The Stages of Economic Growth

Author(s): W. W. Rostow
Source: The Economic History Review, New Series, Vol. 12, No. 1 (1959), pp. 1-16
Published by: Wiley on behalf of the Economic History Society
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 THE

ECONOMI-CHISTORY
REVIEW
SECOND SERIES, VOL. XII, No. I 1959

THE STAGES OF ECONOMIC GROWTH

By W. W. ROSTOW

T HIS article summarizes a way of generalizing the sweep of modern

economic history. The form of this generalization is a set of stages of
growth, which can be designated as follows: the traditional society; the
preconditions for take-off; the take-off; the drive to maturity; the age of high
mass consumption. Beyond the age of high mass consumption lie the problems
which are beginning to arise in a few societies, and which may arise generally
when diminishing relative marginal utility sets in for real income itself.
These descriptive categories are rooted in certain dynamic propositions about
supply, demand, and the pattern of production; and before indicating the
historical content of the categories I shall briefly state the underlying pro-
positions.

A Dynamic Theoryof Production

The classical theory of production is formulated under essentially static
assumptions which freeze -or permit only onceover change-in the variables
most relevant to the process of economic growth. As modern economists have
sought to merge classical production theory with Keynesian income analysis
they have introduced the dynamic variables: population, technology, entre-
preneurship, etc. But they have tended to do so in forms so rigid and general that
their models cannot grip the essential phenomena of growth, as they appear to
an economic historian. We require a dynamic theory of production which
isolates not only the distribution of income between consumption, saving, and
investment (and the balance of production between consumers and capital
goods) but which focuses directly and .in some detail on the composition of
investment and on developments within particular sectors of the economy. The
argument that follows is based on such a flexible, disaggregated theory of
production.
When the conventional limits on the theory of production are widened, it is
possible to define theoretical equilibrium positions not only for output, in-
vestment, and consumption as a whole, but for each sector of the economy.1
Within the framework set by forces determining the total level of output,
1 W. W. Rostow, The Processof EconomicGrowth(Oxford, 1953), especially Chapter IV. Also
'Trends in the Allocation of Resources in Secular Growth', Chapter 15, EconomicProgress,ed.
Leon H. Dupriez, with the assistance of Douglas C. Hague (Louvain, 1955); also, 'The Take-off
into Self-Sustained Growth', EconomicJournal (March 1956).

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2 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW
sectoral optimum positions are determined, on the side of demand, by the
levels of income and of population, and by the character of tastes; on the side
of supply, by the state of technology and the quality of entrepreneurship, as the
latter determines the proportion of technically available and potentially
profitable innovations actually incorporated in the capital stock.1 In addition,
one must introduce an extremely significant empirical hypothesis; namely,
that deceleration is the normal optimum path of a sector, due to a variety of
factors operating on it, from the side of both supply and demand.2 The
equilibria which emerge from the application of these criteria are a set of
sectoral paths, from which flows, as first derivatives, a sequence of optimum
patterns of investment.
Historical patterns of investment did not, of course, exactly follow these
optimum patterns. They were distorted by imperfections in the private in-
vestment process; by the policies of governments; and by the impact of wars.
Wars temporarily altered the profitable directions of investment by setting up
arbitrary demands and by changing the conditions of supply; they destroyed
capital; and, occasionally, they accelerated the development of new technology
relevant to the peacetime economy and shifted the political and social frame-
work in ways conducive to peacetime growth.3 The historical sequence of
business cycles and trend periods results from these deviations of actual from
optimal patterns; and such fluctuations, along with the impact of wars, yield
historical paths of growth which differ from those which the optima, calculated
before the event, would have yielded. Nevertheless, the economic history of
growing societies takes a part of its rude shape from the effort of societies to
approximate the optimum sectoral paths.
At any period of time, the rate of growth in the sectors will vary greatly; and
it is possible to isolate empirically certain readings sectors, at early stages of
their evolution, whose rapid rate of expansion plays an essential direct and
indirect role in maintaining the overall momentum of the economy.4 For some
purposes it is useful to characterize an economy in terms of its leading sectors;
and a part of the technical basis for the stages of growth lies in the changing
sequence of leading sectors. In essence it is the fact that sectors tend to have a
rapid growth phase, early in their life, that makes it possible and useful to
regard economic history as a sequence of stages rather than merely as a
continuum, within which nature never makes a jump.
The stages of growth also require, however, that elasticities of demand be
taken into account, and that this familiar concept be widened; for these rapid
growth phases in the sectors derive not merely from the discontinuity of
production functions but also from high price or income elasticities of demand.
Leading sectors are determined not merely by the changing flow of technology
and the changing willingness of entrepreneurs to accept available innovations:
they are also partially determined by those types of demand which have
exhibited high elasticity with respect to price, income, or both.
The demand for resources has resulted, however, not merely from demands
set up by private taste and choice, but also from social decisions and from the
1 In a closed model, a dynamic theory of production must account for changing stocks of
basic and applied science, as sectoral aspects of investment, which is done in The Processof
EconomicGrowth,especially pp. 22-25.
2 Ibid. pp. 96-i03.
3 Ibid. Chapter VII, especially pp. I64-I67.
4 For a discussion of the leading sectors, their direct and indirect consequences, and the
diverse routes of theirlimpact, see 'Trends in the Allocation of Resources in Secular Growth', op.
cit.

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 ECONOMIC GROWTH 3
policies of governments-whether democratically responsive or not. It is
necessary, therefore, to look at the choices made by societies in the disposition
of their resources in terms which transcend conventional market processes. It is
necessary to look at their welfare functions, in the widest sense, including the
non-economic processes which determined them.
The course of birth rates, for example, represents one form of welfare choice
made by societies, as income has changed; and population curves reflect (in
addition to changing death rates) how the calculus about family size was made
in the various stages; from the usual (but not universal) decline in birth rates,
during or soon after the take off, as urbanization took hold and progress
became a palpable possibility, to the recent rise, as Americans (and others in
societies marked by high mass consumption) have appeared to seek in larger
families, values beyond those afforded by economic security and by an ample
supply of durable consumers goods and services.
-And there are other decisions as well that societies have made as the choices
open to them have been altered by the unfolding process of economic growth;
and these broad collective decisions, determined by many factors-deep in
history, culture, and the active political process-outside the market place,
have interplayed with the dynamics of market demand, risk-taking, technology
and entrepreneurship, to determine the specific content of the stages of growth
for each society.
How, for example, should the traditional society react to the intrusion of a
more advanced power: with cohesion, promptness, and vigour, like the
Japanese; by making a virtue of fecklessness, like the oppressed Irish of the
eighteenth century; by slowly and reluctantly altering the traditional society
like the Chinese? When independent modern nationhood was achieved, how
should the national energies be disposed: in external aggression, to right old
wrongs or to exploit newly created or perceived possibilities for enlarged
national power; in completing and refining the political victory of the new
national government over old regional interests; or in modernizing the
economy?
Once growth is under way, with the take-off, to what extent should the
requirements of diffusing modern technology and maximizing the rate of
growth be moderated by the desire to increase consumption per capita and to
increase welfare?
When technological maturity is reached, and the nation has at its command
a modernized and differentiated industrial machine, to what ends should it be
put, and in what proportions: to increase social security, through the welfare
state; to expand mass consumption into the range of durable consumers goods
and services; to increase the nation's stature and power on the world scene; or
to increase leisure? And then the further question, where history offers us only
fragments: what to do when the increase in real income itself loses its charm?
Babies; boredom; three-day weekends; the moon; or the creation of new inner,
human frontiers in substitution for the imperatives of scarcity?
In surveying now the broad contours of each stage of growth, we are ex-
amining, then, not merely the sectoral structure of economies, as they trans-
formed themselves for growth, and grew; we are also examining a succession of
strategic choices made by various societies concerning the disposition of their
resources, which include but transcend the income and price elasticities of
demand.

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4 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW
The TraditionalSociety
The central economic fact about traditional societies is that they evolved
within limited production functions. Both in the more distant past and in
recent times the story of traditional societies is a story of endless change, re-
flected in the scale and patterns of trade, the level of agricultural output and
productivity, the scale of manufactures, fluctuations in population and real
income. But limitations of technology decreed a ceiling beyond which they
could not penetrate. They did not lack inventiveness and innovations, some of
high productivity. But they did lack a systematic understanding of their
physical environment capable of making invention a more or less regular
current flow, rather than a stock of ad hoc achievements inherited from the
past. They lacked, in short, the tools and the outlook towards the physical
world of the post-Newtonian era.
It followed from this productivity ceiling that food production absorbed
75 per cent or more of the working force and that a high proportion of income
above minimum consumption levels was spent in non-productive or low
productivity outlays: religious and other monuments; wars; high living for
those who controlled land rents; and for poorer folk, there was a beggar-thy-
neighbour struggle for land or the dissipation of the occasional surplus in an
expensive wedding or funeral. Social values were geared to the limited hori-
zons which men could perceive to be open to them; and social structures
tended to hierarchy, although the traditional societies never wholly lacked
paths for vertical mobility. The centre of gravity of political power tended to
reside in the regions, with the landowners, despite a fluctuating tension with
those who along with their soldiers and civil servants-exercised a degree of
central authority.

ThePreconditions
for Take-off
The initial preconditions for take-off were created in Western Europe out of
two characteristics of the post-medieval world which interacted and re-
inforced each other: the gradual evolution of modern science and the modern
scientific attitude; and the lateral innovation that came with the discovery of
new lands and the rediscovery of old, converging with the impulse to create
new technology at certain strategic points. The widening of the market-both
within Europe and overseas-brought not only trade, but increased speciali-
zation of production, increased inter-regional and international dependence,
enlarged institutions of finance, and increased market incentives to create new
production functions. The whole process was heightened by the extension to
trade and colonies of the old dynastic competition for control over European
territories, inherited from the world of traditional societies.1
Britain was the first of the European nations to move from the stage of
preconditions into take-off, a fact capable of various explanations but certainly
influenced by these circumstances: its achievement of a political and religious
settlement by i688; the area of social latitude and the limited but powerful
incentives offered to nonconformists, who played a remarkable role in the
process of industrial innovation; its naval and, thus, 'trading advantages,
1 This analysis shares with Schumpeter's the view that the ultimate causes of war were
inherited from traditional societies, and were not a consequence of the more or less rational
pursuit of direct economic interests. But, whereas Schumpeter tends to.emphasize the persistence
of irrational and romantic nationalist attitudes, this analysis would underline the structural fact
that, once national sovereignty was accepted as a rule of the world arena, nations found them-
selves gripped in an almost inescapable oligopolistic struggle for power, which did have elements
of non-economic rationality.

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 ECONOMIC GROWTH 5
partly determined by a greater freedom from commitments to land warfare
than the French; an endowment in industrial raw materials superior to the
Dutch.
The existence of the British take-off from, say, 1783, set in motion a series of
positive and negative demonstration effects which progressively unhinged
other traditional societies or accelerated the creation of the preconditions for
take-off, where the preconditions process was already under way.1 Before
examining the manner in which these demonstration effects were communi-
cated, however, the structural characteristics of the preconditions period
should be defined.
Technically, the preconditions for sustained industrialization have generally
required radical change in three non-industrial sectors. First, a build-up of
social overhead capital, notably in transport. This build-up was necessary not
merely to permit an economical national market to be created and to allow
natural resources to be productively exploited, but also to permit the national
government effectively to rule. Second, a technological revolution in agri-
culture. The processes at work during the preconditions generally yielded both
a general rise in population and a disproportionate rise in urban populations.
Increased productivity-in agriculture has been generally a necessary condition
for preventing the process of modernization from being throttled. Third, an
expansion in imports financed by the more efficient production and marketing
of some natural resources plus, where possible, capital imports. Such in-
creased access to foreign exchange was required to permit the less advanced
region or nation to increase the supply of the equipment and industrial raw
materials it could not then itself supply, as well as to preserve the level of real
income while social overhead capital of long gestation period was being created.
Framed by these three forms of sectoral development, yielding both new
markets and new inputs for industry, the initially small enclaves of modern
industrial activity could begin to expand, and then sustain expansion, mainly
by the plough-back of profits.
These technical developments required, in turn, prior or concurrent changes
in the non-economic dimensions of the traditional society: a willingness of the
agricultural community to accept new techniques and to respond to the
possibilities of the widened commercial markets; the existence and freedom to
operate of a new group of industrial entrepreneurs; and, -above all, a national
government capable not only of providing a setting of peaceful order which
encouraged the new modernizing activities but also capable and willing to take
a degree of direct responsibility for the build-up of social overhead capital
(including its finance); for an appropriate trade policy; and often, as well, for
the diffusion of new agricultural and industrial techniques.
The political dimension of the preconditions deserves a further word, due to
the peculiar mixture of positive and negative ways the demonstration effects of
industrialization were transmitted from more advanced societies. In part the
transmission consisted in making men in less advanced societies perceive that
new positive choices were open to them: longer life for themselves and their
children; new ranges of consumption; new devices of productivity; higher
levels of welfare. At least equally powerful, however, was the negative de-
monstration that more advanced societies could impose their will on the less
1 This article will not examine the preconditions process in the nations which, in Louis
Hartz's phrase were 'born free' of traditional societies, mainly deriving from a British society
already well advanced in the preconditions process or in regular growth. I refer to the United
States, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, etc.

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6 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW
advanced, through the exercise of military force. A reactive nationalist
sentiment-rooted in a perception of the link between industrialization and
effective power in the world arena-came to be an extremely important factor
in leading men to take the steps necessary to unhinge and transform the tradi-
tional society in such ways as to permit growth to become its normal condition.
Without the affront to human and national dignity caused by the intrusion of
more advanced powers, the rate of modernization of traditional societies over
the past century-and-a-half would have been much slower than, in fact, it has
been.
Thus, it was not merely the German merchants but the German nationalists
that led the way after I 848; not merely the Japanese merchants but the samurai
after i868; not merely the Russian middle class but a political, military, and
civil service elite, smarting from the harsh lesson of the Crimean War and from a
widening perception of the national costs of Russian backwardness; not merely
the Chinese merchants, but the intellectuals and the younger soldiers who
sought effective modernization, by various routes in the whole long, turbulent
sweep from the Opium War and the Taiping Rebellion forward.' Ataturk's
role in Turkey-and his motivation-constitute a more typical case of the
preconditions process than, let us say, the role and motivation of the innovating
British nonconformists of the eighteenth century. The evolution of colonial
areas is also a version of the general case. There the positive and negative
demonstration effects intermingled, under colonial rule; but they yielded, in
the end, a local elite which accorded to political independence an over-riding
and urgent priority.
While a reactive nationalism has been a powerful engine of modernization it
also posed problems for economic development; for it did not immediately and
directly prepare men to face and handle the homely economic tasks of the
preconditions and the take-off. On the contrary, when a new national govern-
ment was achieved-in the face of the colonial power, the traditional society, or
both in combination-its leaders were tempted to go on with the familiar game
of politics and power rather than to turn promptly to the domestic tasks of
modernization. There were real or believed external wrongs and humiliations
to be righted; there were still rear-guard actions from elements in the tradi-
tional society to be dealt with; and much energy and resource could be allo-
cated to the political-and sometimes military-problem of consolidating the
power of the centre over the old regional forces.
In short, some time often had to pass before men emerged in authority
willing to accept the fact that the larger objectives of resurgent nationalism
could not be achieved without turning wholeheartedly to the technical tasks
1 An element of reactive nationalism is not wholly lacking from earlier cases as well, appar-
ently more purely economic in their motivation. The more rapid evolution in Britain than on
the Continent of the preconditions for take-off can be viewed, in part, as the product of a series
of nationalist reactions to intrusion from more powerful or advanced neighbours: the Spanish
in the sixteenth century; the Dutch in the seventeenth; the French in the eighteenth. These
threats and national struggles may have yielded a sentiment which softened the rigidities of the
traditional society, accelerated a new national settlement and permitted Britain to get on with
the tasks of economic growth more effectively than others in the eighteenth century. And in the
United States, too, the acceptance of the Constitution-reluctant at best-may have been made
possible by a convergence of the desire of men of property to avoid the anarchy of a fragmented
market and a certain casualness towards property rights, with the widespread perception in the
mid-I 780's that the United States might not be able to cope with more powerful nation states,
intruding on the Confederation in one way or another, unless an effective central government
existed. Hamilton's;, nationalism, and his conviction that American industrialization was
necessary, transcended motives of private economic advantage.

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 ECOJNOMICGROWTH 7
of economic growth.' Both in the more distant past and in the contemporar)
world it is possible and useful to view societies in the stage of preconditions
in terms of the changing balances struck among these three possible expressions
of reactive nationalism. Until a definitive political transformation occurs-
which harnesses national energies, talents, and resources around the concrete
tasks of economic growth-the take off is likely to be postponed: negatively,
because the thin layer of modern technical and administrative talent in the
society (as well as the society's margin of savings) is likely to be dissipated
in activities of low or negative productivity; positively, because the government
is unlikely to play its role effectively in the three sectoral developments-in
social overhead capital, agriculture, and trade-necessary to create the matrix
for sustained industrial growth.

The Take-off
As I have suggested in an earlier article,2 the take-off consists, in essence, of
the achievement of rapid growth in a limited group of sectors, where modern
industrial techniques are applied. Historically, the leading sectors in take-off
have ranged from cotton textiles (Britain and New England); to railroads
(The United States, France, Germany, Canada, Russia); to modern timber-
cutting and railroads (Sweden). In addition, agricultural processing, oil,
import substitution industries, ship-building, and rapid expansions in military
output have helped to provide the initial industrial surge.
The take-off is distinguished from earlier industrial surges by the fact that
prior and concurrent developments make the application of modern industrial
techniques a self-sustained rather than an abortive process. Not only must the
momentum in the three key sectors of the preconditions be maintained but the
corps of entrepreneurs and technicians must be enlarged, and the sources of
capital must be institutionalized in such a way as to permit the economy to
suffer structural shocks; to redispose its investment resources; and to resume
growth. It is the requirement that the economy exhibit this resilience that
justifies defining the take-off as embracing an interval of about two decades.
A result-and one key manifestation-of take-off is the ability of the society
to sustain an annual rate of net investment of the order of, at least, ten per cent.
This familiar (but essentially tautological) way of defining the take-off should
not conceal the full range of transformations required before growth becomes a
built-in feature of a society's habits and institutions.
In non-economic terms, the take-off usually witnesses a definitive social,
political, and cultural victory of those who would modernize the economy over
those who would either cling to the traditional society or seek other goals; but-
because nationalism can be a social solvent as well as a diversionary force-the
victory can assume forms of mutual accommodation, rather than the de-
struction of the traditional groups by the more modern; see, for example, the
role of the Junkers in nascent industrial Germany; the persistence of much of
traditional Japan beyond i88o. By and large, the maintenance of momentum
for a generation persuades the society to persist; and to concentrate its efforts on
1 In his forthcoming study of the preconditions process in Japan, Turkey, and India, Mr.
Lawrence Barss of M.I.T. advances the hypothesis that it may be useful to distinguish two
political stages, which he designates as the Transition and the Transformation. In the Transition,
political life is dominated by men who want for their nations the benefits of modern independent
status, but they are inhibited by many factors, including attitudes and ties of interest to the
traditional society, from doing what must be done for economic growth. In the Transformation,
a political leadership takes hold that, at last, means business.
2 'The Take-off into Self-Sustained Growth', op. cit.

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8 THE ECONOMIC HIS TORE REVIEW
extending the tricks of modern technology out beyond the sectors modernized
during take-off.

TheDrive to Maturity
After take-off there follows, then, what might be called the drive to maturity.
There are a variety of ways a stage of economic maturity might be defined; but
for these purposes it is defined as the period when a society has effectively
applied the range of (then) modern technology to the bulk of its resources.
During the drive to maturity the industrial process is differentiated, with
new leading sectors gathering momentum to supplant the older leading sectors
of the take-off, where deceleration has increasingly slowed the pace of expan-
sion. After the railway take-offs of the third quarter of the nineteenth century-
with coal, iron, and heavy engineering at the centre of the growth process-
it is steel, the new ships, chemicals, electricity, and the products of the modern
machine tool that come to dominate the economy and sustain the over-all rate
of growth. This is also, essentially, the case with the later Russian drive to
maturity, after i929. But in Sweden after i890 it was the evolution from
timber to wood-pulp and paper; from ore to high-grade steel and finely
machined metal products. The leading sectors in the drive to maturity will be
determined, then, not merely by the pool of technology but by the nature of
resource endowments; and it may be shaped to a degree, as well, by the policies
of governments. Although much further detailed analysis would be required to
apply this definition rigorously, I would offer the following sample as rough
symbolic dates for technological maturity.1
Great Britain i850
United States I 900
Germany 1910
France 19I0
Sweden I 930
Japan I940
Russia I950
Canada I950

The meaning of this technological definition ofmaturity-and its limits-may

be better perceived by considering briefly a few specific problems posed by
these particular dates.
Is France, for example, on the eve of the First World War, to be regarded as
technologically mature, despite its large, comfortable but technologically
backward peasantry and its tendency to export large amounts of capital,
despite certain technologically lagging industrial sectors? The case can, of
course, be argued either way; but it does dramatize the need to allow, within
the present definition, for regions of a nation or sectors of the economy to
resist-for whatever reason-the full application of the range of modern
technology. And this turns out to be generally true of nations which, by and
large, one would judge mature. The United States of i900 contained, after all,
the South, whose take off can only be dated from the I 930's; and contemporary
1 An oddityis to be noted. These dates,independentlyderived,come moreor less sixtyyears
afterthe datesestablished,on quite differentcriteria,for the beginningof take-off.There is no
bodyof argumentor evidenceI can now offerto makerationalsuch a uniformity.But it may be
that when we explorethe implicationsof some six decadesof compoundinterestappliedto the
capital stock, in combinationwith three generationsof men living under an environmentof
growth,elementsof rationalitywill emerge.

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 ECONOMIC GROWTH 9
mature Canada contains the still lagging province of Quebec. The technolog-
ical definition of maturity must, then, be an approximation, when applied to a
whole national society.
Japan as of I940 poses a somewhat different problem. Can one rate as
mature an economy with so labour-intensive an agricultural sector? The
answer is affirmative only if one is prepared to take as a given-outside the
definition of maturity-a society's decision about its population size. Within
the Japanese population resource balance, its agriculture, with extraordinary
refinement in the use of both water and chemical fertilizers, does indeed
reflect a high form of modern technological achievement, even if modern farm
machinery, designed to save labour, is capable of only limited use.
What about contemporary Russia, with more than 40 per cent of the working
force still in agriculture and much modern technology still unapplied in
consumers goods industries? Here again, the present definition of maturity
would not predetermine how a society chooses to allocate its technological
capabilities. By and large contemporary Russia is to be judged a mature
economy despite the fact that its leaders have chosen for political reasons to bear
the costs of a low productivity agriculture and have chosen to concentrate
capital and technology in sectors other than manufactured consumption
goods. Put another way, the obstacles to full modernization of the Russian
economic structure do not lie in the supply of capital, entrepreneurial ad-
ministrators, or technicians.
Finally, there is the case of Britain, mature on this definition as early, say, as
the Crystal Palace Exhibition. How is one to deal with the long interval be-
tween the stage of its maturity, in terms of the effective application of mid-
nineteenth century technology, and the next stage of growth: the age of high
mass consumption, when the radical improvements in housing and durable
consumers goods and services become the economy's leading sectors? The
reasons for the gap in the British sequence lie in the nature of this next stage.
The age of high mass consumption represents a direction of development a
society may choose when it has achieved both technological maturity and a
certain level of real income per head. Although income per head-and usually
consumption per head-will rise in the drive to maturity, it is evident that
there is no fixed connexion between technological maturity and any particular
level of real consumption per head. The course of these variables after take-off
will depend primarily on the society's population-resource balance and on its
income distribution policy. The process of growth, by definition, raises income
per head, but it does not necessarily lead to uniformity of per capita income
among nations or, even, among regions within nations. There are-and there
are likely to be-technologically mature societies that are, so to speak, both
rich and poor. When historical data on national income are developed to
permit systematic comparison, we are likely to find that incomes per head, at
maturity, vary over a considerable range. Mid-century Britain would,
presumably, stand low in that range. The improvements in real income and
consumption per head that occurred in the second half of the nineteenth
century took the form of improvements in diet, housing, and urban overhead
capital which, while substantial, did not create. within Britain new leading
industrial sectors-at least down to the bicycle boom of the i89o's.1

1 In a different perspective, it is possible to dismiss the gap between mid-nineteenth-century

British technological maturity and twentieth-century high mass consumption as a simple
product of technological history; that is, the technology of modern transportation, suburban

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Io THE ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW
And so Britain, after Crystal Palace, moved onward in growth at a modest
pace, using its capital and entrepreneurship substantially to help acquire
resources with which it was not sufficiently endowed, and to help build the
preconditions and assist the take-offs of other societies, suffering along the way
some of the costs of having led in the process of industrialization, to enter the
new century with most of its initial lead gone.1 Put another way, the achieve-
ment of maturity by Western Europe and the United States early in the
twentieth century, at the then existing level of technology, found Britain in a
roughly equivalent position: while the newer nations had moved from take-off
to maturity in the sixty years before the First World War, Britain had moved, in
terms of income levels, from being a relatively poor mature society to being a
relatively rich, mature society.
As societies move to technological maturity, the structure and quality of the
working force change. The proportion of the population in agriculture and
rural life decreases; and within the urban population the proportion of semi-
skilled and white-collar workers increases.2 This emergent working force is not
only likely to organize itself with increasing effectiveness in the labour markets,
but also to perceive that the industrial civilization of which it is a part can
offer levels and types of consumption, not previously regarded as a realistic
possibility on a mass basis. And the rise in real income per head is likely to
make these new tastes effective. Further, the new working force, increasingly
born to the city rather than transferred from the lower margins of rural life, is
likely to perceive that it can bring its weight to bear on the political process in
such ways as to make the government increasingly provide measures of social
and economic security. Moreover, the character of leadership in industry
begins to change as well. The take-off is usually managed by relatively modest,
creative men with an insight as to how output in their sector can be radically
expanded: the Boultons' and Lowells'. In the drive to maturity men take over
with more grandiose visions, with a more acute sense of scale and of power:
housing, and household gadgetry did not exist in, say, the third quarter of the nineteenth
century. And for many purposes that is a quite satisfactory way tol ook at the matter.
On the other hand, three considerations argue that it is worth regarding the British sequence
in the second half of the nineteenth century as involving a gap. First, technology itself is, in its
widest sense, not an independent variable (Processof EconomicGrowth,especially pp. 83-86). If
the level of British incomes and consumption had been high enough, incentives might have
existed which would have yielded a quite different evolution of technology. Second, the pheno-
menon of a gap in time between the attainment of technological maturity and the age of high
mass consumption-the existence of relatively poor as well as rich mature societies-is more
general than the British case. And a view of Britain in the second half of the nineteenth century
as in the process of closing the gap may, for certain purposes, be linked suggestively to similar
transitions in other societies. Third, much in British social, political, (and, even, entrepreneurial)
history in the second half of the nineteenth century is typical of transformations in attitude and
policy which have occurred in other societies after technological maturity has been attained: the
beginnings of serious welfare legislation, with the Ten Hours Bill; the pressures and reflections
which lead the society to accept the Second and Third Reform Bills; the emergence of political
coalitions which damped the power of industrial interests; the mounting intellectual attention
and public sentiment focused on problems of social reform, laying the bases for the pre-1914
Liberal measures and the emergence of the Labour Party. In short, even narrowly examined,
much in British history in the period i 85o-1900 is illuminated by the notion that this was a
society which took its technological virtuosity as a given and, at a decorous rate, proceeded to
seek, at the margin, welfare objectives beyond.
1 The forces which relatively damped the rate of increase in British income and permitted its
technological lead to be dissipated are, evidently, more complex than this sentence can suggest;
but it would be inappropriate to this exposition to examine them at greater length here.
2 Although Colin Clark's categories-of primary, secondary and tertiary activity-do not
fit precisely this analysis, his pioneer compilations suggest that considerable uniformities in the
structure of the working force of mature economies exist.

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 ECONOMIC GROWTH II

although there are vast differences between post-Civil War United States and
Stalin's Russia, there is, nevertheless, a distant family resemblance between
some of the great entrepreneurs of the American drive to maturity and the
men who administered the Five Year Plans between, say, I929 and I953.
At maturity, however, the professional managers become more important:
the nameless comfortable, cautious committee-men who inherit and manage
large sectors of the, economy, while the society begins to seek objectives which
include but transcend the application of modern technology to resources.
These sea-changes in the outlook and objectives of the working force and
industrial management are likely to be accompanied by wider shifts in the
society's mood, which the intellectuals and politicians articulate. They react
against the harshness and social costs of the drive to maturity. The extension of
industrialization ceases to be acceptable as an over-riding goal: in an ex-
tension of the law of diminishing relative marginal utility, men appear to
place a lowered valuation on further increments to what they have in abundan-
ce, and, at the margin, to seek new satisfactions. In the pre-i9I4 drive to
maturity of Western Europe and the United States one can find, in each nation,
reflections of this mood gradually gathering strength, centred about the
question: how shall the- mature industrial machine, with compound interest
built firmly into its structure, be used? In the 1930's it was faced by Japan; and
in the I950's it confronts Russia.

The Age of High Mass Consumption

There have been, essentially, three directions in which the mature economy
could be turned once the society ceased to accept the extension of modern
technology as a primary, if not over-riding objective: to offer, by public
measures, increased security, welfare, and, perhaps, leisure to the working
force; to provide enlarged private consumption-including single family
homes and durable consumers goods and services-on a mass basis; to seek
enlarged power for the mature nation on the world scene. A good deal of the
history of the first half of the twentieth century can be told in terms of the
pattern and succession of choices made by various mature societies as among
these three alternatives.
After a brief and superficial flirtation with the attractions of world power at
the turn of the century and after imposing a set of mild measures of social
reform, during the Progressive period, the United States opted whole-heartedly
in the I920'S for the second choice.1 The boom of that decade was built
squarely on the migration to suburbia, the mass extension of the automobile,
and the household gadgetry which modern industry could provide. And these
decisions to relocate the population and provide it with mobility, brought in
their train not only new leading sectors-housing, automobiles, petroleum,
rubber, electric-powered household devices, etc.-but also vast commitments
to build new social overhead capital and commercial centres.
Down to I9I4 Britain and Western Europe opted more substantially for
public measures of social security, influenced perhaps by the higher proportions
of urban population and by the greater power of socialist thought and political

1 The time lag in the United States between the achievement of technological maturity in,
say, i 900, and the high mass consumption boom of the i920's is to be accounted for in part by
the relative stagnation of industrial real wages in the pre-i914 trend period, due to rising living
costs (Processof EconomicGrowth, Chapter VI). The more protracted lag of Western Europe is
partly a consequence of the economic impact of the First World War and of the public policies
and dominant social attitudes of the inter-war years.

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I2 THE ECONOMIC HISTORY REVIEW
influence than in the United States. In addition, Germany was more seriously
tempted than the United States to translate industrial maturity into enlarged
world power; and in the inherently oligopolistic circumstances of the European
arena of power, this decision led to a greater relative enlargement of military
expenditures in Europe as a whole than in pre-I9I4 United States.
During the I920'S Britain, in effect, took its favourable terms of trade in the
form of chronic unemployment in the export industries. Only in the I 930's did a
pervasive recovery occur. This phase did begin to exhibit a shift into the age of
high mass consumption: suburban housing, automobiles, and durable con-
sumers goods began to assert themselves more strongly as leading sectors. But
rearmament and war postponed the immediate fruition of this trend.
Although the post-I920 terms of trade problem struck the Continent with
less force than Britain, there too the return to relative prosperity, of I925-29,
did not move the economies far beyond pre-I194 patterns. France, on the
whole, continued to stagnate down to the Second World War; and German
recovery, while reflecting certain symptoms of the new phase, was dominated
by rearmament.
Svennilson presents calculations of motor vehicle production (private and
commercial) which suggest the relative movements of the United States and
Western Europe between the wars. In I929 the four major European nations
(Great Britain, Germany, France, and Italy) produced 702,000 vehicles; the
United States, 5.4 million. After a decade of protracted depression in the
United States (marked by a compensatory turn to the welfare state), and a
considerably greater degree of European recovery, the European figure was
i. million in I938; the American, 2.5 million.1
In the decade I946-56 the United States resumed a pattern of recovery and
growth markedly similar to that of the I920'S: the migration to suburbia; and
the extension of the automobile and the standard mix of durable consumers
household gadgets to 75 per cent or more of American families. And, after an
interval of post-war reconstruction, Western Europe resumed with force the
similar but more laggard development of the I 930's. By the late I 950's Western
European growth was based on the fact that this region had at last fully entered
the age of durable consumers goods and services, experiencing a version of the
American I 920's. The patterns of consumption, as among the various European
countries, emerge as largely explicable in terms of income and price elasticities
of demand.2 And in Russia, as well, the inexorable attraction of the sewing
machine, washing machine, refrigerator, and television was beginning to
assert itself; and the first satellite town was under construction.3 It was evident,

1 Ingvar Svennilson, Growthand Stagnationin the EuropeanEconomy,(United Nations, Geneva,

1954), pp. 144-52. I am inclined to believe that the length of the American depression and its
intractability in the 1930's stems from the character of leading sectors in the age of high mass
consumption. The diffusion of single-family housing, the automobile, etc. requires expanding
levels of private income and, in effect, full employment. Moreover, until the diffusion process is
actively under way certain major forms of investment are likely to be slack, because of idle
capacity. Full employment is needed, in a sense, to maintain full employment when the leading
sectors are consumption sectors. This was not true before I9I4 when, even with unemployment
high and incomes low, it might well pay to press on with railroadization, steel ships, etc. where
the high expected rate of return over costs derived primarily from lowered costs. Put another
way, in the age of high mass consumption a higher proportion of investment becomes endoge-
nous, rather than exogenous, when the latter term is used to embrace investment stimulated by
new technological possibilities.
2 See, notably, Milton Gilbert and Associates, Comparative National Productsand Price Levels
(OEEC, Paris, i958).
3 EconomicSurveyof Europein i957 (United Nations, Geneva, 1958), pp. 14 and 22n.

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 ECONOMIC GROWTH I3
however, from the pattern of future plans that the Soviet government was not
yet prepared to give the vast hostages to fortune that follow a society's com-
mitment to the mass automobile.

BeyondConsumption
While Western Europe (and to a degree, also, Japan) were entering the era
of high mass consumption, and the Soviet Union was dallying on its fringes, an
important new element entered the world economic system in the form of a
quite unexpected tendency of birth rates to rise in rich societies.1 Although the
tendency can be observed in a number of countries, it is most marked in the
United States. During the years of the Second World War the American birth
rate rose from i8 to about 22 per i000. This was judged at the time, and to a
large degree it certainly was, a phenomenon of resumed full employment and
early wartime marriages. In the post-war years, however, it moved up and has
stayed at about 25 per iooo. An official forecast in I946 estimated that the
American population would reach i65 million in i990; an official forecast of
1958 estimated that the figure might be of the order of 240 million by i980.
The human motivations and social processes which have yielded this
extraordinary result are not yet well understood; but Americans have behaved
as if diminishing relative marginal utility set in to the expansion of real income
along the old paths. They have opted at the margin for larger families; and
this trend may be related to the high rate of expansion in family trips to
national parks, motorboats, do-it-yourself implements, and, even, to a widely-
noted tendency to turn away from the pursuit of income and authority within
the large-scale bureaucratic establishments where a high proportion of the
population do their work.2
Whatever the motivation, however, an expansion of population on this scale
will set up requirements for the lateral extension of the society's resources,
including its requirements of social overhead capital. These requirements in
any case had been enlarged by the consequences of the previous phase of
extension in automobile ownership and suburban housing 3: there is a vast
American backlog of investment to be carried out in roads and in the re-
construction of old depopulated urban centres. Finally, a quite significant
change in the dependency ratio is under way. After falling for about a century,
the number of persons under 20 and over 65 in the American population
supported by each i00 members of the working force had reached 74 in I935;
by I955 the figure was 8i; and if present population patterns persist it is
estimated that the figure will rise to 98 by I 975.4
The pattern of American economic growth over the next several decades is
likely to differ, then, from that of either the 1920'S or the 1946-56 decade; and
it is likely to be based on somewhat different leading sectors. In any case, it is
clear that American society, by its quiet collective decision about birth rates,
has postponed the problems of a time of true affluence, when the full utilization
of resources would not much matter.
1 There have also been remarkable declines in birth rates in Japan and Italy in the I 950's, as
new horizons of economic progress Jeaveopened up for large segments of the population.
2 See, notably, Clyde Kluckhohn, 'Have There Been Discernible Shifts in American Values
in the Past Generation?' in The AmericanStyle, ed. by E. E. Morison, (New York, 1958).
3 See, notably, the calculations on social overhead requirements in The Challengeto America:
its Economicand Social Aspects,Special Studies Project Report IV, Rockefeller Brothers Fund
(New York, 1958).
4 C. and I. B. Taeuber, The ChangingPopulationof the UnitedStates (New York and London,
1958), p. 325.

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I4 THE ECONOMIC HISTORr REVIEW
The somewhat strenuous choice made by Americans as they pushed high
mass consumption to a kind of logical conclusion, in the first decade after the
Second World War, need not prove to be universal: the income elasticity of
demand for children may vary. It is evident, however, that the march of
compound interest is bringing some societies close to the point where the
pursuit of food, shelter, clothing, as well as durable consumers goods and
public and private services, may no longer dominate their lives. A new and
revolutionary set of choices is being confronted, or is a mere generation or so
over the horizon.
This is not to say that the richer societies are without challenge. There is the
problem of escaping from a treacherous nuclear arms race. And there is the
equal problem of organizing the planet, as the whole southern half of the globe
and China move through the preconditions, into take-off, and regular growth.
But the era when the problem and human agenda imposed by the fact of
scarcity is coming towards an end: the day when, in Marx's phrase, labour 'has
of itself become the prime necessity of life' is not all that far off, if nuclear
destruction and the grosser forms of international disorder can be avoided.

A Comparisonwith Marxism
The analysis of stages of growth summarized here invites comparison with
Marxism; for Marxism is also a theory of how societies came to build compound
interest into their structures and of what then transpired. Marxism also begins
with the impact on feudal (traditional) societies of the new discoveries and the
expansion of trade; and it ends with communism-the stage beyond high mass
consumption when men need no longer work very hard for the material
things they may want.
There are differences between the two systems at every point; but the most
consequential difference centres on the assumptions made about human
motivation. Marx derived several of his essential analytic tools from classical
economics, as he interpreted it: a labour theory of value; an essentially Mal-
thusian law of population and labour supply; and a version of diminishing
returns, applied to the capital stock. But his most important derivation was the
notion of treating human behaviour as an exercise in profit maximization.
The exact form of the function relating economic interest to non-economic
behaviour varies in Marx' writings and in the subsequent Marxist literature.
Much in the original texts-and virtually all the operational conclusions derived
from them-depends on a view of the function as simple and direct as the dictum
in the Communist Manifesto that capitalism 'left no other nexus between man
and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash payment" '. Elsewhere the
function is developed in a more sophisticated form. Non-economic behaviour
is seen as related not immediately and directly to economic self-interest but to
the ideology and loyalties of class. Since, however, class interests and ideologies
are presented as, essentially, a function of the techniques of production, and
the social relationships arising from them, this indirect formulation yields
much the same results as the more primitive statement of connexion. In the
main stream of Marxist literature, from beginning to end, it is only in seeking,
protecting, and enlarging property and income that men are really serious.
Finally, there are a few passages in Marx-and more in Engels-which reveal a
perception that human behaviour is affected by motives and objectives which
need not be related to or converge with economic self-interest. This perception,
if systematically elaborated, would have altered radically the whole flow of the
Marxist argument and its conclusions.

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 ECONOMIC GROWTH I5
It is at this point that my own analysis begins; for in the stages of growth
human behaviour is seen not as an act of maximization, but as an act of
balancing alternative and often conflicting independent human objectives in
the face of the changing range of alternatives men perceive to be open to them.
Men seek not merely economic advantage, but personal and national power as
well; not merely adventure but security and continuity of social and cultural
experience; not merely personal expression, but the joys of family, and a bit of
fun down at the local.
Applied to societies, this innately paradoxical view of the human condition-
a view which regards man as a complex household rather than a maximizing
unit-does not yield rigid, inevitable stages of history. It leads to a succession of
patterns of choice-varying in their balance-made within the framework
permitted by the changing setting of society: a setting itself the product of both
objective material conditions and of the prior choices made by men.
It follows directly from this view of how individuals act that the performance
of societies is not uniquely determined by the locus of property ownership nor
by the nature of production techniques. The sectors of society interact: cultural,
social, and political forces, reflecting different facets of human aspiration, have
their own authentic impact on the evolution of societies, including their
economic evolution. They are not a superstructure derived from the economy.
This view alters the specific stages of growth away from the Marxist pattern in
quite particular ways.
First, the preconditions period is seen as a searching process of restructuring
all dimensions of the traditional society, in which a reactive nationalism plays
an important role; and decisions about the direction of national objectives
which transcend material interests must be made before the take-off can get
under way.
Second, neither in nor out of the market place is the power of the new
property owners such as necessarily to deny the working force a share in
expanding output once regular growth begins with the take-off; and the fact
of progress, combined with urbanization, has generally set in motion a non-
Malthusian decline in birth rates, tending to reinforce the rise in real wages.
Third, with the fact of regular progress in income, the income elasticity of
demand comes into play as an independent force, altering the range of per-
ceived alternatives, the pattern of effective demand, and the sectoral structure
of the economy; whereas in Marxism the income elasticity of demand appears
only in the perverse form of rising income from surplus value in the hands of a
narrowing band of the bourgeoisie, capable of use which will only further
distort the sectoral structure of the economy and hasten its ultimate crisis.
Fourth, in wider terms as well, the choices made by the society are deter-
mined by the existence of independently powerful political and social processes
where effective influence is not weighted by property ownership; and, notably
when maturity is reached, these areas of influence help determine how, and in
what sequence, the resources of the mature economy will be used, including the
possibility of a welfare state based on progressive taxation.
Fifth, the choices open to men when affluence is achieved appear to include
but to transcend Marx's somewhat romantic vision of 'labour as a prime neces-
sity of life'. There are, as suggested earlier, the possibilities of a population
surge; outer space; boredom; an elevation of the quality of life; or the devil
making work for idle hands.
The basic error in Marxism is, then, not a technical error in his economics;
although such errors can be identified. In building on the western intellectual

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16 THE ECONOMIC HIS TORr REVIEW
and moral tradition he failed to perceive that the body of thought about
society, of which classical economics was a part, was a spacious, complex, and
essentially paradoxical creed. As Myrdal and Robbins have pointed out in this
generation,1 the individualist-utilitarian creed did, indeed, make the case for
free competitive markets and for private property; but it also contained within
its presuppositions the case for free elections, on a one-man-one-vote basis; for
destroying or controlling monopolies; for social legislation which would set
considerations of human welfare off against profit incentives; and, above all,
for the progressive income tax.
In wrestling loyally with the dilemmas posed by the individualist-utilitarian
creed, in finding balances that respected its conflicting imperatives, the
societies of the West have thus made their way to the brink of communism
without succumbing to Marx's prognosis.
Massachusetts
Instituteof Technology.

of EconomicTheory(tr. from the German

1 G. Myrdal, The Political Elementin the Development
edition of 1932 by Paul Streeten) (London, 1953); L. Robbins, The Theoryqf EconomicPolicy in
English ClassicalPolitical Economy(London, 1952).

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