 9-10. Cf.
Nyhus and Schreiner’s translation, which keeps the subdivision. See Nyhus and Schreiner, “The
Confession of Faith of the Batak Church, Indonesia (1951), 220-222.
552
See the discussion of “Law and Gospel” of the 1996 in Chapter V.
553
125
gracious God, not through our merit but through Christ’s merit.”554 For AC V, as
emphasized by Bergendorff, the proclamation of the Gospel is the content and center
of the preaching.555 Although the article itself is not explicit, Maurer emphasizes that
the relationship between law and gospel is implied. That is, AC V wants to
emphasize that the main message of the sermon is the gospel, not the law; the
forgiveness of sin, not condemnation.556 Meanwhile, the Confession of 1951 only
mentions that one among several of the duties of those who minister in the church is
“preaching the gospel”. No additional explanation discusses its relation to the law.
The lack of explicit discussion of law and gospel on the Confession of 1951
is probably due to the fact that the writers of the Confession of 1951 focused their
studies only on AC. In AC, more or less, the discussion of the distinction between
law and gospel is not as explicit and deep as that contained in Ap., SC, LC, SA, and
FC. However, according to some scholars, there are articles in AC showing the
Lutheran principle of law and gospel, i.e., article XI “Concerning Confession” and
article XII “Concerning Repentance”. In AC XI the Lutheran Church did not reject
the practice of confession but refused the practice of that time which emphasized
confession more than absolution. Article XI states, “Concerning confession it is
taught that private absolution should be retained and not abolished. However, it is
not necessary to enumerate all misdeeds and sins, since it is not possible to do so.”

554
and Timothy J. Wengert, 40-41.
555
Bergendoff‘s full explanation reads: “In the preaching of the Gospel with its Word and Sacrament
God has revealed Christ and the salvation that is in Him. Since there is no ‘other name under heaven,
that is given among men, wherein we must be saved’ (Acts 4.12), and His Name is the subject of all
Christian preaching, it is clear that salvation is inseparably bound up with the proclamation of the
Gospel. For it is in them that hear the Gospel that the Holy Spirit can work faith in Him who is
proclaimed.” Conrad Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning of the Augsburg Confessions (Rock
Island, Illinois, Augustana Book Concern, 1930), 45.
556
My analysis refers to Maurer’s description of this: “The Spirit-filled Word spoken of in CA is never
associated with the law but is always associated with the Gospel. Wherever the Holy Spirit is, one
finds the Gospel and with it the forgiveness of sins; the Holy Spirit does not wield the sword any more
than Christ does. His Gospel is the Word of righteousness and grace; the law is the office of death.
The task of preaching consists entirely on bringing Christ near to us.” Maurer, Historical Commentary
on the Augsburg Confession, 362.
126
The very concise emphasis on confession in AC XI is further explained in article
XXV. Grane understands that confession is maintained in the Lutheran church but
with emphasis on absolution.557 Emphasis on the absolution or forgiveness of sin is
intended to correct the practice at the time: “In former times, the preachers, while
teaching much about confession, never mentioned a single word about these
necessary matters but instead only tormented consciences with long enumerations of
sins, with satisfactions, with indulgences, with pilgrimages, and the like.”558 So
Article XXV teaches that “confession is to be retained because of absolution.”559
In article XI the Lutherans revised the medieval sacrament of penance by
rejecting “the interrogation that sought to elicit every sin and made confession so
oppressive.”560 In this rejection, as emphasized by Gassmann and Hendrix, it is the
principle of law and gospel that became the reference.561 By the connection to article
XXV, Grane, another scholar, sees that the dialectic of law and gospel is the
reference for the Lutherans to change the medieval confessional practice so that it is
not necessary to enumerate all sins. Grane explains,
It is the absolution, however, that is decisive, being defined so that it becomes

a proclamation of the Gospel, emphasizing primarily the comfort which it
gives to the conscience. Thus the absolution is the voice of God which
promises the forgiveness of sins. Clearly the AC’s interpretation of
absolution involves a complete change in the basis of penance.562
So in article XI, the Lutherans apply the principle of law and gospel by making
confession and absolution, in Bergendoff’s words, “not the basis of a worldly judicial

557
Grane mentions that Article XXV functions as a commentary on Article XI. See Leif Grane, The
Augsburg Confession. A Commentary, translated by John H. Rasmussen (Minneapolis: Augsburg
Publishing House, 1987), 128.
558
559
560
561
562
127
system administering, as it were, the law of God, but a means whereby a troubled
soul may find comfort and peace, or grace, as we might say. They are to be, not an
inquisition into the sores of the soul, but a proclamation of the Gospel, of the
forgiving power of Christ.”563
Meanwhile, in AC XII, confession and absolution (penitence) are more fully
described. The Lutherans teach that repentance consists of two parts, namely
contrition and faith.564 Article XII states that contrition and terror “strike the
conscience when sin is recognized.”565 And so in contrition the contrite person is
conscious of God’s wrath. Then in this very moment comes the other part of the act
of penitence, namely, faith. Article XII reads: “and yet at the same time to believe in
the Gospel and absolution that sin is forgiven and grace is obtained through Christ.
Such faith, in turn, comforts the heart and puts it at peace.”566 While in contrition
God frightens and demolishes, in faith He brings the oppressed conscience to life by
the forgiveness of sins. The rest of the Article XII reads: “This faith believes that sins
are forgiven on account of Christ, consoles the conscience, and liberates it from
terrors.”567
Indeed, there is no such explicit law and gospel terminology in article XII.
But as revealed by Fagerberg, penitence in article XII works on the principle of law
and Gospel. Fagerberg considers that article XII views penitence as a process in
which God works in a human, “condemning him through the Law and restoring him

563
Conrad Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning of the Augsburg Confession (Illionis: Augustana
Book Concern, 1930), 62.
564
AC XII (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
565
566
AC XII (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
567
128
via the Gospel (the Promise).”568 Fagerberg adds that, therefore, “penitence was
another expression of the Law and the Gospel in function.”569 Compared to the
division of the steps of penitence in the Catholic Church at that time, namely
contrition, confession, and satisfaction, the Lutheran focus on contrition and faith
absolutely has a special purpose. Article XII, as Fagerberg asserts, intends to show
the Evangelical position that even repentance, which is contrition and confession,
and which according to the Catholics are the role and responsibility of humanity, is
God’s work. Contrition is the stage where God, through the Law, makes a person
aware of his or her sin and at the same time feel unable to meet the law. Fagerberg,
because of this understanding, suggests that it can be said that “contrition is God’s
work in us through Law,” or, “God is the active cause of contrition, not its object,”
or, “contrition is God’s work in man, accomplished through the Law.”570
The other part of the act of penitence, beside contrition, is faith. Here the
Gospel comes in. For Fagerberg it is important to realize that “apart from faith,
God’s judgment leads to despair,”571 and so the law should not be released from the
Gospel, i.e., the promise of the forgiveness of sins. In the understanding of the
Lutherans on penitence, says Fagerberg, it is clear that “both contrition and faith are
God’s work in man.”572 Both are in a dialectical relationship of law and Gospel.
Fagerberg says, “While in contrition God frightens and demolishes, in faith He
brings the oppressed conscience to life.”573 It should be noted that Fagerberg also
sees the importance of linking the forgiveness of sin to the sacraments. Because,
according to Fagerberg, in the context of penitence the promise of the forgiveness of

568
Holsten Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran Confessions (1529-1537), translated by Gene J.
Lund (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1972), 206.
569
Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran Confessions (1529-1537), 206.
570
Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran Confessions (1529-1537), 209, 212.
571
572
573
129
sins has the special meaning of absolution.574 And Absolution is a very important
element in the sacraments. Fagerberg states,
This concept of absolution as a sacrament can be readily harmonized with

what we have found to be characteristic of Baptism and the Lord’s Supper.
The effective power comes from God, who works through the spoken Word,
the promise.575
The same thing is also emphasized by Bergendorff. Bergendorff argues that in the
understanding of the Lutherans, confession and absolution is the process by which a
person experiences that the law reveals to him the sinfulness of his heart, making
him grieve for his sin and long for deliverance from sin.576 Bergendoff adds that only
by the Gospel, when he hears the Gospel and receives Christ, is he justified, he has
forgiveness of sins before God.577 Emphasis on absolution in the Lutheran
understanding of penance makes other experts, e.g. Grane, assume that Article XII
can be entitled “Human Beings under the Law and Gospel.”578 Grane sees that the
Lutherans sincerely want to emphasize that penance is God’s work. It is God who
drives people to be aware of their sins and receive forgiveness from Him. By
associating Article XII with SA, which speaks about the office of the law retained in
the New Testament because each person stands accused of sin, Grane stresses that in
the understanding of the Lutherans, “the contrition becomes the way through which
God draws humans to himself.” Grane contends that in the Lutheran understanding
of penance the principle of law and Gospel is at work. Grane emphasizes that
“because humans continuously live in sins, however, they must always be brought
from the law to the Gospel anew, i.e., live in repentance.”579

574
575
576
Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning of the Augsburg Confession, 64.
577
578
579
130
Article XII declares that the Gospel makes it clear that humans cannot fulfill
the demands of the law. Maurer states that for Lutherans the confession of sins “no
longer held the highest rank” as in the sacrament of penance in the Catholic Church
of that time; instead “the consolation of absolution became the principal thing.”580
He further claims that this article lays the foundation of an evangelical doctrine of
repentance that excludes synergism from the start.581
Meanwhile, Gassmann and Hendrix in particular also see that in rejecting the
position taken by the Anabaptists, Novatians, and the medieval understanding of
sacrament, AC XII demonstrates a typical Lutheran understanding of the relationship
between law and gospel. 582 For Lutherans the law is not neglected but placed under
the gospel. And in fact, according to Gassmann and Hendrix, that is “the distinctive
feature” of AC XII, namely, “the forgiveness of sin through faith in Christ as the
consoling outcome of repentance.”583
The Confession of 1951 has no article on "Confession" and "Repentance".
But the article VII of the Confession of 1951 entitled "Salvation from Sin" is similar
to AC Article XII “Concerning Repentance”. The similarity lies in regarding
salvation from sin as available only in Jesus. Humans themselves by their own power
are unable to escape from their status as sinners; they are unable by their own efforts,
through good deeds, and by their strength to free themselves from sin. However, this
description in the Confession of 1951 does not exactly match AC XII, where the law
demands awareness of sin and the gospel grants forgiveness. It should be noted that
in Sihombing’s Draft there is an article on "Confession of Sin", but with different

580
Maurer, Historical Commentary on the Augsburg Confession, 411.
581
For Maurer, Luther shows very clearly that “conversion occurs through the Word of God” because
it is God who calls us to repentance. Conversion is therefore a work of the faith that the Spirit has
induced. Maurer, p. 412. Cf. WA 31.2:397.27ff. That in this case Melanchthon shows another
development is another matter. See Maurer, Historical Commentary on the Augsburg Confession, 413.
582
583
131
contents from AC XI or XII. Sihombing only emphasizes that the practice of
"confession of sins" applies in the Batak Church.584 It is a question of whether article
VII of the Confession of 1951, which used Sihombing’s Draft, aimed to adopt AC
Articles XII “Concerning Repentance”. Moreover, although Article VII of the
Confession of 1951 does indeed talk about the "Salvation from Sin”, it does not
speak specifically about justification by faith. In Sihombing’s Draft the next article –
which was not finally included in the Confession of 1951 - concerns “Confession".585
In other words, Sihombing placed article VII “Salvation from Sin" close to Article
VIII concerning “Confession” in the Draft, just as AC Article XI “Concerning
Confession” and Article XII “Concerning Repentance” are next to one another. For
Sutan Hutagalung, Article VII of the Confession of 1951 is parallel with AC Article
IV "Concerning Justification".586
In relation to this “confession” and “repentance,” it is worth noting that
although the Batak Church has used Luther's Small Catechism from the beginning,
Luther’s concept of the role of law and gospel in "confession and absolution" did not
get through to Batak readers. It happened because Nommensen’s Batak translation
did not include the subject of "Confession and Absolution". There Luther explains
that confession consists of two parts; one is the confession of sins, and the other is
the declaration of the forgiveness of sins.587 This description shows that in the light
of the Ten Commandments someone realizes and repents of his sins, but then hears
and receives the forgiveness of sins. The demands of the law heavily burden and

584
Sihombing, Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP, 11.
585
Sihombing, Panindangion - haporseaon (Belijdenis) ni HKBP, 11.
586
Sutan Hutagalung, “The Confession of Augustana as a Confession of Faith in the Present
Historical Setting,” 48.
587
SC V, 16. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
132
distress the conscience, but hearing the absolution, the Gospel, the heart will be
relieved and comforted.588
It should be noted that the dialectical relationship of law and Gospel in the
Confession of 1951 is clearer in other parts that do not talk directly about the
relationship. In article XI (“Church Order") the notion is maintained. This article
reads: “But it must be distinctly remembered that the faithful observance of all these
[church order and festivals] cannot bring us the benefit of the forgiveness of sin.”589
This article teaches that the rules of the church and church festivals are important,
but these things have their own function and are not to be understood as contributing
to salvation. Article XI concerning “Church Order” of the Confession of 1951 is
clearly adopted from AC XV “Concerning Church Rites,” although the list of
customs or traditions or festivals are given different names. The Batak Church refers
to the rules of the church and church celebrations, while AC refers to specific
celebrations, festivals, the observance of Sunday, of Christian holidays, forms of
worship and customs connected with devotional life. Lutheran churches pretty much
maintain the customs and traditions of the Catholic Church. The difference is that the
Lutherans avoid interpreting those habits and customs as a way to gain salvation.
Fasting, for instance, is valued neutrally. If someone considers it as a good work that
merits grace from God, then it must be eliminated. But if it is employed as a means
of self-discipline, well and good. The same goes to giving alms, attitude in prayer,
etc.590
Likewise, article XIV “Concerning Food” adopts AC XXVI. Following the
Lutheran distinction of law and Gospel, the Confession of 1951 asserts that “One

588
SC V, 20, 29. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 360, 362; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of
the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 350, 351.
589
590
133
does not become holy by observing food regulations but receives holiness from God
through faith.”591
Probably the clearest instance of the application of this distinction in the
Confession of 1951 is in Article XV concerning “Faith and Good Works”: “Although
we have to keep the Ten Commandments, man lives by faith and not by doing good
works.”592 The idea is taken from AC XX and applies the dialectic between law and
Gospel, where the law is neither neglected nor made a requirement for salvation.
Salvation is understood as solely the work of God, which is received by faith. What
is lacking in Article XV of the 1951 Confession is an explicit statement that the law
makes demands that humans are incapable of fulfilling but that the Gospel grants
forgiveness.
The notion of law and Gospel also appears in article I “Concerning God”.
Here the Confession of 1951, in describing the nature of God, integrates the two
dimensions. God is "a righteous judge" but also "of great mercy" and "gracious".
The AC article I concerning God has nothing corresponding to this. According to
A.A. Sitompul, this formulation intends to emphasize that the "God of the Bible is
not only [the] God of law" (Ten Commandments), but also the source of the Gospel,
the message of salvation or God of Gospel.”593 This is clearly different, Sitompul
points out, from the understanding of God in Batak traditional religion. This god
reacts to the kindness and generosity of people who worship him. In this traditional
religion there is no element of grace.594
4.2.4 On the Church

591
592
593
A.A. Sitompul, “Arti dan Makna tentang Allah dalam Pengakuan Iman (Konfesi),” in J.R.
Hutauruk, et. al. (eds.), Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini (Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP, 1991), 136.
594
Sitompul, “Arti dan Makna tentang Allah dalam Pengakuan Iman (Konfesi),” 136.
134
The Confession of 1951 and AC describe the church in similar terms.
However, the Batak Church wished not just to differentiate itself from the Catholic
Church but also from the various breakaway Batak churches. The difference in what
the two confessions say about the church arises from the difference in circumstances.
The 1951 Confession spends three paragraphs distinguishing HKBP from the
breakaway churches before dealing with its Lutheran identity. AC and other
Lutheran confessions concentrate on the distinctive marks of a Lutheran or,
Evangelical, as Melanchthon put it, Church and on rejecting Catholic elements that
were not essential to the church’s identity. This is made clear in AC VII:
The church is the assembly of saints in which the gospel is taught purely and
the sacraments are administered rightly. And it is enough for the true unity of
the church to agree concerning the teaching of the gospel and administration
of the sacraments. It is not necessary that human traditions, rites, or
ceremonies instituted by human beings be alike everywhere.595
By following the Creed, both AC and the Confession of 1951 echo the
definition of church as a “communion of saints”. AC defines church as “the assembly
of saints” (Latin text) or “the assembly of all believers” (German text), while the
Confession of 1951 uses the term “the gathering of those who believe in Jesus
Christ.” AC emphasizes that the church is the assembly of saints among whom “the
gospel is taught purely and the sacraments are administered rightly”. This is not
echoed in the Confession of 1951, for the Batak church defines “the gathering” as
those “who are called, gathered, sanctified and preserved by God through the Holy
Spirit.”596 Thus the Confession of 1951 does not show the close relationship between
“the assembly of all believers” and “the gospel and sacraments”. Schlink was quite
clear about the relationship, writing that “the gospel and sacraments are ‘in’ the

595
AC VII (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
596
Confession of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 9.
135
assembly of all believers as instruments through which the Holy Spirit produces faith
and creates the assembly of believers.”597 In other words, the gospel and sacraments
are decisive and they are the cause of the church.
AC always focuses on the gospel and sacraments in its discussion of the
church. If AC VIII defines the church as the assembly of the saints, it admits that
among Christians too there are many hypocrites and evil persons. Nevertheless, the
church remains holy because it possesses Jesus Christ – both through the sacraments
and the Word598 – who is holy.599 The same notion is applied by the Confession of
1951. The Church is holy not because of the sanctity of its members but because
Christ is holy. Article VIII of the 1951 Confession explains that “the church becomes
holy because Christ has sanctified it, and because God, for His sake, reckons the
Christians as saints.”600 But AC always links Jesus Christ with the Word and the
Sacraments, an emphasis that does not always appear in the Confession of 1951. AC
VIII even anticipates the reality that there are unholy people within the assembly of
all believers and saints by pointing out that sacraments may be administered by
unholy priests. Are sacraments ineffective because administered by an evil priest, or
is the church unholy because it has unholy priests? No, according to AC VIII,
because “both the sacraments and the Word are efficacious because of the ordinance
and command of Christ, even when offered by evil people.”601
Both AC and the Confession of 1951 speak about the universality of the
church. Unity lies in the person of Jesus Christ. Regarding the universality of the

597
Schlink, The Theology of the Lutheran Confessions, 200.
598
AC VIII (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
599
Cf. Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning of the Augsburg Confession, 53.
600
Confession of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 9-10.
601
AC VIII (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
136
church, Article VIII of the 1951 Confession reads:
We believe and confess that the church is universal and as such is the
gathering of all saints from every country and people, from every tribe and
race and tongue who, though their ceremonies and forms differ, partake in the
same Lord Jesus Christ and his gifts – the gospel, the Holy Spirit, love and
hope. … We believe and confess that there is one church. For there is one
body, that is the church, and even though there are many members there is
but one body. The unity of the church as expressed here is a spiritual unity
and is different from the secular unity usually asserted by men.602
Like AC, the confession of 1951 mentions that churches do not have to be
uniform in the matter of “human traditions, rites, or ceremonies” (AC) or, in the
words of the Confession of 1951, “though their ceremonies and forms differ”.603 The
important thing, however, is the unity in Jesus Christ. But AC, in contrast to the 1951
Confession, adds that Jesus is manifested in the Word and the Sacraments.604 This
means that, Jesus is always associated with the One who is working among us
through the Word, which is the Gospel, and sacraments.605 So, in comparison with
AC, the 1951 Confession is more general, not always directly linking the church to
the "Word, the Gospel, and the Sacraments" as consistently is the case for AC.
The final Lutheran characteristic appears in the last point of Article VIII of
the 1951 Confession in this formulation:
We believe and confess that the true church is present when the gospel is
purely preached, when the two sacraments are truly administered as instituted
by the Lord Jesus and when the church discipline is exercised in order to
prevent sin.606

602
603
The complete formulation is as follows: “We believe and confess that the church is universal and
as such is the gathering of all saints from every country and people, from every tribe and race and
tongue (Rev. 7:9) who, though their ceremonies and forms differ, partake in the same Lord Jesus
Christ and his gifts – the gospel, the Holy Spirit, faith, love and hope.” See Article VIII (The Church),
604
Interestingly, Andar Lumbantobing emphasizes the same thing when assessing the definition of the
church in the 1951 Confession. See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan dalam Gereja Batak,
247.
605
606
The original text written in Batak has a special title for section “E”: “Marks of the True Church”.
See Panindangion Haporseaon Pengakuan Iman The Confession of Faith Huria Kristen Batak
Protestan (HKBP) 1951 & 1996, 25. The subtitles “A to E” in this article VIII concerning the Church
137
This last clause, namely, the exercise of church discipline, is characteristic of the
Batak Church, in which church discipline also counted as an essential mark of the
true church and was necessary to prevent sin. In the view of Scherer, this additional
mark, which is alien to the Lutheran Church, corresponds to the Batak Church’s
practice, as from the beginning church discipline had a firm place in the life of the
Batak Church.607 Andar Lumbantobing, an HKBP theologian who was among the
first to earn a doctorate in theology from Germany, discusses the addition of church
discipline, in addition to the gospel and Sacraments, as a mark of the true church.
Lumbantobing contends that church discipline is not of the same rank as the
proclamation of the gospel and the administration of the sacraments. In his view, the
exercise of church discipline should be ranked as an instrument of the gospel and the
sacraments.608 To support his opinion Lumbantobing quotes Luther, who once
mentioned that church discipline was “a helping-tool and effort in battle with sins
and evil desire.“609
4.2.5 On Sacraments
In the Confession of 1951 the Batak Church, as a Protestant church, declared
that there are only two sacraments instituted by the Lord Jesus Christ in the
Scripture. They are Baptism and the Lord’s Supper. The Confession of 1951 goes on

are not included in the official translation of the Confession of the HKBP, see Confession of the Huria
Kristen Batak Protestant, 9-10; meanwhile in the other translation they are included. See Nyhus and
Lothar Schreiner, “The Confession of Faith of the Batak Church, Indonesia (1951),” 220-222.
607
608
See more on Lumbantobing’s description of the background and history of the application of
church discipline in the Batak Church. Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan dalam Gereja Batak,
252-255.
609
Lumbantobing quoted it from of E. Thurneysen. See Lumbantobing, Makna Wibawa Jabatan
dalam Gereja Batak, 252.
138
to oppose and reject the Catholic doctrine that there seven sacraments.610 The
Confession of 1951 article X concerning “The Holy Sacraments” reads:
We believe and confess that there are only two sacraments which we should
administer as commanded by the Lord Jesus, Holy Baptism and Holy
Communion. The Lord Jesus has instituted them for His church in order to
grant through visible signs His invisible grace, namely, forgiveness of sins,
salvation, life, and bliss, which are to be received by faith.611
This formulation, especially the last sentence, stresses that Sacraments are first of all
acts of God granting his grace. The emphasis on the sacraments as “visible signs” of
God’s will toward people echoes AC XIII. AC XIII says that “the sacraments were
instituted … to be signs and testimonies of God’s will toward us, intended to arouse
and strengthening faith in those who use them.”612 Thus AC XII lay very great stress
on the idea that the sacraments from God’s side are, as Bergendoff points out,
“another way of proclaiming His Word, a way seen by eyes, a visible Word.”613
God’s action only requires faith in the hearer, a belief in Christ, who is proclaimed in
the Sacraments. This is the AC XII’s intention in saying, “Accordingly, sacraments
are to be used so that faith, which believes the promises offered and displayed
through the sacraments, may increase.”614 Article X of the Confession of 1951
reveals the same intention. In the context of the AC, of course, the emphasis refers to
the Catholic understanding opposed by the Lutherans. The Lutherans interpret the
Catholic understanding of the Sacraments as giving more emphasis to the sacraments
as the carriers of God’s grace to humanity. Lutherans, on the other hand, emphasize
faith in God's action in the sacrament rather than on the sacraments operating

610
611
612
AC XIII (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
613
614
139
automatically (the power of the Sacraments works of itself). So, in article XII, AC
opposes those who teach that the sacraments work “ex opera operato and do not
teach that faith, which believes that sins are forgiven, is required in the use of
sacraments.”615
The understanding of baptism shows great parallels. The Confession of 1951
shows that through baptism “the believer receives the forgiveness of sin,
regeneration, redemption from death and the devil, and life everlasting.”616 The
benefits baptism grants are taken from Luther’s Small Catechism.617 The benefits of
baptism are also stated in AC IX “Concerning Baptism”. It says that “the grace of
God is offered through baptism.”618 Likewise, both AC and the Confession of 1951
emphasize that the church agrees to and practices infant baptism. AC IX, then,
rejects the Anabaptist view of this sacrament that baptism is only valid for adult
believers; the Confession of 1951 also mentions that full immersion is not necessary
when baptizing.
4.2.5.1 The Formulation of the Lutheran Confessions
Lutherans understand the Lord’s Supper in a distinctive manner. Indeed, the
doctrine of the real presence of Christ’s body and blood in the elements of bread and

615
616
617
Nyhus dan Schreiner makes a reference to Luther’s Small Catechism in the translation of the
Confession of Faith of the Batak Church. See Nyhus and Schreiner, “The Confession of Faith of the
Batak Church, Indonesia (1951),” 228. See into the wording of this part in the Batak translation of
Luther’s Small Catechism on: Katekhismus Kecil Dr. Martin Luther (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase
Pusat GKPI, t.t.), 42; Dr. Martin Luther. Katekhismus. Bahasa Batak & Bahasa Indonesia
(Pematangsiantar: Percetakan HKBP Pematangsiantar, 2011), 67; cf. SC IV, 5, 6. See The Book of
Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J.
Wengert, 359; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated
and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 348-349.
618
AC X (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church, dited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 44; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of
the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 34.
140
wine is a basic theological conviction of Lutherans. This has also led to much
criticism that Lutherans bind the real presence too closely to the elements of bread
and wine.619
There have been a number of attempts to mitigate the differences on the
Lord’s Supper, for example, between Lutherans and Reformed/Calvinists in the
Arnoldshain Theses, 1957, and then, in the Leuenberg Concord, 1971, which further
developed Arnoldshain. These documents suggested that the real presence of Christ
in the Lord’s Supper should not be associated with the elements of bread and wine
but with his personal presence.620 Faith and Order in WCC’s document, Baptism,
Eucharist and Ministry (BEM), also emphasizes the real presence of Christ in the
Eucharist. However, at the most this document could only make a statement that the
bread and wine are “the sacramental signs of Christ’s body and blood.”621 Therefore,
a number of Lutheran churches, although not all, reacted and voiced their objection
to the fact that there is “no mention of a real presence of Christ’s body and blood in
the elements of bread and wine and a physical eating and drinking of Christ’s body
and blood” in that document.622

619
Braaten mentions such criticism in his chapter “The Sacramental Principle”. See Carl E. Braaten,
Principles of Lutheran Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007), 124.
620
See the texts of “Arnoldshain Theses, 1957,” and, “Leuenberg Agreement, 1973,” in Creeds &
Confessions of Faith in the Christian Tradition, vol. III, especially on Thesis 4 and Thesis 5
(Arnoldshain Theses), 560, 2.b “The Lord’s Supper,” 784; “The Leuenberg Agreement,” in The
Leuenberg Agreement and Lutheran-Raformed Relationships, eds. William G. Rusch and Daniel F.
Martensen (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1989), 148-149; cf. Dieter Becker, Pedoman Dogmatika, 160-
161. Many Protestant theologians also prefer to speak of a “personal presence” of Christ in the Lord’s
Supper. See Notger Slenczka, “Real Presence,” in Religion: Past and Present, vol. X, 646; Jörg Baur,
“Lutheran Theology,” and, Michael Beintker, “Reformed Theology,” in Religion: Past and Present,
vol. IV, 632-636.
621
Especially on point 14 and 15. See Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry (Geneva: WCC, 1982). This
document had been translated into Indonesian on the intitiative of the HKBP under the title Baptisan,
Perjamuan, Jabatan. Hasil Sidang Lengkap Komisi Iman dan Tata gereja DGD, Lima, Peru, 1982.
622
Michael Seils, Lutheran Convergence? An Analysis of the Lutheran Responses to the Convergence
Document “Baptism, Eucharist and Ministry of the WCC Faith and Order Commission, in LWF
Report 25, (Geneva: The LWF, 1988), 66; cf. Churches Respond to BEM, ed. Max Thurian (Geneva:
WCC, 1986). As a comparison of a long held theological conviction, it is interesting to note that, for
instance, Catechism of the Catholic Church, a guide to the doctrine of the Catholic Church, a
relatively new work, retains and preserves the teaching on transubstantiation. See Catechism of the
Catholic Church (New Jersey: Paulist Press, 1994), 347.
141
All documents in the Lutheran Confessions maintain the conception of the
real presence of Christ’s body and blood in the elements of bread and wine. The
Latin text of AC X states: “Concerning the Lord’s Supper they [Lutherans] teach that
the body and blood of Christ are truly present and are distributed to those who eat the
Lord’s Supper.”623
This formulation focuses exclusively on the real presence of Christ’s body and blood
and therefore clearly excludes a symbolic meaning to the presence of Christ in the
sacrament.624 The same thing happens in Ap.: “In the Lord’s Supper, the body and
blood of Christ are truly and substantially present and are truly distributed with those
things that are seen, the bread and wine, to those who receive the sacrament.”625
Melanchthon makes no statement about the relationship of the elements of bread and
body and wine and blood.626 In other words, as Fagerberg explains, Melanchthon did
not relate the real presence to the elements in the same way as Luther.627
In contrast, in his writing in the Lutheran Confessions Luther clearly
emphasizes “the real presence” of Christ in the elements. In SA, Luther teaches: “We
maintain that the bread and the wine in the Supper are the true body and blood of

623
AC IX (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 34. There is a
slight difference between the Latin and German texts concerning the location of Christ’s presence.
Grane argues that the Latin text locates Christ’s presence in the Supper of the Lord, while the German
text locates it “under the form of bread and wine”. See Grane, The Augsburg Confession. A
Commentary, 113. The German text reads: “Concerning the Lord’s Supper, it is taught that the true
body and blood of Christ are truly present under the form of bread and wine in the Lord’s Supper and
are distributed and received there”. AC IX (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 44; The Book of
Tappert, 34.
624
Grane, The Augsburg Confession. A Commentary, 113; Allbeck, Studies in the Lutheran
Confessions, 88; Maurer, Historical Commentary on the Augsburg Confession, 408.
625
Ap. X, 1 (The Holy Supper). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
626
Schlink, Theology of the Lutheran Confessions, 170.
627
Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran Confessions (1529-1537), 190-191.
142
Christ.”628
For Luther the real presence of Christ’s body and blood in the bread and wine is
justified by the Words of institution.629 Luther contends that Scripture teaches the
real presence.630 The following two quotations, from SC and LC respectively, clearly
show this:
It is the true body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ under the bread and
wine, instituted by Christ himself for us Christians, to eat and drink.631
What is the Sacrament of the altar? Answer: It is the true body and blood of
the Lord Christ, in and under the bread and wine, which we Christians are
commanded by Christ’s word to eat and drink.632
Luther stresses that Christians receive Christ’s body and blood “in and under” the
bread and wine and that the guarantee of his presence for us in the sacrament is based
on the Words of institution proclaimed by Christ himself.633 Luther clearly points
this out as follows:
Eating and drinking certainly do not do it [eating and drinking of Christ’s

body and blood], but rather the words that are recorded: “given for you” and
“shed for you for the forgiveness of sins.” These words, when accompanied
by the physical eating and drinking, are the essential thing in the sacrament,
and whoever believes these very words has what they declare and state,
namely, “forgiveness of sins.634
In LC he maintains the same: “It is the Word, I say, that makes this a sacrament and

628
SA, 6, 1. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
629
Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran Confessions (1529-1537), 192; Bayer, Martin Luther’s
Theology: A Contemporary Interpretation, 270.
630
631
SC, V, 2. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
632
LC V, 8. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
633
SC V, 7-8; LC V, 10; SA [6:] Concerning the Sacrament of the Altar, 4. See The Book of Concord.
362-363, 468, 320; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 311, 352, 448.
634
SC, V, 7-8. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
143
distinguishes it from ordinary bread and wine, so that it is called and truly is Christ’s
body and blood.”635
Luther’s emphasis on the real presence has been generally understood as
relating to two fronts that he confronted in relation to his teaching on the Lord’s
Supper.636 On the one hand was the medieval Catholic Church with its teaching on
transubstantiation and the sacraments as sacrifice. On the other hand were Reformed
theologians, who rejected the bodily presence in the sacrament.
Luther disagreed with the teaching of transubstantiation in the Catholic
Church, which claimed that the Words of institution make the bread and wine
become substantially the body and blood of Christ even though the form of bread and
wine remain. The Council of Trent (1551) declared:
By the consecration of the bread and wine there takes place a change of the
whole substance of the bread into the substance of the body of Christ our
Lord and of the whole substance of the wine into the substance of his
blood.637
For Luther, however, the bread remains bread and wine remains wine but with the
Words of institution Christ’s body and blood are present in the elements.
In his confrontation with Zwingli, who viewed the bread as only a symbol
and taught that Christ is not present in the Lord’s Supper, Luther maintained that the
elements are no longer “mere bread and wine” after the Words of institution. The
bread and wine are more than a mere sign. The bread and wine are “the vehicle” of

635
LC, V, 10. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited
636
Eric W. Gritsch and Robert W. Jenson, Lutheranism. The Theological Movement and Its
Confessional Writings (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1976), 70; Vajta, Luther on Worship. An
Interpretation, 101; Gassmann and Hendrix, Fortress Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions,
109ff.
637
See Catechism of the Catholic Church, 347. Luther died before the Council of Trent, so he was not
responding to the Council’s teaching. But of course the Council of Trent had made use of earlier
sacramental teaching in this formulation.
144
the presence of Christ.638 The Word is the one that makes Christ present in the
elements of bread and wine. Luther thus is very much concerned with the Words of
institution as the basis for the understanding of the Lord’s Supper and for the
presence of Christ “in and under” the bread and wine.639 Calvin, who also rejects
Zwingli’s position that shows “too little regard for the signs, [and] divorce[s] them
from their mysteries,”640 teaches the real presence spiritually:641
We are lifted up to heaven with our eyes and minds, to seek Christ there in
the glory of his Kingdom, as the symbols invite us to him in his wholeness,
so under the symbol of bread we shall be fed by his body, under the symbol
of wine we shall separately drink his blood, to enjoy him at last in his
wholeness. … He shows his presence in power and strength…as if he were
present in the body. He feeds his people with his own body, the communion
of which he bestows upon them by the power of his Spirit. In this manner, the
body and blood of Christ are shown to us in the Sacrament.642
Zwingli also revised his position to include receiving the real presence in a spiritual
way.643 He maintained that the
true body of Christ is present by the contemplation of faith; that is, that they
who thank the Lord for the kindness conferred on us in his Son acknowledge
that he assumed true flesh, in it truly suffered, truly washed away our sins in
his own blood; and thus everything done by Christ becomes present to them
by the contemplation of faith.644
Outside the Lutheran Confessions, Luther also wrote a number of writings on
the topic of the Lord’s Supper. One of the writings that is considered his most

638
Cf. Vilmos Vajta, Luther on Worship. An Interpretation. (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 2004), 92.
(Fortress Press, 1958; Previously published by Muhlenberg Press, 1958).
639
640
Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, vol. II, ed. John T. McNeill (Philadelphia: The
Westminster, 1975), 1364.
641
See Notger Slenczka, “Real Presence,” in Religion: Past and Present, vol. X, 645.
642
Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, vol. II, 1381.
643
See Notger Slenczka, “Real Presence,” in Religion: Past and Present, vol. X, 645.
644
Ulrich Zwingli, “A Reckoning of the Faith,” (1530) in Creeds & Confessions of Faith in the
Christian Tradition, vol. II, edited by Jaroslav Pelikan and Valerie Hotchkiss (New Haven & London:
Yale University Press, 2003), 262. In Zwingli’s “anamnetic presence,” as Meyer’s studies reveal,
“Christ is truly present – not, however, in the Eucharistic elements but in mente fidelium, in the mind
of the faithful, who commemorate the unique sacrificial death of Christ on the cross and are thus
strengthened in their confession of faith.” See Emidio Campi, “Zwingli, Ulrich,” in Religion: Past &
Present, vol. XIII, 2013, 723.
145
detailed and most profound teaching on the Lord’s Supper is Confession Concerning
Christ's Supper (1528).645 In this treatise Luther describes his theory of “sacramental
union,” namely that Christ truly unites himself with the bread and wine without
causing it to cease being bread and wine.646 Luther teaches:
Even though bread and body are two distinct substances…, out of two kinds
of objects a union has taken place, which I shall call a “sacramental union,”
because Christ’s body and the bread are given to us as a sacrament. This is
not a natural or personal union, as is the case with God and Christ. … He who
takes hold of this bread, takes hold of Christ’s body; and he who eats this
bread, eats Christ’s body.647
And so Luther’s concept of the Lord’s Supper is better suited to “sacramental unity”
than to “consubstantiation,” a term that he never used.648 The concept of
consubstantiation is contrary to Luther’s understanding of the union of Christ’s body
and bread if what lies behind this term is the process of the mixing of body and bread
to constitute a third substance.649 Luther rejects such an idea if both the bread and the
body somehow change in substance:
It is not necessary, meanwhile, that one of the two disappear or be

annihilated, but both the bread and the body remain, and by virtue of the
sacramental unity it is correct to say, “This is my body,” designating the
bread with the word “this.” For now it is no longer ordinary bread in the
oven, but a “flesh-bread” or “body-bread,” i.e. a bread which has become one
sacramental substance, one with the body Christ. Likewise with the wine in
the cup, “This is my blood,” designating the wine with the word “this.” For it
is no longer ordinary wine in the cellar but “blood-wine,” i.e. a wine which
has been united with the blood of Christ in one sacramental substance.650
FC also speaks about this “sacramental union,” union sacramental is, with

645
Editor’s Introduction for “Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper,” and General Introduction for
LW Vol. 37. See LW 37, xv, 158.
646
Luther, “Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper,” (1528), LW 37, 299-303; cf. Fagerberg, A New
Look at the Lutheran Confession, 193; Lohse, Martin Luther’s Theology. Its Historical and
Systematic Development (1995), 309; Oswald Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology: A Contemporary
Interpretation, translated by Thomas H. Trapp (Grand Rapids: WM. B. Eerdmans, 2008), 273; Carl E.
Braaten, Principles of Lutheran Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007), 126-127.
647
Luther, “Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper,” (1528). See LW 37, 299-300.
648
Lohse, Martin Luther’s Theology. Its Historical and Systematic Development (1995), 309.
649
Allbeck, Studies in the Lutheran Confessions, 89.
650
Luther, “Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper,” (1528). See LW 37, 303.
146
direct reference to Luther’s treatise, Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper (1528),
which introduces the concept. FC uses Luther’s concept of “sacramental union” in its
affirmation that the body and blood of Christ are really present but not locally
enclosed, in the elements of bread and wine.651 FC states:
This is my body. Just as in Christ two distinct, unaltered natures are

inseparably united, so in the Holy Supper two essences, the natural bread and
the true natural body of Christ, are present together here on earth in the action
of the sacrament, as it was instituted. This union of Christ’s body and blood
with the bread and wine, however, is not a personal union, as is the case with
the two natures in Christ. Rather, as Dr. Luther and our people called it in the
Articles of Agreement of 1536 (mentioned above) and in other places, it is a
sacramentalis unio (that is, a sacramental union).652
4.2.5.2 The Formulation of the 1951. A Comparison with the Lutheran

Confessions and Luther
4.2.5.2.1 Position of the formulation of the 1951 Confession on the Lord’s

Supper
The views of scholars on the formulation of the 1951 Confessions on the
Lord’s Supper can be categorized into four opinions: a) It is not typically Lutheran
(Scherer);653 b) It is neither Lutheran nor Reformed, but somewhere in between the
two (Darwin Lumbantobing);654 c) It is unclear, although its formulation basically
follows the line of SC (F.H. Sianipar,655 Lothar Schreiner and Dieter Becker);656 d)
The formulation points to the real presence of Christ’s body and blood in the

651
Fagerberg, A New Look at the Lutheran Confession, 193; Gassmann and Hendrix, Fortress
Introduction to the Lutheran Confessions, 118.
652
FC SD VII, 37-38. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 575-576.
653
Scherer contends that 1951 Confession does not have the special Lutheran emphasis on Christ’s
real presence in the Holy Communion. The Batak Church, Scherer argues, was not aware of the
polemics between Luther and Reformed theologians on Christ’s “real presence” in the sacrament. See
654
Terkini di Huria Kristen Batak Protestant (HKBP), 92.
655
F.H. Sianipar, Suatu Problema tentang Metode Theologia, 29.
656
Becker, “Arti dan Fungsi BEM antara Gereja Masa Kini Dilihat dalam Perspektif HKBP,” in J.R.
Hutauruk, et. al. (eds.), Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 191-192.
147
elements of bread and wine (K. Sitompul).657
4.2.5.2.2 The 1951 Confession’s formulation on the Lord’s Supper can be traced
back to the position of the Rhenish Mission and Nommensen’s translation of
Luther’s Small Catechism
HKBP’s formulation on the Lord’s Supper can be traced back to the position
of the Rhenish Mission toward the traditional doctrinal differences on the Lord’s
Supper between Lutherans and Reformed. As already mentioned before, the Rhenish
Mission obviously had taken a neutral position toward the quarrel between the
Lutheran and Reformed theologians.658 The formulation of the 1951 Confession on
the Lord’s Supper, which the 1996 Confession retains, basically was taken from
Nommensen’s translation of Luther’s Small Catechism. However, Nommensen’s
translation did not strictly follow the formulation of Lord’s Supper in Luther’s Small
Catechism. Nommensen translated it as follows:
What is the meaning of the Holy Communion?

Eating the bread as a means of mediating the body of Lord Jesus Christ and
drinking the wine as a means of mediating the blood of Lord Jesus Christ as
instituted by Christ for Christians.659

657
HKBP, 66. It is interesting to find that Soedarmo, a lecturer in the field of Dogmatics at Jakarta
Theological Seminary, during a roundtable discussion of an ecumenical movement in Indonesia in the
1950s, expressed his opinion that, even though the 1951 Confession of the HKBP in general was not
unique to Lutheranism, the HKBP’s understanding of the sacraments was indeed unique. Soedarmo’s
view on this matter is described briefly on Pedersen, Batak Blood and Protestant Soul, 165.
658
In its policy, the Rhenish Mission decided to use both Luther’s Small Catechism and the Heidelberg
Catechism in its mission fields. The neutrality of the Rhenish Mission also could be seen in the use
and translation of the Prussian Church’s Book of Liturgy into Batak. In it “the real presence” of
Christ’s body and blood in the elements of bread and wine was not mentioned. Meanwhile, in the
correspondence between the Rhenish Mission’s leader and one of its missionaries in Batakland
mention was made that beside Luther’s Small Catechism and the Heidelberg Catechism the Rhenish
Mission also planned, when all Batak congregations and leaders were mature enough, to introduce the
Augsburg Confession to the Batak Church. See the description on the use of Luther’s Small
Catechism and a short description on the “Agenda” of the Batak Church in Chapter II; cf. J.R.
Hutauruk, “Agenda HKBP: Sejarah dan Perkembangannya,” Seminar Liturgi/Ibadah HKBP, Medan,
04 Juni 2013, 1; https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prussian_Union_of_churches. Accessed on 17 August
2016. 12.12; Wilhelm H. Neuser, “Agendenstreit (Liturgical Dispute),” in Religion: Past and Present,
vol. I, 101; J.R. Hutauruk, “Kelutheran Gereja-gereja Batak Anggota LWF di Indonesia,” July and
August 2006, 4.
659
GKPI, Katekhismus Kecil Dr. Martin Luther, 45; HKBP, Dr. Martin Luther. Katekhismus. Bahasa
Batak & Bahasa Indonesia, 72; cf. SC VI, 1, 2. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
148
As shown, Nommensen’s translation did not entirely follow Luther’s use of the
phrase “the true body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ”. Nommensen was not
literally faithful to Luther’s text in the SC, in which reads, “It [Sacrament of the
Altar] is the true body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ under the bread and wine,
instituted by Christ himself for us Christians, to eat and drink.”660
Interestingly, the Indonesian translation of Luther’s Small Catechism was not
translated from the Batak version of Nommensen’s translation but entirely followed
the text from SC as it appears in the Book of Concord.661 In the 1970s, as part of a
partnership with the Lutheran Churches of Australia (LCA), a number of churches in
North Sumatra undertook the project of translating all the Lutheran Confessions into
Indonesian.662 The Indonesian translation of the Lord’s Supper entirely followed
Luther’s Small Catechism text as contained in the Book of Concord. Ever since the
Rhenish Mission all Batak churches have used Luther’s Small Catechism for

Tappert, 351.
660
SC VI, 1, 2. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
661
The version used was The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1959). This document had
been translated in the 1970s by a team from the Lutheran churches in North Sumatra, Indonesia, and
printed separately (AC, Ap., SA, LC, and FC). These translations were edited once again and
reprinted in 2004. See Buku Konkord. Konfesi Gereja Lutheran, edited by M.S.E. Simorangkir
(Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2004).
662
Despite continuing to reprint the Luther's Small Catechism, translated into Toba Batak language by
Nommensen in 1874, the first document to be translated in this project was the Augsburg Confession
in 1978 and after that the Large Catechism in 1980, and, the Apology of the Augsburg Confession in
1983, and then the Formula of Concord. See Konfesi Augsburg Thn. 1530: Yang Diserahkan kepada
Kaisar Karel V Tgl. 21 Januari 1530. Diterjemahkan oleh Team Ahli Gereje-gereja Sumatera Utara
atas Kerja Sama dengan Lutheran Church of Australia, 1978; Katekhismus Besar Dr. Martin Luther,
Team Gereje-gereja Sumatera Utara atas Kerjasama dengan Lutheran Church Australia (Lutheran
Literature Team, 1980) [Translated in cooperation with LCA Australia]; Apologi Konfesi Augsburg
Thn. 1531. Diambil dari “The Book of Concord” (Th. G. Tappert, 1979) dan diterjemahkan oleh Tim
Literatur LKS atas kerjasama dengan Lutheran Church of Australia (Pematangsiantar: Lembaga
Komunikasi Sejahtera, 1983) [Taken from “The Book of Condord” ed. by Th. G. Tappert and
translated by LKS Team in cooperation with LCA Australia]; Rumus Konkord. Thn: 1577.
Diterjemahkan oleh Lutheran Literature Team atas kerjasama dengan Lutheran Church of Australia
[Translated in cooperation with LCA Australia]. These translations were edited once again and
reprinted in 2004. See Buku Konkord. Konfesi Gereja Lutheran, edited by M.S.E. Simorangkir
(Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2004).
149
catechetical instruction and in the Sunday service when there are readings of the Ten
Commandments along with explanations taken from Luther’s Small Catechism as
translated by Nommensen. After the Indonesian translation of Luther’s Small
Catechism was available, all Batak churches included it too. Thus the Indonesian text
of Luther’s Small Catechism (translated by Literature Team of Batak churches) is
placed side by side with the Batak translation. The Indonesian translation of the
Lord’s Supper is as follows: “The Holy Communion is the eating of the true body
and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ under the bread and wine for us Christians,
according to the institution of Jesus Christ himself.”663
It is obvious that the above Indonesian translation of the Lord’s Supper is different
from the Batak translation of Nommensen, since the Indonesian translation of
Luther’s Small Catechism literally followed Luther’s formulation: “What is the
Sacrament of the Altar? Answer: It is the true body and blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ under the bread and wine, instituted by Christ himself for us Christians to eat
and to drink.”664
Returning to the formulation of the 1951 Confession, we can see that the
formulation was intentionally based on the wording of Luther’s Small Catechism,
because this formulation combines the part describing “what is the sacrament of the
altar” with “the benefit of receiving it” in Luther’s Small Catechism. Schreiner, as
cited by Becker, also mentions this, saying that the description of the Lord’s Supper
in the Confession of 1951 “combine[s] the answers to the first question and the

663
GKPI, Katekhismus Kecil Dr. Martin Luther, 22; HKBP, Dr. Martin Luther. Katekhismus. Bahasa
Batak & Bahasa Indonesia, 36; cf. SC VI, 1, 2. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Tappert, 351.
664
150
second of section V” of the Lord’s Supper in Luther’s Small Catechism.665 Thus the
formulation of the Holy Communion in the Confession of 1951 entirely uses
Luther’s Small Catechism as a source and reference in explaining the Lord’s Supper.
The description of the HKBP combines the answer to the first question: “What is the
Sacrament of the Altar?” Answer: “It is the true body and blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ under the bread and wine, instituted by Christ himself for us Christians to eat
and to drink”666 and with the answer to the question of the benefit of such eating and
drinking, which is “for the forgiveness of sins, life and salvation.”667 Indeed, as
mentioned before, the wording there is not exactly the same. This is due to the
translation of Nommensen, which does not exactly follow the formulation of the
Lord’s Supper as given by Martin Luther in his Small Catechism.
The use of the phrase “a real presence” of Christ’s body and blood in the
elements of bread and wine does not explicitly appear in the 1951 Confession.
Nevertheless, the 1951 Confession is close to “the real presence,” since eating the
bread and drinking the wine are taken as receiving the body and blood of Christ.
Moreover, there is nothing to suggest the rejection of the bread and wine as the very
body and blood of Christ. Neither is there any suggestion that the bread and wine are
merely “a divine sign and confirmation” of Jesus’ body and blood as, for example, in
the Heidelberg Catechism, from which catechetical material had been translated
earlier into Batak.668 Another example can be seen in the book, Pamusatan ni

665
Dieter Becker, “Arti dan Fungsi BEM antara Gereja Masa Kini Dilihat dalam Perspektif HKBP,”
in J.R. Hutauruk, et. al. (eds.), Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 191.
666
667
668
Sungkunsungkun no. 64 (question no. 64). In the Batak version of the HC, when the bread and
wine were compared with water in baptism, the Batak translation did not precisely translate the
phrase, “it is only a divine sign and confirmation of it.” See Fr. Eigenbrod, ET. al., Pangarimpunan ni
151
Djamita Huria Protestant (The Essence of the Sermon in the Protestant Church),
originally drafted by P.H. Johannsen in 1891, and in 1914 reprinted under J.H.
Meerwaldt. It can be presumed that Meerwaldt altered certain formulations in the
section of the Lord’s Supper since it emphasizes that the bread “is not the real body
of Christ” and the wine “is not the real blood of Christ.”669 Indeed, P.H. Johannsen
may not have embraced Lutheran convictions about the Lord’s Supper, as Warneck
or Müller did, but in another work, Pangarimpunan ni Podapoda Sihaporseaon ni
Halak Kristen (The Essence of the Doctrine to be Believed by Christians) from 1895,
Johannsen wrote that bread and wine are “the visible vehicle” of Christ’s body and
blood; “they transport the body and blood of Christ.”670 Johannsen admitted that
common sense found it difficult to grasp that “the bread and wine are truly the body
and blood of Christ,” but he meant that was how Christians understood Christ’s
presence in the Lord’s Supper.671
As previously stated, the Rhenish Mission which had brought Christianity to
Batakland did not favor any particular denomination, such as Lutheran or Reformed
but it was neutral, embracing Lutheran, Reformed and United.672 Nonetheless, it was
Luther’s Small Catechism that was extensively used as catechetical instruction. It is
true that the Heidelberg Catechism was soon also introduced and available in the

Oegama Hakristenon. (Lagoeboti: Zendings-Drukkerij, 1931), 29. Cf. Question no. 78. Heidelberg
Catechism. German – English. (Wisconsin: Reliance Publishing, 1950), 175; Creeds & Confessions of
Faith in the Christian Tradition. Vol. II, edited by Jeroslav Pelikan and Valerie Hotchkiss (New
Haven & London: Yale University Press, 2003), 444.
669
Pamusatan ni Djamita Huria Protestant. Written by P.H. Johannsen in 1891. Second edition,
1914, edited by J.H. Meerwaldt. (Pearadja-Tarutung: Kolportase Pusat HKBP, 1962).
670
P.H. Johannsen, Pangarimpunan ni Podapoda Sihaporseaon ni Halak Kristen (Bielefeld: Ernst
Siedhoff, 1895), 64.
671
Johannsen, Pangarimpunan ni Podapoda Sihaporseaon ni Halak Kristen, 64.
672
According to Scherer the Rhenish Mission can be categorized as a “supraconfessional-union”.
Concerning United churches, Nüssel explains that Lutheran and Reformed churches in Germany,
especially in Prussia, were organized as federative administrative unions, in which confessional
distinctions were left at congregational level, and there was an awareness that the two confessions
embodied a unified overall type. See Friederike Nüssel, “Unions, Church,” in RPP Vol. XIII (2013),
194; J.R. Hutauruk, “Kelutheranan Gereja-gereja Anggota LWF di Indonesia. Contoh HKBP,” 3-4; cf.
152
Batak language.673 It is interesting to learn that J. Warneck, Bishop of the Batak
Church from 1920 to 1932, was not pleased with the publication of the Heidelberg
Catechism. In contrast, he was happy to support the publication of Hatorangan ni
Katechismus ni Dr. Martin Luther (The Explanantion of the Catechism of Dr. Martin
Luther) in 1919, adapted by W. Müller and entitled, Sungkunsungkun tu angka
Porguru na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na naeng Tardidi
(Questions for Catechumen on their Preparation to Receive Confirmation and
Baptism). This contained 562 questions and answers expanded from Luther’s Small
Catechism.674 In the section on the Lord’s Supper, a similar definition to
Nommensen’s translation of Luther’s Small Catechism is maintained. However, this
definition is elaborated by emphasizing that the bread and wine received by the
believers in the Holy Communion are the real body and blood of Jesus Christ.675
Question no. 516 asks, “Do you believe that the bread and wine received in the Holy
Communion are Christ’s body and blood himself?”676
And the answer is explained as follows: “I do believe.”677
In the question no. 516 emphasis was made that the foundation for this conviction is
the Words from the Lord Jesus Christ, who says, “This is my body; This is my
blood”….678 This catechetical instruction also clearly opposed an understanding that

673
This book was adapted into Batak by Fr. Eigenbrod and friends. See Fr. Eigenbrod, et. al.,
Pangarimpunan ni Oegama Hakristenon. (Lagoeboti: Zendings-Drukkerij, 1931). This book, printed
in 1934, is in its fourth edition. At present it is Luther’s Small Catechism, not the Heidelberg
Catechism, that is officially used in HKBP and other Batak churches.
674
W. Müller, Sungkunsungkun tu angka Porguru na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon
manang na naeng Tardidi (Laguboti: Pangarongkoman Mission, 1919); cf. Schreiner, “Di Sekitar
Masalah Pengakuan Iman, Konfesi Augsburg dan Menyaksikan Ketuhanan Kristus,’ in R.M.G.
Marbun and A. Munthe (eds.), Missio Dei, 138; J.R. Hutauruk (ed), Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 75.
675
Questions no. 513-517. See Müller, Sungkunsungkun tu angka Porguru na naeng
mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na naeng Tardidi, 121.
676
Question no. 515. See Sungkunsungkun no. 513-517. See Müller, Sungkunsungkun tu angka
Porguru na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na naeng Tardidi, 121.
677
Answer to question no. 515. See Sungkunsungkun no. 513-517. See Müller, Sungkunsungkun tu
angka Porguru na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon haporseaon manang na naeng Tardidi, 121.
678
Question no. 516. See Müller, Sungkunsungkun tu angka Porguru na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon
haporseaon manang na naeng Tardidi, 121.
153
did not accept the conception of the real presence of Christ’s body and blood in the
elements of bread and wine. Question and answer no. 517 formulates it as follows:
“Are not the bread and wine only a sign and confirmation of Jesus’ body and blood?
No, they are not. They are the real body and blood that we receive in the Holy
Communion. Since it is said: This is my body; this is my blood.”679
A brief church history, published in Batak in 1891, covering the period up to
1880, devoted many pages to the history of the Reformation. The work had a strong
Protestant bias. Its author, missionary P.H. Johannsen, worked in the Batakland
from 1866-1898 and produced a lot of writing.680 He described the difference
between Luther and Zwingli on the Lord’s Supper as follows: Luther understands
that “the bread is the body of the Lord Jesus,” meanwhile for Zwingli the bread is
“tudosan” (a symbol) of Christ’s body.681 Since the Rhenish Mission did not take
sides in the differences between Lutheran and Reformed, each missionary brought
his own position, depending on whether his background was Lutheran, Reformed or
United. Warneck and Müller, for example, took a Lutheran position on the Lord’s
Supper, whereas Eigenbrod and his colleagues had a Reformed understanding of the
Lord’s Supper.

679
Question no. 517. See Müller, Sungkunsungkun tu angka Porguru na naeng mangkadjongdjongkon
haporseaon manang na naeng Tardidi, 121. On the catechetical instruction used in the HKBP at
present, Buku Sipangkeon ni Parguru Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP, t.t., (Catechetical
Instruction Used by Catechumen in the HKBP; no mention is made of the year of the publication of
this book) reprinted in 2011 as Buku Parguru Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP,
(Catechetical Instruction for Catechumen in the HKBP). This book also follows the content and
structure of Luther’s Small Catechism namely the Ten Commandments, Creeds, the Lord’s Prayer, the
Holy Communion, Holy Baptism. In addition come the following chapters: The Word of God, and
The Church. In the section on the Lord’s Supper the explanation also follows the formulation of
Luther’s Small Catechism as translated by Nommensen. See Buku Sipangkeon ni Parguru
Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP (Peraja, Tarutung: Kantor Pusat HKBP), 73-76; Buku
Parguru Manghatindangkon Haporseaon di HKBP (Peraja, Tarutung: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 2011),
122-129.
680
Including the translation of the Old Testament into Batak. See description on this topic in Chapter
II.
681
P.H. Johannsen, Katechismus Djamita Huria (Elberfeld: R.L. Friderichs & Comp., 1891), 68.
154
From the above explanation it is clear that the local word “parhitean,” (as a
means of mediating; medium, bridge, a vehicle) does not exclude the real presence in
the description of the Lord’s Supper formulated by the 1951 Confession. This is
obvious from Müller’s treatment of that term. Therefore, Darwin Lumbantobing’s
opinion is not entirely correct when he says that the use of “parhitean” indicates that
the 1951 formulation does not agree with a Lutheran understanding of the Lord’s
Supper.682
It is very important now to pay attention to K. Sitompul, General Secretary of
the HKBP from 1950 to 1957 and one of the members of the Confessional and
Doctrinal Commission which prepared the draft of the 1951 Confession.683 He wrote
an explanation of the draft of the 1951 Confession written by Bishop Sihombing.
Sitompul noted that in preparing the article on the Holy Communion, the
Confessional and Doctrinal Commission was very much aware of the importance of
the Words of institution of Christ in order to understand the Holy Communion.
Therefore, the Commission tended to favor the formulation that the elements of
bread and wine after the words of institution are the real body and blood of Christ.
Sitompul wrote:
It is generally accepted by many that they should not question that “the bread
and wine are truly the body and blood of Christ”. If Lord Jesus himself says
that the bread and wine are his body and blood, no one has the right to say
anything that in contrast with it.684
However, the above formulation was not finally included in the 1951 Confession.
Sitompul explained that it was not incorporated into the 1951 Confession because the

682
Terkini di Huria Kristen Batak Protestant (HKBP), 91-92.
683
K. Sitompul’s role and contribution to the finalization of the 1951 Confession is recognized and
explicitly mentioned by Bishop Justin Sihombing, as the man behind the confession. See F.H.
Sianipar, Barita ni Ompu I Dr. Justin Sihombing, 161.
684
HKBP, 66.
155
Commission thought it could be misinterpreted as the teaching of another church.
This probably refers to the teaching of the Catholic Church on transubstantiation. At
that time tension between the Batak Church and the Catholic Church was still quite
intense, a tension inherited from the rivalry of the Rhenish Mission with the Catholic
Church.685 Therefore, Sitompul explained, the final formulation concerning the
Lord’s Supper adopted by the Commission was the one Nommensen had introduced
in his translation of Luther’s Small Catechism. Nommensen’s translation was already
familiar to Batak people, with its use of the local word “parhitean” (as a means of
mediating; medium, bridge, a vehicle). That term was accepted as not reducing the
meaning of the real presence of Christ in the elements of bread and wine: “hite do
dalam, dalam do hite” (a bridge is a way; indeed, a way is a bridge as well). Another
metaphor was also used, about medicine in the form of tablet: “peel i do ubat i, ubat i
do pel i; ndang tarsirang i” (a tablet is a medicine; a medicine is a tablet; they are
inseparable).686 It appears that this statement refers to the unity of “the sign” and the
presence of Christ. Sitompul strongly affirmed that the formulation of the 1951
Confession “stressed the conviction that Christ himself is received in the Lord’s
Supper.”687
4.2.6 On Several Other Topics
The Confession of 1951 and AC also have parallels on the topics of the
servant of the church, church rites, civil government, and food.

685
See the description of the antipathy of the Rhenish Mission towards the Catholic Church in
Chapter II.
686
HKBP, 66.
687
HKBP, 41.
156
4.2.6.1 On the Servant of God in the Church
In discussing the office of the ministry, the Batak Church begins by
recognizing the universal priesthood of all believers. Article IX of the 1951
Confession declares, “We believe and confess that every Christian is called to be
Christ’s witness.”688
Although AC XIV does not include this formula,689 it is a very Lutheran idea. In his
To the Christian Nobility, Martin Luther declares that believers do not require the
mediation of a priest in order to be able to approach God. Every Christian is a priest
in the sense that in faith one receives God’s grace through and on account of
Christ.690 However, this does not mean that Luther overlooked the role of the
ordained ministry in the church. Luther opposed certain features of the Catholic
Church. He rejected the sharp division between clergy and laity, the absolute clerical
hierarchy and ordination as a sacrament.691 However, Luther still maintained the
divine mission of the ministry of the pastor in proclaiming the Word and
administering the Sacraments.692
AC V states that the distinctive marks of the church are preaching the gospel
purely and administering the sacraments rightly. AC XIV describes the office of the
ministry: “Concerning church order they [Lutherans] teach that no one should teach
publicly in the church or administer the sacraments unless properly called.”693

688
Article IX, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 10.
689
Scholars like Grane regretted that AC did not explicitly refer to the priesthood of all believers in
article XIV: “By avoiding any mention of the teaching of priesthood of all believers, the AC has
suppressed an important premise in Luther’s perspective on the ministry.” See Grane, The Augsburg
Confession. A Commentary, 153.
690
Luther, “To the Christian Nobility of the German Nation Concerning the Reform of the Christian
Estate” (1520) in LW vol. 44, 123-217. Cf. Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning of the Augsburg
Confession, 69.
691
Allbeck, Studies in the Lutheran Confessions, 97.
692
Cf. Lohse, Martin Luther: An Introduction to His Life and Work, 184.
693
AC XIV (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
157
All Christians are, indeed, called to witness to the gospel, but in the church only
those who are ordained can publicly teach the Word and administer the sacraments.
Bergendoff explains the distinction in this way: “Individually and in his home the
Christian should testify of his Lord and Master, but publicly, in the Church, only
[those] whom the congregation has called should teach and serve.”694
Some scholars, such as Bergendoff, Allbeck, and Fagerberg, see that this formulation
is intended to protect the orderliness of church administration and the welfare of the
congregation.695 The office of the ministry is important because, as Fagerberg
elaborates, “the ministry must remain and function, so that through its service the
Word, the sacraments, and absolution may be made available for the church’s life
and growth.”696
In Mildenberger’s analysis, linking article XIV and article V is important
because of the difficulty in finding the right balance. If the pastor is completely
independent in his role as pastor and has exclusive right to preach in church, what
does this mean for the freedom of each believer to witness? And if too much
emphasis is placed on the congregation from whom the pastor’s call derives, then the
pastor becomes dependent on the congregation. Mildenberger was of the opinion that
neither of these two models matches the viewpoint of AC, and contended that for AC
the power of the office of the ministry is derived solely from the gospel.697 This task,
the proclamation of the gospel and the administration of the sacraments, is the
important thing, not the office. The ministry serves the gospel, and in this context,
Mildenberger argues, the office of the ministry can demand obedience from the
congregation. But it is also very important that obedience should be to the gospel, not

694
695
Allbeck, Studies in the Lutheran Confessions, 97; Bergendoff, The Making and Meaning of the
Augsburg Confession, 69.
696
697
Mildenberger, Theology of the Lutheran Confessions, 117.
158
to the person of the minister. According to Mildenberger, article XXVIII of AC is
clear on the matter: “When bishops teach or ordain anything contrary to the Gospel,
churches have a command of God that forbids obedience.”698 Therefore, the office
exists to preach the gospel, as Mildenberger emphasizes: “The ministry has divine
right only when it is proclaiming the gospel.”699 Therefore, in the Lutheran
understanding of the ministry, the priesthood of all believers and the office of
ministry are equally important; both are bound to the gospel. The priesthood of all
believers is not ruled out but served by the office of the ministry in order for all to
listen together to the gospel. As Mildenberger concludes, “Understood as this kind
of process, the office of the ministry preserves the freedom to believe, a freedom that
is not bound to the authority of the ministry but to the gospel.700
The Confession of 1951 combines AC articles V (on ministry in the church)
and XIV (on church orders). But for the Confession of 1951 the essential tasks of the
ministry are not only “preaching the gospel and administering the sacraments,” but
also doing diaconal work and exercising church discipline: “Doing works of mercy
(diakonia)” and “preserving pure doctrine as well as opposing false doctrine through
the exercise of spiritual discipline.”701
4.2.6.2 On Church Rites
The 1951 Confession builds on previous practice and therefore article XI
states that church order should be preserved in order to organize the life of the

698
Mildenberger, Theology of the Lutheran Confessions, 118; AC Article XXVIII “Concerning the
Power of Bishops,” 20-21 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Tappert, 84; Mildenberger, Theology of the Lutheran Confessions, 118.
699
700
701
Article IX, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 10.
159
church for the good and peace of the church itself. The Batak Church also firmly
stresses that church order must be based on the Word of God. By church order the
Batak Church means the ministry and organization of the church in a wide sense. K.
Sitompul, who wrote an explanation about the Confession of 1951, mentions that in
article XI church order refers to things such as the office of the ministry, rules
regarding sacraments, the order of service (liturgy), offerings, festivals, etc.702 By
church festivals, the Batak Church refers to its celebration of Christmas, Good
Friday, Easter, Ascension Day, and Pentecost. The Batak church embraces the
church order and church festivals as positive and valuable things. However, as a
church that recognizes and bases itself on justification by faith alone, the Batak
Church understands that the faithful observance of church order and all festivals
“cannot bring us the benefit of the forgiveness of sin.”703
In principle, Lutherans are not opposed to practices in the Catholic Church
that have grown over the centuries: the observance of Sunday, the Christian holidays,
forms of worship, customs connected with devotional life.704 Therefore, AC XV
makes clear that certain observances of Christianity should be retained: “Concerning
church rites they [Lutherans] teach that those rites should be observed that can be
observed without sin and that contribute to peace and good order in the church, for
example, certain holy days, festivals, and the like.”705
Nonetheless, some practices are rejected, such as praying to the saints and the
Virgin Mary. The most important thing emphasized in AC XV is the basic principle

702
Sitompul, Tahaporseai djala Tahatindangkon, 31. Since 1866 the Batak Church had created its
constitution regulating the church. See Hutauruk, Menata Rumah Allah. Kumpulan Tata Gereja
HKBP, XVff.
703
Article XI, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 12.
704
705
AC XV (Latin Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
160
that observance of rites, regulations, and ceremonies are not meritorious. They are
not “necessary for salvation.”706 When understood as meritorious, or “to win God’s
favor, merit grace, and make satisfaction for sins,” then it is not true anymore, and
clearly contrary to the belief of the “gospel and the teaching of faith.”707 Therefore,
the Lutherans understand that fasting is a good example and should be maintained
because through it Christians train themselves in self-discipline; but when fasting is
considered a good work meriting grace from God then this custom must be given
up.708
Both AC and the 1951 Confession apply the same basic principle, and
conclude that those rites and regulations that do not contradict the Gospel should be
retained. The difference lies in the customs and rites listed. The Batak church refers
to church order, and the celebration of Christmas, Good Friday, Easter, Ascension
Day, and Pentecost. AC has a much longer list: the observance of Sunday, of the
Christian holidays, forms of worship, customs connected with devotional life,
fasting, the giving of alms, attitudes in prayer, customs in church services, and the
like. AC is drawing a demarcation line between what of Catholic practice should be
preserved and what abandoned.
4.2.6.3 on Government
Both AC and the Confession of 1951 understand that the source of authority
in government is God, and the government has the function to enforce the law and

706
707
708
161
seek the welfare of society. The Batak church explicitly mentions the basis for this
understanding by citing two biblical texts, Romans 13 and I Timothy 2:2.
Similarly, both the Confession of 1951 and AC state that if governmental laws
prescribe what is sinful, Christians should disobey them. Both cite Acts 5:29 on this
point: one must obey God rather than any human beings.709
Unlike the Confession of 1951, AC XVI focuses on the participation of the
Christian in the affairs and benefits of government, saying, “Christians may without
sin exercise political authority; be princes and judges; pass sentences and administer
justice according to imperial and other existing laws; punish evildoers with the
sword; wage just wars; serve as soldiers; buy and sell; take required oaths; possess
property; be married; etc.”710 The Confession of 1951, in contrast, is far more
cautious about government, given its context in Indonesia, is the country with the
world’s largest Muslim population. Those who occupy public office are, therefore,
mainly Muslim. Article XII states:
By means of this doctrine we confess that the church ought to pray for the
government that it may walk in righteousness. However, the church ought
also to make its voice heard to the government. By means of this doctrine we
oppose and reject the conception that the state is a religious state, for the state
remains the state and the church remains the church (Matt. 22:21b).711
Another thing that is not mentioned in the Confession of 1951 is AC’s rejection of
any definition of Christian perfection that requires people to forsake their families

709
Article XII, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 12; AC XVI (German
Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by
Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 50; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 38.
710
Allbeck, Studies in the Lutheran Confessions, 102; AC XVI (German Text). See The Book of
Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J.
Wengert, 48; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated
and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 37.
711
Article XII, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 12.
162
and to refrain from legitimate worldly activities.712 AC is referring to monks and
nuns, but only Anabaptists are explicitly mentioned.
4.2.6.4 On Foods
The title of AC XXVI is misleading since food is only mentioned at the very
beginning. The article does not specifically talk about distinctions among types of
food. In fact, it mostly discusses various church traditions that had arisen, and is,
therefore, not much different from AC Article XV on church rites. Grane is correct in
saying that the title is inadequate.713
Lutherans object to Catholic teaching that Christians should abstain from meat
and instead eat fish on Fridays and that this and fasting are useful to earn grace and
to make satisfaction for sins. Other things referred to as "human traditions" are
fasting, clothing (vestments, monastic habits), acts of worship, festivals, rites, prayer.
In principle, these traditions are not prohibited; what is suspect is the motivation
behind these traditions. AC XXVI states: “It is also taught that all are obliged to
conduct themselves regarding bodily discipline, such as fasting and other work, in
such a way as not to give occasion to sin, but not as if they earned grace by such
works.”714
Therefore the Lutherans retain many ceremonies and traditions of the Catholic
church, such as the order of reading in the Mass, singing (canticles), festivals, etc.,715

712
713
714
AC XXVI (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
715
AC XXVI (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 80, 81; The Book of Concord. The
163
because what is important is that they are not understood as efforts to make people
righteous before God.
Meanwhile the 1951 Confession focuses only on the basic idea that all kinds
of food are eatable and that none are prohibited, because they are all created by God:
“We believe and confess that everything created by God is good and nothing is
prohibited which is received with thanksgiving, for it is sanctified by the word of
God and by prayer.”716
The Batak Church echoes Luther: “Man does not become holy by observing food
regulations but receives holiness from God through faith.”717

716
Article XIV, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 13.
717
Article XIV, Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 13.
164
CHAPTER V
THE LUTHERAN CHARACTERISTIC OF THE 1996 CONFESSION OF
THE HKBP AND OF THE BASIC ARTICLES OF FAITH OF THE GKPI
5.1 The Emergence of the 1996 Confession of HKBP
In 1996, HKBP drafted a revision of the Confession of 1951. The 48th Great
Synod of 1987 launched proposals for this,718 and from January 11 to 16, 1988
HKBP conducted a workshop on the need for a new confession.719 Initiatives to
revise the confession of the HKBP came from the HKBP leadership in the period
1986-1992. Bishop Dr. S.A.E. Nababan vigorously campaigned to prepare church
members to welcome the era of industrialization.720 He argued that HKBP required a
new confession for a pluralistic country, diverse in culture and religion, but where
Pancasila is the principle of the nation’s community life.721 At the same time, it was

718
See Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996,
73. Back in January 1985, HKBP had conducted workshops to discuss the HKBP confession. Then on
August 3, 1987 HKBP held consultations on the HKBP Confession. See Notulen Rapot Pandita 10-14
Nopember 1989 (Minutes of the Pastor Conference of the HKBP 10-14 November 1989), 345;
Notulen Sinode Godang pa-49 hon HKBP, 10-15 Nopember 1988 (Minutes of 1988 General Synod of
the HKBP), 386.
719
See J.R. Hutauruk, et. al., Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini. Lokakarya Konfesi HKBP 11-16 Januari
1988 (Pematangsiantar: STT HKBP, 1991).
720
See Pidato Pembukaan Sinode Godang HKBP ke- 49 tanggal 10-15 Nopember 1988, 2; Notulen
Sinode Godang pa-49 hon HKBP, 10-15 Nopember 1988 (Minutes of 1988 General Synod of the
HKBP), 309, 347-348; J.R Hutauruk also recorded this of Bishop Nababan’s initiatives on the150th
anniversary of the HKBP in 2011. See J. R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam
Kristus, 332; cf. A History of Christianity in Indonesia, edited by Jan Sihar Aritonang and Karel
Steenbrink, 561, 562.
721
Pancasila (The Five Pillars), which is listed in the preamble of Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 (the
Indonesian Constitution), is the state philosophy. Pancasila consists of five principles: recognition of
the one and only God, just and civilized humanity, the unity of the Indonesian people, democracy in
the sense of the traditional means of reaching consensus, and social justice for all Indonesians.
165
also realized that every church needed to show its participation in the development of
Indonesia. In addition to demonstrating an awareness of the diversity of Indonesia, a
new confession should assist church members to enter the era of industrialization.722
A new confession should integrate awareness of new contexts and challenges.723 A
whole series of challenges were listed: consumerism, poverty and marginalization,
injustice and environmental damage, all tendencies damaging to society.724
Opposing these negative trends were development programs that presented people
with opportunities for improvement in their lives. Later these thoughts would be
included in the Confession of 1996. Article IV (Concerning Society) showed an
awareness of the context of Indonesia's diversity. It also covered several other
matters: the church's responsibility to contribute towards overcoming poverty,
suffering, and injustice; the church’s responsibility towards development; and the
principle of equality between women and men. Article V Concerning Culture and
Environment dealt with attitudes towards Adat (law and custom) and culture and
environment.725
However, when the plan to revise the 1951 Confession was announced, some
objected that it was uncommon to revise a confession,726 while others argued that

Pancasila guarantees religious freedom. Although the majority of Indonesians are followers of Islam,
it acknowledges the existence of other religions and declares that the state should not discriminate
against other faiths. There are six religions that are recognized by the state, namely, Islam,
Christianity [referring to Protestant Churches], Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Confucianism.
722
S.A.E. Nababan, “Bimbingan Lokakarya Konfesi,” in Hutauruk, et. al., Mengaku Kristus Masa
Kini, ix.
723
S.A.E. Nababan, “Bimbingan Lokakarya Konfesi,” in Hutauruk, et. al., Mengaku Kristus Masa
Kini, xi; cf. J. Boangmanalu, Kristologi Lintas Budaya Batak (Medan: Universitas HKBP
Nommensen, 2014), 224.
724
See Pidato Pembukaan Sinode Godang HKBP ke- 49 tanggal 10-15 Nopember 1988, 3-4; Notulen
Sinode Godang pa-49 hon HKBP, 10-15 Nopember 1988 (Minutes of 1988 General Synod of the
HKBP), 310-311; Hutauruk, et. al., Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 90.
725
Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 73;
Nababan, “Bimbingan Lokakarya Konfesi,” in Hutauruk, et. al., Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, ix-x.
726
See Hutauruk, et. al., Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 60.
166
what was needed was not a revision but a completely new confession to meet the
challenges of a new era.727
At the 49th Great Synod of November 10-15, 1988, the HKBP formed the
Confession Commission with the task of revising the 1951 Confession.728 This
commission was asked to present its work at the scheduled Pastor Conference of
1989, held on 10-14 November.729 There the commission presented a number of
changes.730 It added several new articles, namely, concerning human beings,
concerning society, and concerning culture and environment (respectively chapters 3,
4 and 5). Article I concerning God needed to be reformulated in order to emphasize
more clearly the meaning of Christology and Pneumatology. The new confession did
not insert statements that were no longer relevant to supporting good relations among
the churches in Indonesia ecumenically.731 The new confession would try to meet
existing challenges. In addition, it would no longer include chapters about angels
because they were not significant.732 Later, the 1991 Pastor Conference continued to
discuss the draft of the new confession, concluding that several areas of the draft
needed reformulating, especially the section on “the authority” and the preamble.
Moreover, there were articles that needed to be clarified.733
We see that as HKBP worked on the revision, the conviction of its importance
grew. HKBP leadership realized that all its members and ministers needed to

727
See Hutauruk, et. al., Mengaku Kristus Masa Kini, 63.
728
The personnel of this commission were as follows: Prof. Dr. A.A. Sitompul, B. Nainggolan, M.Th.,
Prof. Dr. F.H. Sianipar, Dr. J.R. Hutauruk, J. Boangmanalu, M.Th., J.M. Manullang, M.Th., dan R.
Hutapea, STh. See J. Boangmanalu, Kristologi Lintas Budaya Batak, 255.
729
Notulen Sinode Godang pa-49 hon HKBP, 10-15 Nopember 1988 (Minutes of 1988 General Synod
of the HKBP), 220.
730
See Notulen Rapat Pendeta HKBP 10-14 Nopember 1989, 346. The record of these points are on
pp. 47-48 in the minutes.
731
As has been explained in Chapter IV, many churches, such as Catholic, Adventist, Pentecostal and
Charismatic churches and churches that grew out of and separated from the HKBP at that time were
officially rejected by the 1951 Confession. This rejection no longer applied.
732
In fact, article on angels is retained by the 1996 Confession. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 92.
733
The resume of these points are from the 1991 Pastor Conference of the HKBP. See Butir-butir
Pergumulan Teologis, Praksis dan Keputusan-keputusan Rapat Pendeta HKBP Tahun 1931-2005, 39.
167
understand the context the HKBP operated in and the challenges it faced. The 1951
Confession had been formulated in a context in which the threats came from Islam
and paganism on the one hand, and conflict and schism within the church, on the
other hand.734 Now the leadership of the HKBP saw matters differently. Indonesia
was a pluralistic society with diversity of culture and religion. Pancasila is the
principle of Indonesian society enabling all groups to live in harmony. The other new
context was the coming industrialization of Indonesia. HKBP members needed to
prepare for the changes this would bring so that they would not be overwhelmed by
its negative effects.735 In this situation the leaders of the HKBP felt, firstly, that the
church needed to help its members to be mature and resilient in faith. Secondly, the
church needed to increase the unity and solidarity of church members in spreading
the gospel to all creatures.736 Moreover, unlike the 1951 Confession, the 1996
Confession showed a highly ecumenical spirit. This was probably due to Dr. S.A.E.
Nababan, who, before becoming Bishop of the HKBP (1986-1992), worked for a
long time as General Secretary and General Chairman of the PGI (Communion of
Churches in Indonesia), as well as holding positions in many other world-wide
ecumenical institutions. The HKBP policy on pastor placement criteria, especially
those assigned to urban, industrial parishes, specified among other things that the
candidate should be "ecumenical".737
After a long process, the Great Synod of 17 to 22 November 1996

734
This point is mentioned in the introduction of the 1996 Confession. See Panindangion
Haporseaon, Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 73; cf. The introduction
of the 1951 Confession. See Confession of Faith of the HKBP, approved by the Great Synod at
Sipoholon, November 28-30, 1951, 3-4.
735
Nababan, “Bimbingan Lokakarya Konfesi,” in J. R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di
dalam Kristus, ix.
736
Nababan, “Pidato Pembukaan Sidang Sinode Godang ke- 49 HKBP,” in Notulen Sinode Godang
pa-49 hon HKBP, 10-15 Nopember 1988 (Minutes of 1988 General Synod of the HKBP), 309-310.
737
See Notulen Rapot Pandita 10-14 Nopember 1989 (Minutes of the Pastor Conference of the HKBP
10-14 November 1989), 85.
168
approved the new Confession, calling it the second confession.738 The decision to use
the term "second confession" seems intended to avoid the perception that by drafting
a new confession the HKBP might be judged to have forgotten or negated the
previous confession or that the 1951 confession had vanished or was no longer
needed. The use of this term confirms the appreciation and recognition that the
Confession of 1951 was still valid as guidance for the HKBP theologically, but that
certain points needed corrections or adjustments to meet the new circumstances.739
5.2 The Lutheran Characteristic of the Confession of 1996 of the HKBP
Before discussing each aspect of the Lutheran identity of the 1996 Confession, I
present the following table comparing the list of articles contained in the 1951
Confession, the Augsburg Confession, and the 1996 Confession:
The Confession of 1951740 The Augsburg Confession741 The Confession of 1996742

Concerning God (I) Concerning God (I) Concerning God (I)
The Trinity (II) Concerning Original Sin (II) The Word of God (II)
The Special Acts of the Triune God Concerning the Son of God (III) The Human Being (III)
(III)
The Word of God (IV) Concerning Justification (IV) Society (IV)
Origin of Sin (V) Concerning Ministry in the Church Culture and Environment (V)
(V)
Inherited Sin (VI) Concerning the New Obedience Salvation (VI)
(VI)
Salvation from Sin (VII) Concerning the Church (VII) The Church (VII)

738
J. R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 179; J. Boangmanalu, Kristologi
Lintas Budaya Batak, 224, 225.
739
At the Pastor Conference of 2001 there was another proposal to revise the confession of the HKBP.
It expressed the thoughts that the 1996 Confession does not yet fully address the challenges in the
society. The proposed revision would concentrate on certain articles, namely, concerning government,
which suggested the need for deep studies on Romans 13, 1-7, Revelation 13, 1ff., Acts 5, 29,
concerning human beings, requiring attention on gender issues, on faith in relation to science, and,
finally, on distinguishing between theology and organization when describing the church. Before, the
56th Great Synod of the HKBP, held on November 20-24, 2000, some had voiced the need to draw a
new confession combining the 1951 and 1996 Confessions. The 56th Great Synod of 2000 was a
reconciliation synod for the HKBP, namely the first synod meeting after the HKBP became involved
in an internal conflict starting in 1992 resulting in two separate leaderships. See Butir-butir
Pergumulan Teologis, Praksis dan Keputusan-keputusan Rapat Pendeta HKBP Tahun 1931-2005, 54;
cf. J. R. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus, 179; Risalah Sinode Godang
HKBP ke- 56, 20-24 November 2000, 114.
740
Confession of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 6ff.
741
742
See Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996,
74-92.
169
The Church (VIII) What is the Church (VIII) The Holy Sacraments (VIII)
Those Who Minister in the Church Concerning Baptism (IX) Those Who Minister in the Church
(IX) (IX)
The Holy Sacraments (X) Concerning the Lord’s Supper (X) Church Order (X)
Church Order (XI) Concerning Confession (XI) Sunday (XI)
Concerning Government of the Concerning Repentance (XII) Good Works and Faith (XII)
State (XII)
Sunday (XIII) Concerning the Use of Sacraments Concerning Government of the
(XIII) State (XIII)
Concerning Food (XIV) Concerning the Church Order Concerning Food (XIV)
(XIV)
Faith and Good Works (XV) Concerning Church Rites (XV) Remembrance of the Dead (XV)
Remembrance of the Dead (XVI) Concerning Civic Affairs (XVI) The Lord’s Second Coming (XVI)
Concerning the Angels (XVII) Concerning the Return of Christ for Concerning the Angels (XVII)
Judgement (XVII)
The Last Judgement (XVIII) Concerning Free Will (XVIII)
Concerning the Cause of Sin
(XIX)
Concerning Faith and Good Works
(XX)
Concerning the Cult of the Saints
(XXI)
Concerning Both Kinds of the
Sacrament (XXII)
Concerning the Marriage of Priest
(XXIII)
Concerning the Mass (XXIV)
Concerning Confession (XXV)
Concerning the Distinction of
Foods (XXVI)
Concerning Monastic Vows
(XXVII)
Concerning the Church’s Power
(XXVIII)
Conclusion
Article VI of the 1996 Confession Concerning Salvation743 continues to show
Lutheran understanding of the justification by faith alone, which emphasizes that
salvation is the redeeming work of God in Christ. The 1996 Confession reads:
Out of his mercy and love God provides salvation for human beings through
the redemption of his only Son Jesus Christ … Human beings obtain
salvation through faith, in which faith is worked by the Holy Spirit, and such
faith is reckoned by God as the righteousness of human beings.744

743
The title has been corrected as "Salvation". The 1951 Confession used the title "Salvation from
Sin".
744
Article VI of the 1996 Confession Concerning Salvation. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
170
The 1996 Confession also uses the phrase “salvation is the greatness of God
and a blessing for human beings”.745 This is another way of expressing that salvation
comes solely by the grace of God, and takes place through the work of God in Jesus
Christ, whose work is a blessing for humankind. With this formulation, the 1996
Confession makes it clear that salvation is not obtained by humans’ performing good
works. The last part of this article underlines this: “We reject the doctrine which
teaches that salvation is determined by one’s own effort.”746 In addition, the 1996
Confession contains other passages about the teaching of justification by faith.747
But Article VI of the 1996 Confession intentionally avoids using the same
wording as the AC (the Augsburg Confession), which Article VII of the 1951
Confession chose to follow, namely, because justification is by faith alone, human
beings cannot obtain righteousness and salvation through good works. This does not
appear in Article VI of the 1996 Confession. The Confession of 1996 differs from
that of 1951 in not making this distinction. Has this change of emphasis to do with
an idea that the issue of faith and good works was a burning issue in Luther’s day but

745
Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 82. I pay attention to the English
translation provided in this document, see p. 133, but I make my own translation from the Batak
original version of the texts as an effort to get a meaning closer to the original texts. For this purpose I
also notice the Indonesian translation, p. 109. This approach is also applied to other parts that are
discussed throughout this study.
746
747
The emphases on salvation as God's gift in Jesus Christ, not because of human works, is expressed
in a number of other parts of the Confession of 1996. On “God the Son” in Article I Concerning God,
in the section that lists several rejected teachings, the 1996 Confession states that it rejects a teaching
that teaches: “good works performed by human beings can bring salvation”. Similar notions also
appear in Article III concerning Human Being, which asserts that “Human beings do not have any
power to obtain salvation,” but “the only way to obtain salvation is by the mercy of God granted
through Jesus Christ’s redemptive work”. Article XII “Work and Faith” also confirms the inability of
humans by their own power and works to obtain salvation. Article XII states, “One is mistaken who
hopes to obtain righteousness, life, comfort and blessing by doing good works (Ep. 2:8; Rom 5:1)”.
Article I Concerning God in the Confession of 1996; Article III entitled Human Being; Article XII
Work and Faith. See Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP
1951 & 1996, 77, 79-80, 89. But on the other hand the 1996 Confession leaves out one expression of
Article VIII of the 1951 Confession that emphasized the teaching of justification by faith, which
stated: “By means of this doctrine we oppose and reject the doctrine which states that holiness can be
gained through one’s own works.” Article VIII entitled “The Church”. See Confession of Faith of the
Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 10.
171
is no longer so vital for the HKBP? It seems not, because the end of this article
includes a rejection of the idea that one can obtain righteousness by one’s own
power.748 What is certain is that the focus now is not solely on justification by faith
alone. Article VI of the 1996 Confession is concerned not only about future salvation
but also about salvation in the present. God acts to save believers in their daily
struggles, physically and spiritually, individually and as a community.749
The emphasis on present salvation can be traced back to the Batak theologian,
F.H. Sianipar, who discussed the 1951 Confession at length in 1973.750 According to
Sianipar, Article VII of the Confession of 1951 was about future and not present
salvation. It did not explain, Sianipar argues, the relationship of salvation with the
“here and now”. It entirely overlooked present salvation.751 Such a theology of
salvation, Sianipar contended, is not relevant to the Batak people, who at the same
time faced the influence of two other forces, namely adat (law and custom) and
secularization. A fully alive theology, besides talking about eternal salvation should
emphasize salvation as something that has already begun in this life, something that
can be experienced and bears fruits.752 Therefore, Sianipar emphasized, a relevant
theology was needed, namely, a theology that addressed and proclaimed present
salvation. This theology, according to Sianipar, could become the guidance and basis
for transforming the world, in which secularization is not the sole power, and adat

748
749
Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 82-83.
750
Sianipar was one of the theologians whose thought was taken into consideration by the Confession
Commission of the HKBP. See Notulen Rapot Pandita 10-14 Nopember 1989, 344.
751
Masyarakat Batak Kristen Masakini (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1974), 25.
752
172
(law and custom) is not the single measure of relationships among the Batak.753 He
claimed such an approach could be the basis for the church to proclaim salvation as
therapy for the misery caused by cultural conflict.754
Article VI of the 1996 Confession makes use of Sianipar’s thinking. It states:
Believers have obtained salvation, though they still have to face and
experience many challenges in this world. God, through and by his wonderful
love, always saves believers from any kind of trouble in their daily lives,
physically and spiritually, both as individuals and as a community.755
However, Article VII of the 1951 Confession concerning Salvation, though it
gives primary attention to the relationship of faith and good works, has not altogether
neglected present salvation. If understood carefully, the teaching of justification by
faith alone is very positive in encouraging people who have received the grace of
God to do good works voluntarily and freely to serve and please God and at the same
time to serve their neighbor in love, as Luther emphasized .756 As for Sianipar’s
criticism and proposals, while it is vital to maintain the Lutheran explanation of the
relationship of faith and good works, Sianipar is right that salvation should also
concern the present. Good works are not unimportant; good works are necessary. It is
true that good works are not needed to obtain salvation. But someone who is justified
will do good works freely and spontaneously. In this case a good work refers to the
Ten Commandments, which God desires and commands the believers to perform in
their life as praise to God and service to neighbors. Without good works, faith is not
obviously faith. This is the position of Luther.757

753
754
755
756
See the discussion of this matter in section 4.2.2 of Chapter IV.
757
See the discussion of this matter in section 4.2.1 and 4.2.2 of Chapter IV.
173
Although the Confession of 1951 is closer to the AC on faith and works,
other elements of the presentation of the 1996 Confession concerning salvation show
significant similarities with both the 1951 Confession and the AC. The 1996
Confession carefully maintains Luther’s emphasis on good works as the fruit of
justification, meaning justification makes humans capable of producing good works
freely and spontaneously. Article VI says:
Salvation is received by faith, which is worked by the Holy Spirit. Such faith
is reckoned by God as the righteousness of human beings before Him. … The
realization of the justification in the life of the believers in this world is when
the believers live in holiness which bears fruits of the Holy Spirit (1 John
3:16; 2 Corinthians 8:9; Acts 4:12; Galatians 5:22).758
5.2.2 On Faith and Good Works
The title of the article in the 1996 Confession has been changed to “Works
and Faith.” This article, Article XII, retains the notion of justification by faith alone:
“Faith in Jesus should bear good work. One is mistaken who hopes to obtain
righteousness, life, comfort and blessing by doing good works (Eph. 2:8; Romans
5:1).”759
Nevertheless, the general tone of this article has changed, exhorting Christians more
firmly “to work diligently and skillfully”. Therefore, this article places more
emphasis on one’s responsibility in one’s vocation and in general on obeying God’s
commandments and will. In contrast to the 1951 Confession, this article uses

758
759
Article XII of the 1996 Confession Concerning Works and Faith. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
174
imperatives in its presentation of faith and good works: “Faith in Jesus should bear
good work.”760
Now it is not just that good works come spontaneously from faith. The believer has a
duty to do good work.
Like the 1951 Confession, although not to the same degree, the 1996
Confession shows its awareness of the relationship of law and gospel. Neither the
1951 nor the 1996 Confession possesses a particular article concerning law and
gospel. But both of them, like AC, although not to the same degree, distinguish
between the law and the gospel. AC does not contain an article devoted to the topic
either. However, the principle of distinguishing law and gospel is applied throughout
AC.761 A more lengthy and detailed description of this distinction can be found in
other documents of the Lutheran Confessions: Ap.,762 SC and LC,763 SA,764 FC.765

760
Article XII of the 1996 Confession Concerning Works and Faith. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
761
As already explained in section 4.2.3 in Chapter IV, AC explains the distinction in Article XI
Concerning Confession and Article XII Concerning Repentance. See the discussion of them in section
4.2.3 of Chapter IV.
762
In response to the Catholic reaction in The Confutation of the Augsburg Confession that opposed
the Lutherans’ greater emphasis on gospel over law, Ap. defends the distinction. Without overlooking
the law’s function, which “reveals, denounces, and condemns sin,” Ap. stresses that human beings, to
be saved, entirely rely on the gospel, namely, the act of God, who grants the forgiveness of sins.
Therefore, Ap. explains that basically the Scripture or God’s works can be divided into two parts, law
and gospel, in which law reveals, denounces, and condemns sin, while the gospel is the promise of
grace given in Christ. Ap. [XII] Repentance, XII, 28,29,35,44, 53,80. See The Book of Concord. The
Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert,
191-192, 193, 195, 201; The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church,
translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 185-186, 187, 189, 194; cf. “The Confutation of the
Augsburg Confession,” in Kolb and Nestingen (eds.), Sources and Contexts of the Book of Concord,
113.
763
As already mentioned in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV, Luther, on “Confession and Absolution” in
SC and on “A Brief Exhortation to Confession” in LC, has maintained a dialectic, or more precisely,
comparison of law and gospel. Luther explains that through the law we realize our sins. In the light of
the Ten Commandments we know that we are sinners, and, therefore, confess our sins. Then the
second part of confession comes to the believers, namely, the absolution, that is, the forgiveness of
sins. Luther maintains that the believers should concentrate more on the Word or absolution that is the
gospel not chiefly on confession. Luther made this warning because he saw that the practice of
confession in the Catholic Church of his time was deeply focused on the effort on the confessor’s side
175
Presentation of the distinction of law and gospel in all the documents of the Lutheran
Confessions especially in Ap. XI and XII was made in reaction to the Catholic
Church’s response to AC.766 The Reformation side felt a need to elaborate the
distinction throughout Ap. but particularly in Ap. XI and XII. In addition, over time
Lutheran theologians came to differ on the position and function of law in Christian
life (in FC V and VI in particular).767

of performing the confession, not on what God did, namely, God’s declaration of the forgiveness of
sins. Besides that, Luther also utilizes the principle of the distinction of law and gospel when he gives
the conclusion of his explanation of the Ten Commandments. Luther asserts that the Ten
Commandments contain both a divine threat and a divine promise. The “promise” is dialectically
related to human inability to obey the Commandments. Because, Luther argues, nobody is able to
keep even one of the Ten Commandments and therefore all people depend on God’s grace. SC V,
16,20,21,29; SC I, 22; LC A Brief Exhortation to Confession, 15,16,18,22; LC I, 316, 322; LC II, 69;
LC III, 2. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by
Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 360-362, 354, 478, 428-429, 440; The Book of Concord. The
Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 349-
351, 344, 458-459, 408-409, 420.
764
In SA Luther also consistently brings out the distinction of law and gospel in his explanation about
salvation. For Luther “the chief function of the law is to make the sin obvious, because no one is
righteous. It is the judgment of the law that makes sinners contrite. Into this experience of the
judgment of the law the gospel immediately comes as the “consoling promise of grace”. SA [3:]
Concerning Repentance, 2, 3, 4. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 312-313; The Book of Concord.
The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert,
304.
765
FC Article V Concerning Law and Gospel and Article VI Concerning the Third Use of the Law
were caused by a dispute among Lutherans on the proper distinction of law and gospel. Some
theologians held that the word and meaning of the gospel should be applied broadly as to maintain
that gospel is not only the proclamation of the grace but also a preaching of repentance and rebuke,
which condemns sin and unbelief, meaning that some things are condemned not only in the law but
also by the gospel. On the other hand, other theologians held that the gospel as a whole is not a
proclamation of repentance or judgment because this function belongs to the law of God. FC affirms
that the distinction of law and gospel should be preserved. FC states: “The two teachings of law and
gospel dare not be mingled with the other and mixed together, and the characteristics of one dare not
be ascribed to the other. … The true and proper distinction between law and gospel must be advocated
and maintained most diligently”. FC SD V Concerning Law and Gospel, SD V, 1, 2, 27; cf. Epitome,
V Concerning Law and Gospel, Ep. V, 1, 2. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the
Evangelical Lutheran Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 581,586, 500; The
Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church, translated and edited by
Theodore G. Tappert, 558,563, 477-478.
766
See “The Confutation of the Augsburg Confession,” in Kolb and Nestingen (eds.), Sources and
Contexts of the Book of Concord, 113.
767
Mainwhile, FC 6 gives the explanation to the dispute about the third function of the law. It was
argued that the law of God is used in three functions, namely, 1) to maintain external discipline and
respectability against dissolute, disobedient people; 2) to bring such people to a recognition of their
sins; and, 3) To be used by those who have been born anew through God’s Spirit. Since nevertheless
the flesh still clings to Christians, they need the law to orient and conduct their entire life. Lutherans
disagreed over whether the law was a necessary guide for good works produced after being justified.
One party taught and held that the reborn do not need to learn from the law about new obedience or
good works in their life because the reborn have been liberated by Jesus Christ. Meanwhile, the other
party taught that believers still need God’s written law even though those who believe in Christ are
176
Following the 1951 Confession, the Confession of 1996 sporadically
mentions and emphasizes the gospel. Although references to the gospel are not
always directly linked to the law, in the sense that on the one hand the law “reveals,
denounces, and condemns sin,” but on the other hand the gospel promises grace
given in Christ or justifies “the terrified or make[s] them alive,” Batak Church
Confessions are substantially aware of the distinction.768
Furthermore, as discussed in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV, the Confession of
1951 shows no similarities with the AC on a very important area regarding this
distinction. The same thing happened also in the 1996 Confession. Neither the
Confession of 1951 nor the Confession of 1996 provides a special article on
Confession and Repentance, whereas in the explanation of the two, confession and
repentance, AC shows how the principal of distinguishing law and gospel is
fundamentally applied.769
The 1996 Confession retains the notion of the 1951 Confession about the gospel
in several articles: Article III concerning "the Special Acts of the Triune God";
Article VIII concerning “the Church”; Article IX concerning “Those Who Minister
in the Church”; Article XIV Concerning Food; and Article I “Concerning God”.
Meanwhile, the Confession of 1996 omits the notion of gospel in Article XI of the

truly motivated by the Spirit of God and do the will of God according to their new life, being justified
and freed by Christ. The Holy Spirit uses the written law to teach them how to serve God in their life.
FC VI affirms that believers should be taught the law. FC explains that “although Christians who
believe faithfully have been truly converted to God, and have been justified are indeed freed and
liberated from the curse of the law, they should daily practice the law of the Lord.” [FC SD VI, 4]. In
order not to misunderstand the fulfillment of the law in the life of justified believers as the works of
the law, FC maintains that even though good works done by the liberated Christian conform to the
law, they are not “works of the law but works and fruits of the Spirit” (FC SD VI, 17). FC SD
Concerning the Third Use of the Law, SD VI, 1,2,3,4, 15,17; cf. Epitome, VI Concerning the Third
Use of the Law, Ep. VI, 1-7. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church, edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 587,589, 590, 502-503; The Book of
Tappert, 563-564, 566, 479-481.
768
Ap. XII Repentance, XII, 53. See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical
769
See the discussion of this notion in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV.
177
1951 Confession entitled "Church Order". The same also happens to Article XV of
the Confession of 1951 concerning “Faith and Good Works”, in which the
reformulation is weaker to some extent than that of the 1951 Confession. Likewise, a
closer examination of Article VII of the 1951 Confession and Article VI of the 1996
Confession concerning salvation will be provided. Furthermore, the Confession of
1996 adds emphasis in certain places that maintain the distinction of law and gospel.
5.2.3.1 The Formulations that Retain the 1951 Confession’s Emphasis of the
The 1996 Confession retains, with little change, the formulation of the 1951
Confession about gospel in Article III concerning "The Special Acts of the Triune
God," in the section on the Holy Spirit, in which the Confession of 1951 says that
“we oppose and reject the doctrine that states that the Holy Spirit can descend on
man through his own efforts, not necessaryly through the Gospel”.770 This part is
reformulated in the 1996 Confession as follows:
He [the Holy Spirit] is the one who makes the Gospel bears fruit. He also
establishes the Church in the world. The Holy Spirit works in the believers
and so the fruits are not determined by any effort of human being (Gal. 5: 22-
23; Eph. 4: 3-6). He is the source of every great work (miracle) that glorifies
God.771
As explained in the discussion of this topic in the Confession of 1951, the
background for this was the challenge of Pentecostals and Enthusiasts, who had
introduced glossolalia.772 Pentecostals and Enthusiasts were understood to teach that

770
Article III entitled “the Special Acts of the Triune God”. See Confession of Faith of the Huria
Kristen Batak Protestant, 7.
771
Article I Concerning God in the Confession of 1996. See Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan
Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 77-78.
772
See section 4.2.3.
178
the Holy Spirit can be possessed through one’s own efforts, holiness and prayer.773
The 1996 Confession describes such phenomena as “spiritism” and “glossolalia,”774
as “the teaching that equates the Holy Spirit to the spirits in this world,”
demonstrating that the HKBP still faces such challenges.775 HKBP condemns them
as false doctrines about the Holy Spirit. In rejecting them, one of the arguments used
in the Confession of 1996, which follows the 1951 Confession, is the principle of the
distinction of law and gospel. Good works are produced through the agency of the
Holy Spirit, not by the efforts of the believer. The gospel is mentioned in this article
to show that the Holy Spirit is present as a gift from God, and it is the Holy Spirit
that enables the believer to produce good works.
The 1996 Confession retains unaltered the formulation of Article VIII about
“the Church,” in which the Confession of 1951 states, “We believe and confess that
the true church is present when the gospel is purely preached”.776 The 1996
Confession formulates it as follows, “The signs of the true church are: a) when the
gospel is purely preached and taught.”777 The parallel of this notion is on AC Article
VII "Concerning the Church".778
The 1996 Confession also keeps the formulation of Article IX of the 1951
Confession Concerning Those Who Minister in the Church, which lists the duties of

773
Article III entitled “the Special Acts of the Triune God”. See Confession of Faith of the Huria
Kristen Batak Protestant, 7.
774
Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 78.
775
Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 78. This reference captures the rejection of the
influence of Batak traditional ancestor worship over its understanding of tondi (the essence of human
being; soul-power, spirit). See the discussion of this matter in section 2.1.3.2 and in section 6.2; cf.
Ph. O. L. Tobing, The Structure of the Toba-Batak Belief in the High God, 98-101; Harry Parkin,
Batak Fruit of the Hindu Thought, 145-149.
776
The 1951 Confession lists three signs of the true church. They are a) the pure teaching of the
gospel b) the proper administration of the two sacraments as instituted by Christ c) the exercise of
church discipline in order to prevent sin. Article VIII concerning the Church. See Confession of Faith
of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 10.
777
Article VIII concerning the Church of the 1996 Confession. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
778
See the discussion of this topic in section 4.2.3 section.
179
those who minister in the church. As discussed in section 4.2.5.1, the Confession of
1951 adopted this notion from AC article V, which lists the duties of those who
minister in the church highlighting especially, “preaching the gospel to the members
of the church and to those who are not yet members.”779 This formulation is retained
in the 1996 Confession and the duty widened to include: “Preaching the Gospel to
the members of the church in this world, and to all creation.”780 Although this article
in the HKBP Confessions contains nothing resembling AC’s declaration that in the
gospel “we have a gracious God, not through our merit but through Christ’s
merit,”781 by including “preaching the gospel” in its confession, the HKBP has
substantially maintained its awareness of the distinction of law and gospel.782
Likewise, the inclusion of article XIV “Concerning Food” in the 1951
Confession which adopts AC XXVI is also retained in the Confession of 1996. The
principle of law and gospel is maintained in the Confession of 1951 when it asserts
that one “does not become holy by observing food regulations but receives holiness
from God through faith.”783 The substance of this notion is retained in the 1996
Confession when it states, “One does not becomes holy by observing the distinction
among foods. It is faith which makes holiness happen.”784
Similarly, the notion of law and gospel, which appears in article I
“Concerning God” of the Confession of 1951, is retained in the Confession of 1996.

779
Article IX of the 1951 Confession concerning Those Who Minister in the Church. See Confession
of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 10.
780
Article IX concerning Those Who Minister in the Church of the 1996 Confession. See
Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 87. The
inclusion of the phrase “to all creation” in this article of the 1996 Confession is to give space for a
new, current and burning issue in the Batak church, and in Indonesian churches in general, especially
at the level of church leaders. It was also part of the program of the worldwide movement of churches
ecumenically to promote “Justice, Peace and [the] Integrity of Creation”.
781
Article V of AC Concerning the Office of Preaching (German Text). See The Book of Concord.
40-41.
782
See the discussion of this matter in 4.2.3 section.
783
Article XIV Concerning Food. See Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 13.
784
Article XIV concerning Foods of the 1996 Confession. See Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan
180
As argued in section 4.2.3, the formulation of the nature of God, which integrates the
dimensions of righteous judgement with mercy and grace, is intended to maintain the
principle of distinguishing law from gospel.785 The 1996 Confession retains this
notion and continues to describe God as both “full of anger to those who do not obey
his word” and “gracious, of great mercy, full of compassion, full of forgiveness,
savior.”786
5.2.3.2 The 1996 Confession Omits the 1951 Confession’s Emphasis on the
In general, the 1996 Confession retains the basic message of Article XV of
the Confession of 1951 concerning “Faith and Good Works”. It states, “He errs who
hopes to obtain righteousness, life, comfort and bliss by doing good works. The Lord
Jesus alone can forgive sins and bring a man into relationship with God.”787
Article XII “Work and Faith”788 of the 1996 Confession substantially retains the
above formulation by stating, “One is misguided if one hopes one can obtain
righteousness, life, comfort, and bliss by doing good works (Ep. 2:8; Rom 5:1).”789
It means that the emphasis on the distinction of law and gospel in the 1951
Confession is also found in the 1996 Confession. However, one important part in the
1951 Confession is missing from the 1996 version. The 1951 Confession states,
“Although we have to keep the Ten Commandments, man lives by faith and not by

785
See Section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV.
786
Article I Concerning God of the 1996 Confession. See Panindangion Haporseaon, Pengakuan
787
Article XV of the 1951 Confession entitled “Faith and Good Works”. See Confession of Faith of
the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 13.
788
The title of this article has been altered from of “Faith and Good Works” (the 1951 Confession) to
become “Work and Faith” (the 1996 Confession).
789
Article XII entitled “Work and Faith” in the Confession of 1996. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
181
doing good works.”790 The 1996 Confession omits this, making the presentation of
the distinction of law and gospel in Article XII slightly weaker compared to the 1951
Confession.791 As already shown in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV, the 1951 Confession
accomodates the idea from AC XX which maintained the distinction of law and
gospel in such a way that law is not neglected but is not a requirement for salvation
either.792
Now, attention can be given to the similarities and differences of the two
confessions according to the strength of their emphasis on the distinction between the
roles of law and gospel in obtaining salvation. Clearly, both formulate salvation in
terms of this distinction. However, while neither Confession directly use the terms
law or gospel in the article about salvation, the distinction lies behind the formulation
of each. Article VI of the 1996 Confession entitled “Salvation” is to some extent
weaker in its presentation of the distinction of law and gospel. Article VI of the 1996
Confession makes its adherence to “faith alone” abundantly clear:
Out of his mercy and love God provides salvation for human beings through
the redemption of his only Son Jesus Christ … Human beings obtain
salvation through faith, which faith is worked by the Holy Spirit, and such
faith is reckoned by God as the righteousness of human beings.793
However, the distinction of law and gospel in Article VII “Salvation from Sin” in the
Confession of 1951 has vanished from the 1996 Confession, which simply reads,
“We believe and confess that salvation from sin cannot be gained by means of good

790
Article XV concerning Faith and Good Works. See Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 13.
791
Article XV concerning Faith and Good Works. See Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 13.
792
See the discussion of this topic in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV.
793
182
works, or through one’s own power, but only by the grace of God through the
redemption of Jesus Christ.”794
As already shown in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV, the 1951 Confession
accommodated the idea from AC IV, emphasizing that human beings cannot obtain
salvation through their own work. In its further explanation of the teaching of
justification by faith, the Lutheran Confessions emphasize the distinction of law and
gospel in many places.795
The 1996 Confession also omits the notion of law and gospel in its article on
"Church Order". This 1951 article applies a dialectical relationship of law and gospel
to explain the need for church order in organizing the church, on the one hand, and,
on the other, to insist that by observing all church order and regulation one should
not think of such acts as necessary for salvation. The article reads, “But it must be
distinctly remembered that the faithful observance of all these cannot bring us the
benefit of the forgiveness of sin.”796 This part is omitted in the 1996 Confession. As
explained in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV, the inclusion of the law and gospel
principle in explaining church order shows how the Confession of 1951 embraces the
Lutheran conviction.797
5.2.3.3 The newly added formulations in the 1996 Confession on the Distinction
of Law and Gospel
In certain places the 1996 Confession adds emphases that maintain the distinction
of law and gospel. In the description about “God the Son” within Article I
Concerning God, the 1996 Confession, in the rejection section, states that the HKBP

794
See the discussion of this topic in section 5.2.1.
795
See the discussion of this topic in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV.
796
Article XII concerning Church Order. See Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 12.
797
See the explanation of this topic in section 4.2.3 of Chapter IV.
183
rejects the teaching that “good works … performed by human beings are able to
obtain salvation for them.”798 A similar notion also appears in Article III concerning
Human Being, a new article that previously did not exist in the 1951 Confession.
This says, “Human beings do not have any power to obtain salvation,” but “the only
way to obtain salvation is by the mercy of God granted in Jesus Christ’s redemptive
work.”799 By both the emphases of these two newly added passages the 1996
Confession clearly maintains an awareness of the distinction of law and gospel in its
presentation of salvation, even though, as explained earlier, there is an important
phrase omitted from the article on salvation.
5.2.4 On the Church
The Confession of 1996 does not change the formulation of the 1951
Confession concerning the church. It follows the common description of the
universal nature of the church, defining the church as communion of saints and
characterizing it as holy, catholic (universal), and one (united). The HKBP added to
this universal formulation a typically Lutheran understanding of the church in the
following words: “The true church is present when the gospel is purely preached,
[and ]when the two sacraments are truly administered as instituted by the Lord
Jesus.”800
However, as already mentioned in the discussion of this matter in the 1951
Confession, in addition to gospel and sacraments, the Confession of 1996 also
affirms another mark for the true church, namely, the exercise of church discipline.

798
799
Article III entitled “Human Being” in the Confession of 1996. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
Pengakuan Iman, the Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 79, 80. Cf. The Indonesian and
English translation are provided in this document consecutively on pp. 106 and 131.
800
Article VIII of 1951 Confession and Article VII of 1996 Confession.
184
For the Batak Church, church discipline is needed, and in order to prevent sin is also
counted as an essential mark of the true church. It appears that the 1996 Confession,
although it does not omit church discipline as one of the marks of the true church,
made a little revision concerning the position of church discipline among the true
marks of the church. According to the HKBP, the exercise of church discipline is still
considered important and cannot be forgotten in the description of the church, but, as
the 1996 Confession now emphasizes, the true marks of the church are first of all the
preaching of the Gospel and the administration of the Sacraments. The 1996
Confession does not omit church discipline but emphasizes the primary importance
of the gospel and the two sacraments by adding the following: “By means of this
doctrine we emphasize that God reveals himself and makes reconciliation in Jesus
Christ through the gospel and the two sacraments.”801
As discussed in section 4.2.4 of Chapter IV, Andar Lumbantobing had criticized the
inclusion of the exercise of church discipline as equal in importance to the
proclamation of the gospel and administration of the sacraments in the teaching on
the church. This addition shows that the criticism has been duly noted and accepted.
It should also be noted here that in the description of the character of church,
the 1996 Confession omitted one expression from Article VIII of the 1951
Confession that stated, “By means of this doctrine (justification by faith) we oppose
and reject the doctrine which states that holiness can be gained through one’s own
works.”802 This shows that for the 1996 Confession the emphasis on justification by
faith in the description of the characteristics of the holy church is not considered as
essential as in the 1951 Confession.

801
Article VII of the 1996 Confession entitled “the Church”. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
Pengakuan Iman, the Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 85.
802
Article VIII entitled “The Church”. See Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak Protestant,
10.
185
5.2.5 On Sacraments
5.2.5.1 Similarities to the 1951 Confession
The description of sacraments in Article VIII of the 1996 Confession is
almost the same as Article X of the 1951 Confession. There is no significant change.
In the explanation of the sacrament the 1996 Confession added only that the
existence of faith in believers is due to the intervention of the Holy Spirit. It states:
There are only two sacraments in the Protestant Church, namely, Holy
Baptism and Holy Communion. The Lord Jesus has instituted them for His
church in order to grant through visible signs His invisible grace, namely,
[the] forgiveness of sins, salvation, reconciliation, life and bliss, which are to
be received by faith worked by the Holy Spirit.803
Meanwhile the Confession of 1951 describes the matter in this way:
There are only two sacraments which we should administer as commanded

by the Lord Jesus, Holy Baptism and Holy Communion. The Lord Jesus has
instituted them for His church in order to grant through visible signs His
invisible grace, namely, [the] forgiveness of sins, salvation, life and bliss,
which are to be received by faith.804
An understanding that faith is present in the believer as the intervention of the
Holy Spirit, however, is not absent in the 1951 Confession. It is explained in the
Article about salvation (Article VII), which is also retained in the 1996 Confession
(Article VI).805 It means that the emphasis on faith as a result of the work of Holy
Spirit was not repeated in the 1951 Confession description of sacraments, while the
1996 Confession emphasizes it once again.
5.2.5.2 No new efforts to better bond with the formulation of the Lutheran
Confessions

803
Article VIII of the 1996 Confession entitled “The Sacraments”. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
804
Article X entitled “The Holy Sacraments”. See Confession of Faith of the Huria Kristen Batak
Protestant, 11.
805
See the discussion of the matter in 5.2.1 section.
186
The 1996 Confession fully retains the formulation of the 1951 Confession
concerning the Holy Communion, which reads,
Holy Communion is the eating of the bread as a means of the body of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and the drinking of the wine as a means of the blood of our
Lord Jesus Christ, whereby we obtain the forgiveness of sins, life, and
bliss.806
Even though the HKBP has been a member of the LWF since 1952, the 1996
Confession does not improve the formulation on the Lord’s Supper in a way that
would fully embrace the Lutheran conviction of the real presence of the body and
blood of Christ in the elements of bread and wine in the Lord’s Supper.
It is worthy of note that the other members of the LWF in Indonesia, namely
the GKPI and the GKPS, have shown a clearer understanding. The GKPI, which
wrote its own confession in 1991, long after the 1951 Confession, states clearly in its
Basic Articles of Faith,
The Holy Communion is the message of Lord Jesus Christ, who says: “Take,
26:26-27). Because of the Words that accompany the physical eating and
The GKPS in its new formulated confession from 2015 emphasizes the real presence
in their description of the Holy Communion. The Confession of the GKPS states,
The GKPS acknowledges and teaches that in the Holy Communion the body
and blood of Christ are truly present under the bread and wine, which become
the vehicle of the sacrament. It is the Word that distinguishes the bread and
wine of the Holy Communion with the regular bread and wine. It is also the

806
Article VIII entitled “The Sacraments,” of the 1996 Confession. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
Pengakuan Iman, The Confession of Faith HKBP 1951 & 1996, 86. Cf. Confession of Faith of the
Huria Kristen Batak Protestant, 11; “Confession of Faith of the Protestant Christian Batak Church
(H.K.B.P.),” edited by Edward Nyhus and Lothar Schreiner in Gerald H. Anderson (ed.), Asian Voices
in Christian Theology, 223.
807
Article IX, 6 (The Sacraments). See GKPI, Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (The Basic
Articles of Faith of the GKPI) (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase Pusat GKPI, 1991), 26.
187
Words of institution that make the bread and wine become the body and
blood of Christ (Luke 22: 19-20).808
5.2.5.3 Indonesian translation of the 1996 Confession and Luther
The Indonesian version of the 1996 Confession uses the term “vehicle”809 for
bread and wine. The Indonesian version reads as follows:
Holy Communion is the eating of the bread as a vehicle of the body of our
Lord Jesus Christ, and the drinking of the wine as a vehicle of the blood of
our Lord Jesus Christ, whereby we obtain the forgiveness of sins, life, and
bliss.810
The use of the term “vehicle” in the Indonesian version of the Confession of
1996 probably has something to do with Luther’s use of the word “sign’ because
from the discussion of “sign” in relation to the elements of bread and wine came
along also the explanation of the bread and wine as “the vehicle” of the presence of
Christ.
Basically Luther could use the term “sign” of the element of bread. In his
treatise, The Blessed Sacrament of the Holy and True Body of Christ, and the
Brotherhoods (1519), Luther affirmed that bread (and wine) is “a sure sign”.811 This
is particularly emphasized by Luther in his rejection of the teaching of

808
See Article of the Confession of the GKPS (Indonesian: Konfessi GKPS). This Confession was
issued by the Sinode Bolon ke- 42 (General Assembly) of the GKPS on 9-14 Juli 2015 at Balei Bolon
GKPS Pematang Siantar. At the 42th Sinode Bolon Assembly of the GKPS it was decided that this
confession would be discussed again in order to have a final draft at the Executive Board Committee
in October 2015 and by 2016 the document would be officially issued in all the congregations of the
GKPS.See Minutes of the 42th Sinode Bolon Assembly of the GKPS (Risalah Sinode Bolon GKPS
ke- 42). Pematangsiantar, 9 June-14 June 2015, 85.
809
The Indonesian word “sarana” is a translation for the Batak term “parhitean”, which literally means
“as a means of mediating,” “medium,” or “bridge”. Etymologically, the word “parhitean” comes from
“hite,” which means “a bridge,” or a small bridge made from a tree or plank, laid across a stream. The
prefix “par” and suffix “a” give the word meaning “the bridge which one uses”. See J. Warneck,
Kamus Batak Toba – Indonesia. Translated by Leo Joosten (Medan: Bina Media, 2003), 133; cf.
Andar Lumbantobing, “The Confession of the Batak Church,” in The Church and the Confessions,
205; Darwin Lumbantobing, Burning and Current Theological Issues. Isu-isu Teologi Hangat dan
Terkini di HKBP, 91.
810
Article VIII entitled “The Sacraments” of the 1996 Confession. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
811
Luther, “The Blessed Sacrament of the Holy and True Body of Christ, and the Brotherhoods”
(1519), LW 35, 52.
188
transubstantiation of the Catholic Church, which states that by the Words of
institution the bread and wine become substantially the body and blood of Christ
even though the form of bread and wine remain. For Luther, however, the bread
remains bread and wine remains wine but with the Words of institution Christ’s body
and blood are present in the elements. In his confrontation with Zwingli, who
thought that the bread was only a symbol and that Christ was not present in the
Lord’s Supper, Luther maintained that the elements are no longer “mere bread and
wine” after the Words of institution. The bread and wine are more than a mere sign.
The bread and wine are “the vehicle” of the presence of Christ.812 The Word is the
one that makes Christ present in the elements of bread and wine. Luther thus is very
much concerned with the Words of institution as the basis for the understanding of
the Lord’s Supper and for the presence of Christ “in and under” the bread and
wine.813 Furthermore, in the writing considered Luther’s most detailed and most
profound teaching on the Lord’s Supper,814 Confession Concerning Christ's Supper
(1528), Luther described his theory of “sacramental union,” namely, that Christ truly
unites himself with the bread and wine without causing it to cease being bread and
wine.815
The formulation of the 1951 and the 1996 Confessions on the Lord’s Supper
is close to Lutheran teaching. Firstly, it basically follows the formulation of the

812
Cf. Vilmos Vajta, Luther on Worship. An Interpretation. (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 2004), 92.
(Fortress Press, 1958; Previously published by Muhlenberg Press, 1958).
813
814
Editor’s Introduction for “Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper,” and General Introduction for
LW Vol. 37. See LW 37, xv, 158.
815
Luther, “Confession Concerning Christ’s Supper,” (1528), LW 37, 299-303; cf. Fagerberg, A New
Look at the Lutheran Confession, 193; Lohse, Martin Luther’s Theology. Its Historical and
Systematic Development (1995), 309; Oswald Bayer, Martin Luther’s Theology: A Contemporary
Interpretation, translated by Thomas H. Trapp (Grand Rapids: WM. B. Eerdmans, 2008), 273; Carl E.
Braaten, Principles of Lutheran Theology (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007), 126-127.
189
Lord’s Supper in Luther’s Small Catechism. In so doing, it needs to realize the
background of the use of the local word “parhitean” (as a means of mediating;
medium, bridge, a vehicle) in the presentation of the HKBP on the Lord’s Supper, as
explained by K. Sitompul. The term “parhitean” does not exclude the real presence
(a bodily presence) of Christ in the elements of bread and wine. Secondly, the
formulation of the HKBP clearly does not express the idea that the bread and wine
are only signs without the presence of Christ. Furthermore, there is no rejection in
this formulation of the bread and wine as the very body and blood of Christ no
statement or understanding that the bread (and wine) is only “a divine sign and
confirmation” of Jesus’ body (and blood), as for example maintained in the
Heidelberg Catechism, which had earlier been translated into the Batak language and
introduced into the Batak Church. Christ is understood as present in the Lord’s
Supper, although the formulation does not proceed with the language of the real
presence. It is true that Reformed churches, following Calvin, also understand that
Christ is truly present in the Lord’s Supper, but Christ is present spiritually not
bodily. This position was also adopted by Zwingli in the latter version of his
presentation of the Lord’s Supper.816 It is also obvious that the HKBP needs to
decide which of these doctrines it embraces.
5.2.6 Several Other Topics
In the explanation of the office of the ministry, Article IX of the 1996 Confession
formulates a clear Lutheran principle of the universal priesthood of all believers. The
1996 Confession, following AC, understands that only those who are ordained can

816
See the description of the views of Zwingli and Calvin on the Lord’s Supper in section 4.2.5.
190
publicly preach the Word and administer the Sacraments. In addition to this, the
Batak Church also defines several other tasks of the office of the ministry, namely,
doing pastoral care, overseeing the true and pure doctrine through exercising church
discipline, and doing diaconal work. The 1996 Confession adds some more to this
list: overseeing the entire life of the church, helping people to overcome poverty and
stupidity, taking care of the state of advancement of the society on the basis of justice
and truth, and respecting every single person as made in the image of God (Imago
Dei). These additions show the church’s awareness of social issues outside the
church building. This is in the spirit of the “development plan,” initiated and
promoted by the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (PGI). The 1996 Confession
emphasizes that it is the minister who will be responsible for the fulfillment of all
these tasks. This is in accordance with the Lutheran view of the office of minister.
The Confession of 1996 states:
In churches of the Reformation it is the office of the ministry which is

responsible for all the tasks mentioned above. Therefore, we oppose anyone
in the church who administers the Sacraments without being ordained to be a
pastor.817
5.2.6.2 On Church Rites
In the 1951 Confession the description concerning “Church Order” relating to
“Church Rites” (AC XV) concludes with the statement, “[I]t must be distinctly
remembered that the faithful observance of all these cannot bring us the benefit of
the forgiveness of sin.”818 However, the article in the 1996 Confession concentrates
on the necessity of “Church Order” as an instrument in regulating the life of the
church. Unlike the 1951 Confession, there is no more exhortation on the importance

817
Article VII of the 1996 Confession entitled “the Church”. See Panindangion Haporseaon,
818
191
of doing all good works without falling into the error of thimking that this brings us
merit.
One of the ways the HKBP ensures good order in the church is through its
Constitution. The Batak Church, which later became the HKBP, had since the period
of the western missionaries possessed a Church Constitution. The first church
constitution is from 1868. The HKBP has revised its church constitution many times.
The current Church Constitution is the 11th edition, accepted at Sinode Godang
HKBP (general assembly of the HKBP) in 2002.819
The 1996 Confession emphasizes the importance of the existence of the
Order of Church Discipline, a second way in which the HKBP maintains church
order. The existence and practice of “the Order of Church Discipline” is one of the
characteristics of the Batak churches, originally primarily intended to oppose
ancestor worship.820 Within the rules maintained by “the Order of Church
Discipline” every action and behavior contrary to the Ten Commandments will be
punished. Problems that often occurred in Batak churches, in addition to the
involvement in ancestor worship, were sex before marriage, polygamy/polyandry
(mostly in the past), etc. The HKBP has already revised its Order of Church
Discipline three times (1924, 1952, 1987), and for the latest document the church has
already altered the enforcement of Church Discipline from punishment to pastoral
care. This changed the name of the document on church discipline to “Ruhut
Parmahanion dohot Paminsangon” (Order of Pastoral Care and Punishment) in which
pastoral care is emphasized rather than punishment.821 In addition, this document
also guides the congregation to cope with new problems such as re-baptism; in vitro

819
Hutauruk, Menata Rumah Allah (2008), 21-22; cf. Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di
dalam Kristus (2011), 188-191; Aturan dan Peraturan HKBP 2002, 3.
820
Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus (2011), 185.
821
Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus (2011), 186-187.
192
fertilization (IVF); living together without being married; using narcotics, morphine,
or marijuana; pornography, “action porn;” prostitution; homosexuality; “marriage
contracts;” abortion; corruption; etc.822
5.2.6.3 On Government
The 1996 Confession retains the basic and most fundamental principle of the
role of the state or government. The government is also God’s servant. Its main duty
is to maintain law and order.
But the 1996 Confession adds an emphasis on the pluralistic context of
Indonesia in which the church highly values the Pancasila. Pancasila is the principle
of Indonesian society that all groups should live in harmony.823 This confession also
acknowledges that the church should work to bring justice and prosperity.
5.2.6.4 On Foods
The 1996 Confession reiterates the position that all foods are eatable. This
refers to the practice of prohibiting certain foods. The HKBP wants to make clear
that this church does not practise any such prohibition. Some Christians from other
denominations in Indonesia do. Moreover, the majority of Indonesians are Muslims,
and they do practise food prohibitions (pork is banned and meat must be halal).

822
Hutauruk, Lahir, Berakar dan Bertumbuh di dalam Kristus (2011), 187; Buku Ruhut Parmahanion
dohot Paminsangon di Huria Kristen Batak Protestan, (Pearaja: Kantor Pusat HKBP, 1987), 25, 26,
41.
823
Pancasila (The Five Pillars), which is listed in the preamble of Undang-Undang Dasar 1945 (the
Indonesian Constitution) is the state philosophy. Pancasila consists of five principles: recognition of
the one and only God, just and civilized humanity, the unity of the Indonesian people, democracy in
the sense of the traditional means of reaching consensus, and social justice for all Indonesians.
Pancasila guarantees religious freedom. Although a majority of Indonesians are Muslims, the
constitution acknowledges the existence of other religions and guarantees their equal status under the
law. There are six religions recognized by the state - Islam, Christian [referring to the Protestant
Churches], Catholicism, Hinduism, Buddhism and Confucianism.
193
It is interesting that this confession advises church members to eat to fill
normal needs and not to waste food. At any feast in Batakland the church knows that
people tend to eat and drink as much as possible without regard to others. So this
article advises its member to show consideration to others in such a situation.
5.3 The Emergence of the Basic Articles of Faith of the GKPI
The GKPI was established on August 30, 1964 as a result of internal conflict
in the HKBP.824 Since the split from the HKBP was not caused by a doctrinal dispute
but by a leadership conflict, the structure and content of GKPI’s Basic Articles of
Faith are similar to those of the HKBP. Jan S. Aritonang, who wrote a history of the
GKPI for its 50th year jubilee, mentions that the confession of the GKPI was “more
or less inspired by the Confession of the HKBP.”825
It is interesting that in the First General Synod Meeting of the GKPI of 1966
the decision was made that the GKPI would continue to use the 1951 Confession as
its confession. At that time, the GKPI was not ready yet to draft its new
confession.826 This is also evidence that the separation of the GKPI from the HKBP
had nothing to do with doctrinal dispute.
In its Church Constitution of 1966, despite making reference to Jesus Christ
as the only foundation of the church as the Bible of both Old and New Testaments
proclaims, the GKPI clearly stated that the Apostle Creeds and Luther’s Small

824
There are a number of books that cover the history of the emergence of the GKPI, such as Walter
Lempp, Benih yang Tumbuh XII, Suatu Survey mengenai Gereja-gereja di Sumatera Utara (Jakarta:
LPS-DGI, 1976); Radja Lubis, Timbul dan Berkembangnya Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia
(Pematangsiantar: Kolportase Pusat GKPI, 2007); T.M.S.P. Marbun, GKPI dalam Sejarah dan
Konteks Pergumulannya (Medan: Partama Mitra, 2012). The GKPI itself published an official history
of this church. See Jan S. Aritonang, Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan ke
Depan (Pematangsiantar: Kolportase GKPI, 2014).
825
Aritonang, Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan ke Depan, 26-27.
826
Laporan Ringkas Synode Am ke-1 Geredja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (GKPI) 18-22 April 1966
[Brief Report to the 1st Synod Assembly of the GKPI] (Pematangsiantar: Kantor Pusat GKPI), 14;
Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan Luther dan Relevansinya di Indonesia, 304.
194
Catechism were their guidance in fulfilling the three basic functions of the church
(koinonia [fellowship], marturia [witness], and diakonia [service]). The GKPI saw
that in these two documents the essence of its faith was substantially expressed.827 In
later the Church Constitution of the GKPI reference to Luther’s Small Catechism is
replaced by “Luther’s Catechism”. It apparently means that the GKPI now refer not
exclusively to Luther’s Small Catechism but to both Luther’s Small Catechism and
Large Catechism instead.828
The General Synod of the GKPI in 1988 decided to draft its own
confession.829 The driving force for this decision was the existence of sects and
various teachings that created confusion and challenges to members of the GKPI.
The General Synod of 1988 was convinced that a confession would help church
members to understand the identity and teachings of the GKPI.830 The decision is
mentioned in the section entitled “Dogma, Confession and Identity of the GKPI” at
General Synod of 1988: ”Assigned to the Central Executive Board of the GKPI to
draft a confession of the GKPI that will clearly describe the convictions and identity
of the GKPI.”831
Two years before, in the General Synod of 1986 there was still objection to
acknowledging the need for drafting a confession from those who said that “the time

827
See “Tata Geredja – Geredja Kristen Protestant Indonesia. Yang Disahkan dan Ditetapkan oleh
Sidang Pleno Synode Am-I pada tanggal 20 April 1966,” [Church Constitution of the GKPI which
passed by 1st Synod Assembly of] 1966] in Laporan Ringkas Synode Am ke-1 Geredja Kristen
Protestan Indonesia (GKPI) 18-22 April 1966, 5-6; cf. GKPI, Almanak ni Geredja Kristen Protestant
Indonesia 1966 (Pematangsiantar: Colportase GKPI, 1966), 5; Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan
Luther dan Relevansinya di Indonesia, 306.
828
Tata Gereja GKPI (Church Constitution of the GKPI) Article II, 1b; PRT GKPI (Bylaws) Article
81, 4. See in Almanak GKPI Tahun 2015, 389, 441
829
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 3; Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1993), i.
830
See Intisari Keputusan Sinode Am IX GKPI, 5-9 September 1988, Medan (Minutes of 9th General
Synod of the GKPI, 1988), 89.
831
Intisari Keputusan Sinode Am IX GKPI, 5-9 September 1988, Medan (Minutes of 9th General
Synod of the GKPI, 1988), 72.
195
for drafting a confession is not yet at this very moment.”832 Even Andar
Lumbantobing, who led the church as bishop for 24 years, expressed a view that
GKPI’s formulation in its constitution, brief though it might be, was adequate.
Lumbantobing pointed to Article II, 1 of Church Constitution of the GKPI which
reads,
The Christian Protestant Church in Indonesia (GKPI) believes in Jesus Christ,

Lord and Savior, as revealed by God’s Word, namely the Old Testament and
New Testament. This confession motivates and illuminates the whole life of
the members of the GKPI.833
In a paper presented in 1990, Andar Lumbantobing, in which he wrote as theologian
rather than former church leader, voiced out that a newly separated confession was
not needed.834 Instead, Lumbantobing recommended the GKPI to draw up a sort of
“Catechism for Adults” as had been done in Germany a few years previously. This
Pastors’ Conference of 1990 respected Lumbantobing’s view that, basically, the
GKPI had had a confession. Therefore, what the GKPI needed, the Conference
argued, was guidance on basic articles of faith.835 Lumbantobing argued that two
small books written by Dahlenburg concerning Holy Baptism and Holy Communion
were sufficient as guidance on the issue of the church doctrine.836 Nonetheless, it had
been decided to draft a new confession.

832
See Aritonang Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan ke Depan, 103.
833
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 3; Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1993), i;
cf. Pasal 1, Tata Gereja GKPI yang Disahkan dan Ditetapkan oleh Sidang Pleno Sinode Am I pada
tanggal 20 April 1966; Tata Gereja GKPI 2013, Pasal II, 1 tentang Pengakuan dan Tujuan [Church
Constitution of 2013, Article II, 1 Concerning Confession and Goals], See Almanak GKPI Tahun
2015, 388.
834
Andar Lumbantobing, “Perlukah GKPI Menyusun suatu Konfessi pada Masa Kini?” [Is it
Necessary for our Church to Draft a Confession at this Time?”] in Notulen Rapat Pendeta GKPI XX,
26-28 Maret 1990, Tomok [Minutes of Pastors’ Conference of 1990], 11-12.
835
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 3; Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1993), i;
Notulen Rapat Pendeta GKPI XX, 26-28 Maret 1990, Tomok; Simorangkir, Ajaran Dua Kerajaan
Luther dan Relevansinya di Indonesia, 310; Aritonang Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah
dan Pandangan ke Depan, 103.
836
Andar Lumbantobing, “Perlukah GKPI Menyusun suatu Konfessi pada Masa Kini?” in Notulen
Rapat Pendeta GKPI XX, 26-28 Maret 1990, Tomok, 12. The titles of the books that Lumbantong
referred to were not mentioned specifically but perhaps he referred to these books of Dahlenburg’s:
196
A year later, at the Pastors’ Conference in 1991,837 the Committee for
Drafting GKPI’s Confession presented a draft entitled “Pokok-pokok Ajaran Iman
GKPI” (Basic Doctrines of the GKPI), which consisted of 16 articles.838 The 16
articles concern: 1) The Bible, 2) God, 3) Human Beings, 4) The Justification of
Sinners, 5) The Church, 6) Three Tasks of the Church, 7) The Sacraments, 8)
Confirmation, 9) Priesthood of All Believers, 10) Those Who Minister in the Church;
11) Christian Family, 12) Worship, 13) Offering, 14) Faith and Culture (Adat), 15)
Faith and Science, and, 16) Church and Government.839 The Committee stated that
they consulted several sources, namely, the Bible, the Lutheran Confessions,
especially Luther’s Small Catechism, Large Catechism, Augsburg Confession, and
Formula of Concord, and also the Church Constitution and Details of Organizational
Affairs (Bylaws), and a document called “Pemahaman Bersama Umat Kristen di
Indonesia” (Common Understanding of Christians in Indonesia), which had been
drafted by the Communion of Churches in Indonesia (CCI).840 After discussing the
material, the Pastors’ Conference of 1991 concluded that the title was to be changed
to “Pokok-pokok Iman Gereja Kristen Protestant” (Basic Articles of Faith of the
GKPI) and added five new articles to be worked out by the committee, namely Sin,

G.D. Dahlenburg, Konfesi-konfesi Gereja Lutheran. Pengantar dan Cuplikan Penting Konfesi-konfesi
Gereja Lutheran (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2000, 2nd ed.), and, G.D. Dahlenburg, Pemberitaan
Firman dan Pelayanan Sakramen (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 1991).
837
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 3-4; Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1993),
i-ii.
838
The Committee for Drafting GKPI’s Confession consisted of 12 persons and all were ordained
pastors: B. Aritonang, W. Lumbantobing, P. Sipahutar, Jan S. Aritonang, B. Siadari, S.H. Siregar,
M.S.E. Simorangkir, A. Hutauruk, R.F. Simamora, S. Manurung, P. Manalu, and, M. Siregar. See
Konsep Pokok-pokok Ajaran Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (17 pages), 2.
839
See Konsep Pokok-pokok Ajaran Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (17 pages), 3-17.
840
See Konsep Pokok-pokok Ajaran Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (17 pages), 1; cf.
“Pemahaman Bersama Umat Kristen di Indonesia” (Common Understanding of Christians in
Indonesia) of the CCI contains seven articles, namely, concerning God, concerning Creation and
Preservation, concerning Human Beings, concerning Salvation, concerning God’s Kingdom and New
Life, concerning the Church, and concerning the Bible. See Dokumen Keesaan Gereja (Jakarta: PGI,
2003), 18-30, 33-39; Dokumen Keesaan Gereja Persekutuan Gereja-gereja di Indonesia (DKG-PGI)
2014-2019 (Jakarta: PGI, 2015), 101-116, 121-133.
197
Law and Gospel, Blessing, Ecumenism, and Eschatology.841 The General Synod in
September 1991 then formally accepted the draft together with all suggestions that
came from the floor during the sessions. The committee was asked to edit all
suggestions in the final draft.842 At the Pastors’ Conference of 1992, many pastors,
including some members of the committee, critized the chairperson of the committee
for not editing all comments and suggestions from the General Synod of 1991 in the
draft.843 This made the Conference take the decision to appoint a team, which in part
also came from the previous committee, to finalize the draft.844
After The Basic Articles of Faith of the GKPI was issued for the first time in
1991 and then was discussed again by the Pastor’s Conference of the GKPI in 1992
and 1993, the General Synod of the GKPI on 20-24 September 1993 officially
received it.845 The GKPI drafted its own confession because of “the need for a more
systematic and clearer explanation of the doctrine of the GKPI,”846 to serve as
guidance at all levels of the GKPI.847
Although the contents of Basic Articles of 1991 and of 1993 are generally the
same, Lutheran identity is stronger in the version of 1991. The article concerning
Law and Gospel, for instance, is no longer treated as a separate article in the 1993

841
“Keputusan Rapat Pendeta GKPI XXI,” in Notulen Rapat Pendeta GKPI XXI, 7-9 Maret 1991,
Pematangsiantar [Minutes of Pastors’ Conference of 1991].
842
Laporan Pertanggungjawaban Pelaksanaan Tugas dari Biro I/Kerohanian untuk Synode Am XI,
20-24 September 1993, p. 5 in Notulen Rapat Pendeta GKPI XXIII, 23-28 Juli 1993, Pematangsiantar
(Minutes of Pastors’ Conference of 1993); Notulen Rapat Pendeta GKPI XXII, 14-19 Oktober 1992
(Minutes of Pastors’ Conference of 1992), 33-36, 76-78.
843
In this Pastors’ Conference, for example, Patut Sipahutar presented a written commentary and
suggestions for the draft. See Patut Sipahutar, “Tanggapan dan Usul Perbaikan atas Naskah Pokok-
pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI,” in Notulen Rapat Pendeta GKPI XXII, 14-19 Oktober 1992 (Minutes
of Pastors’ Conference of 1992), Appendixes, 63-65.
844
The committee consisted of B. Aritonang, C.P. Hutagalung, Jan S. Aritonang, B. Siadari, R.F.
Simamora, Adolf Hutauruk, Sahat Mt. Radjagukguk, and M.S. Hutagalung (language consultant). See
Notulen Rapat Pendeta GKPI XXII, 14-19 Oktober 1992 (Minutes of Pastors’ Conference of 1992),
35, 77.
845
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), ii.
846
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 4.
847
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), ii.
198
version, although the core of the message is still maintained in Article V concerning
Salvation and Justification of Sinners.848
5.4 Special Emphasis of Priesthood of All Believers in the GKPI
From the beginning, the GKPI felt that the church needed to encourage the
broad participation of the laity in the life of the church. In the establishment of the
GKPI and in its early development, lay people played an important role working
hand in hand with ordained ministers. Earlier the synod had two leaders who were
equal in terms of hierarchy. An ordained pastor acted as Chairperson of Spirituality
and a layperson served as Chairperson of Organisation.849 Where did the GKPI
obtain inspiration for this? According to the GKPI, it came from the Bible itself, in
particular 1 Peter 2: 5, 9, and especially from the teaching of Martin Luther. The
GKPI strongly emphasized the principle of the priesthood of all believers (in
Indonesian: Imamat Am Orang Percaya), at least as a slogan or motto. As Aritonang
stresses, the theme of the priesthood of all believers is periodically echoed in the
GKPI, such as at the Pastor’s Meetings or the General Synod. Questions about how
this should be implemented remained a concern. However, it is clear that from the
beginning, constitutionally, the GKPI has always place an emphasis on the
priesthood of all believers in its constitution. The Church Constitution of 2013,
Article VIII states, “To achieve the goals and fulfill the programs of the GKPI, all

848
Perhaps this also has something to do with the fact that the team that prepared the 1991 version
was accompanied by G.D. Dahlenburg (together with Dr. Andar Lumbantobing). Dahlenburg was sent
by LCA Australia and worked for the GKPI as an exchange minister from 1986-1991. Through his
writings and presentations, he influenced the awareness of Lutheran identity among Batak churches.
See Section 1.1.2; Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 6; cf. A list of the contents of The
Basic Articles of 1991 and of 1996 is provided in section 5.5 below; Section 5.5.2 on Law and
Gospel. See also minutes of several Pastor Meetings.
849
Aritonang, Yubileum 50 Tahun GKPI. Tinjauan Sejarah dan Pandangan ke Depan, 197; Jan S.
Aritonang, “Jatidiri GKPI dan Pendetanya – Dan Tantangan yang Dihadapi,” Makalah pada Rapat
Pendeta ke- 38 GKPI di Toledo Inn – Tuktuk, Samosir, 10-13 September 2012 (Identity of the GKPI
and Its Pastors, and the Challenges They Face. A Paper presented at the Pastor Meeting in 2012), 2.
199
church members are called to be responsible in the spiritual field as well as in the
material field. This understanding is based on the priesthood of all believers (1 Peter
2:9).”850
The Broad Outlines of Church Direction (Garis-garis Kebijakan Umum (GKU)
GKPI) says,
Vision, Mission and Motivation of the GKPI as body of Christ on the

implementation of its Broad Outlines of Church Direction for the term of
2010-2015 is continued to be motivated by the principle of priesthood of all
believers as a motto of ministries within the GKPI. Meaning: All members
and servants of the GKPI are a fellowship of priesthood of all believers who
are called to serve based on talents and gifts of each member. The GKPI
maintains the classification of tasks in an orderly and well-planned system,
made effective by the awareness and willingness of every member to
cooperate in a mutual way as the body of Christ.851
5.5 The Lutheran Characteristic of the Basic Articles of Faith of the GKPI
This study will treat both documents, the 1991 and 1993 Basic Articles of Faith of
the GKPI, as sources in order to compare the GKPI position on various topics used
earlier in this study for examining the Lutheran characteristics of the HKBP
Confession. While the main purpose here is to examine the Lutheran identity of the
GKPI by comparing its confessions with the Lutheran Confessions (The Book of
Concord), it also clear that on certain topics the 1991 and 1993 documents show a
slight differences. So, throughout this part I also compare the GKPI positions in both
years.

850
Article VIII of the Church Constitution of 2013. See Almanak GKPI 2015 (Pematangsiantar:
Kolportase Pusat GKPI, 2015), 390.
851
GKU Article I, 4.5. See Garis Kebijaksanaan Umum GKPI Periode 2010-2015 (Pematangsiantar:
Kolportase GKPI, 2010), 10. Although its substance remains basically the same, this document is
renewed every 5 years.
200
The Basic Articles of Faith The Augsburg Confession853 The Basic Articles of Faith
of GKPI. The 1991 of GKPI of 1993854
Version852
The Word of God (I) Concerning God (I) The Scripture (I)
God (II) Concerning Original Sin (II) God (II)
The Human Being (III) Concerning the Son of God (III) Creation and Preservation (III)
Sin (IV) Concerning Justification (IV) The Human Being (IV)
Justification of Sinners (V) Concerning Ministry in the Church Salvation and Justification of the
(V) Sinners (V)
Law and Gospel (VI) Concerning the New Obedience The Church: Its Nature, Form, and
(VI) Marks (VI)
The Church (VII) Concerning the Church (VII) (VII)
The Priesthood of All Believers What is the Church (VIII) The Sacraments and Preaching of
(VIII) the Word (VIII)
The Sacraments (IX) Concerning Baptism (IX) The Priesthood of All Believers
and Those Who Minister in the
Church (IX)
Catechism (X) Concerning the Lord’s Supper (X) Worship, Prayer and Offering (X)
Worship (XI) Concerning Confession (XI) Catechism and Confirmation (XI)
Those Who Minister in the Church Concerning Repentance (XII) Christian Family (XII)
(XII)
The Duty and Calling of the Concerning the Use of Sacraments Church and Culture (XIII)
Church (XIII) (XIII)
Christian Family (XIV) Concerning the Church Order Church and State (XIV)
(XIV)
Offering (XV) Concerning Church Rites (XV) Last Days and Escathon (XV)
Faith and Culture (XVI) Concerning Civic Affairs (XVI)
Faith and Science (XVII) Concerning the Return of Christ for
Judgement (XVII)
Church and Governement (XVIII) Concerning Free Will (XVIII)
Concerning the Angels, Devil, and Concerning the Cause of Sin
Wicked Spirits (XIX) (XIX)
The Escathon (XX) Concerning Faith and Good Works
(XX)
Concerning the Cult of the Saints
(XXI)
Concerning Both Kinds of the
Sacrament (XXII)
Concerning the Marriage of Priests
(XXIII)
Concerning the Mass (XXIV)
Concerning Confession (XXV)
Concerning the Distinction of
Foods (XXVI)
Concerning Monastic Vows
(XXVII)
Concerning the Church’s Power
(XXVIII)
Conclusion
The GKPI clearly expresses its position as part of the Reformation church by
embracing the basic conviction that human beings are justified before God as a gift

852
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 1-45.
853
854
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 1-45.
201
on account of Christ. GKPI’s Basic Articles of Faith, Article V, states, “A sinner is
justified only on account of God’s mercy through the salvific work of Jesus
Christ.”855
The following formulation elaborates this:
With all his/her efforts human beings will not be capable to release
themselves from the power of sins and from the consequences of sins. Human
beings can only be freed from sins on account of God’s grace and God’s
salvific work through Jesus Christ.856
The GKPI’s Basic Articles of Faith does not possess a separate article on
Faith and Good Works but in this Article V there is a description of the relationship
between faith and good works. The Confession of the GKPI maintains that good
works performed by human being are the effects or result of justification. In this
understanding the Basic Articles makes clear that good works are performed by
believers as the consequence of being justified and as gratitude and praise to God
who has justified them. As the Basic Articles teaches, “Good works are not vehicles
or a medium for obtaining salvation from sins but the gratitude toward God who
works the justification and redemption.”857
The Basic Articles of 1993 does not retain from the Basic Articles of 1991 the
separate article on Law and Gospel. But in its Articles V there is a notion of the law
and gospel principle behind the explanation of the work of salvation. The Basic
Articles of 1993 says,

855
Article V, 1 (Justification of Sinners). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 15.
856
Article V, 3 (Salvation and Justification of Sinners) See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman Gereja
Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 14.
857
Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 15; Article V, 5 (Justification of Sinners). See Pokok-pokok
Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 16-17.
202
Even by obeying the Torah we are not justified since the justification happens
outside the Torah. The Torah is only to make known our sins and violations.
The Torah becomes the guidance for us to believe the salvific work
performed by Jesus Christ.858
The Basic Articles of 1991 begins by explaining several functions of the law,
even though the text itself does not specifically refer to “the two or three functions or
use of the law”. One of the functions is that the Torah teaches what is right and
pleasing to God.859 The other function of the Torah is to show sins and that sinners
will be punished by God because they have sinned.860 One more function, or perhaps
a variation from the one mentioned earlier,861 is to act as guidance for the justified
who now readily to obey the Torah even though they are aware that as long as they
remain in this world they will never be perfect.862 After presenting the law, the Basic
Articles of 1991 describe the Gospel as Good News for humanity. The Law accuses
but the Gospel pardons, granting forgiveness of sins and salvation.863
5.5.3 On the Church
Both The Basic Articles of 1991 and 1993 teach the universal nature of the
church characterized as catholic, holy, one, and apostolic. Each of these natures is
explained in detail.864 In addition to these the Confession of the GKPI maintains the
true nature of the church when the church proclaims the Word and administers the

858
Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 15. This part also occurs in Article V, 5 (Justification of Sinners).
See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 16.
859
Article VI, 1 (Law and Gospel). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 17.
860
Article VI, 1, 2 (Law and Gospel). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 17-18.
861
It is not very clear from the presentation and the redaction.
862
Article VI, 3 (Law and Gospel). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 18-19.
863
Article VI, 4 (Law and Gospel). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 19.
864
Article VI, 1, 2,3,4,5 (The Church: Its Nature, Existence and Sign). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman
Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 17-18; Article VII, 1, 2,3,4,5 (Law and Gospel). See
Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 19-21.
203
sacraments.865 Within this formulation, differently from the HKBP, the Basic
Articles of Faith of the GKPI does not include church discipline but only refers to the
Word and Sacraments. However, it appears here that that the phrase “the gospel is
preached harmoniously according to a pure understanding and the sacraments are
administered in conformity with the divine Word”866 is not precisely inserted.
5.5.4 Sacraments
The Confession of the GKPI teaches the real presence of Christ’s body and
blood in the elements of bread and wine. The Basic Articles of 1991 states,
The Holy Communion is the message of Lord Jesus Christ, who says: “Take,
26:26-27). Because of the Words that accompanied the physical eating and
As can be seen, The Basic Articles of 1991 inserts the precise phrase from Luther’s
Small Catechism in the GKPI’s formulation on the Lord’s Supper. This shows that
the GKPI consciously considers itself a Lutheran church and stresses its embrace of
“the real presence”. The Basic Articles of 1993 does not fully retain the formulation
of the Basic Articles of 1991 on the Lord’s Supper. However, while the Basic
Articles of 1993 uses the term “signs” when referring to the bread and wine, it also
states that after the Words of institution the bread and wine are truly Christ’s body
and blood:
The Holy Communion is the sign of commemoration of Lord Jesus Christ’s

suffering, and the fellowship with the body and blood of Christ (1 Cor.
10:16), which is embodied in the signs of bread and wine, as instituted by
him: “Take, eat, this is my body…,” and, “All of you drink it, for this is my

865
Article VI, 6 (The Church: Its Nature, Existence and Sign). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman
Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 18; Article VII, 5 (Law and Gospel). See Pokok-pokok
Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 21.
866
AC VII, 2 (German Text). See The Book of Concord. The Confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran
Church. Edited by Robert Kolb and Timothy J. Wengert, 42; The Book of Concord. The Confessions
of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. Translated and edited by Theodore G. Tappert, 32.
867
Article IX, 6 (The Sacraments). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 26.
204
blood of the new covenant, which is poured out for many for the remission of
sins. (Matt. 26:26-28; Luk. 22:19). Because of the Words that accompanied
the physical eating and drinking, we, therefore, receive the true body and
blood of Christ.868
5.5.5 Several Other Topics
In this part the Confession of the GKPI maintains that every member of the
church is called to be the servant of God and that the task of the servant is to serve
every member of the church. The nature of ministry is traced back to Jesus as role
model for servants of the church.869 In this article various servant roles are
mentioned, including ordained minister.870
5.5.5.2 On Government
The Confession of the GKPI teaches that God is the source of every
authority. In this understanding the government is also the servant of God. God uses
it to maintain law and order:871 The GKPI says, “If the government does not maintain
its function properly and even becomes evil force, the church has the freedom to
witness, as Peter did, and proclaim that “We must obey God rather than men.”872

868
Article VII, 6 (Sacraments and the Proclamation of the Word). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman
Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 23.
869
Article IX, 7, 8 (Priesthood of All Believers and Servant of God in the Church). See Pokok-pokok
Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 26; XII, 1, 2 (Servant of God in the
Church). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 32-33.
870
Article IX, 8 (Priesthood of All Believers and Servant of God in the Church). See Pokok-pokok
Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan Indonesia (1993), 26; XII, 4 (Servant of God in the
Church). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI (1991), 33.
871
Article XIV, 1, 2 (Church and State). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen
Protestan Indonesia (1993), 37; XVIII, 1 (Church and Government). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman
Iman GKPI (1991), 42.
872
Article XIV, 3 (Church and State). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman Gereja Kristen Protestan
Indonesia (1993), 37; XVIII, 2 (Church and Government). See Pokok-pokok Pemahaman Iman GKPI
(1991), 43.
205
In this formulation the GKPI maintains its Lutheran conviction on the nature of two
regimes.
206
CHAPTER 6
CONCLUSION AND REFLECTION
It is important that the Batak Church in 1951 chose to draft its own
confession rather than simply to adopt the whole Lutheran Confessions as contained
in The Book of Concord. This shows that although the Batak Church saw itself
standing in the line of Lutheran faith, at the same time, from the late 1940s to the
beginning of the 1950s the Batak Church was aware that they had different
challenges from those faced by German or European Christians in the 16th century.
For that reason, in addition to the formulation of teachings on such major topics as
salvation, the church, and the Lord’s Supper, the Confession of 1951 also described
the challenges and the context of the Batak Church. The challenges, already
described in Chapter 4, were Batak traditional beliefs, adat, Islam, and doctrines of
other churches and sects. Similarly, the 1996 Confession also emerged out of a
certain situation in which the need for guidance on the impact of industrialization
and the context of pluralism in Indonesia was the reason for drafting a new
confession. Actually, it is more appropriate to say that the 1996 Confession added
several articles to the 1951 Confession. Meanwhile, the Basic Articles of the GKPI,
which first appeared in 1991, also showed awareness of its own context. For, in
addition to the Lutheran teachings of the church, the Basic Articles included in its
contents responses to matters that this church faced as a Batak church.
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However, these confessions do not clearly show an effort to link Lutheran
theological convictions to or use Lutheran theology to deal with the contextual
challenges facing Batak churches.
This final chapter consists of two parts, conclusion and reflection. In the first
part I present my conclusion, namely, that based on the examination of their
confessions, Batak churches have clearly expressed their Lutheran identity. Then, in
the second part, I show that although Batak churches have embraced Lutheranism,
they are not yet seriously working on a theology to fit their Lutheran identity. To my
mind, this would be advantageous, as I will point out later. Finally, I reflect on how
to do this.
6.1 Conclusion
Batak churches are rooted in Pietism and established in Lutheranism. This
study shows that Batak churches clearly belong to the family of Lutheran churches
not only organizationally but also in accepting the basic theological convictions
essential to Lutheran identity. Although some parts of their confessions are not
formulated as clearly as those in the Lutheran Confessions, my studies show that the
confessions of Batak churches are not just in line with but truly embrace
Lutheranism.
Areas that seem less strongly Lutheran concern the signs of the true church
and the Lord’s Supper. However, as I have shown, the formulation of the HKBP on
such topics is clearly still in line with Lutheran understanding. Meanwhile, the
formulation of the GKPI, which emerged forty years after the 1951 Confession of the
HKBP, is closer to the Lutheran Confessions in both articles.
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The HKBP includes church discipline as one of the essential marks of the
true church. HKBP’s formulation, “The true church is present when the gospel is
purely preached, [and] when the two sacraments are truly administered as instituted
by the Lord Jesus,” clearly uses the language of AC Article VII. However, according
to the HKBP, the exercise of church discipline is also considered an essential mark
of the true church. It cannot, therefore, be excluded from the description of the
church. Not everyone agreed. Andar Lumbantobing criticized the inclusion of church
discipline as being of equal importance as proclaiming the gospel and administering
the sacraments. Church discipline, Lumbantobing argues, is not an essential mark of
the church. Indeed the Basic Articles of Faith of the GKPI does not include church
discipline but only refers to the Word and Sacraments. However, GKPI’s
formulation does not exactly follow AC’s well-known formulation, namely, that “the
gospel is purely preached and the holy sacraments are administered according to the
gospel.”
6.1.1 On Justification by Faith and the Relation of Faith and Good Works
Batak churches’ understanding of justification by faith alone is similar to the
Lutheran Confessions. Article VII of the 1951 Confession is not called “justification”
but in substance it is the same as AC Article IV concerning justification. In other
words, it clearly follows AC Article IV. The content and the nature of the doctrine of
justification is explicitly and strongly present in the 1951 Confession. However, the
1951 Confession contains no discussion of the distinction between the forensic and
effective side of justification, such as we find in FC. FC does this to exclude any
suggestion that humans work the effective side. According to FC, renewal and
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sanctification are the result of justification. The 1951 Confession does not discuss
justification in such detail.
The title used by the 1951 Confession, “Salvation from sin”, is changed in the
1996 Confession to “Salvation” without altering the substance of the presentation on
justification. Article VI of the 1996 Confession, Concerning Salvation, continues to
show a Lutheran understanding of justification by faith, emphasizing that salvation is
the redemptive work of God in Christ. But the focus of the 1996 Confession is not
solely on justification by faith alone and the relationship between faith and good
works. Article VI of the Confession of 1996 maintains its focus not only on future-
oriented salvation but also on present-oriented salvation. The intention of this new
emphasis is to push believers to be lively and energetically active in this world by
creating a better life for themselves and for others.
Some have criticized the 1951 Confession for putting too much emphasis on
future-oriented salvation. However, it cannot be said that the contents of Article VII
of the 1951 Confession had eliminated the present aspect of salvation. Rather, if
understood carefully, the teaching of justification by faith alone is very positive in
encouraging people, who have received the grace of God, to do good works
voluntarily and freely. Therefore, good works are placed as the consequence of being
justified, namely, to serve and please God and at the same time to serve neighbors in
love, as Luther had emphasized.
It is important to explain the relationship of faith and good works as
understood by Lutheran churches. In Lutheran theology, good works are not
unimportant; good works are necessary. It is true that good works are not needed to
obtain salvation. Nevertheless, those who are justified will do good works freely and
spontaneously. In this case, good works refer to the Ten Commandments, which God
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desires and commands believers to perform as praise to God and service to
neighbors. Without good works, such faith is not obviously faith. This is the position
of Luther. In the 1951 Confession, the Batak Church embraces Luther’s
understanding of the relation of faith and good works. Luther understood that good
works follow from faith, from justification, not the other way around. In its
understanding of good works as indicative, not imperative, as a natural consequence
of faith, not a matter of obligation, the Batak Church is in line with Luther.
The confession of the GKPI also maintains that human beings perform good
works as the result of justification. The Basic Articles confirms this understanding:
believers do good works as the consequence of being justified and as gratitude and
praise to God, who has justified them.
In the Confession of 1951, there is no article on law and Gospel. However,
"the Gospel" is mentioned several times without immediately being linked to “the
law”. Nonetheless, the relationship between law and gospel and the primacy of the
gospel is made clear in sporadic mentions throughout this confession. Its writers fail
explicitly to discuss law and gospel because their focus was exclusively on AC,
where the distinction is not as clear as in Ap., SC, LC, SA, and FC. However,
according to some scholars, certain articles in AC show the Lutheran principle of law
and gospel, for example, article XI “Concerning Confession” and article XII
“Concerning Repentance”.
In relation to the theme of “confession” and “repentance,” it is worth noting
that Nommensen’s Batak translation of Luther's Small Catechism does not include
Luther’s concept of the role of the law and gospel in confession and absolution. Here
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Luther explains that confession consists of two parts: confession of sins, and the
declaration of the forgiveness of sins. This description shows that the Ten
Commandments cause sinners to realize they have sinned so they can repent. Once
they have repented, they hear and receive the forgiveness of their sins. The demands
of the law heavily burden and distress the conscience, but hearing the absolution, the
Gospel, the heart will be relieved and comforted.
Like the 1951 Confession, although not to the same degree, the 1996
Confession shows an awareness of the law and gospel principle. Neither the 1951
Confession nor the Confession of 1996 possesses a particular article concerning law
and gospel. However, both of them, like AC, although not to the same degree,
contain and apply the distinction of law and Gospel.
Following the 1951 Confession, the Confession of 1996 sporadically
mentions the Gospel. These references are not always directly linked to the law in
the sense that, on the one hand, the law “reveals, denounces, and condemns sin,” but,
on the other hand, the gospel promises grace given in Christ, or justifies “the terrified
or makes them alive.” However, Batak Church Confessions are substantially aware
of the distinction of law and gospel.
Meanwhile, The Basic Articles of the GKPI does contain an article
concerning law and gospel in which the law accuses but the Gospel forgives and
grants salvation. The Confession of the GKPI also mentions the function of the law
for Christian lives. The law also guides the justified who now readily obey the Torah,
even though they are aware that as long as they remain in this world, they will never
be perfect.
Thus, the presentation of the law and gospel principle in the 1996 Confession
is rather weak, especially in comparison to the 1951 Confession. In the revised
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confession, the HKBP did not present the principle of law and gospel in a more
systematic way. The Basic Articles of Faith of 1993 of the GKPI omits the
presentation of law and gospel as a separate article, whereas the earlier version of
1991 maintains it as a separate article and clearly explains the distinction. However,
the 1993 version still provides a short description of law and gospel.
6.1.3 On the Real Presence
The 1996 Confession of the HKBP fully retains the formulation of the 1951
Confession concerning the Lord’s Supper. But it also makes clear that the HKBP did
not try to make it closer to the formulation of the Lutheran Confessions. That said,
the HKBP formulation is not inconsistent with the Lutheran understanding of the real
presence. Indeed, the formulation is close to Lutheran teaching. Firstly, it basically
follows the formulation of Luther’s Small Catechism. Nommensen’s translation of
Luther’s Small Catechism introduced a local word “parhitean” (as a means of
mediating; medium, bridge, a vehicle) in its efforts to explain about the elements of
bread and wine. However, the use of the term “parhitean” does not necessarily
exclude the real presence (a bodily presence) of Christ in the elements of bread and
wine. Sitompul makes it clear that the Confessional and Doctrinal Commission
tended towards the interpretation that, according to the words of institution, the
elements of bread and wine are the real body and blood of Christ. However, because
of tension with the Catholic Church, the Confessional and Doctrinal Commission
were afraid that such a formulation would be confused with the teaching of the
Catholic Church on transubstantiation. Therefore, the Commission avoided the
language of “real presence”. In a catechetical instruction book that was an adaptation
and elaboration of Luther’s Small Catechism, Müller also made use of “parhitean”
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but went on to explain that the bread and wine received by the believers in the Holy
Communion are the real body and blood of Jesus Christ. Therefore, the word
“parhitean” does not exclude the real presence. Secondly, the formulation of the
HKBP clearly does not imply that the bread and wine are only the signs without the
presence of Christ. Furthermore, there is no rejection in this formulation of the bread
and wine as the very body and blood of Christ. Nor is there any statement that the
bread and wine are only “a divine sign and confirmation” of Jesus’ body (and blood),
as in the Heidelberg Catechism, which had earlier been translated into Batak and
introduced into the Batak Church. Christ is understood as present in the Lord’s
Supper, although the formulation does not explicitly proclaim the real presence.
The Indonesian version of the 1996 Confession uses the term “vehicle” for
bread and wine. Luther also referred to the bread and wine are “the vehicle” of the
presence of Christ. The Word is what makes Christ present in the elements of bread
and wine. The bread and wine are more than a mere sign. Luther actually can speak
of the element of bread [and wine] as a “sign” but after the Words of institution the
elements are more than a mere sign. In his treatise, The Blessed Sacrament of the
Holy and True Body of Christ, and the Brotherhoods (1519), Luther affirmed that
bread is “a sure sign”. Luther particularly emphasizes this in his rejection of the
Catholic dogma of transubstantiation, which claims that by the Words of institution
the bread and wine become substantially the body and blood Christ even though the
form of bread and wine remain. For Luther, however, the bread remains bread and
the wine remains wine, but with the Words of institution Christ’s body and blood are
present in the elements. In his confrontation with Zwingli, who considered the bread
only a symbol and taught that Christ is not present in the Lord’s Supper, Luther
maintained that the elements are no longer “mere bread and wine” after the Words of
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institution. Luther thus is very much concerned with the Words of institution as the
basis for understanding the Lord’s Supper and for the presence of Christ “in and
under” the bread and wine. Furthermore, in what is considered his most detailed and
most profound teaching on the Lord’s Supper, Confession Concerning Christ's
Supper (1528), Luther described his theory of “sacramental union,” namely, that
Christ truly unites himself with the bread and wine without their ceasing to be bread
and wine.
It is true that the Reformed churches, following Calvin, also understand that
Chris is truly present in the Lord’s Supper, but Christ is present spiritually not
bodily. Zwingli also adopted this position in the latter version of his presentation on
the Lord’s Supper.
HKBP’s position is perhaps not entirely clear, though it does seem to lean
towards the Lutheran interpretation. In contrast, the confession of the GKPI clearly
teaches the real presence of Christ’s body and blood in the elements of bread and
wine. The Basic Articles inserts the wording of Luther’s Small Catechism in the
GKPI’s formulation on the Lord’s Supper: “Because of the Words that accompany
the physical eating and drinking, we, therefore, receive the true body and blood of
Christ.” In this reality, the GKPI consciously considers itself a Lutheran church and
stresses its embracing of “the real presence”.
6.2 Reflection
I have dealt in detail about the legacies that Batak churches inherited from the
Rhenish Mission. It is clear that the church, through all the works of the Rhenish
Mission in its 80-year presence in Batakland, was one of key factors enabling the
development of the Batak people. From the beginning, the Rhenish Mission’s
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strategy was to operate an educational program parallel to its mission program;
schools were a tool to reach and educate the Batak people. The mission was
obviously successful in its efforts to elevate the Batak people in many aspects.
However, the Bataks were also convinced that the Rhenish Mission was half-hearted
in introducing and promoting so-called Western education in Batakland. The Bataks
urged the Rhenish Mission to open and provide schools so alumni could find good
jobs and attain good positions, such as administrative personnel on plantations or
other jobs in the colonial era of the time. This meant that schools should teach Dutch
and use it as the medium of instruction. The mission did not like this worldly
attitude. The Rhenish Mission finally gave way to this demand but often complained
that the Batak were more interested in the modern spirit of progress than in the spirit
of the Gospel. However, different attitudes appeared in the post-Rhenish period. In
the 1950s, the new autonomous Batak Church got direct support from the LWF to
open Nommensen University in North Sumatra.873 Could the LWF’s openness have
been affected by a Lutheran understanding of the relation of faith and good works?
Indonesia is seen as a religious nation because religious practices dominate
public life.874 Church buildings are common in North Tapanuli, in other parts of
Sumatra, and other provinces where Christians are the majority (such as North

873
See “Letter of Information from the Lutheran World Federation Concerning Their Assistance to
the HKBP,” in Clark E. Cunningham, The Postwar Migration to the Toba-Bataks to East Sumatra
(Southeast Asia Studies, Cultural Report Series, Yale University, 1958), 178.
874
Six religions are recognized by the government - Islam, Christian, Catholic, Hinduism, Buddhism,
and Confucianism. What I mean by religion dominating public life is the rampant practice of religious
rituals in most public activities, for example: religious studies as a compulsory subject in schools;
“Azan Magrib” (Maghrib Azan) played on almost all television (i.e. every dawn and sunset); prayer as
one element in state official events; an opening greeting of state official’s speech always contains
religious references, namely, “Assalamu alaikum wa rahmatullahi wa barakatuh" (May the peace,
mercy, and blessings of Allah be with you), and, "Salam sejahtera” (Peace be with you"). The latter is
a Christian greeting that is used with the Islamic one as a representation of other religions. The
Indonesian population, according to the last official census of 2010, numbered 237,641,326 - of which
207.176.162 (87.18 %) are Muslims: 23.436.386 (9.86 %); Christian (Protestant 16.528.513; Catholic
6.907.873); Hindu: 4.012.116 (1.69 %); Buddhist: 1.703.254 (0.72 %); Khong Hu Chu: 117.091 (0.05
%); Other: 174; not stated: 139.582; not asked: 757.118. Source: http://www.bps.go.id/eng [this is an
official website owned by the Central Statistics Agency of the Indonesian Government].
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Sulawesi, East Nusa Tenggara, Papua) or half of the population in the region
(Moluccas, North Sumatra, and West Kalimantan). Mosques can be found almost
everywhere in Indonesia. Many Christians go to church on Sunday, and every Friday
many mosques will be full of people worshipping. Indeed, so many come to some
mosques that the overflow spills onto the road outside.
On the other hand, although religious practices shape the daily lives of the
people, levels of corruption,875 intolerance,876 and poverty877 are also very high in
Indonesia. It is true that religiosity is very evident in ceremonies, confessions and
celebrations, but this is not too visible in actual deeds and works of love. To put it
another way, actions do not match words. It is worth noting, however, that church
social engagement received overwhelming endorsement in the 1970s. This led to the
establishment of institutions such as Pelayanan dalam Pembangunan (Church
Programs in Supporting Development) and, Partisipasi dalam Pembangunan
(Participation in Development Programs), which operated at national, regional or

875
Many government officers and leaders (such as mayors or governors) as well as politicians have
been jailed for corruption. At the end of May 2014, the KPK (the Corruption Eradication Committee)
named the Minister of Religious Affairs, Suryadharma Ali, who at that same time held the position of
the general chairman of an Islamic party, namely, the United Development Party (PPP), as a suspect
in a corruption case linked to hajj pilgrimage management. See news captured the case on “Religious
affairs minister named suspect in corruption case,” Antaranews.com, 23 Mei 2014,
http://www.antaranews.com/en/news/94165/religious-affairs-minister-named-suspect-in-corruption-
case (accessed 22 September, 2014). Before him, Luthfi Hasan Ishaaq, the president of Prosperous
Justice Party (PKS), an Islamic political party, which is well known in Indonesia as a party that calls
themselves an anti-corruption party and a pure Islamic party, aiming to bring about a central role of
Islam in the public life, was caught by Corruption Eradication Commission, and later sentenced by the
Jakarta Corruption Court to 16 years in prison for graft and money laundering. See “Former PKS boss
gets 16 years for graft,” in The Jakarta Post, 10 December 2013,
http://www.thejakartapost.com/news/2013/12/10/former-pks-boss-gets-16-years-graft.html (accessed
22 September 2014).
876
For example: Many churches were forced to close [such as HKBP Ciketing, GKI Yasmin]; several
districts of Indonesia, especially in Java and Aceh, have adopted Shari’ah laws/regulations as part of
their constitution in recent years; there have been incidents of violence against Ahmadiyah and Shia
followers.
877
Based on the Indonesian government's official poverty line of 233,740 rupiah per capita per month,
which less than US$ 28 (less then $ 1 per day), there are over 30 million classified as poor. Cf. The
World Bank’s assessment (based on US$ 1, 25 as poverty line): More than 32 million Indonesians
currently live below the poverty line. But if the poverty line is US$ 2 per day, half of the Indonesian
population can be classified as poor. The Indonesian population according to the last official census
(by Central Statistics Agency) that took place in 2010 is 237,641,326 people. See
http://www.bps.go.id/eng
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local levels. Special concern for social issues remained an important thing for the
PGI (Communion of Churches in Indonesia/CCI) and for many theologians in
Indonesia as well. The huge problem of poverty in Indonesia lay behind this.878
Social concern is never absent from theological discourse in the family of the PGI.
However, implementation is always an issue as well. In 2011, the PGI held the
National Theological Consultation, which identified current Indonesian problems,
such as poverty, corruption and abuse of power, humiliation of human dignity and
human rights violations, and the existence of hardline Islamic groups. Many agreed
that the ecumenical movement in Indonesia should concentrate on implementing
social work that addresses the needs of churches and society rather than other things,
such as worship and ceremonial activities.879
Indonesian society in general seems to place more emphasis on faith than
good works, at least professions of faith rather than the fruits of faith. The Batak
people, in contrast, are known for judging people by their deeds and achievements.
Their worldview is clearly expressed in their ideals: hamoraon (wealth), hagabeon
(fecundity), and hasangapon (honor, glory), commonly called the "3Hs" (“H” is the
first letter in those three words). Any person who has achieved wealth (rich),
fecundity (having many children) and respect and honor obtains the so-called sahala

878
See Jhon Piter Enriko Simorangkir, Pergumulan Hidup Sopir dan Kernet Batak Toba di Jakarta:
Sebuah Studi Etika Sosial. Magister Theology Thesis at Jakarta Theological Seminary (Jakarta: STT
Jakarta, 2004), 139ff.; Jan S. Aritonang, “Supaya Engkau Membuka Belenggu-belenggu Kelaliman:
Menelusuri Kiprah dan Kepedulian Gereja-gereja Indonesia di Bidang Sosial.” Orasi Dies Natalis ke-
58 Sekolah Tinggi Teologi Jakarta [Opening Shackles of Tyranny: Tracing the Effort and Care of
Churches in Indonesia in the Social Sector ". Oration of 58th Anniversary Jakarta Theological
Seminary] 25 September 1992, 8ff.; Jan S. Aritonang, “Perkembangan Pemikiran teologis di
Indonesia, 1960-1990-an”, in Ferdinand Suleeman, et. al., (eds.), Bergumul dalam Pengharapan.
Buku Penghargaan untuk Pdt. Dr. Eka Darmaputera (Struggling in Hope. A Tribute to the Rev. Dr.
Eka Darmaputera) (Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 3rd2004), 266-271.
879
See Jan S. Aritonang, et. al. (eds.), Meretas Jalan Menuju Perdamaian, Keadilan, dan Keutuhan
Ciptaan: Konsultasi Teologi Nasional 2011 [Paving the way to Peace, Justice and Integrity of
Creation: 2011 National Theological Consultation]. (Jakarta: PGI, 2012), xx, 5.
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(authority; the ability to exercise special types of power).880 Meanwhile, in social
life, what is expected from any individual is to conduct his life according to adat
(custom and law), namely, to follow the principles of what is good and bad, what is
allowed and not allowed, prohibited, and inappropriate (tongka, unang, na so jadi) as
instilled by the ancestors.881 In other words, one is expected to fulfill the traditional
relationship with others as demanded by adat. Life events that must be carried out by
adat rite or ceremony are the birth of a child, marriage (pamuli boru, pangolihon
anak), and burial of the dead, reburial of the bones of the dead in a new tomb
(mangongkal holi, panangkonhon saring-saring ni natua-tua tu tambak na tumimbo).
There are other things which were later added but which are not considered
obligatory (adat na niadathon), namely, the adats of celebrating baptism
(mamestahon anak na tardidi), confirmation (pesta malua sian panghangkungi),
birthday, thanksgiving for earning a degree (mamestahon anak mandapot gelar
sarjana).882 In those events the three elements that form the social structure of Batak
society, which is called Dalihan na Tolu (three-stones hearth), are present. Dalihan
na Tolu883 is a philosophy of life of Batak people that established social relationships
through three inter-related groups that formed Batak society: Hulahula (wife-giver
side), dongan sabutuha (the same marga; clan), and boru (wife-receiver side).884 The

880
For a deeper explanation of this concept of sahala, see Ph. O. L. Tobing, The Structure of the
Toba-Batak Belief in the High God, 2nd ed. (Makassar: South and South-East Celebes, Institute for
Culture, 1963), 101-106; A.B. Sinaga, The Toba-Batak High God – Transendence and Immanence
(St. Augustin: Anthropos Institute, 1981), 103-104; Harry Parkin, The Batak Fruit of Hindu Thought
(Madras: The Christian Literature Society, 1978), 276.
881
A.B. Sinaga, “Pengertian Adat dan Implikasinya terhadap Agama,” in B.A. Simanjuntak, ed.
Pemikiran tentang Batak (Medan: Pusat Dokumentasi dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan Batak Univ.
HKBP Nommensen, 1986), 88ff; Jhon Piter Enriko Simorangkir, Pergumulan Hidup Sopir dan
Kernet Batak Toba di Jakarta: Sebuah Studi Etika Sosial. Tesis Magister Theologiae STT Jakarta
(Jakarta: STT Jakarta, 2004), 22.
882
I. Simanjuntak, “Pesta Adat di Kalangan Suku Batak Toba yang Beragama Kristen,” in Pemikiran
tentang Batak, 114-116.
883
Literally means the three stones hearth: three pillars implies stability, a well-balanced society.
884
Hulahula points to one’s father-in-law and his nearer dongan sabutuha. Dongan sabutuha literally
means “womb companions”. It points to agnatic relationship which is also called dongan samarga, i.e.
marga companions (coming from the same kinship unit). And, boru indicates one’s son-in-law and his
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principle of the Dalihan na Tolu is aimed to maintain the rule of somba marhulahula
(showing respect to wife-giver side), elek marboru (showing kindness to wife-
receiver side), and, manat mardongan tubu (careful in living with marga
companions; relatives within the same kinship units). In the Batak worldview, those
who meet the above demands of adat gain salvation.885 Therefore, salvation in the
Batak worldview depended upon one’s effort and achievement. In another words,
one is saved by one’s own efforts.
Given this cultural background, the Lutheran theology of justification by
faith, especially its understanding of the relation of faith and good works, is
particularly pertinent. We have seen that in Indonesia in general professions of faith
are rarely matched by accompanying deeds, whereas the Batak traditionally lays
great emphasis on deeds and achievements. The Lutheran discourse of faith and good
works strikes the right balance between the two. It would enable the Batak Lutheran
churches to answer their call to deal with the challenges of poverty, corruption and
oppression that face Indonesia.
We have seen that the Batak people traditionally idealized the 3 Hs as part of
the “struggle for self-justification”. In this tradition, each individual is dependent on
the recognition of others. It is true that Batak people are still highly oriented towards
“achievements”. In many ways, Bataks measure these achievements materially,
though it would be incorrect to equate them only with material possessions, since the
3 H concept relates to holistic ideals of physical and spiritual welfare. Accordingly,
one might think that the message of justification is irrelevant for Batak people

nearer dongan sabutuha. See Ph. O. L. Tobing, The Structure of the Toba-Batak Belief in the High
God, 2nd ed. (Makassar: South and South-East Celebes, Institute for Culture, 1963), 84.
885
Juaksa Simangunsong, “Keselamatan di dalam Agama Kristen Diperhadapkan dengan
Keselamatan di dalam Ajaran Suku Batak Asli,” in Kontekstualisasi Pemikiran Dogmatika di
Indonesia. Buku Penghormatan 70 Tahun Prof. Dr. Sularso Sopater. Ed. by A.A. Yewangoe, et. al.
(Jakarta: BPK Gunung Mulia, 2004), 203.
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because the question is no longer how to be justified before God, but rather how to
be justified in the eyes of fellow humans. Actually, the two are neither incompatible
nor separate.886 Moreover, even for people who stress “achievements”, the message
of justification by faith is relevant since this instructs us that it is not success and
achievements that determine the meaning of our lives but grace and the promise of
God. We cannot create or purchase everything in life; we are granted much as gifts
(our existence, our health, our families).887 My views tend more toward a reflection
on how the Batak can benefit from Lutheran theology in which good works are a
necessary fruit of grace. To my mind, this is a line the Batak churches should pursue.
By pursuing such a Lutheran theology, Batak churches can still maintain
good ecumenical relations with other churches in Indonesia in which confessionalism
is not a tendency. At the same time, they can contribute theologically to the lives of
churches and society. Doing theology from the values and the convictions of a
certain denomination is not a problem. Lutheran churches around the world do not
see their confessional element and their Lutheran identity as an obstacle. On the
contrary, it best serves the ecumenical interest. Fundamentally, for Lutherans the real
focus is the gospel of Christ, as is the case with all members of the ecumenical
movement. Article VII of the Augsburg Confession says, “It is enough for the true
unity of the church to agree concerning the teaching of the gospel and the
administration of the sacraments.” Identity is not an a priori and I think the important
question to answer is this: why and how a certain theological conviction is necessary
and relevant in doing contextual theology.
My main purpose in this study is to show how Batak churches embrace
Lutheranism through their confessions. Although I shall not enter into detail, I also

886
See Section 3.3.1 in Chapter III.
887
ACTC no. 113. See Accepted by God – Transformed by Christ: The Doctrine of Justification by
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want to point out how Batak Lutheran churches can use Lutheran theology to
develop a contextual theology dealing with cultural challenges and poverty.
The Batak churches have still to apply the Lutheran doctrine of the
relationship of faith and good works to the Batak people’s 3 Hs and to the broader
Indonesian context. Rather than approaching those needs and characteristics from a
Lutheran perspective, the 1996 Confession seems to prefer “salvation today”, or
social theology. This is not to say “salvation today’ is not a good theology. Indeed it
is. However, in my opinion, Batak churches need to deal with the problem of culture
and poverty by utilizing Lutheran doctrine: justification is by faith alone, but the
fruits of true faith are good works.
As explained above, the context of Batak churches clearly requires a
theological thinking that emphasizes the importance of good works. I contend that,
properly understood, Lutheran theology provides such an emphasis. There is this
impression that good works are less important for Luther and Lutheranism. Of
course, this is very wrong. It is true that good works are not needed to obtain
salvation. But, and this is very important, those who are justified will do good works
freely and spontaneously. Of course, this assurance of salvation and the conviction
that good works follow justification is not understood in a mechanical way, for
believers will freely and spontaneously perform good works, thanks to God’s grace.
Lutheran understanding in this area is valuable, because good works are viewed as a
response to justification. In other words, we are not allowed to consider ourselves as
the center of everything. The center is God. And so, this is our position: Being
justified we do good deeds, because we are justified by God.
This theology of the necessity of good works, which is maintained in the
framework of justification by faith alone, is a corrective both to Indonesian society at
222
large and to Batak society in particular. As we have seen, in Indonesia generally
there is a tendency for professions of faith without corresponding deeds. In Batak
society, there is a traditional bias to judging people by their deeds and achievements.
I want to emphasize that the 1951 Confession embraces Luther’s
understanding of the relation of faith and good works. It interprets Luther correctly
when emphasizing that good works follow from faith, from justification, not the
other way around. The 1951 Confession shows clearly that its understanding of good
works is indicative, not imperative. It means that good work is a natural consequence
of faith, not a matter of obligation. The confession of the GKPI also maintains that
good works performed by human beings are the effects or result of justification. In
addition, in this understanding The Basic Articles makes clear that believers perform
good works as the consequence of being justified and as gratitude and praise to God,
who has justified them.
I have said that the formulation of the 1996 Confession on faith and good
works is weaker than the 1951 Confession. Actually, both are equally strong in
stressing the importance of good works. The difference, in my opinion, lies in their
different approaches. The 1996 Confession in its efforts to emphasize good works as
something important and urgent does not primarily make use of the Lutheran
theology of the relationship of faith and good works but rather uses social theology
to emphasize that Christians are called to address the problems society faces
(salvation today). The 1996 Confession also adds a new emphasis on a need for an
active attitude, a skill in working and even a theology of work that seems to be not
substantially connected with Luther’s insights about calling or vocation. Meanwhile,
the 1951 Confession purely explains this matter from the relationship of faith and
good works as it is perceived in the Lutheran Confessions.
223
Through their confessions, the Batak churches have shown their
understanding of Lutheran theology. However, this in itself is not enough. To deal
with the issues facing not just Batak communities but Indonesia as a whole, the
Batak churches must apply Luther’s doctrine of the necessity of good works.
224
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LUTHERAN IDENTITY OF BATAK CHURCHES:

A STUDY OF THE CONFESSION OF FAITH OF THE HKBP

AND THE BASIC ARTICLES OF FAITH OF THE GKPI

My wife, Tiarma Pintauli Tambun, my children Pinondang Maura Simorangkir,

Tarida Epiphania Simorangkir, Joseph Martua Shemuel Simorangkir

stronger and closer to each other.

always an inspiration for me in my work as pastor. God is so kind, my father often

compassion is over all that he has made” (Psalm 145:9, NRSV).

The Batak Church is the result of the Rhenish Mission’s evangelization.

Heavily influenced by pietism, the mission, which stood as a confessionally neutral

become an autonomous church, it joined the Lutheran World Federation (LWF).

Lutheran confession. Through an examination of the confessions of Batak churches,

this study demonstrates how Batak churches that originated as non-confessional

examination of their confessions, Batak churches have clearly expressed their

Lutheran theological convictions to or use Lutheran theology to deal with the

contextual challenges facing Batak churches. Although Batak churches have

I am blessed to have the opportunity to study at the Lutheran

Theological Seminary Hong Kong under the endorsement of my synod,

GKPI (Christian Protestant Church in Indonesia) and with scholarship

support from the United Evangelical Mission (UEM) at Wuppertal, Germany.

For this gracious support, I am wholeheartedly grateful to God and my

church and sponsor.

the beginning of the program. He pushed me to think critically, while giving

adviser Prof. Dr. Andreas Nehring, lecturer at the Friedrich Alexander

University of Erlangen-Nuremberg in Germany. Dr. Nehring carefully read

me to see weak points in my writing, which in turn made me think more

deeply about my findings and sharpened my presentation. John Meyrick,

lecturer of English at LTS, also helped me greatly. John is not only an

in my writing is wholly my responsibility but his comments and questions

have challenged me to somehow deepen my analysis and reflection. I also

acted as chairperson at my oral defense on December 15, 2016. I thank her

because her thorough reading and comments help me to improve my

my oral defense, for his suggestions.

From 2006 to 2011, I worked as a parish pastor in “Resort” Parbubu

Dolok, Tarutung, North Sumatra (resort is a unit of ministries consisting of

Patut Sipahutar, M.Th, elected Bishop of GKPI, offered me a chance to

continue my studies. I always remember how Bishop Sipahutar encouraged

me to pursue doctoral studies abroad. He wrote endorsements, etc., and

together we prepared my applications. I also wish to thank Rev. Berend

Among many people who have given me valuable help in my studies I

kindly supported my family and me during difficult times in my studies.

Thanks also go to Togar Sitanggang – Helen Sianipar, Dr. Sahala

Panggabean – Lena Bertha Nababan, Muda Siregar-Siagian, MA – br.

Riris Nainggolan, Ery Simanjuntak-Hutabarat, Dr. Ferdinand Nainggolan –

Tampubolon, M.Th, Rev. Maradong Nainggolan, M.Th, Rev. Ferdy

Nainggolan, Gersom Lumbantobing, and Rev. Börözatulo Gea.

faculty of Lutheran Theological Seminary (LTS) Hong Kong, the librarians

of LTS library, Rev. Christa von Zychlin (Coordinator of International

Purgiyanto), the library of STT HKBP Pematangsiantar, and especially the

library of STF Driyarkara Jakarta, where I spent most of my reading and

writing time during my research in Jakarta.

(Tarida Epiphania Simorangkir), and Joseph (Joseph Martua Shemuel

meaning of love and support. In addition, to my mother, Tio Rugun

Martina Tambun-Simangunsong Palebangan and all the relatives from my

Chapter 2. The Batak Church as the Result of the Rhenish Mission 18

Chapter 3. The Batak Church Joined the Lutheran World Federation 62

Chapter 4. Lutheran Characteristic of the Confession of 1951 98

Chapter 5. Lutheran Characteristic of the 1996 Confession of the 165

Chapter 6. Conclusion and Reflection 207