Quarterly Ofthe National Archives: Summer
Quarterly Ofthe National Archives: Summer
Quarterly Ofthe National Archives: Summer
Prologue in Perspective
n January the National Archives marked the darkest days of the Civil War. But through
Cantributors
Josiah Ober is professor of Greek history at Princeton University, where he is James B. Duke Professor of
University and co-director of the Democracy 2,500 History Emeritus. Past president of the American
Project, sponsored by the American School of Classi- Historical Association and the Society of Phi Beta
cal Studies at Athens. He has written Mass and Elite in Kappa, his publications include From Slavery to Free-
Democratic Athens: Rhetoric, Ideology, and the Power of dom (1947), The Emancipation Proclamation (1963), and
the People (1989) and other books and articles on Race and History: Selected Essays, 1938-1988 (1990).
Greek history and archaeology.
Michael J. Lewandowski is an archivist in the Civil
Catherine Vanderpool is associate director of the De- Reference Branch of the National Archives. He holds
mocracy 2,500 Project. She is Director/U.5. Opera- a B.A. in history from The American University and
tions for the American School and has lectured on is an M.A. candidate at the University of Maryland.
Greek and Roman art and archaeology. She is cur- He serves as treasurer of American Federation of
rently preparing a publication on Roman portrait Government Employees Local 2578.
sculpture from the school's excavation in Corinth.
Jennifer Tolbert Roberts is professor of history at Lynn A. Bassanese is the public affairs specialist at
Southern Methodist University in Dallas and visiting the Franklin D. Roosevelt Library in Hyde Park, New
professor of classical languages at the City College of York. She received her B.A. in history from Marist
New York. She is the author of Accountability in Athe- College.
nian Government (1985) and the coauthor with Richard
Patricia A. Eames coordinates 207 National Archives
Greaves and Robert Zaller of Civilizations of the West:
The Human Adventure. volunteers and directs tour and school workshop pro-
grams for visitors to the National Archives. She re-
John Hope Franklin has taught at Fisk University, ceived her B.A. in political science and philosophy
the University of Chicago, and most recently, Duke from the University of Colorado at Boulder.
I I
127
Albeit for ultimately selfish reasons,
Peisistratos attempted to build up grass
roots patriotism by focusing on Athenian
uniqueness, instituting new national fes-
tivals and monumental building pro-
grams, and encouraging cultivation of the
arts, both visual and literary. The Acrop-
olis, increasingly the focus of religious ac-
tivity, and the Agora, now focus of com-
mercial and political activity, were the re-
cipients of benefactions not only by
Peisistratos himself but by members of
his family. Evidence of the tribute paid by
the tyrants to religious tradition is re-
flected, for example, in the Altar of the
the political life of the city. poor and powerless that legal recognition Twelve Gods, dedicated in 522-521 B.C.,
Among the finds in the Agora, which was necessary to keep its members from whose foundations have been uncovered
in the early centuries of the first millen- being confused with, or even becoming, in the Agora excavations. In addition to
nium B.C. served mainly as a cemetery, slaves. temples and altars, the Peisistratids also
are grave goods from burials where the A generation before the revolution of improved the city's infrastructure, donat-
wealth and position of the deceased is re- 508-507 B.C. the government had been ing utilitarian structures such as aque-
flected in gold jewelry, fine glass, and el- taken over by a single man, Peisistratos, ducts and fountain houses.
egant pottery. One of the most curious and his family. Peisistratos was known as Peisistratos worked to break the op-
finds, from a female burial of the mid- a tyrannos, but the Greek word did not pressive hold of the old aristocratic fami-
ninth century, is a terra-cotta chest with a have the same connotations as does the lies on their dependents, which meant
lid decorated with five miniature struc- modern English cognate, "tyrant." Al- the effective liberation of many Athe-
tures thought to represent granaries. In though the portrayal of the Peisistratids nians from the informal, but powerful,
turn, these granaries have been inter- in surviving literary sources is generally social bonds that tied them to the aristo-
preted as a reference to the source of the hostile, archaeological evidence shows crats. For this reason, the "tyrant" was
family's wealth. Perhaps they numbered even as they ruled, other members of the probably quite popular with most nonar-
among the pentekosiomedimnoi, those aristocracy continued to serve as archons istocratic Athenians. But Peisistratos's
Athenians whose property produced 500 (chief magistrates of the Athenian state).l sons, Hipparchos and Hippias, who took
medimnoi, equivalent to 730 bushels, of Excavations in the Agora have uncovered over as rulers of the polis after his death,
wheat or barley a year. a fragmentary inscription that preserves were more capricious and failed to retain
In addition to the "500 medimnoi peo- portions of the names of the archons dur- the loyalty of the ordinary citizens. Their
ple," the early-sixth-century constitution ing the 520s, including that of Kleis- diminishing popularity encouraged the
of Solon, known as the Lawgiver, recog- thenes, whose postrevolution reforms old aristocratic families to try to over-
nized three other classes: the hippeis marked the beginning of democracy. throw the tyranny. The begirming of the
(knights), who could afford to maintain a end for the Peisistratids is viVidly memo-
horse and had land producing 300 medim- rialized by a fragmentary inscription from
noi per year; the zeugitai (teamsters), who the base of one of the most famous stat-
owned a pair of oxen for plowing and ues in the Agora. Preserved is the name
whose land produced 200 medimnoi per "Harmodios" and the phrase "estab-
year; and the thetes, or common laborers. lished their native land." Harmodios and
Perhaps we can read indirect reference to his friend and companion Aristogeiton
these additional classes in objects such as
~----
..~
slew Hipparchos in 514 B.C., setting in
the pyxis (a round, lidded box) of the mid- '. , motion a chain of events that ultimately
eighth century B.C. that has three horses led to the overthrow of the family. Al-
perched on the lid, recalling the hippeis, most immediately the two friends became
or a terra-cotta figure showing a pair of symbols of the struggle against tyranny
oxen and their driver, recalling the team- Ownership of horses qualified a man for and were honored by statues in the Ag-
sters. One of the humblest items found, the class of knights (hippeis), a cavalry- ora. With the help of Sparta, an extraor-
an iron pick, recalls the thetes, a class so man to defend the city. dinarily powerful and conservative city-
state in southern Greece, the Athenians prominent families thought to be a threat anny and the revolution itself; there was
expelled the last son of Peisistratos, Hip- to Isagoras and then attempted to dis- no longer a viable tradition on which to
pias, from Athens in 510 B.C.-two years solve the Athenian advisory council. But build a new government. The people
before the revolution. here Isagoras and KIeomenes made a se- would not tolerate continued aristocratic
After the end of the tyranny, many rious mistake. The councilmen (who re- rule, and tyranny had been discredited
aristocrats hoped for and expected a main anonymous in our sources) re- by the harsh reign of Hipparchos and
quick return to government as usual- sisted, and their brave resistance sparked Hippias. How then to restore legitimate
that is, to the pre-tyranny days in which the spontaneous uprising of the mass of political authority?
Athenian society and politics were dom- Athenians. Isagoras and his allies fled to KIeisthenes' remarkable insight-and
inated by a handful of powerful and the Acropolis but surrendered after a the origin of ancient democracy-was to
wealthy families. Two leaders, Isagoras three-day siege. build a new political order quite literally
and Kleisthenes, quickly emerged and Immediately following the expulsion of from the ground up. He divided the
just as quickly became rivals for power. Isagoras and the Spartans, the people of Athenian population into ten new tribes,
Isagoras had an immediate advantage- effectively breaking up the centuries-old
he was a close friend of Kleomenes, the power structure. Each tribe was deliber-
leading king of Sparta. (Sparta, anoma- ately subdivided and gerrymandered so
lously, was ruled by two kings and a as to include people from different parts
council of elders.) Kleomenes had stayed of Attica. The tribes were named after ten
at Isagoras's house during the military early Athenian heroes, who were ever af-
operations that ended in the expulsion of ter referred to as the Eponymous Heroes.
the Peisistratid tyrants, and it was whis- The foundations of the Monument of the
pered that the Spartan king had been al- Eponymous Heroes have been excavated
lowed free access to Isagoras's wife. Be in the Agora just east of the Metroon (the
that as it may, Isagoras certainly had state archives). Over sixteen meters long,
friends in high places, and his influential the base supported bronze statues of the
contacts gained him election as the chief heroes.
archon-the most important officer in the The roots of Kleisthenes' new system
Athenian government-for the year 508- lay in much smaller political units-the
507 B.C. Kleisthenes was initially flum- existing village and neighborhood com-
moxed, but he soon struck back with a munities that dotted the territory of Ath-
daring and original plan; he turned away ens. Kleisthenes designated 140 of these
from intra-elite politics and openly solic- little communities as demes (demoi),
ited the support of the ordinary citizens. which translates as "peoples." Each
Writing about a half century after the fact, deme was to be a semi-independent po-
the Greek historian Herodotus remarked litical entity that would be responsible for
that Kleisthenes set about to become the its own internal government. The adult
trusted comrade of the people and male members of each deme (on the av-
quickly began to overshadow his rival in erage about one hundred to two hundred
Athenian politics. Spartan warriors helped to overthrow the people) would be expected to meet regu-
Not to be outdone by his opponent's tyrants of Athens but were soon expelled larly in an open assembly, at which every
bold initiative, Isagoras responded by by Kleisthenes and his anny. member had a vote, and everyone could
playing his trump card. He sent word of speak his mind ("his" is precise, as
the unsettling developments to Athens recalled their comrade Kleis- women were never regarded as citizens
KIeomenes, who dispatched a herald to thenes. He was faced with a remarkable of Athens or of any other Greek polis).
Athens ordering KIeisthenes int~ exile. challenge--to create a system of govern- Among the duties of the deme assembly
KIeisthenes had no choice but to obey; ment that would be acceptable to the rev- was the "election" of new members-no
Sparta was, after all, the dominant mili- olution-inspired Athenian people and to one could be a citizen of the deme unless
tary state in Greece. But affairs in Athens have it operating smoothly before the he had been voted in by the other mem-
were still unsettled. Kleomenes arrived in Spartans inevitably returned to punish bers. Election was tremendously signifi-
the city with a small army and proceeded Athens for its insolent behavior. Kleis- cant because deme membership was,
to establish Isagoras and his friends as thenes' options were limited. The old hi- from this period on, the basis of citizen-
the new government of Athens. erarchical social order had been shattered ship in the polis itself. Thus, overnight,
KIeomenes first expelled seven hundred by the double blow of a generation of tyr- the Athenian citizen body became a self-
establishing body, and that body was re- inscription on a fragment of a marble ba-
sponsible for its own membership. sin found close by its foundation indi-
Kleisthenes' new system called upon cates that it belonged to the council; ar-
each deme to send a certain number of chaeologists speculate that it may have
representatives (based on population) to held water in which Athenians washed or
an advisory council of five hundred citi- dipped their hands (as a form of ritual
zens, fifty from each tribe. The council purification) before entering any sacred
handled the day-to-day business of the place.
government. At first, the selection of rep- Administration of the council lay in the
resentatives may have been by election, hands of a rotating executive committee,
but soon the demes adopted the method the prytaneis, each tribe's fifty councilmen
of an open lottery. Any citizen aged thirty serving as such for thirty-five or thirty-six
or older who was willing to serve (and days at a time. Headquartered in the Tho-
perhaps half or three-quarters of all Athe- los, a round building next to the Bouleu-
nian citizens did eventually serve a term terion, the prytaneis ate at public expense
in the council) could put his name in the throughout their term of office. Frag-
lottery. If his lot came up in the drawing, ments of the Tholos dining ware have
he was sent to the council. Councilmen turned up in excavations, clearly marked
could only serve two nonconsecutive an- with the letters "DE," the first two letters Silver and bronze coins show the head of
nual terms, and most served only one. of the word demosion, or public property. Athena, goddess and patroness of Athens,
and an owl, her sacred bird.
The councilmen met regularly in a special The council's most important task was
building on the west side of the Agora, the preparation of the agenda for the na-
the Bouleuterion. The earliest form of the tional assembly, the much larger govern- the chance to stand up and address the
council house appears to date from ing body made up of all Athenian citizens assembly for as long as two conditions
around 500 B.C. It served simultaneously who cared to show up. Meetings of the pertained: his voice held out, and his fel-
as the state archives until the end of the assembly, held outdoors in a natural de- low citizens were willing to listen to him.
fifth century, at which time the council pression shaped like a theater and located Addressing the assembly was a tough
moved to a new Bouleuterion, and the on a ridge (the Pnyx) to the west of the and potentially humiliating undertaking.
old building, now known as the Metroon, Agora and the Acropolis, were remark- When the assemblymen decided a speech
was dedicated entirely to archival pur- able affairs. In the fourth century B.C. (the was of excessive length, they Simply
poses. Remains of the foundations of the period for which our sources are most de- hooted and jeered the speaker from the
early Bouleuterion have led to its recon- tailed), the assembly, or ekklesia, met forty orator's stand.
struction as a nearly square building, pre- times each year. Six thousand to eight After everyone who wished to speak
sumably filled with wooden benches. The thousand men regularly attended, ap- had faced this public gauntlet, a vote was
proximately 2~2S percent of the total cit- taken by counting raised hands. A simple
izen body. After a preliminary sacrifice to majority determined the issue, and if it
the state gods, a member of the prytaneis, passed, the new decree immediately be-
selected by lot as "president for the day," came Athenian policy. Thus, for exam-
would call the meeting to order. He an- ple, if the assembly voted for war with
nounced the first item on the agenda, Sparta, a state of war would immediately
which could be anything from a change be declared. It was in this manner that all
in the calendar of the state religion to the of the important business of the state was
state of the city's food supply, welfare attended to; taxes were levied, alliances
provisions for the orphaned and handi- with other states were made or broken,
capped, or a declaration of war against a and generals and other specialized offi-
neighboring polis. The president then in- cials were elected to annual terms of of-
dicated the council's recommendation on fice. By ca. 390 B.C., the Athenians
the subject, if it had one to offer (some- deemed it necessary to reimburse citizens
times it did not). In either case, he then for their attendance at deliberations of the
opened the subject for discussion by ask- ekklesia. Shortly following the devastating
A senate (boule), composed of five hun- ing, "Who among the Athenians wishes Peloponnesian War (431-404 B.C.), Ath-
dred members, met year round in the to speak?" At this point everyone of the ens was plagued by economic hardship.
Bouleuterion to debate legislation. thousands of men in the audience had Many Athenians were impoverished in
the postwar years, and taking an unpaid sians at the river Eurymedon ca. 469 B.C., were scattered throughout the city. A se-
day off work imposed a real strain. In or- and Themistokles, the architect of Athe- ries of rooms excavated in the northeast
der to make it possible for working Athe- nian naval power and the man responsi- corner of the Agora may have served as a
nians to fulfill their citizen duties, lead ble for successfully deploying the Athe- law court from the late fifth century B.C.,
tokens were distributed to those attend- nian fleet against the Persians at Salamis as suggested by finds of bronze ballots
ing the meeting and could be redeemed in 480 B.C. In practical terms, those ostra- and a ballot box.
for first one, then two, and finally nine cized were invariably prominent politi- A jury, usually consisting of two hun-
obols per day for certain meetings (an obol cians, men who frequently took it upon dred to five hundred men (although its
was the equivalent of one-sixth of a themselves to address the assembly on size might occasionally reach twenty-five
drachma, which equaled roughly one important affairs and who ran for major hundred), would be drawn from the list
day's wage). offices. The ostracism procedure ensured of approximately six thousand available
To the modern observer, perhaps the that political leadership in Athens was al- jurors. As with the assemblymen, the ju-
most unusual meetings of the assembly ways a tenuous business and always sub- rors were for the most part ordinary
were those held to carry out an ostracism. ject to sharp and sudden reversals of for- working men chosen for a period of one
Until the late fifth century B.C. when the tune. Those Athenians who actively par- year and (in the fourth century B.C.) as-
procedure was abandoned, the Athenian ticipated in the affairs of the polis also put signed to courts by an elaborate allotment
citizens voted annually whether or not to themselves at the mercy of the people machine. Jurors received compensation
hold an ostracism. 2 If the vote was posi- they hoped to lead, a people who held from the mid-fifth century B.C., when
tive, a date was set for the actual cere- their leaders to almost impossibly high Perikles introduced a two-obol stipend for
mony. On the designated day, every standards of conduct. In 406 B.C., for ex- service. In the 420s, Kleon raised this to
Athenian citizen was entitled to come to ample, after a victory over the Spartan three obols. Their goal was to encourage
the Agora with a shard of pottery (ostra- fleet at Arginusae, the Athenians, over- participation of poorer men in the demo-
kon) on which he (or someone for him) strained by the length and devastation of cratic process. 3
had scratched the name of the man he the Peloponnesian War, condemned six
thought most deserved banishment from of the victorious generals to death for not
the polis. At the end of the day, if a quo- picking up survivors.
rum of six thousand votes had been cast, Disputes between citizens that could
the "winner," the man whose name was not be resolved by private or public arbi-
found on the most shards, was forced tration and crimes against society were
into exile for ten years. Among the pow- normally resolved in the people's courts.
erful political figures of the fifth century A citizen who felt himself wronged or
thus eliminated were Kimon (son of Mil- who believed that a crime had been com-
tiades), the general who defeated the Per- mitted would, in front of witnesses, chal-
lenge the malefactor to appear before a
certain state magistrate at a certain time.
In civil cases, the magistrate might re-
quire the disputants to appear before an
official public arbitrator. In the fourth
century B.C., every Athenian citizen who
reached age sixty was expected to put his
accumulated wisdom and experience to
work by serving for one year as an arbi-
trator. The arbitrator would attempt to re-
solve the problem equitably, but if he
failed to satisfy both parties, the evidence
presented to him was sealed, and the
case was forwarded to the people's
courts. The Athenians were a notoriously
litigious people, causing the comic play-
wright Aristophanes to joke, "The cicada
Athenians held ostracisms to protect de- sings for only a month, but the people of This ballot box is where jurors cast their
mocracy. Above, the ballots (ostrakon) of Athens are buzzing with lawsuits and votes. A hollow ballot signifies guilt, a
Megakles and Kimon. trials their whole life long." Law courts solid one, innocence.
poor speaking voice would step aside and at state expense. As Athenian juries were
allow a friend to continue to plead his required to choose one of the two alter-
case. natives, it is not surprising that Sokrates
After listening to the two speeches, the was penalized with death.
jury voted; all verdicts were in principle Trials could be equally problematic for
final. As in the assembly, a simple major- the plaintiff. The Athenian judicial calen-
ity determined the issue; though in jury dar was rather busy, and nuisance suits
trials from the fifth century on, a secret were looked upon with great disap-
ballot procedure was employed in the proval. Thus, in many categories of legal
place of a show of hands. This was prob- action, if the plaintiff did not receive one-
ably done to avoid undue influence by fifth of the jury votes cast (thus justifying
the powerful, revenge by relatives, or his case), he could be severely fined. If he
bribery of jurors. By the middle of the was incapable of paying the fine, he
fourth century B.C., the secret voting pro- would be stripped of citizenship and
cedure employed bronze ballots manu- forced into exile.
factured with an axle through the middle, Kleisthenes' system of government,
half of them hollow and half solid. After which was soon given the newly coined
all the evidence was presented, each ju-
ror, in full view of all, received one of
Water clocks limited the speaking time of each type of ballot. As they voted, jurors
trial participants. This clay clock runs held their thumbs and forefingers over
about six minutes.
the ends of the axles (disguising which
hand held which ballot), placing one into
To speed up trials and to keep them to a receptacle for valid votes, the other into
a one-day limit, the Athenians timed a waste receptacle. A hollow ballot indi-
speakers with a klepsydra, or water clock. cated a vote for the plaintiff, a solid for
Some clocks may have allowed only a few the defendant.
minutes of speaking time, but judging The penalties levied in many categories
from speeches preserved in literary texts, of legal action were fixed by law, gener-
the harangues could be of considerably ally consisting of a fine, exile, or death.
greater length. The trial itself consisted of Rarely was long-term imprisonment pre-
an officially timed speech by the plaintiff, scribed as Athens had no formal prison
followed by a speech of the same length system. While there was a jail in which to
by the defendant. Each party to the case hold those who could not be released on
had to speak for himself, at least in the- bail, Athenians would probably find
ory. There were no professional lawyers long-term imprisonment a waste of state
in Athens, although there were men will- resources, especially as exile was a viable
ing to write a clever legal speech for a fee. option. In certain cases, however, no
Persuading an Athenian jury often re- penalty was set by law, and a different
quired more than just the facts. A litigant procedure was used. If, after the first pair
might attempt to persuade jurors that he of speeches, the jury voted for the plain-
was a better citizen than his opponent- tiff, each litigant was given a second
more public-spirited, more generous with chance to address the court, this time to
his time and resources, and less offensive propose alternate penalties. The stakes
in his private life. Many jury trials (espe- could be very high. In the famous trial of
cially of rich and powerful men) were Sokrates, who in 399 B.C. was charged
highly publicized contests in which polit- with impiety and corrupting the youth of
ical opponents competed for the respect Athens, the prosecution called for the
and admiration of their fellow citizens. death penalty. Ordinarily the defendant
But a private citizen, unskilled in the arts (now officially guilty) would propose a
of rhetoric, might be at a disadvantage in stiff fine or possibly even exile. In his Perikles, a great leader and statesman of
such a contest. Thus, occasionally, after case, however, Sokrates proposed an classical Athens, was responsible for
speaking a few words, a litigant with a ironic "penalty" of being feasted for life building the Parthenon.
NOTES
© 1993 by Josiah Ober and Catherine Vanderpool could make a drachma for the days they worked, which may sug-
lThere were a total of nine archons, or state magistrates, se- gest to the modern mind that the workers would not give up a
lected (by various means) each year. The first was "the" archon, day's wage for lower-paying jury service. But the laborers did not
sometimes called the "eponymous" archon because he gave his work 365 days a year. We should also not immediately make the
name to the year. For clarity, we have called this officer "chief modernizing assumption that all Athenian actions were gov-
archon." This was clearly a very powerful office before 508 B.C. erned solely by "rational" economic motives. Serving on a jury
(much less so afterwards and largely ceremonial by the time of was regarded as vitally important in protecting basic rights, was
Perikles). It was the office of "the" archon that some of the other empowering, and probably was often a lot of fun. If we say that
aristocrats held under the Peisistratids. The second magistrate only the leisured citizens (nonworkers) served as jurors because
was the "king" archon. He was not actually a king but rather the the poorer men could not afford to, we must throw out the num-
head of the state religion. The third archon was the polemarch, or ber six thousand potential jurors (for which there is good textual
military leader. The remaining six archons were thesmothetes, or support), since there cannot have been that many leisure-class
leqal officials. Athenians. All the evidence (gathered especially by M. M. Mar-
We do not know why ostracism was abandoned after the late kle) suggests that we have every reason to suppose that most
fifth century B.C. Presumably it fell into disuse at least in part jurors fell between the leisured and the genuinely impoverished.
because its function was replaced by the legal action of graphe There may have been an overrepresentation by elderly men, but
paranomon, which was the indictment of the proposer of an illegal this cannot be proved. The dread that the wealthy felt of the
or "uncustomary" decree. courts is good evidence that poorer Athenians did in fact domi-
Jrhe issue of pay in Athens is very complex; some workers nate the courts.