The Status Questionis of The Adam
The Status Questionis of The Adam
The Status Questionis of The Adam
1. David Paul Henry captures this debate between Barth and Bultmann. The dialogue begins as early
as 1922, when the two authors agree that “the intent of biblical interpretation is to confront and involve
the reader in the ‘subject matter’ of the text,” which for Bultmann was “authentic human existence,”
whereas for Barth it was “the relationship between humanity and the transcendent God.” See David Paul
Henry, The Early Development of the Hermeneutic of Karl Barth as Evidenced by his Appropriation of Romans
5:12-21 (NABPR Dissertation Series 5; Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1985), 203.
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6 | The Figure of Adam in Romans 5 and 1 Corinthians 1
2. Karl Barth, Christ and Adam: Man and Humanity in Romans 5 (New York: Collier Books, 1962),
39–40. He states, “Jesus Christ is the secret truth about the essential nature of man, and even sinful man is still
essentially related to Him. That is what we have learned from Rom. 5:12-21” (pp. 107–8; emphasis in original
translation)
3. Rudolf Bultmann, “Adam and Christ According to Romans 5,” in Current Issues in New Testament
Interpretation: Essays in Honor of Otto A. Piper, ed. William Klassen and Graydon F. Snyder (London:
SCM, 1962), 163.
4. Bultmann, “Adam and Christ,” 154; see also 160.
5. Rudolf Bultmann, The Old and the New Adam in the Letters of Paul, trans. Keith R. Crim (Richmond:
John Knox, 1967), 18; see also 21.
6. Rudolf Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament, trans. Kendrick Grobel (2 vols. (New York:
Scribner, 1951, 1955), 1:174.
The Status Questionis of the Adam Typology in Paul | 7
7. See Walter Schmithals, “The Corinthian Christology,” in Christianity at Corinth: The Quest for the
Pauline Church, ed. Edward Adams and David G. Horrell (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2004), 77
(extracted from Walter Schmithals, Gnosticism in Corinth: An Investigation of the Letters to the Corinthians,
trans. John E. Steely (Nashville, Abingdon, 1971], 124–30).
8. Margaret M. Mitchell, “Paul’s Letters to Corinth: The Interpretive Intertwining of Literary and
Historical Reconstruction,” in Urban Religion in Roman Corinth: Interdisciplinary Approaches, ed. Daniel N.
Schowalter and Steven J. Friesen (HTS 53; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2003), 312–13.
9. See Pheme Perkins, Gnosticism and the New Testament (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993); Birger A.
Pearson, Ancient Gnosticism: Traditions and Literature (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007).
10. Egon Brandenburger, Adam und Christus: Exegetisch-religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu Rom. 5,
12-21 (1 Kor 15) (WMANT 7; Neukirchen: Kreis Moers, 1962).
8 | The Figure of Adam in Romans 5 and 1 Corinthians 1
religious milieu was so heterogeneous that we cannot state with confidence that
there was a single group or ideology that may have influenced the Christian
community in this city.18 Most important, the classification of Gnosticism and
Gnostic groups is a rather conjectural construal of a phenomenon that appeared
much later during the second century.
Related to the previous problem is Brandenburger’s contention that Paul
was using the language of his opponents. First, according to Brandenburger,
the contrast between the heavenly and earthly man in 1 Cor 15:45-49 reflects
the Gnostic myth of the “Primal man.”19 Yet in 1 Cor 15:21-22, 45-49 and Rom
5:12-21 Paul understands and interprets Adam and Christ as two antithetical
historical figures and not as the abstract and ahistorical heavenly redeemer
who evolves in two phases as proposed later in Gnosticism.20 Furthermore, as
Hans Conzelmann has concisely put it, “The figure in question belongs not
so much to myth as to mythological speculation.”21 Instead, it is more likely
that the contrast between the first and second Adam in Paul reflects earlier or
contemporary Hellenistic Jewish traditions about the story of the creation of
humanity in Gen 1:27 and 2:7, which some Corinthians may have known. A
thesis that will be discussed in chapter 2 is that some in Corinth knew Philo’s
commentaries on the story of the creation.22
28, 31, 34-40). On the other hand, Birger A. Pearson contends that Paul’s adversaries were Hellenistic
Jews in Corinth who, in interpreting Gen 2:7, “were espousing a doctrine of a-somatic immortality, and
denying the bodily resurrection” (The Pneumatikos-Psychikos Terminology in 1 Corinthians: A Study in the
Theology of the Corinthian Opponents of Paul and Its Relation to Gnosticism [SBLDS 12; Missoula, Mont.:
Society of Biblical Literature, 1973], 24).
18. James D. G. Dunn aptly describes the Corinthian milieu as “a melting pot of religious ideas and
philosophies, many of them Jewish in origin (the myth of Wisdom, as in Sir 24 and 1 En. I 42), others
common in different religious systems” (“Reconstructions of Corinthian Christianity and the
Interpretation of 1Corinthians,” in Adams and Horrell, Christianity at Corinth, 300).
19. See Brandenburger, Adam und Christus, 77–131.
20. As noted by Son, Corporate Elements, 69.
21. Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians, 285. In his excursus, he noted the complexity of the origins and
meaning of this concept: “the one concept primal man is applied to heterogeneous things: the
macrocosmos, the protoplast, the prototype, the redeemer (‘redeemed redeemer’), to the God ‘Man’ in
Gnosticism, where ‘Man’ mostly means the highest God, but then also the revealing power of the deity”
(p. 284).
22. Gregory E. Sterling, “Wisdom among the Perfect: Creation Traditions in Alexandrian Judaism and
Corinthian Christianity,” NovT 37 (1995): 366–67; Wedderburn, “Adam and Christ,” 120, 129.
Furthermore, Wedderburn argues that Philo’s interpretation of the man of Gen 1:26 “is described in the
language of Plato’s theory of forms,” 157. “Philo is working here in a Hellenistic-Jewish tradition going
back to Plato’s doctrine of ideas.” See also Conzelmann, 1 Corinthians, 286: Philo “distinguishes two types
of man, the heavenly and the earthly, Leg. all.1:31f (on Gen 2:7) [Greek text and translation provided].
10 | The Figure of Adam in Romans 5 and 1 Corinthians 1
He distinguishes the idea[l] man from the historical man, Op. mund. 134 (likewise on Gen 2:7) [Greek
text and translation provided].”
23. Pearson, Pneumatikos-Psychikos Terminology, 15–24.
24. Pearson, Pneumatikos-Psychikos Terminology, 26.
25. Kim, Origin of Paul’s Gospel, 170–71, analyzing Gal 6:1 and 1 Cor 2:12-15. This is a verbatim
expression from Wedderburn (“Adam and Christ,” 187), who is cited in n. 3 but not quoted. Kim’s
contention (p. 266; cf. 267–68) that Paul himself derived the Adam Christology from the “Damascus
Christophany,” where Christ revealed to Paul “as the εἴκων τοῦ θεοῦ,” is less convincing.
26. Brandenburger, Adam und Christus, 70–71.
The Status Questionis of the Adam Typology in Paul | 11
resurrection (v. 35). Thus, in 1 Corinthians 15 Paul addresses the question of the
future and of bodily, although as spiritual body, resurrection of the believers,
and not a realized eschatology.
In his effort to elucidate the backgrounds of Rom 5:12-21 Brandenburger
thus diverted his attention to what was initially intended as only a parenthetical
analysis of 1 Corinthians 15 (as is shown in the title of his work). Indeed, this
would be the logical process, since the earliest explicit comparison between
Adam and Christ in Paul appears in 1 Corinthians 15. Brandenburger’s
contribution to the study of the Adam typology in Paul has illustrated the
complexity of the Adam figure in Paul. His analysis of extensive Palestinian and
Hellenistic Jewish interpretations of the story of the creation and fall of Adam
in Genesis 1–3 led Brandenburger to postulate Gnosticism as the background
for the contrast between Adam and Christ in Paul. On the contrary, further
research has demonstrated that it is more plausible that the language found in
1 Corinthians has influenced later forms of Christian Gnosticism.27 It is likely
that Paul and his audience were familiar with a tradition about Adam’s sin and
death that was passed on to his descendants (1 Cor 15:21-22; Rom 5:12 and 18),
and possibly also of the contrast between the “heavenly man” and the “earthly
man” (1 Cor 15:42-49).28 Furthermore, Jewish speculations about Adam and the
effects of his disobedience often enough conveyed ethical implications. Some
of these authors did not simply speculate about the origins of humankind or
the ancestors of Israel, but they inferred ethical and social consequences for
the communities they addressed. Eventually Paul inherited these traditions and
creatively interpreted and adapted them into his argument in 1 Corinthians 15
and Rom 5:12-21. In other words, the story of Genesis 1–3 and its subsequent
traditions intend to elicit an ethical and social reconfiguration in the audience.
Thus, Paul creatively adapted these traditions in his letters to convey ethical
and social implications. Our task in chapter 2 will be to identify these traditions
among the Palestinian and Diaspora Jews who interpreted the Scriptures in
a heterogeneous religious and cultural context like Paul’s. Then, in chapter 3
27. A. J. M. Wedderburn (Baptism and Resurrection: Studies in Pauline Theology against Its Graeco-Roman
Background [WUNT 44; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1987], 21) argues that the conceptual similarities
between 1 Corinthians and Gnosticism may possibly reflect “a type of Christianity en route to
Gnosticism.”
28. See Thomas H. Tobin, Paul’s Rhetoric in Its Contexts: The Arguments of Romans (Peabody, Mass.:
Hendrickson, 2004), 175–76. Tobin distinguishes two trends of traditions in 1 Corinthians 15, one that
takes up Jewish traditions about Adam’s sin and death (vv. 21-22) and the other (vv. 42-49) that reflects
the Hellenistic Jewish speculations, as found in Philo, about the heavenly/earthly man of Gen 1:27 and
2:7, respectively.
12 | The Figure of Adam in Romans 5 and 1 Corinthians 1
we will analyze Paul’s reworking of these traditions in his first letter to the
Corinthians and that to the Romans.
29. W. D. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism: Some Rabbinic Elements in Pauline Theology (2nd ed.;
New York: Harper & Row, 1955), 36–57.
30. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 44. He argues that the story of the creation and fall in Genesis
1–3 is ultimately the background for the concept of Jesus the Messiah who restored the entire creation
(pp. 37–41).
31. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 52. He suggests that Christians in Corinth were acquainted with
“Philo’s distinction between the Heavenly and the earthly man,” via Apollos, but he also points out that
“it is improbable, though not impossible, that Paul was directly acquainted with Philo’s works.”
32. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 53–55. In a later study, Davies confirms that Paul “draws upon
well-defined elements from Judaism” (Jewish and Pauline Studies [Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1984],
194–95).
33. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism, 57.