Perspectives: Studies in Translatology
Perspectives: Studies in Translatology
Perspectives: Studies in Translatology
To cite this article: Henrik Gottlieb (1994): Subtitling: Diagonal translation, Perspectives: Studies in Translatology, 2:1,
101-121
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101
SUBTITLING: DIAGONAL TRANSLATION
Abstract
Subtitling of televisedforeign-language material not only changes language; it also switches
from the spoken to the written mode, and it presents itself 'in real time', as a dynamic text type.
Hence, due to the complex, 'diagonal' nature of subtitling, the subtitler must possess the musical
ears of an interpreter, the stylistic sensitivity of a literary translator, the visual acuteness of a film
cutter, and the esthetic sense of a book designer.
The author discusses subtitling in the context of language transfer, and suggests nine basic
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fields to consider when creating - and evaluating - interlingual subtitles for television and video.
Table 1:
Text typo BOOK SUBTITLED TV DUBBEDTV
(TRANSLATION)
Synchrony
between (No original
receptor and present)
original
As can be seen, subtitling keeps 'jumping ahead' of the dialog, giving fast
readers the dubious privilege of anticipating lines before they are uttered. Slow
readers, on the other hand, keep lagging behind, whereas dubbed dialog is per-
ceived simultaneously by all viewers.
In Denmark, where dubbing is only found in children's programs,2 subtitling
has become one of the dominant written text types in public life: by 1992 the
weekly time spent reading TV and video subtitles amounted to nearly four hours
(228 minutes) per capita. Printed translations only account for a little less than
two hours a week.3 Whether original Danish printed texts still hold the lead, as
in pre-electronic times, is doubtful. Even if people still spend as much (leisure)
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time reading printed sources as they did in 1987 when the latest major survey
was conducted,4 the weekly consumption of non-electronic writing will not reach
the 5-hour mark.
Subtitling is an overt type of translation,5 retaining the original version, thus
laying itself bare to criticism from everybody with the slightest knowledge of the
source language. At the same time, subtitling is fragmentary in that it only repre-
sents the lexical and the syntactic features of the dialog. The prosodie features
are not truly represented in subtitles: exclamation marks, italics, etc., are only
faint echoes of the certain ring that intonation gives the wording of the dialog.
Added to this, subtitling has to do without well-known literary and dramatic de-
vices such as stage direction, author's remarks, footnotes, etc. The audience has
to turn to the original acoustic and visual clues in trying to grasp the meaning be-
hind the words of the subtitles.
As opposed to subtitling, dubbing - the ever-present rival - offers a discrete,
covert mode of translation, replacing the entire dialog track, and sometimes even
the accompanying music & effects-track, with a target-language version. This
integral translation gives people an all-in-one representation of the dialog, not
forcing its audience to add a third cognitive effort (reading) to the two basic ef-
forts: watching and listening. And by being covert, the well-performed dubbing
gives its audience an impression of being presented with the original, or at least
a good copy, sealed off from reproach, as the original soundtrack is deafened.*
If dubbing is such a perfect illusion, not burdening the translator with any
critical remarks from second-guessers, why advocate subtitling? A quick and lo-
gical answer would be: "For its honesty." However, although its authenticity can-
not be denied, neither can its intrusion on the image and, consequently, its dis-
Henrik Gottlieb: Subtitling: Diagonal Translation 103
traction of the audience. Even people with a good knowledge of the source lan-
guage find it difficult not to read the subtitles as they keep flashing on and off
the screen. Belgian studies have suggested that "reading behavior is more or less
automatically elicited when a subject faces a text with the same message auditori-
ly available." (d'Ydewalle, van Rensbergen and Pollet 1985: 20)
To emphasize this point, in a study focusing on vertical subtitles,7 even sub-
jects with no prior experience with subtitled TV programs "did in fact use the
subtitles considerably. Therefore, we feel confident in concluding that reading
subtitles is not due to habit formation. When there is a choice between the speech
and text channels, the subjects read the subtitles." (d'Ydewalle, Praet, Verfaule
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hit the target, all relevant linguistic, esthetical and technical means should be util-
ized, and both dialog, film and viewers must be considered.
In subtitling, the speech act is in focus; verbal intentions and visual effects
are more important than atomized lexical elements. This gives the subtitler a cer-
tain amount of linguistic freedom.' But the adequate rendering must seem self-
evident to the viewers: the audience is not served with memorials of the plight
of the subtitler. Only the results count, not the hours spent translating a sequence
that some theorists might classify as 'untranslatable'.
Table 2a:
SOURCE LANGUAGE TARGET LANGUAGE
j.
SPEECH SDSak 1 INTERPRETING /^> Speak
Table 2b:
SOURCE LANGUAGE TARGET LANGUAGE
SPEECH Speak Speak
Thus, in any diagonal - and thus interlingual - subtitling, one must, on top
of translating utterances from one language to another, transfer the dialog from
one sub-code (the seemingly unruly spoken language) to another (the more rigid
written language). If this shift of sub-code was not performed, as a fundamental
part of the subtitling process, the audience would be taken aback by reading the
oddities of spoken discourse. But as the dialog is always re-coded on the way to
the bottom of the screen, people only react if the other dimension of diagonal
subtitling - the translation proper - seems imperfect.
However, evaluating subtitles as interlingual translation is not easy either.
Because of the complex, polysemiotic nature of film and TV, a comparison be-
tween subtitles and (transcribed) dialog will not suffice for making adequacy
judgments. In the case of book translations, a simple verbal text comparison will
work, if factors such as difference in time, place and readership are considered.
But when dealing with subtitling, the synthesis of three synchronous semiotic
channels (image, dialog and subtitles) should be compared with the original two-
channel discourse. Severed from the audiovisual context, neither subtitles nor dia-
log will render the full meaning of the film. So in judging the quality of subtitles,
one must examine the degree to which the subtitled version as a whole manages
to convey the semantic gestalt of the original.
guishes between 'displays' and 'captions'. While the term 'displays' refers to
(fragments of) texts recorded by the camera - letters, newspaper headlines, ban-
ners, etc. - 'captions' are defined as "texts that are added to the film or tape after
shooting", that is superimposed texts such as location signs or toptitles stating the
name and occupation of interviewees, etc (Ivarsson 1992: 104)."
A guideline in deciding whether to subtitle a given verbal element is the
point-of-view of the film. In fiction especially, it is important to 'know whose
side you are on'. An example: in the Danish video version of Kevin Costner's
Dances with Wolves, an American pro-Indian Western from 1990, the protago-
nist's first encounter with the Native Americans is subtitled in this way:
Kostner (carrying a woman he found outside the Sioux village):
"She's hurt." Hun er sâret.
As the crowd of Indians do not react:
"She's hurt." Hun er sâret.
Then a young Sioux approaches, waving his hands:
"Na osh niuw! Na osh niuw!" Du er ikke velkommen her.
Kostner calmly continues:
"No, she's hurt." Nej, hun er sàret
"Diah! Diah yayo!" Forsvind!
"Na osh niuw, fustra! Diah yayo!" Du er ikke velkommen her. Forsvind.
[The Lakota I have attempted to transcribe phonetically, and according to the Danish titles
the first Lakota remark means "You're not welcome here!", the second simply "Scram!"]
In this sequence, the Danish subtitler apparently decided that he wanted to
place his audience in the position of the 'omniscient director': the Danish video
audience 'understands' what the chief says, while the film hero does not know
a word of Lakota. An equally acceptable strategy would have been to let the au-
dience side with the protagonist, sharing his uneasiness about the situation, by not
subtitling the remarks in Lakota. The deciding factor may have been the Ameri-
can movie version, subtitling the Lakota for its domestic audience.
108 1994 Perspectives: Studies in Translatology 2 (1)
a good subtitler.
And even good subtitlers are sometimes cheated by their ears: in the TV spe-
cial The Making of "Dances with Wolves", broadcast by Danmarks Radio May
23 1991, an old Sioux lady acting in the film tells the interviewen
"We're kind of a quiet people. But we never, never ever were portrayed that way
till this movie." This statement fits well with the image of the film: as we already
know, Dances with Wolves shows native Americans as human beings, not savage
redskins. But this Danish subtitle alienates its audience:
Vi er et stilfxrdigt folk, men vi har
ikke vaeret os forraderiet bevidst.
(We are a quiet people, but we have not been aware of this betrayal.)
Explanation: The Danish subtitler expects all Americans to pronounce their
Vs. This pronunciation is a high-prestige feature of US English, but in informal
conversation, Americans of all social groups often do not pronounce their 'r's in
unstressed syllables, as in this case. The subtitler may have heard the unvoiced,
aspired quality of the initial bilabial, thus defined as a 'p'. But apparently the
'r'gument was felt to be stronger, leading to a subtitle that indeed "betrayed" the
dialog.
But the Danish subtitle goes: Du har vel Udce vaeret nerv0s?
Jeg punkterede bare.
[You haven't worried, I hope.
I just had a puncture.]
In itself, this imprecise translation (he did not have a puncture) is no disaster.
But it leaves us with a false impression of our man: he has fallen in love with
the East German girl who pulled him out of the mud, and now we are.let to be-
lieve he is lying! (His fiancee is sitting next to his mother, waiting for him.) But
it was indeed a 'Panne' he had. The problem is that although the word often re-
fers to a puncture, within the field of traffic it covers 'any technical problem with
your car that forces you to stop' (my definition). In Danish we do not have a si-
milar hyperonym: the nearest you can get is 'vr0vl med bilen' (trouble with the
car). But then the subtitler could have stuck to facts, writing for instance "Jeg 10b
t0r." (I ran out of gas.)
When the subtitler has decided what to translate, and how to interpret the di-
alog to be translated, or, in other words, has performed a correct pragmatic, pho-
nemic, and semantic decoding of the dialog - pillars 1 through 3 - the viewers
may hope to be presented with:
of the dialog in films and TV. The segments thus established are the units to be
shaped into (target language) subtitles. Whereas a grammatical segmentation is
guided by semantic units in the dialog, a rhetorical segmentation follows the
rhythm of speech, and a visual segmentation follows cuts and camera moves.
It should be noted, however, that quite often cutting follows the rhythm of
speech, and most of the time speakers pause in grammatically acceptable places.
The subtitler is in trouble only when, for some reason, changes in image and dia-
log are not simultaneous. In most cases, then, the subtitler will prefer a rhetorical
segmentation. This is the prevalent method anyway, as the subtitle is the alter ego
of the corresponding dialog segment. As a rule, subtitlers tend to 'cut' where the
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speaker pauses to breathe. And for physiological reasons, these pauses are typic-
ally found at intervals of 5-6 seconds, exactly the two-line subtitle standard fol-
lowed by most broadcasters. So if we define a dialog segment as 'the words
spoken between two breathing intervals', a TV subtitle will, by and large, cover
such a segment. However, a substantial number of the utterances to be subtitled
are shorter than the intake of human breath. That is why only a minor part of
professional subtitles are shaped as full-length two-liners.
Every well-formed subtitle should read as a self-contained entity, but in utter-
ances covering more than one segment, a consistent thread must be preserved.
The titles should be cohesive if the dialog is. But the subtitler should not spill the
beans by prematurely revealing a point, such as the answer to a dramatic ques-
tion. The target-language audience should get the points as things happen, not be-
fore they happen. Naturally, this problem is caused by the fact that many viewers
are able to read the whole subtitle faster than the actors deliver the original dia-
log, a problem not relevant with dubbing (see table 1).
An example of how to tackle this obstacle successfully is found in the
subtitling of an episode of the popular TV series LA. Law (DR-TV October 5,
1989):
Dialog: Subtitles: Back-tianslaäon ftom Danish:
My client is Min klient er My client is
an immature 75 year-old - et umodent bam pâ 75 âr - an immature child of 75 -
and so is his opponent, og det gaelder and that goes for
Mr. Henderson. ogsâ modparten. the opponent, too.
The attorney's remark is uttered quite slowly - it takes seven seconds - so for
the subtitler it would have been the easiest thing to include the entire utterance
in one subtitle, with enough reading time for everybody:
Min klient er en umoden 75-ârig,
og det er modparten ogsâ.
Henrik Gottlieb: Subtitling: Diagonal Translation \\\
But in the film, as the first part of the sentence is uttered, there is a cross-cut
from the infuriated client to his maliciously amused opponent, whose jaw drops
as the attorney pronounces the second part of the sentence. Thus the segmenta-
tion into two subtitles - even separated by a 15-frame interval" - with the se-
cond subtitle not on the air until the moment the inflated ego of the opponent is
punctured in the courtroom. This segmentation means that the viewers have 4 se-
conds to read the initial title, with only 2 seconds and 10 frames left for the con-
clusive one - slightly less than the norm of 10 characters per second. But an all-
in-one solution would have been devastating to the dramatic progression of the
sequence.
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A) "Mâjeggodtsiddeher?" + "Ja,selvf0lgelig!"
["May I sit down? + "Yes, of course!"]
B) "Har du noget imod, jeg sauter mig her?" + "Nej, nej."
("You don't mind my sitting down?" + "No, no."]
Version (A) is brief and well-suited for the screen, but a 'no* is turned into
a 'yes'. That does not work. Version (B) produces a 'no', but takes up too much
space, the maximum number of characters being 35 per line. And unlike the LA.
Law example above, there is no time for cutting the dialog into two titles. So we
end up with a slightly awkward solution, which does, however, convey the mean-
ing adequately.
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Line breaks
An important factor in this respect is the layout of the individual subtitles.
Should one or two lines be preferred? And should the entire top line be used
before shifting to the bottom line? This is one of the few aspects of TV subtitling
ever tested empirically. At Leuven University, Belgium, the viewing time of one-
liners versus two-liners was investigated. But as several factors are involved -
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such as the rate of turntaking among the speakers, and the complexity of the
television image - results are ambiguous (see Muylaert et al. 1983; Praet et al.
1990). However, it seems to be the case that, other things being equal, (fewer)
larger subtitle units are read faster than (more) smaller ones. But within the unit,
line segmentation is important to viewer reception. Semantically motivated line
breaks enhance reading speed: the fewer eye fixations on the text, the better.
The following subtitle, from the American documentary Dream Deceivers
(TV2 March 16, 1992), will illustrate this:
Dialog:
You could literally see his mind clickin' and bells and lights goin' up.
I think he ... "They're right!"
Subtitle (as broadcast) Constructed subtitle:
Man kunne se, at det gik op for ham, Man kunne se, at det gik
at vi havde ret. op for ham, at vi havde ret.
[You could see that it dawned upon him that we were right.]
Apart from the interesting shift away from direct speech in the subtitle, the
point is: you can read it in just three fixations. The constructed subtitle - of a lay-
out still commonly found - takes four fixations to read. Adding to the time delay
is the fact that the phrasal verb 'gik op for' (dawned upon) is separated into the
presumably literal 'gik' ('walked' or 'went') and 'op for' ('up for'). So for sever-
al reasons unmotivated line breaks should be avoided, a micro-level parallel to
the dialog segmentation issue dealt with earlier.
the facial expressions and the movements on the screen. The time left for non-
verbal viewing should match the time spent reading. But of course, although most
viewers manage to keep this balance with programs subtitled according to the 10
characters-per-second norm mentioned earlier, slow readers never have enough
time for watching the film. On the other hand, subtitled TV may be the only
thing that keeps them from lapsing into virtual illiteracy.
Though in subtitling the volume of text is reduced, the sentence structure is
usually maintained, due to the feedback effect introduced earlier. However, gram-
matical differences may block the optimal rapport between subtitle and speak. In
subtitling from German (into Danish or English, for instance) the main verb in
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Back-translation:
1. Most of what the young blacks love, adore and almost worship,
2. is Malcolm as he was before he left for Mecca.
3. They don't even know that there was a Malcolm after Mecca,
4. and that he changed his views.
In subtitles no. 2 and 3, the central elements have changed places, turning a
(distinctly pronounced) A-B-C order into a C-A-B permutation. In no. 2, this in-
versed structure is expanded into a complex sentence. But due to the syntactic
differences between English and Danish,15 this is a situation where a more con-
cise, acceptable rendering is hard to find. For obvious reasons, the time available
for reading the bulky subtitle no. 2 is far too short, but the wording is perfectly
idiomatic.
Henrik Gottlieb: Subtitling: Diagonal Translation 115
of course - the television subtitler may prefer to let the title stay on the screen
for an instant. Deciding to let a subtitle linger on less than a second after a cut
is not recommendable, though. That would leave the viewer with a flimsy im-
pression, not much extra reading time, and the feeling that the subtitler just does
not manage a precise cueing. As mentioned previously, any modern subtitling
systems allow you to operate with an exactitude of 40 milliseconds, equaling one
frame. Yet to demand that every subtitle be timed with such precision is probably
being too pedantic. However, most viewers would notice a displacement of, say,
4-8 frames. Displacements of this magnitude tend to leave a spasmodic impres-
sion, but programs marred by conflicts between the audiovisual flow and the sub-
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title rhythm have become rare now that subtitlers realize that poor cueing can
ruin good subtitles.
Needless to say, people do not go the movies or turn on their TV set to
watch subtitles. These are but a means to an end, and the ideal subtitling is the
one that gives the audience the feeling of understanding the film, forgetting what
language it was in. 'Transparent' cueing is a necessary prerequisite in obtaining
this wonderful illusion.
something that literary translators do not have to do, and interpreters - to their
regret - are unable to do.
1 (typically English) into language 2 (the process described earlier in this article)
the end product being a floppy disk, cued and ready for broadcast. This disk is
then copied and sent to the people in charge of subtitling in, say, languages 3 and
4. The subtitles in these languages are then created by simply overwriting the
pivot subtitles, or - in the case of more conscientious subtitlers - by deleting the
pivot subtitles and then putting new wine into old bottles, by fitting 'local' titles
into 'foreign' dialog segmentation and time cueing (see table 3).
Table 3
NORMAL SUBTITLING PIVOT SUBTITLING
Rim Rim
(with L3 subtitles) (with L4 subtitles)
As with any pivot translation, pivot subtitling is typically used where the
pivot language is closer to the target language, or more well-known in the target
culture, than the source language is. But in the process of subtitling, where the
translation proper only accounts for a part of the work and money invested, a
prospective pivot language need not be particularly close to the target language
in question: as long as the segmentation and cueing can be 'borrowed' from the
118 1994 Perspectives: Studies in Translatology 2 (1)
pivot subtitles, time and money are saved. However, the practice of pivot subtitl-
ing implies four potential pitfalls, not normally found in subtitling:
1) Repetition of translation errors present in the pivot subtitles;
2) Transfer of pivot-language features not acceptable in the target language;
3) Transfer of segmentation incompatible with target language syntax;
4) Transfer of subtitle layout and cueing inferior to existing national standards.17
Pivot subtitling is also found in the home video market, but rather than stay-
ing a somewhat grotesque exception to normal practices, it is gaining ground: the
largest TV channel in Scandinavia, TV3, transmitting all programs from London
via the Scansat satellite, utilizes this method in no less than 80% of its Danish
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programing.18 In all cases, the subtitler receives a Swedish disk in due course,
and then it is up to him or her to produce a Danish version. As the subtitler is
not paid to do any cueing, the Swedish segmentation, often different from Danish
practice, is followed.
But just as teletext gives the owners of commercial TV stations the opportu-
nity to buy clusters of subtitlings at bargain prices, teletext technology opens an
alternative scenario: personal subtitling. By this term I mean a scenario in which,
for the first time, the viewer is able to choose, not just between different target
languages, but between different styles or levels of subtitling. Via his remote con-
trol unit each viewer watching a foreign-language program would then select, for
instance, 1) a no-subtitling option, 2) a fast, uncondensed subtitling, 3) a normal-
speed subtitling, 4) a subtitling for slow readers, 5) a pictogram-supported subtitl-
ing for the deaf and hard-of-hearing, 6) a subtitling in a domestic minority lan-
guage, or finally, 7) a foreign-learner subtitling in the source language."
Depending on the individual program and its expected target audience, differ-
ent clusters of options could be offered, should TV companies consider five or
six subtitlings per program too costly. But as dubbing is 15 times as expensive
as subtitling,20 even the full range of versions could be offered for just over one
third of the language transfer price paid today in Europe's dubbing countries.
Apart from sheer conservatism, the only obstacle to changing the present si-
tuation (with major speech communities dubbing all foreign-language programs
and minor countries using 'one-size-fits-all' subtitles) is the fact that, even today,
almost half of the existing TV sets lack the teletext facilities necessary for receiv-
ing 'tailored' subtitles. But this is just a matter of time; except for portables, all
TV sets sold in (Western) Europe nowadays come with teletext. And with new
Henrik Gottlieb: Subtitling: Diagonal Translation 119
Notes
1. Revoicing is a hyperonym covering all types of translation adding new verbal material to the
soundtrack of a film or television program. The major types of revoicing are dubbing, comment-
ary and voice-over. The difference between the two latter types is that whereas in informative pro-
grams commentary replaces off-screen narration by a target-language version, voice-over (found
in both fiction and news programs) merely adds a one-voice translation to the original soundtrack,
still partly audible.
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2. As one of the minor speech communities in Europe, Denmark subtitles all foreign-language
programs aimed at an adult audience. A mapping of Europe in terms of favored type of screen
translation (see Gottlieb 1994) shows the watershed between on one side (larger) dubbing coun-
tries such as Germany, Spain, Italy, and France, and on the other side subtitling communities,
such as Scandinavia and the Low Countries.
3. The figures are based on earlier studies, showing that during 22 per cent of the time spent
watching TV, Danes were presented with (interlingual) subtitles on the screen (see Gottlieb 1991:
108-109). According to the official Danish Cultural and Media Statistics 1980-1992 (106; 128),
in 1992 the private TV consumption amounted to 17 hours and 16 minutes a week per Dane
(above the age of 13). Adding to this, members of video households (46% of all homes) watched
video 3 hours a week. (Source: the Danmarics Radio weekly, DRåben no. 6, 1993.)
4. In 1988, the Danish National Institute of Social Research (Socialforskningsinstituttet) published
a number of studies of daily life in Denmark. One of these books, dealing in particular with how
much time people spend on their leisure-time activities, has served as a useful database (Andersen
1988).
5. For the terms 'overt' and 'covert' I am indebted to Juliane House (see House 1981: 189; 194)
and R. Battarbee (1986).
6. Actual dubbings are often problematic, however (Vöge 1977). Thorough discussions of the
problems of dubbing are found in Götz & Herbst (1987) and Zabalbeascoa (1993). A more critical
stance is found in Danan (1991), warning of the potential and actual ethnocentrism involved in
dubbing.
7. For a definition of vertical sublitling see the following page.
8. The formal and textual constraints of subtitling are discussed at length in Gottlieb 1992: 164-
166.
9. When dealing with non-fiction material, in which terminology plays a greater role, this freedom
is markedly reduced: some instructive programs and documentaries are so informative that finding
an adequate expression is no longer the question; the problem here is finding a way to fit these
often lengthy and time-consuming terms into the subtitles.
10. In the U.K., as in America and many dubbing countries, vertical subtitling (for the deaf and
hard-of-hearing) is far more common than diagonal subtitling, which is aimed at (in such coun-
tries) "the under 50's, the better educated and more affluent, as well as students and other intel-
lectual minorities,... and those with an interest in the original language of production". (Luyken
et al. 1991: 189)
11. This handbook, Subtitling for the Media, was the first book to deal with (diagonal) subtitling
in an international context.
120 1994 Perspectives: Studies in Translatology 2 (1)
12. In this and the following TV examples, 'DR' stands for Danmarks Radio, the non-commercial
Danish TV broadcasting authority, while 'TV2' is the up-and-coming, partly commercial Danish
rival. Both networks are national, public service TV stations, covering 75% of the total Danish
television viewing (see Danish Cultural and Media Statistics 1980-1992: 107).
13. The "moving" television image is made up of 25 different frames per second, and the duration
of each subtitle, in seconds and frames, is determined by the subtitler's segmentation and may be
time-coded with an exactitude of one frame. On television and video, the timing of the subtitles
is normally decided and performed solely by the subtitler him/herself, as discussed in section 8.
14. The important aspect of how to subtitle culture-specific elements is treated exhaustively in Ne-
dergaard-Larsen 1993.
15. If the target language generally uses a more complex syntax than the source language, a heavy
reduction may be necessary. See Kovačič 1994, dealing with the language pair English-Slovenian.
16. The European Institute for the Media recommends pivot subtitling done ' the other way round' :
"The larger target languages should again be seen as 'pivot languages' to which increased Lan-
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guage Transfer should be directed from the less widely spoken languages." (Luyken et al. 1991:
192)
17. To be fair, well-made pivot versions may clear the ground of semantic land mines, thus yield-
ing better target-language results than might otherwise have been achieved, presuming the target-
language subtitlers are lesser talents. But without this presumption, pivot subtitlings as safety nets
are 'unsafe at any speed.'
18. Programs are subtitled via teletext into Swedish, Danish and Norwegian. This figure was
given to me in the spring of 1993 by the manager of Dansk Video Tekst, which produces all Da-
nish TV3 subtitles. As for Norway, I presume the use of pivot subtitling for TV3 is of the same
magnitude as in Denmark.
19. The potential of teletext for viewer-specific subtitling is explored in Jørgensen 1992.
20. According to a major research report, published by the European Institute for the Media
(Luyken et al. 1991: 105), the average cost of dubbing a one-hour TV program is 11,000 ECU,
as opposed to 740 ECU for subtitling the same program.
Works cited
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