Internal Colonialism and National

Development

PABLO G O N Z A L E Z CASANOVA
National University o/ Mexico

the problems of development might result in a grow-

ing appreciation of the common points between the
p OLITICAL FRONTIERS have directly or indirectly
influenced the formulation and use of sociological
new nations of Africa and Asia and the old "new
nations" of America, where a dual society still exists
categories. Certain categories have appeared and have
and where there has been a process of development
been treated in relation to the internal problems of
and of mobilization which has not yet been com-
a nation or territory, and others in relation to in-
pleted.
ternational problems, without systematically fixing
points of interconnection; that is, without sufficiently The notion of "internal colonialism" has its roots
investigating up to what point the categories general- in the great independence movement of the old
ly used to explain internal problems also serve to ex- colonies. The experience of independence has cus-
plain international problems and vice versa. tomarily stimulated new notions about independence
The idea of civilization has corresponded generally and development. With political independence the
to an international or universal analysis of history, notion of an integral independence and of a neo-
while the notion of dual or plural society has corre- colonialism slowly arises. With the creation of the
sponded to internal analyses of underdeveloped na- nation-State as a motor of develop~aent and the
tions or territories. The concept of classes and social disappearance of the "imperialistic ogre," there ap-
strata has been applied to the internal study of socie- pears a need for technicians and professionals, for
ties without being related to the conflicts between contractors and capital. With the disappearance of
nations. The concept of colonialism has been used, the direct domination of foreigners over natives, the
above all, as an international phenomenon which notion of domination and exploitation of natives by
explains relations between different peoples and natives emerges. In the political and historical liter-
nations. Occasionally, extrapolations of categories ature of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries it
have been made, as in speaking of "proletarian na- can be observed how the Latin American countries
tions" or the "stratification of nations." The principal absorb these new experiences. The "pro-Indian" and
exception to the above statement is the notion of liberal literature of the nineteenth century points to
culture, which has been systematically applied to the substitution of the domination of Spaniards by
nations, regions, communities, and classes. These that of the "creoles." Interestingly, the exploitation
general circumstances have obscured or placed on a of the Indians continues, having the same character-
lesser level a certain type of phenomenon, which istics it had before independence.
does not adjust its limits to "traditional" categories. 1 This syndrome has been registered again with the
The purpose of the present article is to focus upon present proliferation of new nations. Emerson notes
the relatively interchangeable character of the notion that "the end of colonialism" by itself only eliminates
of colonialism and of colonial structure, emphasizing problems that arise directly from foreign control.
colonialism as an internal phenomenon. Along with But the "oppression" of some sectors over others
this, the purpose is to point out how colonialism continues - - an "oppression" felt by some sectors
functions a,s a phenomenon which is not only inter- as more intolerable than the continuation of the
national but intranational. Its exegetical value for colonial Government. Coleman points out that in
the new nations "for special reasons bound to the
i Rupert Emerson, From Empire to Nation. The Rise of rationalization of colonialism, this class - - the mili-
Self Assertion of Asian and African Peoples (Cambridge, tary, the clergy, and the bureaucracy - - supports the
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1960), p. 342. idea of the 'divine right' of the educated to govern;
28 STUDIES IN COMPARATIVE INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

and its members have been affected by the bureau- rationalization, justification, refutation, and irrational
cratic-authoritative predispositions derived from the and emotional manipulation as occurs with all cate-
traditional society or the colonial experience. ''2 Hose- gories that refer to con]licts in the world and tension
litz observes that " . . . the upper classes, including within the scientific literature. Third, locating the
many government intellectuals, are prepared to exegetical and practical value confronting other cate-
manipulate the unprotected masses in a way similar gories such as that of Weber's Protestant Ethic;
to that used by the foreign masters whose rule they Parsons' and Hoselitz' "ascription," "fulfillment,"
have broken."3 Dumont gathers the complaints of or "success," McClelland's "achieving society," Ler-
the Congo peasants ("Independence is not for net's "empathy," and Lipset's "value orientation" as
us . . . ") and of Cameroon ( " W e are headed for exhibited in his new book on the United States as a
a worse colonialism of class . . . "), and he himself new nation.
says: "the rich behave like white colonials . . .-4 The question facing the acceptance of a new cate-
Fanon, in his renowned book - - Les Damnds de gory for the study of development, such as internal
La Terre - - analyzes the substitution of the for- colonialism, is clear: How does this category serve
eign exploiters by native exploiters - - stressing above to explain the phenomenon of development from a
all the "struggle of classes."~ C. Wright Mills, in sociological point of view, in its behavioral context ?
a seminar organized by the Latin American Center What kind of analytical value does it have ? To what
for Research in the SoCial Sciences, observed with point will this category explain the same phenomenon
precision a few years ago: "Given the uneven type already explained by other categories as the city and
of development that Professor Lambert has so clearly country, the social classes, the dual society, or the
outlined, the developed sections in the interior of social strata? How can we prevent the use of this
the underdeveloped world - - in the capital and in category in a vague, emotional, irrational, or aggres-
the coast - - are a curious species of imperialistic sive way ? Finally, what practical "operational signifi-
power, .which has, in its own way, internal colonies. ''6 cance, ''7 from the point of view of the politics of
It would be useless to continue quoting more authors. development, does this category have? To these
All serious students of the economic and political questions should be added others about the behavior
problems of the new nations have registered these of the phenomenon and its explanatory value,
facts. throughout the "stages of development," and at dif-
Understanding the facts of internal colonialism re- ferent levels of social mobilization.
mains sporadic. A deeper study of the problem in- The fact that dominant groups and classes in
vites a series of delimitations searching for a struc- new nations play similar roles to those played by the
tural definition which may serve as a sociological old colonials may be deplorable, but it is not of
explanation of development. The delimitation of the primary interest. What we seek is its potential as a
phenomenon involves three problems. First, whether sociological explanation of problems of under-
this category is really different from others which the developed societies. W e will approach the problem
social sciences presently use, and which analyzes be- in two ways: one which allows the typification of
havior in a similar way through distinctions between colonialism as an integral phenomenon, changeable
town and country; "master" and "servant"; worker from an international to an internal category; and
and manager in the first stage of capitalism; social another which permits us to see how the phenomenon
classes and the establishment and solution of social has occurred in a new nation which has reached the
conflicts; dual society or the social strata. Second, "take-off stage," and which has already been
avoiding the use of this category in the processes of through an era of agrarian reform, industrialization,
construction of the infrastructure. Thus, we will treat
the problem of internal colonialism in a nation as a
2 James S. Coleman, "The Political Systems of the De-
veloping Areas." The Politics of the Developing Areas, stage of industrial process, whose experience may be
ed. Gabriel A. Almond and James S. Coleman (Princeton, politically typical and relevant to the "newcomers."
N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1960), p. 548.
Bert F. Hoselitz, Sociological Aspects of Economic II
Growth (Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press, 1962), p. 148.
Originally the term colony was used to designate
4 Rene" Dumont, L'afrique Noire est Mal Partie (Paris:
Editions du Seuil, 1962), pp. 7, 8, 221 ft. a territory occupied by emigrants from a "mother"
5 Franz Fanon, Les Damn~s da la Terre (Paris: Maspero, country. Thus "Greek colonies" were settled by
1961), p. 111 ff.
6 C. Wright Mills, "The Problem of Industrial Develop- 7 John H. Adler, "Some Policy Problems in Economic
ment," Power, Politics and People, ed. Irving L. Horowitz Development," Economic Development and Cultural
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1963), p. 154. Change, IX, No. 2 (January, 1961).
 INTERNAL COLONIALISM AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 29

immigrants from Greece who went to live in Roman should be considered as territories lacking self-
territories such as North Africa. This classic meaning government. "9
of the term colony remained in use until the modern If we take these observations about the colonial
era. By the nineteenth century a recurrent character- phenomenon in elaborating a concrete political defini-
istic of colonies attracted attention: the dominance tion, we observe that a colony is: (1) A territory
exercised by immigrants over indigenous popula- without self-government. (2) It is in an unequal
tions. By the middle of the last century, Herman position with respect to the metropolis where inhabi-
Merivale observed this change of meaning in the tants do govern themselves. (3) The administration
term. Then colony was understood to mean, both and responsibility for administration is a concern of
in official circles and in common language, possession the State which dominates it. (4) Its inhabitants do
of a territory in which European emigrants dominated not participate in elections of higher administrative
indigenous peoples. bodies, i.e., rulers are assigned by the dominating
Presently, in speaking about colonies or colonialism, country. (5) The rights of its inhabitants, their eco-
allusion is made above all to the domination of some nomic situation, and their social privileges are regu-
people by others. The term has come to have a vio- lated by another State. (6) This position does not
lent connotation. It has become a kind of accusation, correspond to natural bonds - - but rather to artificial
and in certain circles even its use is taboo. In the models which are the product of conquest or of in:
United Nations, "non-self-governing territories" are ternational concession. (7) Colonial inhabitants be-
spoken about, a term which contains a built-in self long to a race and culture different from that of the
definition. According to Article 2"3 of the United dominating people. Customarily they also speak a
Nations Charter, these are "territories whose inhabi- different language.
tants have not yet attained total self-government." These characteristics, with the exception of the
In the United Nations' assemblies different delega- last, are in effect produced in any colony. The last
tions have tried to sharpen this definition. The dele- one is found to be so, not always, but in the majority
gation from the United States made a contribution of instances. As exceptions, we could note the col-
that may have a certain empirical value. According onies which formed the United States, Argentina,
to its observations, the term as used in the Charter Canada, or Australia. Yet even in these cases the
"seems applicable to any territory, administered by a colonists lived near native populations who had racial
member of I~he United Nations, that does not enjoy and cultural differences from their own. These natives
self-government in the same measure as the me- were, in the main, not employed in the work of the
tropolis. ''8 The French delegation pointed out three colony, and they were often exterminated or dis-
lodged from their territories. Arid if American co-
facts that should be considered in defining a colony:
lonialists did not use the natives in the colony's work,
"dependence in relation to a member state; responsi-
the importation of Negroes and of the Negro culture
bility exercised by this state in the administration of produced effects similar to the relations characteristic
the territory; and the existence of a population that of colonial life elsewhere.
has not completely attained self-government." The However, these .illustrations are not sufficient to ex-
Soviet deldgation suggested that "territories without plain the nature of a colony. O n one hand, we are
their own government are possessions, protectorates, dealing with a formalistic juridical-political defini-
or territories that do not participate in the election of tion, whose attributes may be absent even without the
higher administrative bodies." India declared that colonial situation disappearing; and without permit-
"territories that do not govern themselves can be ting the statistical treatment of a true variable which
defined and included with all those territories in moves from a colonial structure to an independent
which the rights of inhabitants, their economic status structure. On the other hand, a formal definition
and their social privileges are regulated by another omits mention of the immediate and more general
function which the domination of some peoples over
State." Egypt pointed out that the determining factor
others fulfills, and the form in which this domination
"is the state of dependence of a nation with respect
takes place. "The object of colonies," Montesquieu
to another with which it has no natural bonds. In
wrote more than two hundred years ago, "is to carry
this respect all extra-metropolitan territories, whose on commerce in better conditions than can be found
population, language, race, and culture are different with the neighboring peoples with whom the advan-
from those of the people they are dominated by,
9 Emil J. Sady, The United Nations and Dependent
s United Nations Document A/74, October 21, 1946, Peoples (Washington, D. C.: The Brookings Instituliion,
pp. 5-6. 1957), pp. 78-79.
30 STUDIES IN COMPARATIVE I N T E R N A T I O N A L DEVELOPMENT

rages are reciprocal. It has been affirmed," he added, economic and cultural monopoly through military,
"that only the metropolis can negotiate with the col- political, and administrative domination. In these
ony and this for a good reason, because the object of conditions one can approach the study of colonialism
the colonial establishment has been the extension of and dependence through the monopoly exercised by
commerce and not the foundation of a city or a new one country over another. As this monopoly be-
empire."lo comes accentuated, colonization is accentuated. This
To this immediate and more general function of monopoly permits the extensive exploitation of the
the colonial phenomenon are added others of a cul- resources of the colony: buying and selling through
tural, political, and military type, which have a longer institutionalized conditions of inequality. At the same
lasting effect and functions that deviate from the time this deprives other empires from gaining access
general one. International development occurs within to the benefits of this type of unequal relationship,
the colonial structure: the expansion of "civilization," while depriving the native population of the tools of
social and technical progress, the westernization of negotiation, of their natural riches, and in great
the world, evangelization and proselytization, the measure, of the fruits of their labor.
diffusion of liberal and socialist ideas. It occurs in a The monopoly isolates the colony from other em-
framework of uneven relations between developed pires and other countries, and in particular from
and underdeveloped countries. The motives of coloni- other colonies. This is characteristic of various phe-
zation are not only economic, but military, political, nomena in present-day colonial society, some of
and spiritual. But the economic and commercial func- which have been pointed out by Myrdal.12
tions of colonies are immediate and general. They 1. The.colony acquires characteristics of a com-
mark a recurrent pattern in the colonial process. plementary economy to the empire. It accommodates
Montesquieu spoke of these functions when he itself to the economy of the metropolis. The exploita-
sided with those who affirmed that "only the me- tion of natural resources is a function of the demand
tropolis can negotiate with the colony." From his by the metropolis which seeks to integrate colonies
viewpoint it was natural that the metropolis should into the empire's economy. This gives rise to a dis-
monopolize the colony's commerce, and prevent any torted development of colonial sectors and regions,
commercial competition unfavorable to the urban a development which is reflected in the means of"
center. Merivale said it with even greater clarity: communication, in the irregular birth and growth of
"To adjust our economic notions about the profits of cities, etc. Colonialism foments a process of change
a particular country, the profits in question must be other than of development33 The lack of economic
something exclusive and monopolized."u This im- integration in the interior of the colony, the lack of
portant concept is not only useful in analyzing typical communication between zones of the colony and
colonies (those territories that are completely colonial neighboring colonies, corresponds to a lack of general
and dependent on an empire) but also in studying cultural integration.
the degree of dependence and independence from 2. The colony acquires other characteristics of de-
colonial status. pendency which facilitate colonial treatment. In inter-
Every time there is a colony there exists, in effect, national commerce the colony not only depends upon
a condition of monopoly in exploiting natural re- a single metropolitan market but also on a predomi-
sources, work, the import-export trade, and fiscal nant sector - - mineral or agricultural - - and on a
revenues. This is not a tautological affirmation. The predomi'nant product - - gold or silver, cotton, sugar,
dominant country monopolizes the colony, and pre- copper, or tin. Thus the colony arises in a handi-
vents other countries from exploiting its natural and capped context which in turn is a consequence of
human resources. This monopolization is extended dependence on a single market, a single sector, or
to mass culture and to the sources of information. a predominant or single product. This increases the
The colony thus becomes isolated from other nations. power of the metropolis and its possibilities to nego-
All contact with the outside and with other cultures tiate from a position of strength with the colony,
is funnelled through the colonial power. When co- preventing competition from other empires, andpre-
lonial dominion grows stronger, it is because it ex- venting the colony from competing with the mother
tends its economic and cultural monopoly. The colo- country. The capacity for negotiation of the colony
nialist policy consists precisely in reinforcing the
12 of. Gunnar Myrdal, Teonh Economica y Regiones Sub-
10 Montesquieu, L'esprit des Lois, Chapter XXI, 1748. desarrolladas (Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica,
11 Herman Merivale, Lectures on Colonization and Col- 1959), pp. 69 ff.
onies: Delivered Before the University of Oxford in 1840 13 Francois Perroux, L'economie du XXe Siecle (Paris:
and 1841 (London, 1861), p. 188. Presses Universitaires de France, 1961), pp. 195, 408, 557.
 INTERNAL COLONIALISM AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 31

is thus minimal. Monopoly adapts itself to different separated amongst themselves for reasons of colour,
types of colonies and colonial systems; in some, fiscal and who try to live their separate lives within a
monopoly predominates, in others the monopoly of single political frame. In sum, colonial societies
natural resource exploitations, still in others, the tend to be plural societies. ''16
monopoly of foreign trade. In reality it is difficult to ascertain whether in-
3. The colony is also used as a monopoly for the equality in technical development has more influence
exploitation of cheap labor. The concessions of land, over the formation of the colonial system than the
water, mines, and commercial licenses for establish- colonial system itself has on uneven development. It
ing new enterprises are granted only to the inhabi- is true that dual, or plural, societies occur through
tants of the metropolis, to their descendants or to a the contact of two civilizations, one technically more
few natives whose alliance is eventually solicited. advanced than the other. 17 It is also true that the
4. The standards of life in the colonies are differ- dual or plural society occurs through colonial de-
ent from those in the metropolis. The workers - - velopment. It characterizes the colonial growth. The
slaves, serfs, peons, laborers - - receive the minimum ideology of the "highly endowed European" versus
necessary for subsistence and often less. the "semi-logical Indian" disguises the way in which
5. Repressive systems predominate in the solution the latter is exploited by the former, and the way in
of class conflicts; these are longer lasting and more which their economic relations are reinforced through
violent than in the metropolis. discriminatory procedures. The colonial structure is
6. The entire system tends to increase the inter- tightly bound to the plural society, to uneven de-
national inequality, and the economic, political, and velopment, and to combined forms of exploitation,
cultural inequalities between metropolis and colony. 14 simultaneous rather than successive as in the classic
It also increases internal racial inequalities of caste, European models of development. In effect, in the
of exemptions; religious, rural, and urban, and class colonies the slave and feudal relations are combined
inequalities. This inequality is particularly important and coexist with capitalist and state-owned enter-
for the comprehension of the colonial society and is prises. Heterogeneity - - technical, institutional, and
closely tied to the dynamics of dual or plural societies. cultural - - coincides with a structure in which the
relations of domination and exploitation are relations
III between heterogeneous and culturally different
groups.
The existence of dual societies coincides and is
This characteristic of internal colonial life has psy-
interwoven with the existence of colonialism - - even
chological and political implications which can be
though we should distinguish between "immigrant
determined only within their natural framework.
colonies" and "agrarian colonies" on one hand, and
Racism and racial discrimination are the historical
"exploitation colonies" on the other. The former have
legacy of the conquest of some peoples by others,
tended to be homogeneous societies, which "have
from antiquity to the expansion of the great empires
moved in the direction of equality with respect to
and colonial systems of the modern era. Hobson,
the Mother Country, in finances as well as in indus-
thinking in terms of superior and inferior races,
trial equipment, and towards a political independence,
noted that "always when superior races establish
formal or potential. ''15 But at the same time, the
themselves in territories where inferior races can be
position of dependence, typically colonial, is accentu-
profitably used for manual work and agriculture, for
ated in the "exploitation" colonies and in the planta-
mining and domestic work, the latter do not tend
tions revealing heterogeneous cultures. "The colonial
to die off but ,rather come to constitute a servile
society as a general rule consists of a series of
class ''18 Racism appears in all the colonies where
groups more or less conscious of themselves, often
two cultures are found, in Hispanic America, in the
Near and Far East, in Africa. It is the "official
14 This is the direct or immediate effect. Indirectly and dogma" of English colonization. It corresponds to
in the longer run, the colonial growth, as Marx recog-
nized, "dissolved the semi-barbaric communities, the the "color barrier" that the Japanese set in the Asian
semi-civilized communities, breaking their economic basis countries they dominated during World War Two,
• .provoking a great social revolution." See, Karl Marx,
.

"British Rule in India," On Colonialism; (Moscow: 16 E. C. Walter, Colonies (Cambridge and London:
Foreign Languages Publishing House), p. 36. I would
Cambridge University Press, 1944), p. 72.
add that this process of international acculturation leads
to opposition to colonialism itself. 17 cf. Jacques Lambert, Os Dois Brasils (Rio .de Janeiro:
Ministerio da Educac~o e Cultura, 1959).
15 Celso Furtado, The Economic Growth of Brazil
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California is John A. Hobson, Imperialism: A Study (London:
Press, 1963). George Allen and Unwin Ltd,, 1948), p. 253.
32 STUDIES I N COMPARATIVE I N T E R N A T I O N A L DEVELOPMENT

despite their famous slogan of "Asia for the Asians." This phenomenon gives place to processes of ma-
Racism and racial segregation are essential in the nipulation, sadism, and aggression so often found
colonial exploitation of some peoples by others. They in the accusations against colonial treatment. "What
influence all configurations of development in co- serious sense of duty is felt when facing an animal
lonial cultures. They are a brake in the processes of or a thing? This is what the colonized is made in-
acculturation. In the interchange and transmission of creasingly to resemble. Because of this the colonizer
advanced techniques to the dominated population, in can adopt a double standard for judging himself as
the occupational mobility of native workers who tend a superior being to the colonized. For him, the col-
to remain in unskilled jobs, in the political and ad- onized driving an automobile is a spectacle to which
ministrative mobility of the native people, racism he cannot become accustomed. The colonialist denies
and discrimination correlate with the political psy- the colonized all normal character. He sees him as a
chology of colonialism. monkey-like pantomime. An accident, even a grave
Colonial psychology and colonial behavior have one, which affects the colonized almost makes him
been little studied. We do not have a rigorous and laugh. The machine-gunning of a colonized multitude
empirical study on the "colonial personality," as neces- may bring an indifferent shrug. For the rest, the
sary and useful as this would be. The authors who weeping of a native mother who cries over the loss
have dealt with this problem have often done so in of her son or husband only vaguely reminds the
an accusative form. Readers participate emotionally, colonialist of the sorrow of a mother or a wife. ''23
accepting or rejecting the accusations. Something This psychology, with complicated rules of treat-
similar occurs in studies of the colonized, their psy- ment, with prejudices, and perceptions of the colon-
chology and personality. The small book by Memni 19 ized man as a thing, is linked to the internal policy
with its very acute observations, and the clinical of the colonial society, to a policy of manipulation
cases that Fanon registered in his work as a psychi. and discrimination which appears in the juridical,
atrist 20 are among the best of a large quantity of educational, linguistic, and administrative order which
political denunciations made by travelers, historians, tends to .sanction and increase the social dichotomies
and ideologists. Clearly, within this situation two of and the relation of dominatiort and exploitation
the most characteristic problems of the colonialist characteristic of colonies. On this point, the historical
personality consist in a complicated welter of atti- juridical literature is sufficient, and requires neither
tudes ascribed to the treatment of individuals accord- restatement nor summarization.
ing to the place they occupy in the social scale. But if these are the typical characteristics of colo-
A complicated etiquette exists in colonial society nialism, the problem now lies in knowing to what
which fixes the terms in which one should and must degree they are found in what we have called "in-
address oneself to different social groups, "the degree ternal colonialism" and to what degree does the
of courtesy or rudeness acceptable," the types of phenomenon of internal colonialism actually exist.
"humiliations that are naturaI."21 Memni adds that It is well known that upon reaching independence,
"a group of conducts, of learned reflexes, exercised the old colonies' international and internal structure
from very early infancy, underlies colonial racism. does not suddenly change. The international social
This has so spontaneously been incorporated into the structure continues in great part along the same path
gestures, even to the most banal words, that it con- and continues a policy of "decolonization." This has
been observed both by the rulers of the new nations
stitutes one of the most solid structures of the
and by the European investigators. In the internal
colonialist personality. ''22 To these complicated forms
domain, approximately the same thing happens, al-
of humiliation and courtesy typical of ascription in
though the problem has not received emphasis other
the traditional society is added the dehumanization than occasional observations.
of the colonized. His being perceived as a thing The new nations preserve, above all, the dichoto-
finds an appropriate parallel in the studies of Nazi mous character and contradictory types of relations
psychology. similar to those found in colonial society. The prob-
lem consists in investigating up to what point the
19 Cf. Albert Memni, Portrait du Colonis6 Pr~fcdde"du characteristics, attributes and variables typical of
Portrait du Colonisateur (Paris: Correa, 1957). colonialism and colonial society are found in the
2o Fanon, op. cit., appendix. new nations and their social structure, their position
2t K. N. Panikkar, L'asie et la Domination Occidentale at a given moment, and their dynamics and their
du XVe Si&le ~ nos Jours (paris: Eds. du Seuil, 1956), behavior throughout the different stages of develop-
p. 145.
22 Memni, op. clt., p. 114. 23 Ibid.
 INTERNAL COLONIALISM AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 33

ment. What value might this investigation have? discipline and regularity of the industrial society, in
Here we must attempt to answer some of the ques- which the manipulation, without brakes and often
tions formulated earlier. Up to what point is this inhuman, offered.ample profits in production, money,
category of internal colonialism different from others and social power. ''25 The colonial structure and in-
used by the social sciences? To what extent can it ternal colonialism are distinguished from the class
be studied in a systematic and precise way ? And what structure since colonialism is not only a relation of
exegenic value can it have in a sociological analysis exploitation of the workers by the owners of raw
of development ? materials or of production and their collaborators,
but also a relation of domination and exploitation
of a total population (with its distinct classes, pro-
IV prietors, workers) by another population which also
Internal colonialism corresponds to a structure of has distinct classes (proprietors and workers). In-
social relations based on domination and exploitation ternal colonialism reveals many differences with the
among culturatly, heterogeneous, distinct groups. If structure of classes, and sufficient differences with
it has a specific difference with respect to other re- the city-country structure to be used as an analytical
lations based on superordination, it inheres in the instrument. Its exegenic function will help make
culture heterogeneity which the conquest of some these differences clear.
peoples by others historically produces. It is such con- Being a category which takes up phenomena of con-
quests which permit us to talk not only about cultural flict and exploitation, internal colonialism, as other
differences (which exist between urban and rural
similar categories, merits an analytical and objective
populations and between social classes) but also about
study if we want to increase our understanding of
differences between civilizations.
essential problems in underdeveloped societies and
The colonial structure resembles relations of domi- derive from its precise knowledge an operational/md
nation and exploitation typical of the rural-urban
exegenic wealth. To that aim we can undertake
structure of traditional society and of underdeveloped
studies similar to Shannon's 26 (when measuring with
countries, z4 insofar as a population integrated by
different instruments, the capacity of nations to be
several social classes (urban or colonial) dominafes
and exploits a population integrated by different independent) or, like Deutsch,Z7 (when he measures
classes (rural or colonized). This process resembles the mobilization of the marginal population in the
foreign colonialism because cultural differences be- processes of development) making an inventory of
tween the city and country are acute. However, in- the basic tendencies and patterns of internal co-
ternal colonialism stands apart because cultural hetero- lonialism3 8
geneity is historically different. It is the result of an The appendix to this study includes a table with
encounter between two races, cultures, or civilizations,
the different attributes and variables we have regis-
whose genesis and evolution occurred without any
tered of anthropological findings on the Indians'
mutual contact up to one specific moment. The con-
position in Mexico. Many of these variables do not
quest or the concession is a fact which makes possi-
ble intensive racial and cultural discriminations, thus present analytical problems. Some of them correspond
accentuating the ascriptive character of colonial to indicators which are objectives of the national
society. and international statistical register. The measure-
ment of monopoly and dependence, of agrarian and
On the other hand, the colonial structure resembles
the relations of domination and exploitation typical fiscal discrimination, official credits, public invest-
of the English factory proprietors and the foremen ment or salaries in terms of the low living standards
at the beginning of the nineteenth century, who did
not hesitate in using the whip on the shoulders of 25 Hoselitz, op. cit., p. 194-8.
children when they did not work or fell asleep. As 26 L. W. Shannon, "Is Level of Development Related to
Hoselitz points out, they operated in conditions simi- Capacity for Self Government?", ~he American Journal
of Economics and Sociology, July, 1958, 17, No. 4, pp.
lar to those of the foreign colonialists and natives 367-382.
of the underdeveloped countries: "abundance of
27 Karl W. Deutsch, "'Social Mobilization and Political
labor, masses of people who had to adjust to the Development," The American Political Science Review,
Sept., 1961, LV, No. 3, pp. 493 ff.
24 John H. Kautsky, Political Change in Underdeveloped 28 Karl W. Deutsch, "Toward an Inventory of Basic
Countries (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1962), pp. 15, Trends and PatteJ;ns in Comparative and International
17; Hoselitz, op. cit., pp. 162 and 195-196. Politics, Ibid, March, 1960, XIV, No. 1, pp. 39-57.
34 STUDIES IN COMPARATIVE INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

of the Indian population - - or the "'para-colonized'" as a cultural rather than a racial problem. It is linked
population - - might present minor problems. 29 to the ideology of the Revolution. Politicians attribute
This is not the case with many other characteristics. to. the Indian innumerable positive values, pride of
Direct work is necessary in any investigation based a progressive nativist policy.
on categories which cover phenomena of conflict and However, the Indian problem subsists: the number
exploitation. Perhaps Myrdal's classic work, The of inhabitants of five years of age or over who do
American Dilemma, and the abundant use he makes not speak Spanish, but only an Indian dialect or
of the techniques of historical and documentary language, was more than one million in 1960 - - that
evidence combined with field work techniques might is 3.8% of the national population over five years
be suitable in this type of study. The obstacles are of age. The number of inhabitants who speak an
not insurmountable, although they are formidable. Indian language or dialect and garble some Spanish
was almost two million in 1960..This constitutes
6.4% of the population. From a linguistic point of
V view, the Indian problem covers more than 10% of
The practical and political value of internal co- the population. If indicators other than language are
lonialism throughout the different stages of social used in defining the Indian - - work techniques,
development and social mobilization is clearly per- institutions - - the number of Indians "grows to about
ceived when this phenomenon's characteristics are 20 or 25%," that is, they comprise more or less
placed within a concrete setting. Mexican social struc- seven million inhabitants.
ture might be usefully examined in this context. The condition of these inhabitants, particularly the
least acculturated among them, exhibits many char-
Mexico is a country which obtained its political
acteristics typical of internal colonialism. These occur
independence 150 years ago. It has distributed 48
despite the period of national independence, the
million hectares of arable land to 2V2 million peas-
revolution period, the agrarian reform, sustained de-
ants, ending the old latifundist system. Its rural popu-
velopment and industrialization, civic pride, or even
lation was less than 50% in 1960 (the rural-urban
the cultivation of a folk ideology.
limit being 2,500 inhabitants). In this same year,
T h e forms internal colonialism takes are the fol-
only 53% of tile labor force was in agriculture, and
lowing, as registered by anthropologists in repetitive
the rest in secondary or tertiary industrial activities.
though unsystematic ways:
The rate of integrating the population into the na-
(a) The "dominant center" or "Metropolis" (in
tional development process is very high) ° With the
Mexico, the cities of San Cristobal, Tlaxiaco, Huauch-
triumph of the great liberal and progressive move-
inango, Sochiapan, Mitla, Ojitian, Zacapoaxtla, etc.).
ments, from Independence to the Social Revolution
It exercises a monopoly over Indian commerce and
of 1910, the official and national symbols of this
credit. The interchange is plainly unfavorable to the
"Mestizo" country are the Indians: Cuahtemoc - -
Indian communities. It takes the shape of a perma-
who fought against the Spanish conquerors - - and
nent decapitalization of these communities to the
Jaurez, who as a child spoke only "mixtec," an
lowest levels. Isolation of the Indian communities
Indian dialect, and who was a full blooded Indian.
In schools and in secular society generally Indians with respect to any other center or market is visible.
are objects of veneration. The cementing, symbolic Monoculture, deformation, and dependence of the
value they have corresponds to a Mestizo society, Indian economy, each coincides with commercial
without racial prejudices in the national orbit or in monopoly.
the national ideology. The Indian problem of Mexico (b) An exploitation of the Indian population by
is seen - - in governmental and intellectual circles - - the different social classes of the Ladino population
exists. "Tlaxiaco," says an anthropologist, referring
29 In some cases, official statistics are available. We tried to an urban center, "presents heterogeneous forms of
to find in the case of Mexico correlations by Indian - - social stratification. Its social composition has a pro-
non-Indian regions, without finding significant coeffi-
cients, probably because the population which does not nounced effect on the division of classes. But the
speak only Indian tongues, irt the proximities of the characteristic of these social classes is the fact that
Indian communities, has conditions of life similar to they rest on the exploitation of the Indian as a
these. We are now trying to obtain census cards for a
stricter analysis of the relation between the prevalence of worker or producer."31 The exploitation is combined
Indian dialect and life styles. - - a mixture of feudalism, slavery, capitalism, forced,
30 Pablo Gonzilez Casanova, "Sociedad Plural y Desar-
rolo: El Caso de Mexico," America Latina, V, No. 4 ~a Alejandro D. Marroqmh, "Econom[a de las zonas
(October-December, 1962), pp. 31-61. indl~enas," pp. 37-38.
 INTERNAL COLONIALISM A N D N A T I O N A L DEVELOPMENT 35

and salaried work, partnerships, peonage, and gratu- national importance. First, the federal government
itous "free" domestic services. itself maintains a discriminatory policy, consciously or
The plundering of the Indian communities fulfills unconsciously. Agrarian reform has much less impor-
two functions as during the colonial era: it deprives tance in the Indian regions. The fiscal charge is pr0-
Indians of their land, and it converts them into peons portionally higher for these regions, while credits
or paid workers. The exploitation of one population and investments are proportionally lower) 2 Second,
by another corresponds to differential salaries for if the above characteristics, typical of internal co-
equal work. Such is the case with the exploitation lonialism, are found integrally in a population that
of Indian artisans by the Ladino population (wool, comprises only ten percent of the total m at the
textile, palm, wicker, ceramics). It extends from crossroads of Ladino and Indian Mexico - - this fact
linguistic discrimination ("I was a worm until I has a natural interaction with the national society
learned Spanish") to discrimination in modes of as a whole, in which there is a continuum of colonial-
dress, until higher juridical, political, and trade union ism - - from the society which integrally exhibits
discrimination is realized. This coincides with colonial all colonial characteristics to those regions and groups
attitudes of local and federal functionaries, and of in which only residues of paracoIonialist manipulatory
Ladino political leaders. Finally, this situation corre- forms remain.
sponds to differences of culture and life-style which Restricting ourselves to the case of Mexico, we see
can be registered according to the type of population: that internal colonialism has various operational
Indian or Ladino. functions whose tendencies and deviation deserve
The following are observed facts: amongst Indian analysis as a viable hypothesis in like situations.
communities a subsistence economy is predominant.
One -- In dual-economy societies, internal forms
Monetary and capitalization levels are minimum. Land
of colonialism remain after political independence
is in advanced stages of decay and of low quality
and social changes occur.
(when it can be used at all) for agriculture. Agricul-
ture and cattle raising processes are deficient; seeds Two -- Internal colonialism as a c o n t i n u u m of the
are of poor quality; animals are often diseased and social structure of the new nations limits social mobil-
smaller than others of their kind. Techniques of culti- ization and maximum participation in the develop-
vation are backward - - preHispanic or colonial - - ment process. This can constitute an obstacle to the
(hoe, ax, windlass). Levels of productivity are low. negotiated solution of conflicts in the institutional
Life standards are lower than in non-Indian regions and rational forms of what Dahrendorf calls "post-
(more insalubrity, mortality, infant mortality, and capitalist" society. Colonialist stereotypes, the percep-
illiteracy). There is an aggravated lack of essential tion of the native as a thing and his manipulation,
services (schools, hospitals, water, electricity). Prosti- can be found in the colonialist continuum and might
tution and alcoholism are fomented by procurers and explain some of the resistance to the democratic
Ladinos. There is aggression of rich communities evolution of these societies.33
against poor ones (real and symbolic). The culture Three -- In part, colonialism explains the uneven
is magico-religious. Economic manipulation is based development of underdeveloped countries. The laws
on a prestige economy, while political manipulation of the market and the scarce political participation
(oppression, collective vote) is widely practiced. and organization in subdeveloped zones simultaneous-
These characteristics correspond to typical colonial ly serve to maintain a "dynamic of inequality" and
stereotypes in which Indians are considered as "un- prevent the processes of egalitarianism characteristic
reasonable people," "lazy, good for nothing," and of development from e m e r g i n g . 3 4
in which the violation of rules of courtesy, language,
F o u r - - The practical and political value of "inter-
dress, tone of voice on the part of the Indians often
nal colonialism" is perhaps distinguished from like
provokes violent verbal and physical abuse from the
categories in that these others provide a psychologistic
Ladinos.
National development and mobilization, the in-
crease of communications, and the size of the market 32 Pablo Gonz~lez Casanova, "M~xico: El ciclo de una
have provided an outlet for the more aggressive mem- revoluci6n agraria," Cuadernos Americanos, (Jan:Feb.,
1962), pp. 7-29.
bers of these Indian communities. A s soon as they
dress like Mestizos, speak Spanish, participate in the 33 Pablo Gonz~lez Casanova, La Democracia eta Mexico:
.Estructura Polftica y Desarrollo Economico (Publication
national culture, the situation of the Indian corre- pending, Editorial Era, 1965).
sponds to the different strata they occupy in the
34 Pablo Gonzhlez Casanova, "MOxico; Desarrollo, Sub-
society. At the national level the problem is certainly desarrollo,'" Desarrollo Economico, III, Nos. 1-2, April-
not a racial one. There are two problems that do have September, Buenos Aires, Argentina.
36 STUDIES IN COMPARATIVE I N T E R N A T I O N A L DEVELOPMENT

and value oriented analysis, useful for the design of ating these processes and in conceiving specific
policies of communication, propaganda, and educa- instruments - - economic, political, and educational
tion. It must be noted that internal colonialism is - - which will deliberately accelerate the processes of
above all structural. It is bound to the policy of the decolonization, not only externally but internally.
national government (of national integration, internal Then, the processes of development may be enhanced
communication, and expansion of the national mar- by this increased understanding of the mechanisms
ket). It has a political and economic value in acceler- of colonialism.

APPENDIX
The Forms of Internal Colonialism

(A) MONOPOLY AND DEPENDENCE 6. Social discrimination (humiliation and oppres-

1. The "Dominant Center" or Metropolis and the sion).
isolation of the native community (areas of diffi- 7. Linguistic discrimination.
cult access, lack of means of communication,
cultural isolation). 8. Juridical discrimination (utilization of the law
against the Indian; abuse of his ignorance of
2. Monopoly of commerce and trade by the "Domi-
the law).
nant Center" (relations of unfavorable inter-
change for the native community, speculation, 9. Politicai discrimination (colonialist attitudes of
acquisition of premature harvests, hoarding of local and federal functionaries, lack of political
merchandise). control by the natives in own municipalities).
3. Monopoly of credit (usury, control of native 10. Discrimination in union-hiring policies.
production). 11. Agrarian discrimination.
4. Monoculture, population economically active
12. Fiscal discrimination (taxes and excises).
dedicated to agriculture and secondary production.
13. Discrimination in public trade.
5. Deformation and dependence of the native
economy. 14. Discrimination in official credit.
6. Decapitalization. 15. Other forms of discrimination (barter, measure-
7. Migration, exodus, and mobility of the natives, ments, weights).
8. Reinforcement of the dependence (juridical, 16. Process of displacement of the Indian by the
political, military, and economic measures). Ladino (as governor, proprietor, merchant).
17. Policy reinforcing the combined systems of ex-
(B) RELATIONSOF PRODUCTIONAND SOCIAL ploitation.
CONTROL
1. Joint exploitation of the Indian population by (C) CULTURE AND LIVING STANDARDS
the different social classes of the Ladino popula-
tion. 1. Subsistence economy, minimum monetary level,
minimum capitalization.
2. Combined exploitation (slavery, feudal, capitalist,
partnerships, peonage, free services). 2. Land of accentuated poverty or low quality
(when available), improper for agriculture (in
3. Plunder of communal and private lands, creation
sierras) or of good quality (isolated).
of wage earners.
3. Deficient agriculture and cattle-raising.
4. Salaried work (differential salaries: mines, mills,
coffee plantations). 4. Backward techniques of exploitation (pre-His-
5. Exploitation of the artisan (wool, textile, palm, panic or colonial).
wicker, ceramics). 5. Low level of productivity.
 INTERNAL COLONIALISM AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT 37

6. Standards of living lower than the Ladinos' 9. High incidence of alcoholism and prostitution.
(health, mortality, infant mortality, illiteracy). 10. Aggressiveness of some communities against
7. Lack of services (schools, hospitals, water, elec- others (real and symbolic).
tricity). 11. Routine, traditionalism, conformity.
8. Magico-religious culture and economic manipula- 12. Political reinforcement of traditionalism (tech-
tion (prestige economy) and political manipula- nical and ideological) of conformity, and of
tion (collective vote). aggression of some communities against others.

GENERAL SOURCES:
Julio de la Fuente: "Indian Population," (unpub-
lished); Alejandro Ma¢roqu~n: "Problemas-Economicos
de las Zonas Ind{genas," (unpublished); Alejandro Mar-
roqufn: "Problemas Econ6micos de las Comunidades
Ind~genas de Mdxico" (course program, mimeographed),
Mdxico, 1960. M. O. de Mendizabal: "Los problemas
indigenas y su m~is urgente tratamiento," Obras Com-
pletas, IV. Mdxico, 1946; M. T. de la Pena: "Panorama
de la Economfa Indlgena de Mdxico," (Primer Congreso
Indigenista Interamericano, .Patacuaro, 1946); Jorge A.
Vivo: "Aspectos Econ6micos Fundamentales dei Problema
Indlgena," (Rev. Amdrica Indlgena, IIl, No. 1, January,
1947); Manuel Gamio: "Consideraciones sobre el Prob-
lema Ind~gena"; L. Loyo: "Estudio sobre la Distribuci6n
de los Grupos Indlgenas de Mdxico," (Primer Congreso
Indigenista Interamericano , Patacuaro, 1946); L. Aguirre
Beltr~in: "Instituciones Indigenas en el Mexico Actual ..."
Alfonso Caso: Indigenismo.