A Semiotic Analysis of Anti-Communism Political

Cartoons, with Reference to Propaganda Model of

Chomsky and Herman

Subject: Critical Discourse Analysis

Submitted to: Dr. Mujeeb Rehman

Submitted by: Nuzhat Ayub

Program: M.Phil English

Spring Semester 2017

Qurtaba University of Science and Technology

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

1.1. Background of the Study

Research trends in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) fall into two broad categories:
some deal with representations of news events across different news media platforms while
others focus on social prejudice and trends of power domination (Wang, 2009, p. 748). In other
words, CDA brings together social theory and textual analysis. Fairclough and Wodak (1997)
have provided the following common tenets within the tradition of CDA:

• Discourse does ideological work.

• Discourse constitutes society and culture.

• Discourse is situated and historical.

• Power relations are partially discursive.
• Mediation of power relations necessitates a socio-cognitive approach.
• CDA is a socially committed scientific paradigm that addresses social problems.
• Discourse analysis is interpretive, descriptive, and explanatory and uses a “systematic
methodology.”
• The role of the analyst is to study the relationships between texts and social practices.

The definitions of the word ‘language’ range from describing it as a tool of

communication to defining it as a system of signs including gestures, vocal sounds and written
symbols. The latter aspect of language is generally studied under the sub-discipline of semiotics
which, according to Dictionary.com, is “the study of signs and symbols as elements of
communicative behavior” with special focus on “the relations between written or spoken signs
and their referents in the physical world or the world of ideas.” Peirce’s sign theory includes
“every picture, diagram, natural cry, pointing finger, wink, knot in one’s handkerchief, memory,
dream, fancy, concept, indication, token, symptom, letter, numeral, word, sentence, chapter,
book, library” (1973: 50) in the category of sign. According to Fairclough, “What is going on
socially is indeed going on, partly or wholly, semiotically or linguistically.” Hence, all media
texts - such as articles, movies, cartoons, headlines- that bombard our daily life can be subject for
semiotic analysis.

This work focuses attention on the semiotic analysis of political cartoons, particularly
investigating their role in the propagation of specific ideologies and their efficacy as propaganda
tool. . A cartoon is “a drawing, representational or symbolic, that makes a satirical, witty, or
humorous point.” A political cartoon differs in its aim and subject matter from other types of
cartoons; it is ‘a satirical comment, usually humorous about a political person, event, institution
or idea, and reflecting the cartoonist’s own values or opinions on that issue’ (School Programs
Section, National Museum of Australia, 2002: 4). Being “an inversion of the serious world”, it
requires prior knowledge of the socio-historical background selected by the cartoonist.
.

The origin of the modern political cartoon can be traced to the 16th century, with
drawings used in the theological debates of the Reformation. The cartoon style as such
developed in Britain in the 1800's and is distinguished by the use of caricature. Political cartoons
representing the Democratic and Republican parties with the signs of donkey and elephant
respectively date back to the civil war era in the US. The cold war period also saw a surge in the
application of this genre to tarnish the image of the rivals and to garner support through positive
self- portrayal.

The Propaganda Model of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman first appeared in their work
Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988). Their theory seeks to explain
how mass media achieves the manufacture of consent through propaganda and is still very much relevant
despite the evolutionary changes in media industry since then. For instance, the hypothesis put forward in
the Propaganda Model that, where there is elite consensus, the media will serve elite interests
uncompromisingly, is truer incase of today’s corporate media. Similarly, the model proposes five general
classes of filters that determine the selection and rejection of news content, when the mass media is under
corporate rather than state control. The present study also discusses the said filters to highlight how much
they are relevant in explaining the use of propaganda in the selected cartoons.

1.2. Statement of the problem

 Political cartoons are a widely-used medium for the western media’s anti communist
propaganda against China and imply, by contrast, a positive self-image.

1.3. Scope of the Study

This paper is a study of verbal as well as non-verbal signs as a means of communication

or propaganda in political cartoons, through the case study of China’s representation in western
media.

1.4. Objectives of the Study

 To analyze the verbal and non-verbal cues used in the selected political cartoons.
 To uncover the hidden messages conveyed by these cues.

1.5. Significance of the Study

This study will be a useful practice in carrying out semiotic analysis of political cartoons.
Moreover, it serves to illustrate that each sign has a meaning and consequently, a message.
CHAPTER II
Literature Review
Daniel Griffiths in his paper titled “media coverage of China: Too narrow an agenda”
presents a content analysis of news related to China as covered on the websites of the BBC,
Economist and New York Times. One of the conclusions of his findings is that “reporting of
China may be more about confirming existing beliefs and ideas rather than breaking new
ground.” His analysis suggests that the foreign media coverage of stories about China focus on a
few aspects such as politics, economy, human rights and environment.

In the book The Hate Speak in Contemporary Arabic Discourse, the writer has cited the
theory of Ideological Square by Van Dijk. Van Dijk states: “With the many subtle structures of
meanings, form, and action, racist discourse generally emphasizes Our good things and Their bad
things, and deemphasizes (mitigates, hides) Our bad things and Their good things. This general
ideological square not only applies to racist domination but in general to in-group/out-group
polarization in social practices, discourse, and thought”. (Van Dijk, 2007: 130)
Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (1988) expounds the
Propaganda Model of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman, and gives details of the five
filters that determine the selection and rejection of news content, when the mass media is under corporate
rather than state control. The first filter titled ‘ownership’ is developed on the premise that the news items
to face the greatest bias and censorship will be the ones that pose a threat to the corporate financial
interests of those who own the media. The writers justify their claim by pointing out that it was the
absence of corporate ownership that allowed newspapers in the post World War II Britain to freely
criticize the capitalist system.
The second factor to influence the news content is the role of advertising which accounted for the
decline and gradual disappearance of the 'people's newspapers'. According to Propaganda Model, the
buyers of the newspapers are sold to businesses as a product and hence, the news is no longer of central
importance. This applies to internet giants like yahoo and google as well.

‘Sourcing’ is also an important determinant of what makes it to the news. "The mass media are
drawn into a symbiotic relationship with powerful sources of information by economic necessity and
reciprocity of interest." This dependence on powerful news sources is absolute in the sense that the editors
and journalists have to rely on the furnished material without raising any questions for fear of being
denied access to fresh news.
 ‘Flak’ is the next factor to determine the fate of the news. It can be explained as a negative
response to a media statement or program and can be in the form of letters, telegrams, phone calls,
petitions, lawsuits, speeches and legislative bills etc.

‘Anti-communism fear’ is the fifth factor that has been used to safeguard elite interests in media.
The so-called Cold War was a system of propaganda that provided’ the Face of Evil’ and portrayed
communism and socialism as potential threats to the freedom of speech and press. According to
Chomsky, in the present context anticommunism has been replaced by the "War on Terror” as the basis of
an ideological warfare. However, the western media still periodically warns against the dangers of
communism and socialism when it needs to pour scorn on the dissidents of capitalism. An example of
biased representation in the western media, as given in the book, is the attention that was given to Soviet
aggression in Afghanistan, whereas the realities of the Vietnam War are seldom highlighted.

CHAPTER III

Methodology

The researcher has undertaken a qualitative and descriptive study. The Propaganda Model
is employed in this paper within the method of Discourse Analysis. Generally the Propaganda
Model is employed by media critics in two ways: to compare the media coverage of two
disparate but contemporaneous events; to examine the framing of a single historical event across
the media by investigating its sources and analysing its content (Klaehn 2002: 168). The analysis
carried out in this paper comes in the ambit of the second method.
CHAPTER IV

4.1. Presentation and Analysis of Data

4.1.1. Cartoon No. 1.

4.1.1.1.
Analysis of
non-
verbal
signs
Obama’s
hands, wide
open and
raised, show
that he has
nothing up his
sleeve. His
wide grin is
another
indication of
his candid and
sincere nature. His dressing is less formal and his posture is not stiff; everything about him is natural.
Another noticeable sign is Obama being showered with confetti, which is a symbol of celebration.

In contrast, the posture of Xijinping is rigid and stiff and his gear is also quite formal. He is also flaunting
the Chinese flag over his breast. His legs are almost locked together and one of his hands is held closer
to his body; it is also tight-fisted. With his other hand, he is pointing to his chest. He wears a mechanical
smile which does not match his otherwise guarded expression.

The picture clearly portrays a person who is mysterious and self-conscious. The need to put a flag on
display also suggests a conscious effort to prove one’s patriotic fervor; in the political context, it may also
be a deliberate attempt to portray one’s self as a popular representative. This need for asserting his
identity puts the credibility of his claims in question. His gesture suggests that he leaves no other choice
but himself.
 Sign Interpretation
1 Open and raised hands Nothing to hide; honesty and
sincerity
2 Open smile Gesture of intimacy and warmth
3 Casual posture and less formal Being one’s natural self; free of
attire pretensions
4 Confetti A popularly celebrated figure
5 Stiff posture and formal gear Self conscious
6 Closed fist and legs kept together Mysterious and secretive
7 Mechanical smile and guarded Not natural
expression
8 Flag Boasting of one’s patriotism;
claiming popular support
9 Pointing a finger to one’s self Dictatorial approach; leaving no
other choice

4.1.1.2. Analysis of verbal signs

The headings ‘Democracy vs. Communism’ state in plain terms that the aim of this cartoon is to highlight
the difference between the democratic setup in the USA and the communist regime in China. The second
clue further identifies the main actors to be the two states, USA and China. The artist goes even further
and labels the two heads of state by their names. Thus no mystification exists on the verbal level: the
picture unequivocally states its main targets.

The dialogues are perhaps the most effective means to drive home the difference between the two
political approaches. The verb ‘want’ gives the impression that popular choice is involved in the process
of selection in a democratic form of government. On the other hand, his counterpart’s claim that ‘people
will get me’ amply communicates the extent of choice people have in the election process.

4.1.2. Cartoon No.2

4.1.2.1. Analysis of Non Verbal Signs
The cartoon portrays an orchestra which is in fact a solo performance as the choir does not have any share
in it. The mouths of the singers are kept shut by tightly-wound pieces of cloth. The conductor does have a
baton in his hand but his eyes are shut and he seems oblivious of everything around him. He also seems
self-assured and pleased with his performance. In contrast, the performers seem puzzled and clueless.
Their gaze is fixed on the conductor rather than the scores (sheet music) in their hands. Typically the
communication during an orchestra or choir is non verbal since the directions have already been
communicated verbally during the rehearsals. In the cartoon under discussion, however, the singers seem
to be at a loss which would suggest that they had no prior knowledge of whatever is being communicated
by the conductor: there is no tacit understanding between the guide and the followers which is a
prerequisite in normal communication.

Signs Interpretation
1 Setting of orchestra/choir Group performance
2 Baton Making someone do your bid/giving directions
3 Closed eyes of the conductor No eye contact(a part of successful
communication)/oblivious to any external or
opposing input/ pleased with solo performance
4 Puzzled expressions of the singers Not on the same page with the sender of the
message/ no prior knowledge of what is conveyed
5 Mouths tied shut No freedom of speech/dumb followers
4.1.2.2. Analysis of Verbal Signs
The banner overhead reads: “China’s media” in capital letters which makes it all the more noticeable. The
cartoon achieves its full impact only after the audience is given this verbal clue that the dumb figures
actually represent the helpless Chinese media.

4.1.3. Cartoon No.3

4.1.3.1. Analysis of Non Verbal Signs

A giant panda is ready to eat something it is holding in its clutches. Its teeth are on full display, presenting
a totally different image of its species. In general perception, panda is quite an innocent, harmless and
adorable creature and is seldom a threat to other creatures. In political cartoons, panda is often used as a
symbol for China (just as Russia is represented by the image of a bear). This picture, however, paints a
ferocious beast about to swallow its prey and the image becomes even more sinister after a close look
reveals that it is about to feast upon a human.

The second object to notice is a building with several antennas set on top, linking the place to media and
communication.

Sign Interpretation
1 Giant panda Symbol for China
2 Open mouth revealing sharp teeth An aggressive and ferocious creature
3 A building with antennas A place linked with activities of media and
communication

4.1.3.2. Analysis of Verbal Signs

The cartoon labels the two main parties involved in the action: China and Google. One of the unseen
commentators naively calls the panda ‘cute and cuddly’ and describes its action as an attempt to use a
toothpick. The artist cleverly uses irony to show the discrepancy between what is assumed and what is
happening in reality. The use of interjections ‘awww’ and ‘um’ lends the dialogue an air of spontaneity.
The response of the second commentator is crucial to the understanding of the hidden message; the tragic
fate of the ‘dissident’ shows the situation of freedom of speech and expression in China (symbol for a
communist state).

CHAPTER V

Conclusion

Political cartoons effectively communicate subtle messages which may be too sensitive
and multilayered to be expressed verbally. The views expressed may identify with certain
ideologies, clarify issues, contrast self with other, and/or reinforce certain positions and attitudes
(Meyer, 2000:310–31).
The researcher studied three political cartoons retrieved from various sources of western
media, with the aim to decipher the hidden meanings and to unveil the deep seated ideologies.
Semiotic analysis proved a useful tool in this regard as “semiotics expands the analytic horizon
from the verbal message in the narrower sense to the multiplicity of codes used in persuasive
communication” (Winfried Nöth 1990: 476).

The principle of the ideological square as proposed by Van Dijk can be seen at work here
as “Our good things” are portrayed through the pros of democracy in the West whereas “Their
bad things” are emphasized through the cons of communism in China. Strict media censorship,
authoritarianism, lack of freedom of speech or opinion and intolerance to opposition are the vices
implied to be associated with the communist regime in China.
 The fifth factor in the Propaganda Model of Chomsky and Herman is anti-communism
and the selected discourse demonstrates that it is still used in the western narrative to provide an
“Enemy face.” China has emerged as an economic power to reckon with and its ever increasing
role in global affairs is a matter of concern for all stakeholders in the power game. Hence, the
anti-communist propaganda to portray China as the exact opposite of western ideals is actually a
tool to counter this potential threat to their hegemony.

The success of propaganda depends on various factors such as the interest of the
audience, access to mass media, the form of appeal chosen by the propagandists etc. Regardless
of its impact, propaganda campaigns are widely employed in politics for promotion of specific
ideologies. Hence, Fairclough and Wodak termed power relations as discursive.

References
 Aryuni, Hudi. 2012. An Analysis of Political Cartoons in the Jakarta Post E-paper (a
Semiotic Discursive Approach) . Dian Nuswantoro University Semarang.
 Griffiths, Daniel. Media Coverage of China: Too Narrow an Agenda .Reuters Institute
Fellowship Paper University of Oxford.
 Mazid, Bahaa-eddin. 2012. Hate Speak in Contemporary Arabic Discourse: Cambridge
Scholars Publishing.
 Meyer, J.C. 2000. Humor as a Double-edged Sword: Four Functions of Humor in
Communication. Communication Theory 1 10.
 Mulkay, M. 1988, On Humor. New York: Basil Blackwell.
 Noth, Winfried. 1990. Handbooks of Semiotics. Bloomington : Indiana University Press.
 Peirce, C.S. 1931-1935. Collected papers. Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press.