series

New Media vs. Old Politics

The Internet, Social Media, and
Democratisation in Pakistan

By Marcus Michaelsen
2011
© 2011 Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES)

Published by fesmedia Asia

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
Hiroshimastrasse 28
10874 Berlin, Germany
Tel: +49-30-26935-7403
Email: rolf.paasch@fes.de

All rights reserved.

The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed in this

volume do not necessarily reflect the views of the Friedrich-Ebert-
Stiftung or fesmedia Asia. fesmedia Asia does not guarantee the
accuracy of the data included in this work.

ISBN: 978-969-9675-00-3 New Media vs. Old Politics

The Internet, Social Media, and
Democratisation in Pakistan
fesmedia Asia
fesmedia Asia is the media project of the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) in Asia. We are working towards a
political, legal and regulatory framework for the media which follows international Human Rights law and
other international or regional standards as regards to Freedom of Expression and Media Freedom.

FES in Asia
The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung has been working in Asia for more than 40 years. With offices in 13 Asian countries,
By Marcus Michaelsen
FES is supporting the process of self-determination democratisation and social development in cooperation 2011
with local partners in politics and society.

Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung
The Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung is a non-governmental and non-profit making Political Foundation based in almost
90 countries throughout the world. Established in 1925, it carries the name of Germany’s first democratically
elected president, Friedrich Ebert, and, continuing his legacy, promotes freedom, solidarity and social
democracy.
Content 3. The Internet in Pakistan ........................................................................... 37
3.1. Expecting Internet Expansion ................................................... 37
3.2. Governmental Policies: Legislation (and Censorship)
Taking Shape.............................................................................. 39
List of Acronyms .............................................................................................. 5
About the Author ............................................................................................ 6 4. Political Internet Use in Pakistan ................................................... 43
Acknowledgements ........................................................................................ 7 4.1. Social Media and Politics: Digital Precursors ........................... 43
Abstract .......................................................................................................... 8 4.2. Extremism and Militancy on the Net ....................................... 45
4.3. Online Media and Civil Society Mobilisation:
I. THE INTERNET, SOCIAL MEDIA, AND POLITICAL CHANGE: The Emergency Period and the Lawyers’ Movement ............... 49
AN ONGOING DEBATE .............................................................................. 10 4.4. Social Networks and Citizen Engagement: The 2010 Floods...... 53
1. Political Transformation: A Theoretical Approach ........................... 11 4.5. Citizen Journalism and Traditional Media:
2. Media in Political Transitions: Limits and Potentials ........................ 12 Mutual Influence, Completion, and Convergence ..................... 54
3. The Internet as a Potential Tool for Democratisation ........................ 14 4.6. Debating On and Over the Internet:
Facebook, Blasphemy, and the Conflict over Pakistan’s Identity ... 58
3.1. Factors Restraining the Impact of the Internet ........................ 15
4.7. Transnational Networking for Local Activism:
3.2. Potential Effects of the Internet ................................................ 16
The Take Back the Tech! Campaign .......................................... 61
4. Conclusion and Research Guidelines ................................................ 21
4.8. Digital Media for Awareness and Advocacy: Gawaahi.org ...... 63

2. PAKISTAN AS A CASE STUDY ..................................................................... 24

5. Conclusion ....................................................................................... 64

1. Pakistan’s Political Transformation ................................................ 24

Websites and blogs .......................................................................................... 68
1.1. A State of Crisis? ........................................................................ 24
Bibliography ................................................................................................... 69
1.2. Blocking Change: The Political Elite .......................................... 26
1.3. An Unfavourable International Setting .................................... 28
1.4. Where Are Civil Society and Political Culture Heading? ............ 29

2. The Media in Pakistan ..................................................................... 31

2.1. A Growing Media Market ......................................................... 32
2.2. Media Legislation: Freedom by Default? ................................. 34
2.3. Challenges and Shortcomings ................................................... 34
2.4. Outlook: Media Finding their Role............................................. 36
List of Acronyms About the author
APC Association for Progressive Communications
Marcus Michaelsen is finalising a PhD-thesis on the internet in Iran’s political
BBC British Broadcasting Company transformation at the department of media and communication studies,
CNN Cable News Network University of Erfurt (Germany). He holds a MA in Middle Eastern Studies from the
DW Deutsche Welle Université de Provence (France) and was a research fellow at the Institut français
GNI Gross National Income de Recherche en Iran in Tehran from 2004 to 2006. His research interests include
HuT Hizb ul Tahrir media in development and democratisation.
ICT Information and Communication Technology
IDI ICT Development Index
ISP Internet Service Provider
ITU International Telecommunication Union
LUMS Lahore University of Management Sciences
MENA Middle East and North Africa
PEMRA Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority
PIE Pakistan Internet Exchange
PTA Pakistan Telecommunication Authority
PTI Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf
PIPS Pak Institute for Peace Studies
PPP Pakistan Peoples Party
PTV Pakistan Television Corporation
TBTT Take Back the Tech!
TTP Tehreek-e Taliban
VoA Voice of America
WAR War Against Rape

5 6
Acknowledgements Abstract
I would like to thank FES-representative Anja Minnaert and the entire staff of the • In order to use Pakistan as a case study in current debates on the political
FES-office in Islamabad for giving me the opportunity and a convenient potential of new information and communication technologies, this
environment to prepare this report. I must also thank those people in Karachi and report develops an analytical framework based on political transformation
Islamabad who have kindly shared their knowledge either directly or by email: theory and research on media in processes of political change. Democratic
Jehan Ara (P@SHA), Farieha Aziz (Newsline), Naveen Naqvi (Gawaahi.org), development in Pakistan seems to be challenged by the resistance of the
Jahanzaib Haque and Faria Syed (The Express Tribune), Shahzad Ahmad (Bytes for political elite to changes in the distribution of power and wealth; deficits
All), Ammar Yasir (TeaBreak), Adnan Rahmat (Intermedia), Sana Saleem, Awab in economic and human development; a significant risk of social conflict;
Alvi, Beena Sarwar, Asif Mian, and Qurratulain Zaman. and the international community’s perception of the country as a failing
state in need of control and stabilisation. Most importantly, Pakistan has
to develop a political culture of rational debate, tolerance, and
non-violent conflict resolution.

• Pakistan needs an open debate on the country’s future and identity in

order to reach an authentic discourse on democracy and human rights.
Extremist ideas gaining ground in the public sphere have to be countered
by transparent information and inclusive opinion formation on the causes
for the country’s various problems as well as possible solutions. The media
play an essential role in this process. Despite significant progress,
Pakistan’s media need to continue a path along of professionalisation and
internal reform resisting current tendencies of sensationalism and political
bias. Alternative media such as blogs, websites and social media may
support this process by giving room to underreported topics and critical
discussions.

• The political use of the internet in Pakistan is still in an early phase. There
are about 20 million internet users, approx. 11 per cent of the population
– relatively low in comparison to Egypt (21 per cent), Tunisia (34 per cent),
and Iran (43 per cent). Internet proliferation is mainly hindered by deficits
in education and infrastructure. Yet with a large young population, a
comparatively high mobile phone penetration, and an as yet unexploited
market of Urdu online media, Pakistan has a significant potential for user
growth. For some progressive layers of civil society the internet has
already opened up a space for debate and civic engagement.

7 8
I. THE INTERNET, SOCIAL MEDIA AND POLITICAL CHANGE:
AN ONGOING DEBATE

The political uprisings in Tunisia and Egypt in 2011 have further intensified
discussions on the political potential of internet communication which, since the
very beginning, have been closely tied to the worldwide expansion of the
medium: the new information and communication technologies (ICT) are
generally seen as facilitating a more open information exchange, the formation of
alternative political opinions, and the mobilisation of social actors previously
excluded from political participation. Six months after Twitter messages about
the protests of Iranian voters against the manipulation of the presidential
elections in June 2009 had mobilised worldwide attention, US Secretary of State
Hillary Clinton declared internet freedom a new priority in American foreign
policy. Drawing on Cold War rhetoric, Clinton warned of a descending “new
information curtain” and likened the battle against internet censorship to an
overall fight against authoritarianism (Clinton 2010). Coupled with the powerful
impressions from Egypt where protesters allegedly used social media like
Facebook to organise their vast presence in Cairo’s central Tahrir Square, the
perception of the internet as a means for democratisation and development is
bound to shape future political expectations and decisions. As a consequence,
the new medium increasingly attracts the interest of civil society activists, policy
makers, and development organisations. In the US, as in many other Western
countries, this has already led to a sharp increase in projects and funds dedicated
to harness the supposed democratic potential of the internet.
Yet the narrative of the “Twitter/Facebook-Revolutions” has been contested. In
his detailed rebuttal of “cyber-optimism” Evgeny Morozov argues that a mere
focus on information freedom and technology access neglects the way
authoritarian rulers are using the internet for propaganda purposes, online
surveillance, and targeted censorship. A one-sided approach to supporting
net-activism would risk not only a waste of funds and resources but also carry
dangers for the very activists the assistance is directed at (Morozov 2011). Also,
research on the Kenyan post-election crisis of 2007 has shown that the new
communication technologies actually exacerbated conflict and violence
(Goldstein/Rotich 2008, BBC 2008). The Tunisian blogger Sami Ben Gharbia
points out that the sudden interest in digital activism, the politicisation of
cyberspace, and the proliferation of funding affect the independence, autonomy,
and authenticity that have characterised online initiatives in the Arab world so
far. Moreover, due to the involvement of giant private companies like Google and
Facebook he considers the “Internet Freedom Agenda” a new strategy for

10
advancing the geopolitical and economic interests of the West (Ben Gharbia of democracy in the form of repeated elections, a new constitution, and
2010). also the development of a healthy political culture. These successive steps
obviously represent a simplified model; democratisation is in fact a long
While there is no doubt that internet communication does play an increasing role
and fragile process that is prone to blockages or reversals at any time.
in the activities of opposition groups and civil society, it is rather difficult to verify
Significant factors influencing the initiation, pace, and result of a transition
that the various internet applications effectively caused any of the results they
are: a) the socio-economic stratification of society and whether
have been associated with. A more nuanced approach is required when
underprivileged social groups are pushing for a change in the distribution
examining the internet’s potential contributions to processes of political change.
of power and economic resources; b) the capacity of contentious groups
The simple disposability of communication technology does not automatically
to challenge power holders through presenting credible political
lead to the same usages and effects in different social settings. It is therefore
alternatives, mobilising larger parts of the population, and connecting to
necessary to contextualise internet use in order to gain a deeper understanding
other opposition groups; c) the development of civil society and political
of how and why social actors appropriate the medium and what the influencing
culture; d) the international framework and external influences. Although
factors and possible effects are. Only then it will be possible to effectively
the validity of the transition paradigm has been put into question by an
encourage the online communication of political and civil society activists seeking
increasing number of aborted transitions and authoritarian backlashes
reform and democracy. Here, case studies of different countries and settings
leading to so-called hybrid regimes (i.e. “defective democracy”, “electoral
seem particularly useful as they can provide a basis for comparison permitting
authoritarianism”), its postulations provide an essential analytical
the evaluation of the democratic potential of the new media. For this purpose,
framework (Merkel 2000, Schubert et al. 1994).
this paper proposes an analytical framework that uses studies of political
transformation and the media’s role in these processes as a background for the
critical discussion of current research on the internet and social media in 2. Media in Political Transitions: Limits and Potentials
contentious politics. By distinguishing several possible effects of the internet on
the communication and activities of civil society and political challengers the The political changes in Latin America and Europe in the 1980s and 1990s
study seeks to provide a flexible guideline for the examination of online and social as well as the rapid evolution of communication technologies during the
media usage. In the second part, this guideline will then be applied to the case of last decades have generated increasing interest in media within processes
Pakistan. of political transition. Theoretical generalisations generated on the basis
of different case studies indicate that possible roles and effects of the
media depend on media types and transition stages.
1. Political Transformation: A Theoretical Approach Authoritarian regimes generally subject “big” media (press, radio,
The transition to democracy designates a process of political change television) to mechanisms of state control and censorship of varying
leading from an authoritarian to a democratic system1. According to the strictness. In exchange, “small” media (leaflets, cassettes, CDs) develop
paradigms of transformation studies democratisation evolves in into essential communication channels for the political opposition and
succeeding phases starting with a crisis in the established regime that dissidents. In Eastern Europe, for example, small print publications for
engenders the erosion of its legitimacy and power. During the following censored literature (samizdat) became a forum for political discussions. In
transition phase, the authoritarian elite looses political power either Iran prior to the Islamic Revolution of 1979, the ideas of Khomeini were
through a revolutionary or a reformist process (“pacted transition”) and propagated through audio-cassettes. In environments where the free
free elections as well as other criteria for a democratic system can be circulation of information is restricted, these flexible media open up
introduced. The consolidation phase encompasses the institutionalisation alternative spheres for the exchange of news and opinions, permitting the
dissemination of new political ideas and strategies for collective action. As
1 such, alternative media strengthen the capability of subaltern groups to
The minimal criteria for a democratic system are generally considered as: 1) participation of the people in the
choice of government through regular and free elections 2) division of political power and independence of the challenge dominant power structures (Sreberny/Mohammadi 1994,
judiciary ensuring a rule of law 3) guaranty of human and civil rights. Downing 1996).

11 12
 With the decline of authoritarian control, the press and particularly • State of civil society and political challengers/their relation to the
television broadcasts gain more manoeuvring space. Due to their greater media: without collective actors seeking to challenge dominant power
outreach capacities, these media have the potential to involve more structures the potential of alternative media cannot be put into use.
people into ongoing political changes. However, big media institutions Also, if journalists agree with the orientations of the opposition and/or
remain vulnerable to political interferences and require the protection of important civil society movements, they are likely to use their position
elite factions supporting further liberalisation. The different parties in the media to support these actors and the quest for change.
involved in the negotiations for the transition of political power need to
• Evolution of professional journalism: ethical standards and
agree on a new legislative framework governing the media sector. At the
professionalism of journalists determine the media’s proper
same time, the mass media themselves have to embark on a process of
functioning within the emerging democracy.
internal reform to gain distance from the former ruling elite and integrate
professional journalistic ethics (Hafez 2005). • Existence of private/independent capital: private investments in the
media sector diminish central state control and pluralise the media
During the consolidation phase of democracy, mass media gain even more
landscape. Wealthy elites, however, are often tied to the established
importance as forums for information and debate. By discussing the
political class and therefore show little interest in significant changes.
decisions of the government and highlighting underrepresented issues
the media play a significant role in strengthening the values of a
democratic political culture. Freed from central state control, however, 3. The Internet as a Potential Tool for Democratisation
the media landscape is hereafter governed by the laws of a liberalised
market. Therefore, the typical escalation in the number of press Given the role that small and flexible media are able to play in the initial
publications during the initial period of regime change generally gives way phase of political transformation, it is not surprising that the internet has
to a re-concentration of media ownership that follows economic criteria. raised high expectations regarding its possible effects on authoritarian
The increasing influence of the affluent elite on the media market and an regimes and the advancement of worldwide democratisation. The
orientation towards consumer-culture represent risks to the democratic internet allows for a quasi instantaneous transmission of information at
functioning of the media. Independent financing and the education of low cost and free from the typical barriers that confine access to the
qualified media personnel can counter these tendencies, which is one of traditional media. The evolution of the new media during the last decade
the reasons why external media assistance appears essential during this has made it easy to transmit messages in different formats (text, sound,
transition phase. Also, the persistence of an alternative media sector and image). Furthermore, online communication transcends geographical
closely linked to civil society can provide critical corrections to the borders permitting the formation of transnational communities based on
contents of mass media (Blankson 2007, Thomaß/Tzankoff 2001). shared language, culture, or interests. Due to its network-like and
non-hierarchical structure, the internet has been considered as the ideal
In addition to this general outline of the media’s role in the different stages of means of communication for social movements and subaltern groups
political transitions, several influencing factors come into play (Hafez 2005): challenging established power structures (van de Donk et al. 2004). In
• State control and repression: The extent to which a regime monitors Western democracies, it was expected to eradicate the democratic deficits
information circulation determines the manoeuvring space of media. of corporate-dominated media systems, influenced by consumer-culture
While so-called “hard” authoritarian regimes leave room only for small and intertwined with powerful elites. As for authoritarian systems, the
or clandestine media, other “softer” regimes allow for a certain World Wide Web promised not only to undermine the state’s control on
amount of freedom as long as political taboos are respected. information circulation but also to open up new communication channels
for suppressed opposition groups and dissidents (Ferdinand 2000,
• Development of society and political culture: literacy rates and general
Tsagarousianou 1998).
education obviously shape the media’s public. Illiteracy intensifies the
role of television, a media more easily influenced by dominant political
and economic actors.

13 14
 3.1. Factors Restraining the Impact of the Internet Finally, aside from authoritarian regimes other non-democratic
Up till now, however, it has become evident that the internet’s actors benefit from the internet too: extremist groups of various
potential for fostering democratic change is restrained by several orientations discovered long ago the advantages of online
factors. First of all, the different aspects of the so-called “digital communication, underlining the fact that the internet as such does
divide” shape, size, and composition of online public groups as well not necessarily function along democratic norms.
as possible forms of usage: not only infrastructural development and As a consequence of these restricting factors, the internet’s use for
access quality but also education, media literacy and socio-economic the spreading of political information and debate in developing and
stratification create unequal conditions within the population for transitioning countries remains generally limited to the educated and
accessing and using the Internet (Norris 2001). urban layers of society. Nevertheless, these information elites by and
Secondly, the characteristics of online communication itself influence large originate in the middle classes and can be considered as
its political outreach. The internet is considered a “pull-medium”; i.e. upwardly mobile social groups who, in an authoritarian setting, are
users have to actively search for the content and applications they often affected by political exclusion. In many transformation
are interested in. Consequently, political information and debate processes, educated professionals such as journalists, academics,
enter an uneven rivalry with entertainment – as it is the case in other lawyers, and engineers have formed the core of movements that
media too. In addition, users tend to visit the websites of have challenged established regimes. In civil society, these actors are
well-established traditional media, like newspapers or TV-stations often committed to social development and change. By creating
that generally have significant resources at their disposal to compete awareness of existing grievances and formulating demands for
with independent online publications or webblogs (Hafez 2007, change they influence public opinion. With regards to
Schmidt 2006). democratisation processes, it is therefore necessary to evaluate the
capability and inclination of internet-active social actors to challenge
Thirdly, non-democratic regimes have developed sophisticated the status quo. Subsequently it can be examined whether and how
mechanisms for the surveillance and control of online the internet is supporting the activities of these actors. For this
communication. Administering the national infrastructure and purpose, several potential effects of the internet on the
legislation of telecommunication, authoritarian states successfully communication and activities of civil society and political challengers
block access to specific internet content, and monitor and persecute will be distinguished in the following.
dissident online authors. The recent events in Iran and Tunisia have
shown that security agencies employed internet technology to
identify protesters and networks of resistance. Furthermore, regime 3.2. Potential effects of the Internet
actors actively produce online content in order to extend their
Creation of alternative public spheres: Despite the restricting factors
ideological hegemony into cyberspace. In China and Russia, for
mentioned above, the emergence of news websites and weblogs has
instance, not only all are important state media present on the
resulted in a diversification of the information landscape in countries
internet but the government also organises bloggers who engage
under authoritarian rule or transitioning towards democracy. On the
extensively in online debates in order to drown out dissident voices.
internet, journalists banned from publication, dissidents, and civil
Saudi-Arabia and Thailand provide internet users with the option of
society activists find various ways to publish information and
reporting websites considered offensive to ruling norms and values,
opinions. In restricted media environments, online media thus act as
thereby “crowd-sourcing” censorship. The Singaporean government
forums for voices not necessarily represented in the mass media and
uses internet forums to absorb critique that could otherwise seek
take on the form of a subaltern public sphere. By disseminating
different channels to emerge in public. These various forms of
suppressed information and political critique they bring more
pro-active internet use ultimately contribute to strengthening the
transparency into the acts and decisions of the political elite and
legitimacy of non-democratic rulers (Kalathil/Boas 2003, Morozov 2011).
facilitate the formation of alternative political opinions.

15 16
 In moments of crisis or intensified political conflict, these alternative online media can also act as a counterweight to the established
public spheres can be expanded temporarily through various forms media by criticising and commenting on their content. Often mass
of citizen journalism, i.e. the gathering and distributing of news and media respond to the trends of blogging and social media by
information by ordinary citizens, as opposed to professional integrating these formats into their own websites. If taken seriously,
journalists. This tendency could be observed during the protests in this convergence with online appliances can open up the established
Iran 2009 and in Burma 2007. Although the authoritarian rulers had media towards emerging opinions and uncovered developments in
blocked the national and foreign news media’s coverage, the society.
demonstrators recorded photos and videos on their mobile phones in
Formation of political culture and collective identities: Another
order to publish them online, thereby documenting the unfolding
important aspect that needs to be considered when examining the
events and the violence of the security forces. In Egypt and Tunisia
role of the internet for democratic change is the impact that online
2011, where both regimes relied on financial and political support
media have on the internal communication of civil society. Social
from the West, the exposure of repression through online media
movements have to develop a shared perception of their goals and
resulted in the regimes’ reluctance to squash the protests in order to
how to achieve them before they can target larger audiences and the
avoid alienating international public opinion and political allies.
political sphere or initiate collective action. A strong collective
However, in Iran and Syria, more internationally isolated countries,
identity sustains the commitment of followers who are connected
such a response to the exposure did not occur and both regimes
rather by common ideas than organisational structures. Within civil
showed less restraint in their use of violence against the opposition.
society these social actors practice the communicative aspects of a
In addition to the disseminating of information, the alternative public democratic political culture such as rational deliberation and
spheres on the internet also work as a platform for debate. Weblogs tolerance towards other opinions by constantly negotiating
especially produce discussions that, although restricted in their identities, reinterpreting norms and values, and developing different
outreach, can achieve a high intensity and quality of deliberation. forms of solidarity (Cohen/Arato 1992). The internet can support and
While it is rare for blogs to succeed in transmitting their topics to the intensify this process, especially if other channels of communication
mass media and function as “agenda-setters”, they elaborate on the are blocked. Under severe pressure from the Ahmadinejad
content of other media acting as an “echo-chamber” (Schmidt 2006). government, the Iranian women’s movement, for example, had to
Through journalists and other opinion leaders participating in these retreat more and more to the internet in order to continue its
debates, blogs can nevertheless exert a certain influence on the activities. When public meetings became impossible and
process of opinion formation. Popular bloggers/activists with links to organisations were dismantled, online communication helped
mainstream journalism, act as “central nodes” transmitting claims activists to keep in contact, debate future activities and the
from the grassroots level to communication channels with larger reorientation of the movement, as well as to express solidarity with
audiences. In the struggle for the recognition of their rights as a fellow activists in prison (Michaelsen 2011).
religious minority, bloggers from the Egyptian Baha’i community, for
Networking and Organising: Social movements not only need to
instance, succeeded in further publicising their claims by connecting
sustain communication among their immediate followers but also to
to influential journalistic bloggers who then debated these issues in
reach out for the support of bystanders and other resources in order
the national press (Faris 2010).
to be able to influence political decision making. While its impact on
Finally, the alternative online media can also contribute to the larger audiences in authoritarian or transitioning countries is
internal democratisation of the media landscape itself which, as restricted by the factors mentioned above, the internet has been
already mentioned, is considered as a significant element within the proven very efficient as a means of transnational communication.
overall process of democratic transition. Younger journalists find an Local activists can more easily make contact with international NGOs
open training ground in weblogs and smaller online publications to and advocacy organisations and relay their knowledge on the specific
improve their skills in reporting and analysis. Up to a certain degree situation in their country. In exchange they get access to international

17 18
 expertise and more leverage over policy makers. If activists succeed organisations. The content and activities generated by these
in communicating their cause to global media and mobilising networks, however, were mostly transmitted by the satellite channel
international opinion, they can exert pressure on their own Al-Jazeera which increased the scale and outreach of the protests’
government by circumventing the censored national media in a messages tremendously (Lynch 2011).
“boomerang effect” (Keck/Sikkink 1998). These mechanisms have While the internet and online media allow for a diversification of
been observed especially in the field of human rights advocacy. information landscapes in transition countries, more influences come
Transnational civil society actors are able to unfold significant into play when this intensified information exchange comes to be
“discursive power” vis-à-vis national governments, international transformed into political action. By connecting physically distant
organisations, and the global economy (Holzscheiter 2005). Other people social media certainly increase the speed and scope of
forms of internet based activism aggregate individual participation collective campaigns. Also, they can amplify the visibility of even
and donations (Kiva.org, Avaaz) or crowd-source reporting on specific small protests by instantaneously transmitting pictures and
issues (Ushahidi).2 Facilitated by the internet, “networked activism”, information. One risk that has been debated in this context is
combining different types of civic engagement and advocacy, is so-called ‘slacktivism’: internet users supporting various causes and
expected to permit both broad mobilisation and “deep” participation campaigns in front of their computers without ever engaging in real
– that is the member’s active and meaningful involvement in the political action. Once more, a political culture of civic engagement
activities of the respective initiative or movement (Beutz Land 2009). and resistance to autocratic rule appears as a key factor. In addition,
Mobilisation for Collective Action: The role that internet and social public space as the central stage for collective action is strictly
media might play in the mobilisation of people for collective action is administered in non-democratic states in order to prevent
not only the most debated effect of the new media but also the one demonstrations and protests. Authoritarian rulers also obstruct the
which is hardest to demonstrate empirically. With the initial development of civil society organisations and repress oppositional
enthusiasm about the Iranian “Twitter Revolution” ebbing away, it key-figures or dissidents that could foster the mobilisation of
became clear that Twitter actually played a minor role in the challengers. Consequently, social media above all seem to play a role
organisation of the protests on the ground: Iranians were already in assembling people for so-called smart- or flash-mobs: rather
highly mobilised by a polarising election campaign so that frustration spontaneous and episodic public appearances of protesters
about the manipulated results quickly turned into public anger. mobilised by mobile phones or social networks. As the increased
Twitter rather served for transmitting information about the events contact and exchange on the internet involves more people into
on a global level and thereby attracted the attention of international social or political communities, the number of potential activists who
audiences (Esfandiari 2010, Michaelsen 2011). In Egypt and Tunisia, will oppose the most obvious forms of rights violations, injustice, or
Facebook groups certainly formed a significant force within the corruption could also be growing. If organised civil society activism is
anti-regime movements by tapping into existing frustrations about a restricted, new communication technology may thus lead to “an
corrupt and ineffective state and linking them to specific faces or upturn in bottom-up spontaneous protest focusing on specific
causes. Thus, social media supported the formation of open high-profile issues, local events, and the most visible abuses of
networks of participants without charismatic figures or central power” (Etling et al. 2010).
While the horizontal and network-like structure of protest campaigns
2 Kiva.org is an internet-based organisation connecting individuals for micro-financing development projects in generated by social media can certainly be considered an advantage,
different parts of the world. Avaaz.org provides a platform for organising worldwide movements, campaigns and
petitions on different issues. The open-source software Ushahidi has been used for the first time in Kenya for since easy repression and the identification of key leaders become
collecting testimonies on violence in the aftermath of the disputed 2007 elections and placing them on a Google more difficult for repressive rulers, these characteristics can also
map. Relying on crowd-sourcing for the collection of information, Ushahidi helps to visualise events in moments present a weakness once change is initiated. Even if these forms of
of crisis in order to increase public awareness and allow for a coordinated response. It has also been used in Haiti,
after the earthquake of 2010, and during the beginning of the rebel uprising against Qaddafi in Libya in March protest succeed in challenging or destabilising established rulers,
2011. they are not equipped for the complex process of persistent

19 20
 contention and negotiation that precedes the replacement of one II. Media system
political system with another. Here, again, factors such as a unified
• What is the legislative framework for the media system?
opposition, a clear political agenda, and political figures willing to
push for systemic change come into play (Lynch 2011). • Does the state control or censor the media?
• Which political/economic actors exert influence over the media? Is
4. Conclusion and Research Guidelines the media landscape characterised by a certain diversity and
independence?
The overview on current research on media and political transformation • How does the society access and use the media? What media are
has shown that the internet can actually play different roles in the important/ influential?
activities of social actors seeking to resist and challenge established forms • How developed are the professional standards of journalists?
of power. Whether this leads to a process of democratic change, however,
depends on various factors. Research in this regard therefore needs to be • Is the media’s coverage characterised by variety and balance?
contextualised, taking into account the specific social and political settings
of the country under examination. The comparison of different case
III. General development of ICT
studies, then, allows for the identification of common patterns and
structures, providing a basis for a realistic perspective on the internet’s • What are the main indicators for ICT-usage and expansion (e.g.
potential as a tool for democratisation. For that purpose, this study number of users, penetration, mobile users, infrastructural
proposes the following research questions as a guideline for evaluating development etc.)?
the internet’s possible roles in processes of political change and • What is the legislative framework for the internet?
transformation:
• What is the state’s policy towards the internet (e.g. censorship and
control, support of expansion, pro-active use, e-government)?
I. Socio-political context and political development • Are there any particular usage tendencies in society?
• How can the political system and transitional status be classified (e.g. • What role do social media (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) play?
authoritarian, transitional, consolidating, blocked, hybrid etc)?
• What are the bases of the current regime’s legitimacy? Are there any
ongoing forms of crisis or weaknesses? IV. The internet and civil society
• What are the main indicators of socio-economic development (e.g. • What role do online media play for the dissemination of news and
GNI per capita, urbanisation, literacy, ‘youth bulge’)? How developed information?
are the middle classes? • Who are the main social actors using internet?
• Who are the main political actors seeking or blocking change? How • Is there an active blogosphere or other alternative online media?
are they organised and what are their resources?
• Is there a convergence between traditional and online media? Do
• What influence do international factors exert on domestic online media exert any form of influence on the traditional media?
developments and politics?
• What role do online media play in debate and exchange within civil
• What is the status of civil society? society?
• How developed is the political culture? Are there any political • Do online and social media support the formation of campaigns or
discourses or alternatives challenging the existing political system? social movements?

21 22
 • Do online and social media open up new opportunities for II PAKISTAN AS A CASE STUDY
contentious politics?
• Do these media support the networking and coordination of civil 1. Pakistan’s Political Transformation
society groups between one another?
Since its foundation in 1947, Pakistan has not succeeded in establishing a
• Are there any forms of transnational networking or “boomerang stable system of democratic governance. Alternating intervals between
effects”? civilian governments and military rule remain a characteristic feature of
• Does the internet support the recruitment and mobilisation of the country’s political evolution. After the removal of the military
followers in social movements? government led by former Army Chief and President Musharraf in 2008,
Pakistan has, again, embarked on a fragile course of democratisation.
• Are there any examples of mobilisation (campaigns, protests) that
However, even if no longer directly involved in government, the army still
the internet has facilitated?
casts a long shadow over the political sphere as well as the economy and
the national culture, thereby hampering the evolvement of functional
democratic institutions. Combining elements of authoritarian rule,
hesitant liberalisation and democratic consolidation, Pakistan has to be
situated in the “grey zone” of hybrid systems.

1.1. A State of Crisis?

The consolidation of a democratic system in Pakistan faces multiple
challenges. Although the country ranks among the most populated in
the world, there is neither a congruent strategy nor the political will
to manage demographics. The population growth exerts significant
pressure on all sectors of public life. The education and health system
particularly are unable to cater for the needs of society. Pakistan is far
from its declared goal of providing basic primary education to all
children by 2015: currently only 56 per cent of children between the
age of five and nine years attend school. With nearly half of the
population being illiterate, the literacy rate is among the lowest in the
region. Moreover, a lack of efficient training and qualification for the
labour market leads to high numbers of un- and underemployment,
particularly among the youth. These trends coincide with an
increasing migration into the cities where a poor and overstrained
administration often results in energy, water, and housing shortages.
The unfulfilled promises of both education and urbanisation are
generally considered as catalysts for feelings of resentment and
alienation among the affected layers of the population, fermenting
social tension and radical ideas (Khan/Yusuf 2011).
The economic development that would be necessary to absorb the
rapidly growing workforce is hampered by inflation, low tax

23 24
 revenues, an endemic energy crisis, and the volatile security The army’s inconsistency in dealings with Islamist extremists has
situation. Without the assistance of international donors, the country tainted its reputation amongst the people. On the one hand, the
would have already ended up in bankruptcy. Pakistan’s image of a establishment’s unbalanced alliance with the U.S. is seen very
nuclear-armed “failing” state and its strategic position in the “war critically, especially as the latter continues to launch drone attacks on
against terror” have guaranteed a consistent flow of external aid that Pakistani territory regardless of civilian casualties. On the other,
allowed for a policy of “borrowed growth” (Lodhi 2011: 57), but has terrorist assaults on central army institutions, sometimes facilitated
so far delayed necessary structural reforms. by radical members within the military, have raised doubts about the
The federal structure of the country is not well developed. The most capacity and the will of the security establishment in dealing with the
populated province, Punjab, still dominates national politics, for militants. This ambiguity has been perfectly epitomised by the public
example by providing most of the personnel for the state debate in Pakistan that followed the killing of Osama bin Laden in the
administration, the military, and the security forces. The resulting garrison city of Abbotabad: while some felt outraged over the
imbalance not only exacerbates ethnic rivalries but also reduces the incursion of a U.S. elite force on Pakistani territory, others were
overall recognition of the central government. In fact, many perturbed by the possibility that the army had played a role in
challenges to the state authority have been articulated on the basis providing shelter for the world’s most-wanted terrorist, while others
of ethnic frustrations (Akhtar 2010: 110). This is probably most still were worried by the thought that the authorities had been
evident in the province of Baluchistan where the government’s incapable of tracing him themselves.
neglect of human development and regional aspirations has ended in Despite repeated predictions of chaos and breakdown, Pakistan has
a vicious circle of violent insurgence and suppression. maintained a certain level of stability throughout the years. This
Aside from these structural development deficits, the conflict with apparent contradiction seems to be the result of a balance of power
militant extremists surely represents the most significant challenge and strategic interests among the different groups composing the
to Pakistan’s political progress. The explosive alliance of Islamist political elite who benefit from the current situation by maintaining
ideology and armed violence came into being during the 1980s, their respective zones of influence and resources, and therefore
when Pakistan formed the central base for training and facilitating show no interest in finding durable solutions for a multilayered crisis
religiously motivated fighters against the Soviet occupation in (Schetter/Mielke 2008: 26).
Afghanistan. After 9/11 and Musharraf’s alignment with the U.S. in
the “war against terror”, Pakistan pursued the double strategy of
1.2. Blocking Change: The Political Elite
cracking down on Al-Qaeda members in order to secure American
assistance, while at the same time upholding covered relations with Within Pakistan’s power elite the army plays the central role in
the Taliban, considered as strategic assets in the quest for “strategic national and foreign politics. Under the banner of protecting
depth” vis-à-vis the rival India. A fatal consequence of this approach, sovereignty and the security of the country, it has legitimised and
however, has been the emergence of an indigenous movement of expanded its intrusion into state affairs. The army has also
Pakistani Taliban in the border regions, defying the state authority accumulated significant economic wealth through entrenchment in
with incursions into the mainland and terrorist bombings in major the corporate sector, thereby initiating self-perpetuating dynamics:
cities. In response, the army has launched several offensives against “political power guarantees economic benefits which, in turn,
the militants which have reinstalled the government’s authority but motivate the officer cadre to remain powerful and to play an
also produced a significant number of civilian casualties and influential role in governance” (Siddiqa 2007: 248). Characteristically,
damaged essential infrastructure in the border regions (Rahman the army does not always act as a homogeneous entity but consists
2009, Hussain 2011). of different groups of interest that interfere, sometimes with
contradicting agendas, into politics (Ibid.).

25 26
 The political class is principally composed of wealthy elites and the The extent to which public culture and politics are penetrated by
owners of large land estates. Benefiting from feudal structures which religious intolerance and fanaticism became clear with the murder of
still characterise social relations and property distribution outside Salman Taseer, the provincial governor of Punjab who had publicly
the urban areas, these actors exert influence through networks of opposed a controversial law against blasphemy. The assassination in
patronage and clientelism. Rather than organising the formation of January 2011 was the shocking result of a vilification campaign led by
political opinion, the major political parties build cartels that keep the clergy and sections of the media. Even rather moderate religious
power within restricted circles. None of these parties is seeking to associations declared the killer, one of Taseer’s bodyguards, a hero.
overhaul the current power structure or to seriously break with the With such hate speech going unpunished and school curricula and
predominance of the army. Even the parties’ internal politics are TV-shows perpetuating radical views, moderate voices among
heavily influenced by nepotism, so that it is difficult to envisage Pakistan’s political and religious elites can barely be heard (Economist
significant contributions towards democratisation from their side 2011). Up till now, there is neither an articulate opposition to the
(Akthar 2010). political instrumentalisation of religion nor do progressive
The influence of religious actors on Pakistani politics and society has interpretations of Islam gain much attention.
increased as a long-term result of Zia ul Haq’s drive for Islamisation in
the 1980s. Since that period, a growing number of religious schools,
1.3. An Unfavourable International Setting
often supported by Saudi-Arabian donations, has partly
compensated for the failures of the education system, recruiting The historical roots of Pakistan’s blocked democratic evolution lie in
students from the lower urban and rural classes. Even if the the foundation of the state itself and the country’s resultant position
madrasahs’ repeatedly debated role in the recruitment of militants in the region. Gaining independence from colonial rule, Pakistan was
and suicide bombers deserves a more nuanced approach, they have established as a country for the Muslim inhabitants of British India.
certainly contributed to the propagation of narrow interpretations of The Partition and the ensuing wave of migration led to the killing of
Islamic jurisprudence which further a rejection of liberal values, about a million people, creating a breeding ground for enduring
which are associated with the ‘West’, as well as sectarianism against mistrust and hostility between India and Pakistan. The chronic
other branches of Islam. These schools have also produced a class of conflict between the two neighbouring countries prevents regional
religious leaders who are not necessarily well-trained scholars of stability and economic relations. In Pakistan, it also sustains the
Islam and are sometimes even self-proclaimed, but utilise religiosity doctrine of “national security” as a central element of state ideology,
to win political and social sway. which legitimises the overarching role of the military in national
politics. Sentiments of existential threat and inferiority have been
Between the established religious parties, which play a minor role in
further nourished by developments such as the secession of East
parliamentary politics, on one side, and the militant extremists on
Pakistan/Bangladesh in 1971, the unresolved conflict over Kashmir,
the other, there is now a broad spectrum of religious figures and
instability and war in Afghanistan, the growing economical, political,
organisations advancing a larger Islamist agenda. In a society that has
and even cultural power of India, and last but not least the frequent
become manifestly more conservative during recent decades, they
intrusions of global powers in the country’s affairs, pursuing their
are able to exert significant influence on the formation of public
respective geostrategic interests. Consequently, any discourse on
opinion and social norms. Their ideas resonate also within the wider
political worldview and national identity is shaped by nationalism,
state bureaucracy: while many leading functionaries entered the
religion, and security issues rather than liberal or pluralistic ideas
administration in the years impacted by the Zia regime, new recruits
(Akhtar 2010).
mostly hail from the lower middle class and support conservative and
religious values as well as a rather hierarchical style of service (Akhtar Pakistan’s strategic location in the “war against terror”, its nuclear
2010, Shafkat 2011). arsenal, and the persisting challenge of militant extremists as well as
its position as the second most populated Muslim nation are all

27 28
 factors sustaining international attention in the country’s future values on an issue-based agenda. These developments carry an
evolution. The initiatives of the international community towards actual potential for change, yet, it is not clear in which direction.
assisting development in Pakistan, however, are above all influenced
Due to the frequent interventions of the army into the political
by strategic considerations. Consequently, democratisation does not
sphere and the overall hierarchical structure of society, a vibrant civil
appear to be a priority since any serious transformation would
society that could pursue political emancipation vis-à-vis the state
inevitably lead to temporary volatility. The Western countries
and at the same time provide an exercising ground for the
militarily involved in Afghanistan are mainly seeking stability in the
development of a participatory political culture, is still
region in order to be able to withdraw their troops. Although external
underdeveloped in Pakistan. Most civic initiatives centre on social
donors repeatedly state their frustration at stalled development and
welfare and are led by personalities or groups from an elite
drained financial resources in Pakistan, their strategic preoccupations
background. Numerous religious institutions and foundations pursue
prevent a fundamental change of approach. In particular, the U.S. as
their activities within a traditional framework. Modern civil society
a major donor maintains a close, though not always amicable,
organisations are often dependent on external donors and based on
relationship with the Pakistani establishment in which it is “buying”
formalised organisational structures, meaning that their societal
influence, but only reluctantly pressuring for democratic change. As
outreach is rather limited (Schetter/Mielke 2008).
for Pakistan’s political elite, the Western focus on stability serves not
only as a welcome pretext for delaying any alterations in the balance However, the capacity of Pakistani society to mobilise for a cause has
of power, but also as an incitement to prevent any durable solution been proven repeatedly in recent years. During the massive floods of
for ongoing conflicts since the country’s perceived fragility 2010, for instance, various private initiatives organised relief for the
guarantees a steady flow of resources (Fair 2011). affected areas, compensating for the weak response of the
government and working alongside the army to help the victims. As
for the “lawyers’ movement” of 2007/2008, it has shown that parts
1.4. Where Are Civil Society and Political Culture Heading? of the population were willing to publicly engage for the secular
Given the lack of political and economic progress, discontent principles of an independent judiciary and the state of law. Although
amongst the population is rife. According to a survey carried out by the protests against the dismissal of the Chief Justice in March 2007
the Washington-based Pew Research Centre from May 2011, only 20 were spearheaded by the lawyers as a distinct social group, they had
per cent of the respondents in Pakistan judged the current national a wider appeal to other professionals and members of the urban
government as having a good influence on the evolution of the middle class. Musharraf’s autocratic intervention alienated these
country. The police and the judiciary received equally low ratings: layers of society as it was a blatant contradiction to the course of
respectively 26 and 41 per cent saw their role as positive. These controlled liberalisation that the military ruler had permitted so far.
results contrast with a still largely positive voting for the army whose The movement thus reflected a larger agenda of pro-democratic
overall conduct is supported by 79 per cent (Pew Research Centre aspirations. Its contribution to the ouster of Musharraf from power
2011). Obviously, the insufficient performance of the government has increased the political self-consciousness of the upper
and other institutions undermines the legitimacy of the state. On the middle-classes who experienced new channels for influencing
one hand, the gap between electoral politics and the demands politics outside the framework of party politics and elections (Akthar
emanating from society is at risk of increasing frustrations and voter 2010, Lodhi 2011).
abstinence, thereby further eroding the representative quality of Some analysts see the lawyers’ movement as one expression of the
elected institutions. On the other, the state’s legitimacy void could be increasing role that a presumably moderate middle class plays in
filled with alternative political visions. The demise of the established Pakistani politics. According to Lodhi, urban society has gained
political parties lends social movements a greater significance, and as confidence and together with the liberated media constantly
open and flexible networks, they seek to alter existing norms and subjects the government to critical oversight (Lodhi 2011: 75). Yet it

29 30
 is not at all evident that increasing consumer culture, media expression but are faced with political pressure and safety issues when
exposure, and political awareness within Pakistani society necessarily approaching certain topics. Also, a lack of professional education and
leads to progressive and democratic ideas taking root. Especially in weak journalistic ethics restrain the media from fully playing their
the lower middle class a nationalist, restricted worldview and required role in the democratic consolidation of the country.
anti-Western stances often combine with a puritanical, rigidly
conservative form of religiosity that shows no links to Pakistan’s
traditional currents of spiritual Islam. Politically, these social layers 2.1. A Growing Media Market
seek orientation in the economic progress of the Muslim nations in Television is nationwide the most popular medium. In addition to the
the Gulf region or Malaysia rather than the European democracies state-run PTV with different channels for news, entertainment, and
(Burke 2010). So if urbanisation and short-term economic progress regional programmes, more than 70 private channels had been
during the Musharraf years have effectively permitted a certain part issued a license by the end of 2009. Nevertheless, there is a
of the population to climb the social ladder, their status is currently considerable gap between rural and urban areas. In some remote
threatened by inflation, increasing costs of living, and stagnation. areas, where electricity shortages, limited coverage, and high
Without any perspective for political participation society becomes poverty levels restrict the outreach of television, radio usage is
receptive to populist or radical rhetoric. This is clearly evident in the almost equally as prevalent. In addition, the television market
growing popularity of former cricket star Imran Khan and his party remains divided between PTV, still the only network with terrestrial
Tehreek-e Insaf who pits himself against the political establishment emission, and the private channels operating via cable or satellite.
and the big parties without offering any substantial programme. The According to a survey, only 11 per cent of the rural population have
current surge of religious extremism can certainly be understood in access to satellite or cable, versus 69 per cent in the urban areas
this context, too. Also, the rise of reactionary nationalism seems (AudienceScapes 2010a). The costs of equipment or subscription also
probable in a society that feels insecure about its cultural identity restrict the usage of private television. Although purchase prices for
and position among other nations. satellite equipment are decreasing and several households often
Ever increasingly it is important for an inclusive and rational debate share a single connection, the usage of private channels increases
about the country’s future to take place. Pakistan needs to develop a with the level of income and education. Thus, among the urban and
discourse on democracy that is authentic to its culture and history. educated television consumers with higher income rates, the private
The political involvement and mobilisation of society’s progressive news channel Geo News has already outranked PTV’s news
actors has to go beyond restricted short-term campaigns in order to programme. Other private news channels such as Express News, ARY
put constant pressure on the political sphere and to develop News, and Aaj TV also enjoy growing popularity within these
programmatic alternatives to which larger parts of the population audience groups (AudienceScapes 2010b).
can adhere. In this context, the media play a significant role in the Despite the impressive progress in the sector television, radio
course of Pakistan’s democratic transformation. remains an important medium in Pakistan. Particularly for the rural
and poorer sections of the population with limited access to
television and other media, radio is an essential source of
2. The Media in Pakistan
information and entertainment. Due to the increasing circulation of
mobile phones with a radio device, more and more people listen to
Pakistan’s media landscape experienced an impressive evolution during radio programmes via their telephone. More than 100 private FM
the last 10-15 years. The previously non-existent sector of private radio stations have been licensed in Pakistan, but they are not
electronic media especially has flourished after the state monopoly on allowed to broadcast their own news programmes. Consequently,
broadcasting was lifted in 2002. Overall, the media enjoy freedom of the options of obtaining news on the radio are restricted to state
programmes, illegal (mostly militant) radios, and the programmes of

31 32
 foreign broadcasters such as the BBC, Voice of America (VoA) or and the rather right-wing conservative Nawa-e Waqt Group (dailies
Deutsche Welle (DW). Remarkably, the BBC’s news programme is Nawa-e Waqt and The Nation, Waqt News TV). The Lakson Group is
most popular among those sections of the population who otherwise another player in the media market, producing amongst others the
access only the state-run radio as a source of information popular dailies Express (Urdu) and Express Tribune as well as the
(AudienceScapes 2010c). In the Federally Administered Areas (FATA) television channel Express News.
and the Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa Province (KPK), many illegally operated
radical radio stations distribute propaganda and erroneous
information, undermining efforts towards education and 2.2. Media Legislation: Freedom by Default
development. To counteract the detrimental effects of these radical The legislative framework for Pakistan’s media is first of all provided
radio stations, a number of media assistance initiatives support the by the Constitution. Article 19 stipulates freedom of expression and
development of local radio stations, focusing, for instance, on the press but subjects this pledge to “reasonable restrictions” in
women’s or human rights’ issues (AudienceScapes 2010d). order to protect for instance Islam, the security of the country, and
The printed press has a long tradition in Pakistan and there is a lively morality. Such ambiguous qualifications leave much room for
and diverse newspaper industry. As per official records, in 2010 the interpretations seeking to restrict the freedom of expression. In
total number of periodical print publications reached 952, with 360 addition, there are several other legislations potentially limiting the
dailies,3 but according to media practitioners only around a dozen of freedom of the press, though they are enforced only selectively. The
these newspapers can actually be found at the newsstands (Asia most significant authority pertaining to electronic media is the
Media Barometer 2009: 26). The total circulation of newspapers is Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) which came
estimated at 6 million, although figures are not reliable (AMB 2009: into being during the course of the media liberalisation after 2000.
27). The language divide between the country’s two administrative Although originally drafted to provide independent oversight and to
languages, Urdu and English, that characterises the overall media improve standards and content of the media, the PEMRA laws have
landscape is most distinctive in the press. English media have only been frequently employed to restrict the media. The majority of the
limited circulation but target the urban elite, thus having an impact members of the PEMRA-board are government officials; civil society
on opinion makers and political circles. The Urdu press reaches much or media representatives have little influence. With these possible
larger audiences and therefore unfolds a greater influence among the legislative restrictions in mind, it is necessary to note that media in
general public. There are also numerous publications in Pakistan’s Pakistan enjoy a considerable amount of freedom – although media
other vernacular languages, most importantly in Sindhi. The low practitioners describe it as a “freedom by default” that can be partly
literacy and education rates of Pakistan’s population represent a attributed to the general shortcomings in maintaining a rule of law
significant hurdle to the outreach of the press. There is also a large (AMB 2009: 13).
gender divide among newspaper readers, which is even more
accentuated in the rural areas where only 5 percent of women report
to read a newspaper once a week (AudienceScapes 2010e). 2.3. Challenges and Shortcomings

The press market is dominated by three major groups, which have Aside from legislation there are other factors hindering the media
also expanded into the general media market and respectively show from fully exercising their democratic functions. The security of
different political inclinations: The Jang Group, considered moderate journalists remains a major concern in Pakistan. Journalists are
conservative (i.e. dailies Jang and News International, Geo TV), the frequently harassed or even attacked by state and non-state actors.
liberal Dawn Group (Dawn Newspaper, Herald magazine, Dawn TV), Critical reporting on military campaigns, government corruption, or
religious extremism can have dangerous consequences, either from
3 Government of Pakistan, Statistics Division, Yearbook 2011.
the side of the security establishment or from the militants. Also,
http://www.statpak.gov.pk/fbs/sites/default/files/other/yearbook2011/Social%20&%20Cullture/19-1.pdf.
events in Baluchistan or the activities of Karachi’s urban mafias with

33 34
 close links to political circles are considered sensitive issues. At the 2.4. Outlook: Media Finding their Role
crossroads of various political interests and without legal or
When Musharraf and the military establishment decided to open the
governmental protection, journalists become prone to
media market, they reportedly had the motivation of countering the
self-censorship or the distortion of information. Last but not least,
growing influence of India’s satellite channels and strengthening
the violent conflict with extremists also takes its toll on the people of
national identity. This step can be seen as a characteristic expression
the press: with 17 journalists killed in 2010, Reporters Without
of a “guided” liberalisation by which authoritarian regimes sought to
Borders declared Pakistan the most deadly country for journalists in
consolidate power and legitimacy in the face of a globalising media
the world (Rehman 2011a, Sarwar 2011a).
landscape at the turn of the millennium. Accordingly, the media were
Another significant issue is the quality of journalism. Due to the rapid given more freedom but had to respect certain taboos. That this was
evolution of the media landscape, the number of journalists has a double-edged calculation could clearly be observed in Pakistan.
grown within a short time. Although there are various universities Without a doubt the media have played a decisive role not only by
and institutes offering courses in journalism and mass reporting on but also by giving momentum to the lawyers’
communication, new graduates are generally not prepared for the movement. In the run-up to the elections of February 2008, the
requirements of the profession. The media institutions, too, rarely private channels formed a platform for the representatives of the
offer in-house trainings or mentoring programmes. The consequence opposition parties who were largely excluded from state television.
is a considerable lack of professional standards. In the newspapers, By doing so, the media have certainly contributed to a re-initiation of
the lines between comment, analysis, and news are blurred; many of Pakistan’s democratic transition.
the published articles reproduce statements rather than giving
After the election of the new government, the private media have
proper information (AMB 2009: 27, 60). The fierce competition
continued to put pressure on the executive. Conscious of their role in
among the private television channels has produced an unhealthy
the recent political developments, they now play out their influence.
culture of “breaking news”. With sensationalism dictating the agenda
This transgression of the line between journalism and political
of these media, stories on critical social developments or
engagement is only one sign of the evolution that still lies ahead for
investigative reports are seriously underrepresented.
Pakistan’s media. They have to complete their own process of reform
In addition to politicisation the influence of affluent and powerful and democratisation. While it is up to the state to uphold a legal
elites undermines the diversity of the media and their content. The environment which guarantees the functioning of the media, it
legislation does not prevent a monopoly in media ownership. should not interfere in their internal maturation. Rather, public
Although Pakistan has no single “media-mogul”, a few important debate and pressure from the audiences can drive forward the
media groups dominate the market. As radio licenses are sold by development of a healthy media landscape. Progressive circles of
auction, wealthy owners can acquire even more media. Low salaries Pakistani society already express their concern regarding the trends
and precarious working conditions make journalists vulnerable to of sensationalism and politicisation in the media (see for example:
bribery and economic pressure. The weight of politics can also be felt Bari 2011). Such critical discussion on the media’s performance
in the talk-shows that abound on private channels. Stirring popular needs to be further intensified along with efforts to create awareness
views amongst the audience in order to increase ratings or hosting and improve media literacy among the audiences. Also, independent
guests with an unquestioned political bias, some TV-moderators have media have to provide alternative readings on current affairs and
turned into powerful agenda-setters for national debate raise topics that are underreported in the mass media. In this
(International Media Support 2009: 34). context, online and social media can certainly play a role.

35 36
3. The Internet in Pakistan Another reason for the restricted development of internet usage may
be seen in Pakistan’s comparatively low Gross National Income (GNI)
per capita, making computers and access subscriptions unaffordable
Pakistan has currently about 20 million internet users. In a country of to many people. The ITU report partly refutes that assumption
more than 180 million people, this figure amounts to only slightly over 10 though: An additional indicator, the “ICT Price Basket” classifies
per cent of the population. With regards to internet penetration, Pakistan countries based on the relative costs for fixed telephones, mobile
scores better than its larger neighbour India, but stays far behind the cellular and broadband internet services. Generally, a low ranking in
transition countries in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) where the ICT Development Index corresponds to high values in the ICT
online communication reportedly fostered the development of civil Price Basket. Yet Pakistan deviates from that trend as it has a
societies that formed the core of the upheavals against authoritarian rule relatively low price-level but scores poorly in the ranking of access
(see chart on p. 41). and usage. This points to the fact that barriers other than high costs
hinder ICT development and proliferation, namely infrastructure,
access to infrastructure, and usage skills (ITU 2010: 61). Since the
3.1. Expecting Internet Expansion level of secondary education is considered a decisive hurdle for
In an overall ranking of the International Telecommunication Union internet usage, the ITU report thus confirms Pakistan’s poor
(ITU), which determines worldwide ICT development by using a education statistics as a main factor in hindering many people from
composite index (ICT Development Index: IDI) made up of 11 going online. However, as education is closely linked to economic
indicators covering access, use, and skills, Pakistan reached position status, there is admittedly a strong correlation between both factors.
127 out of 159 countries in the year 2007. At that point its progress The results of the 2008 BBC-survey show that the majority of internet
rate was higher than that of any other country because at the time of users are high-income earners and have a secondary or higher
the previous evaluation in 2002, ICT usage in Pakistan was barely degree of education. There is also a certain preponderance of men
existent. However, that progress stalled in the following year, 2008, among the internet users (AudienceScapes 2010f).
with Pakistan reaching only rank 128 (ITU 2010).4 These restrictions notwithstanding, Pakistan’s percentage of young
As a matter of fact, the expansion of internet use in Pakistan is as population is comparable with (or even higher than) the transition
much slowed down by the insufficient development and quality of countries in the MENA region. As people aged under 30 years
the network as by low levels of education. The internet is still typically constitute the largest user group within society, there is a
accessed mainly through dial-up connections. There are only about huge potential for ICT proliferation. The impressive growth of the
1.3 million broadband users in Pakistan.5 The urban-rural divide that mobile phone market underlines the overall interest in modern
characterises the country’s overall development naturally has an communication technologies: with now six mobile companies on the
impact on internet access and usage too. In a BBC survey in 2008, market, the number of mobile phone subscribers reached about 108
only 1 per cent of the respondents in the rural areas of Pakistan’s four million in mid-2011, according to official statistics.6
provinces used the internet. Various rural areas remain without any Another interesting factor shaping internet usage in Pakistan is the
access at all (AudienceScapes 2010f, Freedom House 2011: 3). general language divide between Urdu and English that can be
observed particularly in the media landscape. Despite more and
4 The ICT Development Index (IDI) is composed of three sub-indexes measuring access (fixed telephony, mobile more content being produced in other languages, English remains
telephony, international internet bandwidth, households with computers and households with internet), use the lingua franca of the internet. While this is certainly to the
and intensity of use (internet users, fixed broadband and mobile broadband) and skills (adult literacy rate, gross
secondary and tertiary enrolment.)
5 Pakistan Telecommunication Authority, Telecom indicators: 6 Pakistan Telecommunication Authority, Telecom indicators:

http://www.pta.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=269:telecom-indicators&catid=124:in http://www.pta.gov.pk/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=269:telecom-indicators&catid=124:in
dustry-report&Itemid=599. dustry-report&Itemid=599

37 38
 advantage of the more or less bilingual Pakistani upper and middle However, any re-evaluation of the bill or the development of a new
class, it limits the usage of other social layers as there is relatively draft has been delayed ever since. Advocates of internet freedom in
little content in Urdu on the internet. In fact, observers expect a Pakistan fear that should the need arise a law will be passed hastily
significant surge in the number of internet users once the Urdu and give pretext for stricter censorship. Imprecise legislation and
market is expanded. Already now the online publications of the insufficiently trained judges and lawyers as well as the influence of
English-language newspapers Dawn and Express Tribune, considered political interests are at the bottom of disproportionate verdicts
forerunners in the online news sector, gather only one third of the pronounced in the field of cybercrimes: while the online posting of
online audiences of the big Urdu papers Jang and Express. Another videos mocking government officials has been punished rather
issue supposedly limiting a pro-active use of the internet in Urdu is drastically, sexual harassment of women on the internet is not
the disparity between the fonts that are usually employed in prosecuted at all. Representatives of the IT-sector, media, and civil
publishing and those that are available for the internet. Urdu books society who have barely been involved in the process of legislation
and newspapers appear with an italicised version of the Arabic drafting express the need for a coherent regulation protecting
scripture (nastaliq) but many websites and blogs only offer the fonts internet freedom and user privacy. Some groups seek to influence
that can normally be found on Arabic or Persian websites. Apparently the government’s law making processes in this regard.8
the resulting unfamiliarity seems to heighten users’ hesitance to According to the Open Net Initiative, internet censorship in Pakistan
employ Urdu as a language for communicating online, for instance has evolved out of actions taken by alternating institutions of the
when writing blogs.7 state, such as government organs, the courts, and law enforcement
(Open Net Initiative 2010: 492). Directives for blocking websites are
delegated to the PTA whose members report to the Ministry of
3.2. Governmental Politics: Legislation (and Censorship) Taking Shape
Information Technology and are appointed by the prime minister.
The Pakistani government deregulated the telecom market in 2003, Through its subsidiary, the Pakistan Internet Exchange (PIE), PTA
allowing for competition in telephony and internet services. By the controls all internet traffic in Pakistan. The country’s main
end of 2010, there were 50 Internet Service Providers (ISP) operating international gateway is situated in Karachi, others in the capital and
in Pakistan as well as 10 broadband service providers. Providers have in Lahore.
to obtain a license from the Pakistan Telecommunication Authority
Access to most political, cultural, religious, and sexual online material
(PTA), the primary institution regulating internet communication.
is free for Pakistani audiences. So far the country does not employ a
Cybercafés do not require a license and are largely unregulated by
sophisticated filtering system. Blocking mostly takes place on the
the police, although owners are expected to monitor the activities of
domain level, thus causing wide-spread collateral damage in the form
their customers. Offering comparatively low rates of usage, these
of unintended closures of additional content. When seeking to block
establishments cater to lower-income users. (Open Net Initiative
specific information, the authorities have often caused extensive
2010: 491, Freedom House 2011: 5).
disruptions in access to central websites such as Google, BBC, Yahoo
The legislative framework for the internet is still ill-defined in and YouTube. Most comprehensively filtered are websites that relate
Pakistan. In 2007, the Musharraf government introduced the to Baluchi dissidents, addressing the province’s human rights
Prevention of Electronic Crimes Ordinance (PECO) in which vaguely situation or aspirations of independence. Also, websites considered
termed offenses were subject to severe punishment. The bill was anti-Islamic or blasphemous represent a specific target for filtering
considered as an attempt to choke online criticism of the president. (Open Net Initiative 2010: pp. 495). In the absence of a specific
At the end of 2009, the prime minister of new civilian government legislation, the decision making process on internet filtering remains
returned the ordinance to the parliament for further debate.
8 Interview with Shahzad Ahmad of Bytes for All Pakistan, Islamabad, July 1st 2011, and Jehan Ara of the
7 Interview with Jahanzaib Haque, editor of the online section of The Express Tribune, Karachi, June 27th 2011.
Pakistan Software House Association P@SHA, Karachi, June 28th 2011.

39 40
 181,457,277 78,866,635 1,156,897766 75,967,610 27,817,866 10,420,551
far from transparent. Open labels such as “national interest and

Tunisia

(2008)
7,810
security” or the sections of the penal code addressing blasphemy

59.6

34.0

24.0
77.6

3.06
(85)

10 U.S. Census Bureau, Mid-Year-Population by 5-year age groups, International Data Base, http://www.census.gov/ipc/www/idb/groups.php, [accessed June 2, 2011].
67

93
provide the basis for blocking websites. With filtering gradually
evolving from the mere blocking of a domain to that of specific URLs

13 Country profiles of UNESCO Institute for Statistics, http://stats.uis.unesco.org/unesco/tableviewer/document.aspx?ReportId=143, [accessed June 2, 2011].
and even key words, Shahzad Ahmad of the advocacy organisation

(estimation
for 2009)
Malaysia
Bytes For All sees a special form of “faith-based censorship”

14 ICT Development Index (IDI) established by the ITU for 159 countries with Chad ranking last at a value of 0.79 and Sweden first at 7.85. ITU 2010, 10.
13,710
64.0

3.96

64.6

41.5
92.9

(56)

111
71
emerging in Pakistan. Thus, religion and the action against online
content labelled as blasphemous serve as an excuse for a politically
motivated filtering of websites.9
The first incident of blocking in Pakistan occurred in February 2006

11,470

(84)

n. A.
68.0

3.08

43.2
82.3
Iran

69

72
when the PTA ordered a closure of all websites showing the

12 Gross National Income (GNI) converted to international dollars using purchasing power parity rates. World Bank Database,
controversial Danish cartoons of the Prophet Muhammad.

17 Facebook statistics by country, Socialbakers, http://www.socialbakers.com/facebook-statistics, [accessed June 2, 2011].

Particularly affected was the domain of Blogspot, a website providing
tools for generating weblogs. In February 2008, access to YouTube

Development and communication statistics for Pakistan and selected countries

was blocked, again under the official claim that the website had

3,280

(117)
India

65.1

1.75
62.8

6.9

2.3
30

45
distributed blasphemous content. But Pakistani bloggers believed

16 Country profiles on Internet World Stats, http://www.internetworldstats.com/, [accessed June 2, 2011].

11 World Bank Database, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.URB.TOTL.IN.ZS, [accessed June 2, 2011].
that the real reason was actually the distribution of amateur videos

15 World Bank Database, http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/IT.CEL.SETS.P2 [accessed June 2, 2011]

showing rigging in the general elections which had taken place only
shortly before (Yusuf 2009: 31). In May 2010, the PTA blocked the
entire domain of Facebook in Pakistan for almost two weeks,

5,680
Egypt

69.5

2.70

21.2
66.4

(96)

9.1
43

67
following an order that the Lahore High Court had issued in reaction
to a contest for drawing Muhammad set up on a Facebook page.

http://data.worldbank.org/indicator/NY.GNP.PCAP.PP.CD, [accessed June 2, 2011]

Creating a huge stir in Pakistan and the worldwide media, the ban
later extended to thousands of other websites including YouTube,

(rank 128)
Pakistan
Flickr, and Wikipedia (Freedom House 2011: 4). It also affected

2,680
73.2

54.2

10.4
1.54

2.5
37

61
businesses and media institutions communicating with their
customers through the social network (Haque/Aqueel 2010). Due to
its extensive side effects, the Facebook ban provoked considerable
protest from the media and civil society. It contributed to the

2009

2009

2009

2009

2008

2009

2010

2011
2006
formation of a vital movement against censorship. Moreover, the
ensuing debate revealed itself as a crucial point in the controversies

Mobile cellular subscriptions

over blasphemy and religious tolerance, thereby touching on a key

Population aged under 35

issue in Pakistan’s internal conflict of ideas. Many bloggers and social

(current international $)

ICT Development Index

(% of total population)

(% of total population)
media users have been involved in the debate ever since (see p. 57).

(% of population aged
GNI per capita, PPP
Urban population

(per 100 people)

Total population

Facebook users
15 and above)

Internet users
Literacy rate
(% of total)

(% of total)
9 Interview with Shahzad Ahmad of Bytes for All Pakistan, Islamabad, July 1st 2011.

41 42
4. Political Internet Use in Pakistan between online popularity and actual political impact is the former
Most of Pakistan’s mainstream political actors have not yet recognised the president and army chief Musharraf. He tries to portray himself as an
internet and social media as means for political communication. It is alternative to the current government, promising economic
evident that when access to much more effective broadcast media or the prosperity and moderate politics. His Facebook profile shows more
press is available, the internet is not a priority for established politicians. than 400,000 followers. However, a YouTube channel with
The internet is thus at most considered as a supplement to other Musharraf’s statements was less successful, underlining the limits of
communication forums to get in touch with voters. President Zardari, online popularity and mobilisation: while many users may easily
Prime Minister Gilani and opposition leader Nawaz Sharif do not show any “like” the Facebook profile of the former president, they are less
significant activity on the internet or social networks. However, with a inclined to listen in more detail to what he actually has to say (Haque
view to the next general elections, scheduled for 2013, many observers 2010).
expect a surge in the online activities of the established parties who may According to Alexa, an online service ranking worldwide internet
at last recognise the potential of social networks for mobilising larger traffic, Facebook is the most popular website in Pakistan. In
groups of young voters. mid-2011, the website had an estimated five million users. It is
followed by other central internet sites such as Google, YouTube, and
Wikipedia. The most visited news websites are those of Jang
4.1. Social Networks and Politics: Digital Precursors Newspaper, Express, and GEO TV – all in Urdu. The Urdu edition of
One of the most active political organisations on the internet is the the BBC website also counts among the most visited news sources on
Pakistan Tehreek-e Insaf (PTI) led by former cricket star Imran Khan. the internet. Last but not least, the micro-blogging service Twitter
The organisation has an active website with news and has gained considerably in popularity with currently about two
announcements about its activities. There are also blogs by members million users in Pakistan. People tweeting on news, political and
of the organisation, online chapters for the U.S., U.K., and other social affairs are usually journalists and avid internet users, but also
countries with a significant Pakistani community, a Twitter account politicians. The assassinated Punjab Governor Salmaan Taseer was
and even an application for smart phones. Of course, PTI has also known for his activity on Twitter, sending out regular messages with
established several Facebook profiles for the organisation and its comments on daily politics. The Minister of the Interior Rehman
chairman, so that followers receive news and can partake in debates Malik and the former mayor of Karachi, Syed Mustafa Kamal also use
on the social network. The party also uses the internet to raise funds the micro blogging service, the latter with a large following on
from its followers in Pakistan or abroad. Due to his extensive media Facebook too. Former parliamentarian Marvi Memon used among
presence and a discourse underscored by populism, Imran Khan has other channels a Twitter message for justifying her decision to resign
been able to attract a significant following of mainly young people. from the National Assembly and party membership in PML-Q.18
However, this media prominence stands in sharp contrast to the According to Jehan Ara, president of the Software Houses Association
political significance that his organisation has shown so far: apart P@SHA, Twitter has become an important outlet for initiating or
from the celebrated leader, there are no influential or recognisable steering debates, but also for fund-raising and knowledge sharing.
political figures in the leading circle of his party. Behind the attractive Herself very active on the network, she says that Twitter has allowed
rhetoric on “a new beginning”, there is actually no substantial for the formation of small communities or networks in which people
programme being offered. Although Khan has been able to raise belonging to a sort of information elite share information, ideas and
interest in urban circles, he does not have any power base or advice. For instance, her expertise in the field of ICT has been
influence in Pakistan’s rural areas where established networks of
loyalty and patronage decide the vote of the population. 18 For an overview on the most important figures in Pakistan’s Twitter-community see: Tribune Twitterati list:

Another political figure showing an even greater discrepancy 140 characters of Pakistan. The Express Tribune, June 24th 2011.
http://tribune.com.pk/story/194831/tribune-twitterati-list-140-characters-of-pakistan/.

43 44
 solicited more than once via Twitter by young entrepreneurs or Taliban operate as a sort of militant guerrilla movement against a
others active in this field.19 superior military force. As such the TTP cannot convene larger rallies
or hold public speeches. Neither are they able to set up regular press
Twitter is also used for breaking news, thereby following a trend of
conferences or offices for developing closer ties with the media. To
sensationalism that is already quite popular on the news channels.
gain access to public discourse, the Taliban can therefore either rely
Some journalists observe that politicians who use Twitter have been
on spectacular (violent) acts to capture the media’s attention or
forced to develop closer relationships with ordinary people as the
establish their own alternative channels of communication. Yet, only
readers of their tweets are able to directly confront them with
this second option will allow for control over the narrative the
questions regarding their decisions. The former anchor of Dawn
movement seeks to convey in order to justify its cause and to
News, Naveen Naqvi, also took live questions from the audience via
mobilise supporters and resources. Propaganda work thus forms an
Twitter to pose them to her guests. At the same time, the ambition to
essential part of the activities of a militant movement such as the
circulate spectacular news leads to rumours and false information
Taliban, challenging the dominant state power on the basis of
being transmitted via Twitter, undermining its credibility as a media
ideology.
source. During the attack by militants on the Pakistani Naval Base in
Karachi, end of May 2011, several tweets called for urgent blood Reports on the media activities of the Taliban in Afghanistan allow for
donations although the army had not issued such call and it was in drawing certain parallels. Here, too, the main website of the Taliban
fact dangerous for potential donors to come to the site of the frequently changes its address to circumvent filtering by the
ongoing battle.20 And, as in other countries, there are of course fake authorities. The website seeks to mobilise an online public for the
twitter accounts being set up for prominent public figures. The new cause of the Taliban by publishing films of the war against Soviet
Foreign Minister, Hina Rabbani Khar, for instance, has been the forces, of the fighters’ training, images of successful attacks, and
‘victim’ of messages being circulated under her name. sermons. Stories, poems, and even songs on popular nationalistic or
religious themes seek to glorify a culture of jihad and armed
resistance. In addition, the internet has replaced the fax for the quick
4.2. Extremism and Militancy on the Net transmission of public releases, for instance, when claiming
Documentation on the online activities of Pakistan’s militants is responsibility for an attack (International Crisis Group 2008). Since
scarce. A report by the Pak Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS) 2011, the Afghan Taliban apparently also use Twitter to release
examining militants’ media in Pakistan justifies its exclusive focus on information and links to new publications on their website.21 The
print publications with the fact that potential militant websites and distribution of films can also be observed in the case of the Pakistani
blogs are frequently blocked by the government as soon as their militants. Amateur videos circulated on the internet portray
affiliation becomes evident. Also, the regular changes in the damaged villages as alleged consequences of American drone
addresses and outlook of these online publications would impede attacks, show raids on army convoys and the NATO-transports to
thorough analysis (PIPS 2010: 15). Additional and extensive research Afghanistan, or even show suicide bombers. In July 2011, for
is required to evaluate the ways in which militant groups use the instance, a film showing the execution of 16 Pakistani policemen who
benefits of the internet to transmit their message and what impact had been abducted after militants raided the border to Afghanistan
they can achieve. region deeply shocked the public. The extremists had filmed the
killing and then uploaded the video to the internet (Kazim 2011).
Among the numerous extremist groups active in Pakistan, the
militants of the Tehreek-e Taliban (TTP) are certainly the most With the availability of other “small”, cheap and effective media as
prominent. Similarly to their brethren in Afghanistan, the Pakistani
21 Pakistan on Twitter for Afghan Internet Age. AFP, May 14, 2011.
19 Interview with Jehan Ara, president of the Software Houses Association P@SHA, Karachi, June 28th 2011.
http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jgovrTIfiic0KCYKdapRI-AnsoPw?docId=CNG.d6b33dbd
20 Interview with blogger Sana Saleem. Karachi, June 29th 2011.
6cbec1036d87f814a9179ab7.2a1.

45 46
 well as a very low internet penetration in the areas of their activity, it even women and children, the overall goal of these publications is to
is evident that the internet plays only a minor role in the Pakistani promote a restrictive reading of Islam and a culture of “jihad”.
militants’ attempts to influence the average population. As part of According to the authors of the report, online media of the militants
their communication strategy the Taliban regularly contact carry a similar ideology and identical content. In 2002, the
journalists and foreign correspondents via mobile phone to pass on government attempted to reduce the influence of the militants’
information on attacks or kidnappings. The TTP has also invited publications by banning 22 outlets of different organisations and
journalists to various locations in the tribal areas to give ad-hoc press detaining several editors. Yet, figures involved in the militant
conferences. In meetings with journalists the new chief of the propaganda went underground and the general production remained
movement, Hakimullah Mehsud, has sought to portray himself as a intact (Ibid: 204). One organisation actively using the internet is the
vigorous fighter to assure his succession to the leadership.22 Hizb ul Tahrir (HuT), a pan-Islamic movement seeking to establish an
However, contact with the Taliban carries high security risks for Islamic state on the basis of Shariah, refuting democracy and
journalists. The militants aggressively seek to impose their message, secularism. Working on a transnational level, the organisation has
threatening and even killing journalists who do not report established branches in various Central Asian countries, in the Arab
accordingly, so that independent and direct coverage is rare. World, and also in the West where its activities are directed at
Muslim migrants. In many countries, however, the organisation is
The main communication channel used by Pakistan’s militants to get
banned. In Pakistan, HuT has developed influence particularly
their message out is clandestine radio stations. During the height of
through British Muslims with Pakistani roots. Although the
the TTP’s activities, in 2009, an estimated number of 150 stations
organisation is officially banned, its propaganda posters and
operated in the frontier region. Based in mosques or compounds of
pamphlets can be found in various cities and members seek to
militant leaders, the programmes transmit religious sermons, agitate
influence people through direct conversations in mosques. In May
against the government and the West, or try to recruit fighters. In a
2011, the highly publicised arrest of a Pakistani Army Brigadier
region where electricity and television are scarcely available, these
working in a senior position at the General Headquarters in
stations have proven highly effective for influencing the population
Rawalpindi, and of four other officers with links to the HuT raised
(Azami 2009). Other means of communication include
questions about the influence of the organisation and religious
audio-cassettes, DVDs, and traditional leaflets, the so-called
extremism in the army (Farooq 2011). HuT actively propagates its
night-letters. Pictures and short amateur videos of attacks are also
ideas through new communication technologies. The Pakistani
passed around on mobile phones.
branch publishes an extensive website with a manifesto and
Besides the TTP there is a large spectrum of religious outfits active in numerous declarations. The organisation also has a Facebook profile
Pakistan that seek to convey a radical or extremist agenda through and regularly sends out mass SMS messages, thereby benefiting from
media work. In fact, the use of media as a propaganda tool for the high mobile phone penetration in Pakistan. Similarly, other
militants began during the war against the Soviet army in organisations have discovered the internet as a tool for spreading
Afghanistan. The PIPS 2010 report lists a large variety of print sectarian hatred against Shiites or the Ahmadi community, a minority
publications by extremist religious groups or madrassahs, among branch of Islam considered apostate which has repeatedly been
them banned organisations such as Jamat ud-Da’wa and Jaish-e victim to terrorist attacks (Ahmad 2010).
Muhammad. The political party Jamaat-e Islami, as a major producer
As internet censorship in Pakistan is not very sophisticated,
of religious-ideological media in Pakistan (22 publications), has a
extremists find quick solutions for getting around filters and setting
share in a handful of militant publications too and wields influence
up new websites. Also, the Pakistani government appears unwilling
over other publishers adhering to its beliefs. Some of them targeting
to proceed systematically against extremist propaganda, apparently
to avoid conflict with the religious and right-wing parties that are
22 A Profile of TTP’s New Leader – Hakimullah Mehsud. Combating Terrorism Centre Sentinel, October 3, 2009.
closely intertwined with the more radical outfits. In the end, it is also
http://www.ctc.usma.edu/posts/a-profile-of-the-ttps-new-leader-hakimullah-mehsud.

47 48
 worth questioning whether a mere blocking of these online YouTube and other websites.
publications would prevent the influence of radical ideas on society. Most of the private channels were given permission to continue
Rather, it is important to address the country’s various problems in an broadcasting a few days later, after they had agreed on stricter
open debate and to offer credible alternatives to extremism. guidelines set up by the government. The two Dubai-based channels,
Misinformation about the roots of Pakistan’s stagnant development however, refused to abide by these rules, hoping to continue their
provides a breeding ground for conspiracy theories and helps independent coverage via satellite and internet. Musharraf finally
extremist groups to recruit new followers. successfully stopped their transmissions by intervening with the Emir
of the Emirates. According to Yusuf, the Pakistani public, now
accustomed to consuming current news on the private television
4.3. Online Media and Civil Society Mobilisation: The Emergency Period
channels, not only turned to other sources in this time of political
and the Lawyers’ Movement
crisis, but also participated in the production and dissemination of
The lawyers’ movement of 2007/08 and above all the political crisis information (Yusuf 2009: 10).
at the end of 2007 can be considered as an important turning point in
Cell phones and SMS messages became an important means of
the political usage of online communication in Pakistan.23 On
communication during that period. Apparently, the numbers of SMS
November 3rd 2007, then President and Army Chief Musharraf
messages increased noticeably during the first days of crisis. The
declared a state of emergency which had a particular impact on the
closure of mobile networks during specific events, such as a speech
media. Reacting to the public influence that private television
that the disposed Chief Justice wanted to transmit via mobile phone
channels had developed throughout the preceding months when
to his followers on November 6th, proved that the government very
covering the nation-wide protests of lawyers against his dismissal of
much realised the potential of this communication channel (Ibid: 12).
the Chief Justice, Musharraf ordered for almost 30 private channels
The Karachi based blogger Awab Alvi, whose weblog became an
to be taken off the air. Although the president had always highlighted
active platform for news distribution during the emergency,
the emergence of a diverse and open landscape of electronic media
remembers how he and his friends used SMS networks to organise
as one of the major achievements of his rule, he did not hesitate to
small flash-mobs in Karachi. Activists would be alerted only a few
swiftly curtail the freedom that he had granted only a few years
hours in advance about when and where to show up for shouting
before as soon as his regime came under threat. This clearly showed
slogans and holding placards. Although these gatherings attracted a
the vulnerability of mass or ‘big’ media in a soft authoritarian system:
very restricted number of people and lasted only a short time until
dependent on the good will of an undemocratic ruler and with easily
security forces appeared, Alvi says that they were able to attract the
interrupted transmission structures, these media were among the
interest of passers-by and initiate discussions.24
first victims of a tightening censorship. The resulting news vacuum
gave the impetus for the creative usage of new communications Students at the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS)
technologies for information dissemination and opinion exchange. participating in the protests against the crisis used a combination of
SMS messages, blogging, and email-lists to distribute information
The two private channels GEO TV and ARY One World continued their
about the ongoing events. Some students recorded videos of the
broadcasts from studios in Dubai, reportedly prompting a surge in
protests on mobile phones and digital cameras to be uploaded to
the sales of satellite equipment. At the same time, along with
YouTube. Others posted these films to a CNN-website for citizen
another channel, Aaj TV, they also put up a live stream of their
coverage on their websites. These broadcasts were also circulated on journalism from where certain footage actually found its way into the
main news of the international broadcaster. A weblog aptly named
“Emergency Times” published news, protest videos and photos, and
23 A detailed account on the use of digital media and their convergence with the traditional media between

March 2007 and February 2008 is delivered in Yusuf 2009. The following section is mainly based on the findings
24 Interview with Awab Alvi, Karachi, June 29th 2011.
of that paper.

49 50
 opinion pieces as well as announcements on upcoming meetings and Any possible influence (or the absence of such influence) of the press
lectures. The blog, principally maintained by two students, one of on the anti-emergency protests thus needs to be considered in
them residing abroad, claims to have reached about 150,000 people relation to the role of internet media, given the fact that the internet
at the peak of its activities. It worked in combination with a mailing reached even fewer people. Moreover, the anti-emergency
list, transmitting messages to key figures within the media, civil movement in Pakistan was not able to build up a comparable
society, and political circles who then forwarded the list’s information challenge to the established system compared to the other countries.
to their respective contact networks. The list and the Emergency The movement had been built mainly on the protest of the lawyers
Times blog also became a credible source of information during the who, as a distinct professional group, were able to mobilise a
ensuing volatile period after Benazir Bhutto’s assassination in nationwide network to resist the dismissal of the Chief Justice. The
December 2007 and the election in February 2008. Later, it lawyers were joined by the electronic media who saw their freedom
integrated more and more articles from the mainstream press and threatened by authoritarian censorship and the progressive civil
finally ceased its activity in June 2008.25 society, probably the only force with a pronounced democratic
agenda. The major political parties seeking an end to military rule in
In addition to mobile phones, blogs, and emails, Facebook started to
order to be able to return to activity in the government also
play a role in the dissemination of news and also involved the
supported the movement.
Pakistani diasporas in the events unfolding in their home-country.
Facebook groups also served as a means for the expression of The combination of these collective forces was able to build up a
solidarity and grief after the shocking assassination of Benazir Bhutto challenge to Musharraf and to mobilise parts of the population. With
in December 2007. the end of emergency, the holding of elections, and finally the
re-installation of the Chief Justice, this alliance dissolved because it
Before that time, online media were not greatly significant in the
no longer had any shared interests. Left on their own the progressive
distribution of news and information in Pakistan. However, among
forces of civil society who admittedly used the internet in a skilled
the civil society activists and media practitioners involved in the
manner were too weak to continue pushing for further
protest movement, the emergency period heightened awareness of
democratisation and the impact of their communication platforms on
the internet’s potential. The use of new media during the emergency
society remained restricted. During the emergency period, the
period showed similar patterns to that of the protest movements in
internet had clearly been a communication tool that held significance
Iran, Tunisia, and Egypt: the role of SMS-messages for mobilising
in an extraordinary situation, facilitating information exchange and
protesters, blogs as forums for discussions and information
coordination among a restricted circle of society. Thus, Yusuf raises
dissemination, the use of online networks for connecting the people
the right question when she asks if the new media tools that proved
involved in the protests, and the convergence of online channels with
so efficient during a moment of political crisis can also be used in a
mass media to reach larger audiences.
more sustainable way as a medium of expression and participatory
That is where similarities end though. The role of online media in the debate (Ibid: 20). The emergency crisis certainly increased the
anti-emergency protests should not be overestimated. In Iran and to awareness of civil society actors in Pakistan of the potential of new
a lesser extent also in Egypt thriving blogospheres had already media. The social capital generated during that period could partly be
formed in the years before the actual uprisings. Bloggers and internet sustained during moments of crisis such as the floods 2010. However,
activists had established networks of exchange and solidarity, and the permanent use as well as the outreach of online media as a
had tested their potential as a platform for mobilisation. Also, the forum for the exchange of information and opinion need to be
press in Pakistan did not face censorship to the extent of the Middle further expanded and sustained if the internet is to have more
Eastern countries and was more or less free to report on the events. impact on the development of civil society and political culture.

25 http://pakistanmartiallaw.blogspot.com/

51 52
 4.4. Social Networks and Citizen Engagement: The 2010 Floods formed during the lawyers’ movement and the time of emergency.
The 2010 floods provide another example for how civic activism in Their achievements spanned from raising small sums of money as
Pakistan has been sustained by online communication and social donations for projects including supplying food packages to specific
media networks. In summer 2010, heavy monsoon rains caused villages, to the organisation of several expeditions with considerable
devastating floods along the river Indus, covering one fifth of the budget and outreach.
country’s surface and affecting about 20 million people. The Within the overall disaster, these initiatives may have played only a
extensive destruction of houses and agricultural lands coincided with minor role, but they certainly showed that citizens were ready and
rising food prices, particularly harming the poor population in the capable to act outside the realm of the state. As well as being a result
rural areas. While Pakistan’s President Zardari continued with a of the distrust that Pakistanis have developed vis-à-vis the
scheduled trip to Europe, the government appeared unable to cope government and the state bureaucracy, the private initiatives during
with the disaster. Corruption and inefficient bureaucracy intensified the floods were a sign of civic engagement and solidarity. These are
the reluctance among international organisations as well as ordinary indeed genuine qualities of a civil society even if not (yet) sustained
Pakistani citizens in giving money to official institutions for organising and mostly activated during times of crisis within a limited segment
aid in the affected areas. Neither did the Islamist groups that stepped of the population. The social media, in this case, facilitated the
into the void to deploy relief for the flood victims engender networking and communication among the activists and the
confidence among most of the middle and upper classes. mobilisation of resources.
As a consequence, aside from the many NGOs active in the field,
educated and professional Pakistanis started numerous private
4.5. Citizen Journalism and Traditional Media: Influence, Completion,
initiatives for fund-raising and distributing shelter, clothing, and food
and Convergence
directly in the affected areas. With the floods rising before and during
the Islamic month of Ramadan, traditionally a time of charity, people Some of Pakistan’s mainstream media have reacted to the growing
were even more inclined to help. popularity of online journalism and social media. The popular
television channel GEO, for instance, has established the website
In part these initiatives were organised using the benefits of online
“GEO Dost” offering ordinary citizens the possibility of uploading
communication and social media networks. Some people solicited
videos or photos on any event they consider newsworthy. However,
donations from friends and family, both inside the country and
the clips are not sorted by topic and at best represent a colourful
abroad, through their Facebook profiles. Others established new
collection of amateur views on everyday life.
Facebook groups to raise funds and share information on the floods.
One website visualised reports from the affected areas sent in by A very popular website among Pakistan’s English newspapers
SMS or email on a Google map following the model of Ushahidi in remains the website of Dawn. Founded in 1947, Dawn is an
order to keep track of the flooding and coordinate relief activities. established newspaper with a long tradition in Pakistan. Many of the
The blogger Awab Alvi, who had previously organised relief for country’s liberal-secular public figures and commentators write for
people fleeing the conflict between the army and the militants in Dawn. In 2007, Dawn launched an English news-channel; however,
2009 by using online networks, collected funds through his blog and the channel had to switch to Urdu in May 2010 due to restricted
social media. Activists involved in the relief work documented the audience figures and financial difficulties. In response to the role that
collection and distribution of the goods online, thereby increasing citizen journalism played during the state of emergency and the 2008
accountability and keeping individual donors involved. They posted elections, Dawn News started a campaign soliciting the contributions
videos of food distributions on YouTube or updated the progress of of amateur journalists who were given the promise of seeing their
the relief expeditions in the affected areas through Twitter messages. work on television. The newspaper also has a selection of bloggers
Partly, these initiatives relied on the same networks that had been contributing regularly to the website.

53 54
 One of the most active newspapers in the field of online news and protection (Yusuf 2009: 23). In August 2010, a mob in Sialkot lynched
social media is The Express Tribune, a daily launched in April 2010. It two teenage brothers who were mistaken for robbers while police
has a print edition supplemented by the Asian edition of the officers stood by and watched. The case only found mainstream
International Herald Tribune and an extensive website. According to media attention when an amateur video of the incident was
the editors of the Tribune’s online section, the newspaper has uploaded to YouTube and engendered vivid discussions.26 Another
attempted a close association between the print and the online example is the film of a popular television anchor for religious advice,
edition from the beginning. Very early on, the website integrated a Aamir Liaquat Hussain, a former parliamentarian and advisor for
Facebook application allowing readers to share and spread articles religious affairs to the president, who was caught using extremely
on the social network. The comment section pursues an open policy vulgar language towards his co-workers in the studio, thereby totally
and readers are encouraged to debate the articles. The Tribune contradicting the moral authority he had sought to build up for
intentionally chose to give room to young bloggers for publishing himself. The film was leaked on YouTube and created a considerable
their comments and op-eds on the website. The editors say that reaction in public circles (Kari 2011).
articles are selected according to their quality and not the name or While these cases provide examples of the influence that the leakage
political standing of the author. Thereby, they seek to diverge from of information on the internet can have on mass media and even the
other Pakistani press publications that reserve their comment section political sphere, they do not necessarily represent qualified citizen
for the deliberations of well-known commentators and analysts. The journalism persistently reporting on less covered aspects of society. It
Tribune claims to have contributed to the emergence of new voices is not always clear whether the videos are distributed and watched
challenging established opinion leaders and their involvement in out of a kind of sensationalism or to increase transparency. Although
debates. Critical comments from the readers’ section have pushed they engender discussions and can create a certain public pressure,
commentators to expand on their views and react to the public. The the consistent formation of public opinion needs a more sustained
editorial team considers the website as a participatory project in debate and continuous participation.
which topics and ideas are offered to the readers for further
elaboration and debate. Pakistan’s current affairs thus become the The attention of Pakistan’s mainstream media is largely focused on
subject of vivid discussions among the Tribune’s readers. Articles and the main urban centres, leaving major cities and vast rural areas
opinion pieces on topics such as the 2010 floods and the without constant coverage. The increasing interest in news and
uncoordinated response of the government, the case of US-citizen information that the growing media landscape has generated within
Raymond Davis who killed two Pakistanis in Lahore, or the crash of an society remains mostly unanswered when it comes to local
airplane near Islamabad produced discussion threads with up to 500 information. According to Adnan Rehmat, country director of
contributions (Syed/Haque 2011). Internews Pakistan, social media partly fill this gap by serving as an
outlet for the exchange of information on local events and thus
Aside from the established media’s integration in upcoming trends of providing “a people-centred perspective on issues affecting
online expression, there have been several cases where amateur Pakistan”. Rehmat says that radio producers are beginning to turn to
journalism on the internet has been able to influence the agenda of the products of citizen journalism and social media to get ideas for
the mass media and take the lead in the dissemination of their local programmes.27 Other initiatives seek to encourage active
information. Excerpts from a video of Bhutto’s assassination, for contributions of amateur or citizen journalism through video.
example, which clearly showed that the popular politician had been Founded at the beginning of 2011, the web television channel Maati
shot before the actual explosion officially claimed to have caused her
death, were first distributed on the internet before being picked up
26 Police look on as mob beats teenagers to death. The Observers, France 24, August 26, 2010.
by main stream media. When the circulation of the video widened,
http://observers.france24.com/content/20100826-mob-beat-two-teenagers-death-police-look-on-pakistan-Mu
the government was forced to adjust its narrative on the ghees-Muneeb-Sialkot.
assassination, thereby admitting severe security shortfalls in Bhutto’s 27 Interview with Adnan Rehmat, Internews Pakistan, September 14th 2011.

55 56
 TV, for instance, promised to provide a platform for the works of a international attention to the situation of the flood victims. Weblogs
network of local correspondents who had received training in filming like Café Pyala and Kala Kawa, well-known among informed online
and video reporting (Rehman 2011). The website actually offers short audiences in Pakistan, took issue with the editorial and expressed
reports on various social issues but it is still lacking a clear editorial their doubts on Talat Hussein’s aptitude to work for his new employer
line and consistent updates (see also the section on the website and Dawn TV.29
project of Gawaahi on p. 62).
Overall, the emergence of online media and citizen journalism in
In this regard, the online newspaper The Baloch Hal serves as an Pakistan has thus contributed to a more diversified information
excellent example of local and/or regional reporting through the landscape. In selected cases citizen journalism and the leakage of
internet. Run by a very small editorial team the website provides information on the internet has induced more transparency into the
information and analysis on Pakistan’s probably most underreported political landscape. Some traditional media benefit from these
province. However, access to the website has been blocked due to developments by integrating new voices and topics into their
the authorities’ apparent sensitivity concerning information on the content. Also, newspapers and TV-programmes seek to enhance their
conflict situation in Baluchistan. outreach to audiences through the use of internet applications. On
Finally, weblogs serve as an important forum for sharing information the other hand, it is obvious that the mainstream media do not face
and opinion. A small but vivid blogosphere has emerged in Pakistan, significant political restrictions in Pakistan so blogs and online media
discussing news, politics, and questions of social relevance. Many do not take on the same role of circumventing information blockages
bloggers see their online journals as alternative channels for as they have done in some Middle Eastern countries. All the more it
communication, allowing for a more open debate on various issues. seems important that websites and blogs fully exploit all facets and
The popular blog platform “Tea Break”, for instance, has over 3000 possibilities of internet publishing in order to acquire their distinct
registered Pakistani bloggers and seeks to promote local content by character as online media and/or platforms of citizen journalism.
providing a free channel for distributing blog entries on various Some Pakistani blogs simply re-publish articles that have already
topics. Tea Break has also launched a separate Urdu section to appeared in the press, many others are not as frequently updated as
promote bloggers who write in the national language in a bid to the genre of blogging actually implies. Ambitious and innovative
connect with other layers of society. Additionally, they seek to initiatives for online publishing and civic activism via the internet are
expand from textual blogs to video and photo blogs.28 Some blogs not sustained and peter out after an initial period of activity. In order
specialise in various topics such as media or information technology, for online media to play a greater role in the expansion of open and
others focus rather on the individual life of their creators, thereby critical debate practices, knowledge, and ethics of blogging and
giving insight into current Pakistani society. citizen journalism need to be further propagated among potential
contributors.
Since blogs with a larger audience are often written and read by
journalists or media-affiliated people they provide a platform for
criticism regarding the performances of an evolving media landscape 4.6. Debating On and Over the Internet: Facebook, Blasphemy, and the
and thereby act as a form of watchdog. In October 2010, for instance, Conflict over Pakistan’s Identity
the TV-anchor and journalist Syed Talat Hussein published an
On May 19th 2010, the Lahore High Court ordered a ban of Facebook
editorial in the Urdu daily Express in which he attacked U.S. celebrity
across Pakistan, in reaction to a call for cartoon drawings of the
Angelina Jolie, questioning her moral conduct and describing her
Prophet Muhammad that had been distributed on a profile page of
private life in an openly misogynist style. In her role as the Goodwill
Ambassador of the UNHCR, Jolie had visited Pakistan to draw 29 See the following blog entries on Kala Kawa (http://kalakawa.wordpress.com/2010/10/25/168/); Let Us Build

Pakistan (http://criticalppp.com/archives/27053); Café Pyala

(http://cafepyala.blogspot.com/2010/10/beard-in-stomach.html); A Reluctant Mind
28 Email-correspondence with Ammar Yasir, co-founder of Tea Break and blogger.
(http://tazeen-tazeen.blogspot.com/2010_10_01_archive.html).

57 58
 the social network. When a few people organised a press conference another crucial moment to get involved in politics. As well as heated
at the Karachi Press Club to discuss the ban, they were faced with a debates on the internet, an ad-hoc group formed called Pakistan
surprising reaction from some of the journalists present. The Citizens Against Censorship and Intimidation which published an
organisers - bloggers and online activists - argued that the filtering of open letter in which individuals and groups from civil society
the particular controversial profile would have been sufficient to protested against internet censorship as well as the threats and
show a stance against the perceived insult on Islam, while the slander which had been brought up against people demanding a
blocking of the entire Facebook domain amounted to a significant nuanced approach to individual rights and religious tolerance.30
restriction of the people’s right to freedom of communication and
The debate on blasphemy further intensified when, in December
information. In response, however, they were themselves accused of
2010, a Christian women was convicted to death for having insulted
disrespecting the Prophet and being blasphemous. Protesters
the Prophet; a verdict later revoked. Shortly after, Provincial
outside the press club, mustered together by different religious
Governor Salmaan Taseer was killed by its own bodyguard, followed
groups, even tried to attack one of the speakers, the popular blogger
by the assassination of Minority Minister Shahbaz Bhatti in March
Awab Alvi (Aziz 2010a).
2011. Both men had openly demanded an amendment of the
The defenders of internet freedom were in a decidedly difficult blasphemy law in Pakistan’s Penal Code. In the first half of the year,
position. Bloggers who criticised the ban received hate mail, abusive the number of people accused of blasphemy increased and some of
comments on their blogs, and even threats through SMS. They were the alleged culprits were even killed in acts of ‘vigilantism’. In other
labelled as non-believers and suspected of supporting a Western cases, clerics instigated hatred against Christian communities and
agenda. As well as the self-declared guardians of Islam in the people falsely accused of insults against Islam were beaten up by
right-wing religious parties and their followers, ordinary Pakistani mobs (Aziz 2011a).
internet users supported the ban too. Although Facebook was at the
The shock over the assassinations was also reflected in weblogs and
time already one of the most popular websites in Pakistan with an
online publications. Bloggers expressed their sorrow for the victims
estimated 2.5 million users, people were of the opinion that the
and the growing influence of extremism on society. Some showed
company had to face the consequences of having hosting the
despair over the direction society was heading in; others sought to
provocative cartoons and that Pakistan, as a country with Islam
fend off hopelessness by urging their readers to break the silence and
enshrined in its Constitution, needed to defend the religion. Those
demonstrate resistance to religious intolerance (Qizilbash 2011,
holding this view felt that the ban on Facebook was a matter of
Saleem 2011). The campaign “Citizens for Democracy”, describing
protecting Islam and the nation. The Facebook debate thus exposed
itself as an “umbrella group of professional organisations, political
a deeper conflict within Pakistani society with crucial significance for
parties, trade unions, and individuals outraged by the consistent
the future path of the country: the question over the place of religion
misuse and abuse of the Blasphemy Law and of religion in politics”,
in the state (Aziz 2010b, Tahir 2010).
called for rallies in different cities to express solidarity with the
The government did not take a clear position on the controversy. victims and raise awareness of the negative effects of the laws on
Instead, the authorities expanded the Facebook block to include society (Aziz 2011b). It also published a weblog and several Facebook
numerous other websites on the grounds that these were also groups to spread information about its activities and provide a
blasphemous or “anti-Islamic”. Some of these online publications platform for debate. In March 2011, the campaign collected
were of political content, such as websites by Baluch separatists. thousands of signatures for a letter addressed to the heads of state
Although the ban of the popular social network carried considerable institutions demanding the guarantee of a rule of law and citizens’
economic damage for businesses of different sizes who advertise protection against religious extremism (Aziz 2011a, Sarwar 2011b).
their activities on Facebook, most of the companies did not speak up,
30 Pakistani Citizens Demand their Right to Speak without “Fear of Threats”. Newsline Blog, May 31, 2010.
fearing the consequences (Farooqui 2010). However, for Pakistani
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/05/pakistani-activists-demand-their-right-to-protest-without-fear-of-t
bloggers and internet adepts the Facebook controversy proved to be hreats/.

59 60
 It is, however, an uneven battle: to shape public opinion the broad against women and ICT. The campaign’s central website gives advice
spectrum of the religious right can rely on mosques, street rallies, on how to organise and plan activities and proposes different plans of
and media that are open to its ideas such as the television channels action or creative steps.31 Proceeding according to the patterns of
Waqt and Dunya or the daily Nawa-e Waqt. The government and transnational “networked” activism, TBTT supports the emergence of
major political parties try to stay clear of the controversy fearing an local branches in various countries of the world that act
extremist backlash and a loss of votes. The ruling PPP, for instance, independently to solve an issue which is certainly of global relevance
only took an official stance on the assassination of its own minister but manifests itself differently according to the cultural setting. It is
and governor long after the incidents. Facing the silent majority of thus an example of how the internet allows for combining local
the people, the right-wing tendency successfully instrumentalises knowledge and expertise with the transnational framing of a problem
religion for political purposes. Influential public figures like the in order to promote change.
self-declared security-expert Zaid Hamid and the TV-sermoniser TBTT came to Pakistan in 2009, when Bytes For All, an internet
Aamir Liaquat combine restrictive religious interpretations with freedom advocacy organisation, and the Pakistan Software Houses
disdain for the West, grandiloquent nationalist views on Pakistan’s Association P@SHA began activities to promote the campaign’s
position in the world, and a refusal of democracy and liberal values goals. Through workshops, media presence, and public activities the
(Aziz 2011c, Shamsi 2010, Ahmed 2010). They find a stage on campaign seeks to create awareness of the risks of online
television channels that are seeking to benefit from the public’s communication and surfing, such as privacy intrusions and stalking,
agitation in order to increase their audience numbers. This is the as well as to teach young women on how to maintain their online
context within which the progressive sectors of society consider the security. At the same time, it wants to dispel existing fears towards
internet as an important platform for communication allowing for the ICT and promote women’s usage of the technology’s potential for
expression of alternative opinions and critique. The internet has social interactions and professional growth (Aziz 2010c, Aziz 2010d).
opened up new channels for debate and civic engagement. Online
media and weblogs have facilitated exchanges among people As a matter of fact, the harassment of women via mobile phones is
concerned over the growing intolerance in society and have quite frequent in Pakistan and also spreading on the internet and
promoted initiatives to act against extremism. The debate on social networks. Attacks on young women are even filmed and then
blasphemy exemplifies how the internet is at the same time tool and distributed online or via mobile phones. In autumn 2010, a group of
object in a deeper conflict over Pakistan’s national identity and the men in Sindh filmed their gang-rape of a young woman and uploaded
role of religion in politics. the video on several websites. Apparently, such films are used to
blackmail the families of the victims who are ready to pay money out
of fear of public humiliation. Restrictive social values prevent women
4.7. Transnational Networking for Local Activism: The Take Back the from reporting incidents of harassment, so awareness-raising on
Tech! Campaign such issues and the responsible usage of communication
technologies appears essential (Dharejo 2010).
Take Back the Tech! (TBTT) is an interesting case of a transnational
initiative, based and focusing on new communication technologies, In Pakistan, TBTT can build on existing initiatives of women’s rights
which has been implemented within a Pakistani context. TBTT was activism such as War Against Rape (WAR) and others. It has been able
originally initiated in 2006 by a women’s network within the to attract the support of social activists, media and technology
U.S.-based Association for Progressive Communications (APC) that professionals, students, lawyers, and artists. One of the campaign’s
sought to support women’s empowerment and social change leading figures, Jehan Ara of P@SHA, publishes short videos on her
through the use of information technologies. The campaign blog in which some of these personalities explain their motivation for
addresses the intersection between women’s rights and
communication rights, particularly the relationship between violence 31 http://www.takebackthetech.net/

61 62
 joining the campaign and why they think it is relevant.32 Among Pakistan, for instance the harassment of women in public places.
other activities, TBTT has funded the creation of a website providing Expanding these online activities, Gawaahi.org also organises
information and resources for victims of violence and abuse.33 meetings between victims of abuse, women from lower social layers,
Another online medium that grew out of the initiatives around Take and women activists to promote an exchange and open up new
Back the Tech! is the project of Gawaahi, presented below in more possibilities of support. Altogether, Gawaahi thus provides an
detail. example on how the potential of online publishing is used to push for
a more inclusive discussion. Creating a public exchange on
marginalised issues and inciting participation in this exchange is
4.8. Digital Media for Awareness and Advocacy: Gawaahi.org thereby understood as a first step towards social change.34
The Gawaahi project started with the website Gawaahi.com,
established in 2010 by Naveen Naqvi, a journalist and former
television anchor on Dawn News, and Sana Saleem, an outspoken 5. Conclusion
blogger publishing regularly on different news websites. The main
focus of this website was to publish stories on sexual abuse, minority
This report sought to place Pakistan as a case study within ongoing
rights, and women’s rights (Gawaahi means ‘testimony’ in Urdu).
debates on the internet’s significance for processes of political change and
While some of the entries were produced by the two founders, the
democratisation. The analysis of Pakistan’s status of political transition has
website also used social media to invite text, photography, or video
shown that the country can be situated in a phase of hesitant democratic
submissions from others. Films and animation videos dealing with
consolidation. After years of military rule a relatively free and open
child abuse in particular generated a response among the website’s
election in 2008 has brought a civilian government to power. The
audience, inciting some readers to share their own stories and others completion of its tenure up to a new round of regular elections will
to express solidarity and reflect on a topic marked by taboos. In actually be a step of historical proportions for Pakistan. Nevertheless, the
another series of videos, school children were asked to express their country faces major obstacles on the way to a stable democratic system:
views on the future of Pakistan with the aim of stimulating their
from stagnant economic development and the violent conflict with
independent thinking and to understand what ideas were occupying
Islamist militancy up to an alarming potential for social tensions and the
young Pakistanis. Within a short time, Gawaahi.com was able to
elite’s resistance to any change in the distribution of power and property.
attract significant media interest.
Last but not least, the military’s frequent intrusions into the political
Another aspect that the website dealt with was the rising significance sphere and the hierarchical structure of society have hindered the
of online and social media for civic activism. In blogs or short videos development of a political culture that would encourage political
bloggers and online activists from different countries explained how participation, rational debate, and cultural tolerance. The evolution of
they use internet media for their respective causes. A tutorial section such a culture and the strengthening of civil society need to be seen as
offered guidance to aspiring citizen journalists on the use of video, central preconditions for Pakistan’s future course towards democracy.
online editing, and journalistic principles. The study further underlines the fact that the media play an essential role
Motivated by the success of the website, Naqvi decided to continue in the process of democratic consolidation. Media facilitate the circulation
her activities by founding an NGO. Gawaahi.org continues with the of information and opinions so that an informed citizenry can articulate its
format of testimonies and animation films in order to raise demands and influence the political decision making process. In addition,
awareness on different issues concerning the situation of women in the media subject the political elite to critical oversight and highlight
social issues. It has been argued that Pakistan is in need of an open debate
32 http://jehanara.wordpress.com/

33 http://www.raahnuma.org/ 34 Interviews with Naveen Naqvi and Sana Saleem, Karachi, June 28th and 29th 2011.

63 64
 to develop a stable and inclusive national identity as well as an authentic among progressive actors who had to come up with a response to the
discourse on democracy and human rights. The country’s development threat of mounting extremism in society. At the same time, the internet
issues and their causes have to be addressed in a rational manner in order itself became the object of a deeper debate on cultural tolerance and
to prevent extremist ideas from taking further root in society. Pakistan’s fundamental rights. Finally, the case of the Take Back The Tech! campaign
media landscape has made remarkable progress during the last 10 years shows how the internet supports networks of transnational activism
but it needs to continue along a process of internal reform and seeking to develop local solutions to social issues of global relevance.
professionalisation. External pressures, too, from powerful political and
These developments notwithstanding, the internet’s function as a tool for
economic actors hinder balanced media coverage and even create black
participatory debate and persistent information sharing has to be further
holes with completely underreported topics. The democratisation of the
broadened and sustained. Many online media only serve as transmitters
media certainly requires the support of the state concerning the
of articles from the press without developing a distinct approach to
guarantee of fundamental rights of information freedom, but it also needs
reporting and commenting. Websites or blogs that attempt to deal with
critique and influence from the public and society. In this regard, online
issues of social and political relevance sometimes lack a clear editorial
media and social networks actually gain significance for they facilitate the
line, oscillate between information and entertainment, and are
emergence of alternative public spheres and provide a communication
insufficiently maintained and updated. There is definitely a requirement
structure for certain civil society actors.
for more news websites or online newspapers that operate independently
Internet use in Pakistan is still restricted by low levels of education, an from the traditional media and follow a specific topical focus or
underdeveloped infrastructure, and the restricted purchasing power of concentrate on niche markets (e.g. reporting on a specific region or
society’s poorer sections. However, the country has a large young locality, articles on human rights, dealing with environmental issues).
population with a general curiosity for communication technology. The Aspiring citizen journalists need to be trained and become aware of basic
overall interest in news and information which the electronic media have ethical guidelines in order to assure the accuracy and credibility of the
generated, as well as a noteworthy mobile phone penetration, speak for a practice. The publication of online media in Urdu or the vernacular
coming surge in internet proliferation. Also, the largely untapped market languages has to be encouraged in order to reach different layers of
of Urdu online publication will allow for a growth in the number of society. The traditional media, especially the radio, could then build on the
internet users once it is exploited. content of recognised online media to attain more diversity and
The introductory chapter of this study has identified several possible authenticity in their programmes.
contributions of the internet towards processes of political change, It has to be underlined that this study does not see the internet as a major
namely the creation of alternative public spheres, the formation of remedy for the development of political culture and civil society that is so
political culture and collective identities, networking and organising, and essential for Pakistan’s further democratic consolidation. To understand
mobilisation for collective action. All these effects can be observed in possible contributions of the new information technologies towards
Pakistan – albeit still in a restricted manner. Online media and social political progress it is important to consider them within the context of
networks have certainly opened up room for sharing information and society. If the new media are integrated into ongoing struggles for change
opinions. In the English-language press and to a small extent also in Urdu they can actually open up the landscape of ‘old politics’, providing
papers, the convergence with formats of online publication has facilitated additional possibilities for civic engagement and mobilisation. This is
the emergence of new opinion leaders who express their views through perhaps most evident in the efforts for women’s empowerment on and
blogs and op-eds. During moments of crisis such as the emergency period over the internet which in fact represent a new approach to the long-term
in 2007 and the floods of 2010 the internet supported information sharing activism against violence against women and for women’s rights in
and civic mobilisation within certain educated milieus. To some extent Pakistani society. The necessary attempts to reach a coherent legislation
citizen journalism has brought about more transparency in the political for internet use in Pakistan might provide another example in this regard -
sphere. The examination of the Facebook-ban and the blasphemy debate when pursued in a concerted manner. Here, civil society and the private
has made it clear that the internet facilitates exchange and networking sector could seek to develop a unified position vis-à-vis the state and to

65 66
 influence the government’s decision making process, thereby indirectly
touching fundamental issues such as civil rights and cultural tolerance. Websites and blogs
Initiatives and organisations:
Citzens For Democracy http://citizensfordemocracy.wordpress.com
Bytes for All http://content.bytesforall.pk
Gawaahi http://gawaahi.org
Intermedia Pakistan http://www.intermedia.org.pk
Take Back The Tech! http://www.takebackthetech.net

Blogs and online media:

Teeth Maestro (Awab Alvi) http://teeth.com.pk/blog
The Baloch Hal http://www.thebalochhal.com
Café Pyala http://cafepyala.blogspot.com
Kala Kawa http://kalakawa.wordpress.com
Maati TV http://www.maati.tv
Reluctant Mind http://tazeen-tazeen.blogspot.com
Mystified Justice (Sana Saleem) http://sanasaleem.com/
Tea Break http://teabreak.pk

Newspapers:
The Express Tribune http://tribune.com.pk
Dawn http://www.dawn.com
Newsline http://www.newslinemagazine.com
Jang (Urdu) http://www.jang.com.pk
Express (Urdu) http://www.express.com.pk/epaper

List of Interviews:
Jahanzaib Haque, Faria Sayed (The Express Tribune) June 27th 2011
Jehan Ara (Pakistan Software Houses Association P@SHA) June 28th 2011
Farieha Aziz (Newsline Magazine) June 28th 2011
Naveen Naqvi (Gawaahi.org) June 28th 2011
Awab Alvi June 29th 2011
Sana Saleem June 29th 2011
Shahzad Ahmad (Bytes For All) July 1st 2011
Adnan Rehmat (Intermedia) September 14th 2011
Ammar Yasir (Tea Break), Email-correspondence August 20th 2011

67
68
Bibliography - (2010b): It’s not about Facebook…it’s about facing the world. Newsline, June 30.
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/06/it’s-not-about-facebook…-it’s-abo
ut-facing-the-world.
Ahmad, Issam (2010): Newest Friends on Facebook? Pakistan militants. The - (2010c): Ending Gender-Based Violence against Women. Newsline, November 29.
Christian Science Monitor, July 8. http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/11/ending-gender-based-violence-ag
http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Asia-South-Central/2010/0708/Newest-frien ainst-women/.
ds-on-Facebook-Pakistan-militants. - (2010d): The New Face of Activism in the Information Age. Newsline, December 9.
Ahmed, Manan (2010): Pakistan’s New Paranoia. The National, March 11. http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/12/the-new-face-of-activism-in-the-i
http://www.thenational.ae/news/worldwide/pakistans-new-paranoia nformation-age/.
Akhtar, Aasim Sajjad (2010): Pakistan: Crisis of a Frontline State. In: Journal of - (2011a): No Reprieve. Newsline, April 24.
Contemporary Asia, Vol. 40, No. 1. pp. 105-122. http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2011/04/no-reprieve/
Asian Media Barometer (2009): The first home grown analysis of the media - (2011b): Citizens and Political Forces Unite against Oppression and Disinformation.
landscape in Asia: Pakistan 2009. FES Pakistan Office, Islamabad. Newsline, January 20.
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2011/01/citizens-and-political-forces-unite-
AudienceScapes (2010a): Television in Pakistan. The Intermedia Knowledge Center. against-oppression-and-disinformation/
http://www.audiencescapes.org/country-profiles-pakistan-country-overview-tel
evision-statistics. - (2011c): Interview: Ali Dayan Hasan. Newsline, April 24.
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2011/04/interview-ali-dayan-hasan/.
- (2010b): Pakistan Media Outlet Matrix. The Intermedia Knowledge Center.
http://www.audiencescapes.org/country-profiles-pakistanmedia-outlet-matrix-p Bari, Farzana (2011): Open media, closed minds. The Express Tribune Magazine,
opular-media. January 16-22. pp. 23-25.
- (2010c): News on the Radio: What Choices do Pakistanis have? The Intermedia BBC World Service Trust (2008): The Kenyan 2007 elections and their aftermath: the
Knowledge Center. role of media and communication. Policy Briefing # 1, April.
http://www.audiencescapes.org/country-profiles/pakistan/news-radio-what-ch http://downloads.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/trust/pdf/kenya_policy_briefing_08.p
oices-do-pakistanis-have/radio-news-444. df
- (2010d): Radio in Pakistan. The Intermedia Knowledge Center. Ben Gharbia, Sami (2010): The Internet Freedom Fallacy and the Arab Digital
http://www.audiencescapes.org/country-profiles-pakistan-country-overview-ra Activism.
dio-statistics. http://samibengharbia.com/2010/09/17/the-internet-freedom-fallacy-and-the-a
rab-digital-activism/.
- (2010e): Newsprint in Pakistan: Independent but Underutilized. The Intermedia
Knowledge Center. Beutz-Land, Molly (2009): Networked Activism. In: Harvard Human Rights Journal
http://www.audiencescapes.org/country-profiles-pakistan-country-overview-ne 22, 205-43.
wsprint-newspapers Blankson, Isaac A./Murphy, Patrick D. (Hrsg.) (2007): Negotiating Democracy. Media
- (2010f): The Internet in Pakistan. The Intermedia Knowledge Center. Transformations in Emerging Democracies. Albany: State University of New York
http://www.audiencescapes.org/country-profiles-pakistan-country-overview-int Press.
ernet-research-statistics. Burke, Jason (2010): Letter from Karachi. Prospect no. 169.
Azami, Dawood (2009): Pakistan’s Taliban Radio Insurgency. BBC World Service, June http://www.prospectmagazine.co.uk/2010/03/letter-from-karachi/
22. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/8108881.stm. Clinton, Hillary Rodham (2010): Remarks on Internet Freedom. U.S. Department of
Aziz, Farieha (2010a): Critics of Facebook Ban Face Nasty Battle. Newsline, May 21. State, January 21. http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2010/01/135519.htm.
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/05/critics-of-facebook-ban-face-nasty Cohen, Jean/Arato, Andrew (1992): Civil Society and Political Theory. Massachusetts:
-battle/ MIT Press.

69 70
Dharejo, Salam (2010): Digitised Dishonour. Newsline, November 21. Haque, Jahanzaib/Aqueel, Naureen (2010): Facebook Ban: major businesses, NGOs
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/11/digitised-dishonour/ affected. The Express Tribune, May 22.
Donk, Wim van de/Loader, Brian D./Nixon, Paul G./Rucht, Dieter (Hrsg.) (2004): http://tribune.com.pk/story/15282/facebook-ban-major-businesses-ngos-affect
Cyberprotest: New Media, Citizens and Social Movements. London/New York: ed.
Routledge. Holzscheiter, Anna (2005): Discourse as Capability: Non-State Actors' Capital in
Downing, John (1996): Internationalizing Media Theory. Transition, Power, Culture. Global Governance. In: Millenium - Journal of International Studies 33 (3),
London/Thousand Oaks/New Delhi: Sage Publications. 723-46.

Economist (2011): Staring into the Abyss. Vol. 398, No. 8715, 8th January. 23-24. Hussain, Zahid (2011): Battling Militancy. In: Maleeha Lodhi (editor): Pakistan.
Beyond the ‘Crisis State’. Oxford University Press: Karachi. pp. 131-148.
Esfandiari, Golnaz (2010): The Twitter Devolution. In: Foreign Policy June 7.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2010/06/07/the_twitter_revolution_that International Crisis Group (2008): Taliban Propaganda: Winning the War of Words?
_wasnt. http://www.crisisgroup.org/home/index.cfm?id=5589.

Etling, Bruce/Faris, Robert/Palfrey, John (2010): Political Change in the Digital Age: International Media Support (2009): Between radicalisation and democratisation in
The Fragility and Promise of Online Organizing. In: SAIS Review 30 (2), 37-49. an unfolding conflict: Media in Pakistan. July.
http://www.i-m-s.dk/files/publications/1491%20Pakistan.final.web.pdf.
Fair, Christine (2011): Addressing Pakistan’s Sovereignty Deficit. German Marshall
Fund: Washington. Kalathil, Shanthi/Boas, Taylor C. (2003): Open Networks, Closed Regimes. The
http://www.gmfus.org/galleries/ct_publication_attachments/Fair_SovereigntyD Impact of the Internet on Authoritarian Rule. Washington D.C.: Carnegie
eficit_Jun11.pdf Endowment for International Peace.

Farooq, Umer (2011): Islam in the garrison. Herald Magazine, August. 52-62. Kari, Maria (2011): Dr Amir Liaquat: Defamation of faith’s Dr Jekyll. The Express
Tribune, August 16.
Farooqui, Zara (2010): Logged Out. Newsline, June 7. http://blogs.tribune.com.pk/story/7508/dr-aamir-liaquat-defamation-of-faiths-d
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2010/06/logged-out/ r-jekyll/.
Ferdinand, Peter (Hrsg.) (2000): The Internet, Democracy and Democratization. Kazim, Hasnain (2011): Taliban verbreiten Video von Massenexekution. Spiegel
London: Frank Cass Publishers. Online, July 18. http://www.spiegel.de/politik/ausland/0,1518,775051,00.html.
Freedom House (2011): Freedom on the Net 2011: Pakistan. Khan, Shanza/Yusuf, Moeed (2011): Education as a Strategic Imperative. In: Maleeha
http://www.freedomhouse.org/images/File/FotN/Pakistan2011.pdf. Lodhi (editor): Pakistan. Beyond the ‘Crisis State’. Oxford University Press:
Goldstein, Joshua/Rotich, Juliane (2008): Digitally Networked Technology in Kenya’s Karachi. pp. 251-266.
2007-2008 Election Crisis. Berkman Center for Internet & Society, Harvard. Keck, Margaret E./Sikkink, Kathryn (1998): Activists beyond Borders. Advocacy
http://cyber.law.harvard.edu/sites/cyber.law.harvard.edu/files/Goldstein&Rotic Networks in International Politics. Ithaca/New York: Cornell University Press.
h_Digitally_Networked_Technology_Kenyas_Crisis.pdf.pdf
Lodhi, Maleeha (2011): Beyond the Crisis State. In: Maleeha Lodhi (editor): Pakistan.
Hafez, Kai (2005): Globalization, Regionalization, and Democratization: The Beyond the ‘Crisis State’. Oxford University Press: Karachi. pp. 45-78.
Interaction of Three Paradigms in the Field of Mass Communication. In: Hackett,
Robert A. /Zhao, Yuezhi (Hrsg.): Democratizing Global Media. Lynch, Marc (2011): After Egypt: the Limits and Promise of Online Challengers to the
London/Boulder/New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 145-61. Authoritarian Arab State. In: Perspectives on Politics 9 (2), 301-10.

- (2007): The Myth of Media Globalization. Cambridge/Malden: Polity Press. Merkel, Wolfgang (2000): Systemtransformation. Eine Einführung in die Theorie und
Empirie der Transformationsforschung. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für
Haque, Jahanzaib (2010): Pakistan First…Facebook second? The Express Tribune, Sozialwissenschaften.
April 22. http://tribune.com.pk/story/8360/pakistan-first-facebook-second/.

71 72
Michaelsen, Marcus (2011): Linking Up for Change: The Internet and Social Schetter, Conrad/Mielke, Katja (2008): Entwicklungszusammenarbeit mit Pakistan –
Movements in Iran. In: Schneider, Nadja-Christina /Gräf, Bettina (Hrsg.): Social eine Analyse aus der Ankerlandperspektive. German Development Institute:
Dynamics 2.0: Researching Change in Times of Media Convergence. Berlin: Frank Bonn.
& Timme Verlag, 105-26.
Schmidt, Jan (2006): Weblogs. Eine kommunikationssoziologische Studie. Konstanz:
Morozov, Evgeny (2011): The Net Delusion. How Not to Liberate the World. London: UVK Verlagsgesellschaft mbH.
Allen Lane.
Schubert, Gunter/Tetzlaff, Rainer/Vennewald, Werner (1994): Demokratisierung und
Norris, Pippa (2001): Digital Divide: Civic engagement, information poverty, and the politischer Wandel. Theorie und Anwendung des Konzeptes der strategischen
Internet worldwide. Cambridge/New York: Cambridge University Press. und konfliktfähigen Gruppen. Münster: LIT.
Pak Institute for Peace Studies (2010): Understanding the Militants’ Media in Shafqat, Saeed (2011): Praetorians and the People. In: Maleeha Lodhi (ed.):
Pakistan. Islamabad. Pakistan. Beyond the ‘Crisis State’. Oxford University Press: Karachi. pp. 95-112.
Pew Research Center (2011): U.S. Image Falls No Further Following Bin Laden Killing. Shamsi, Amber Rahim (2010): Will the real Zaid Hamid please stand up? The Express
June 21. Tribune, May 9.
http://pewglobal.org/files/2011/07/Pew-Global-Attitudes-Pakistan-Report-FINA http://tribune.com.pk/story/11701/will-the-real-zaid-hamid-please-stand-up/.
L-June-21-2011.pdf.
Sreberny-Mohammadi, Annabelle/Mohammadi, Ali (1994): Small Media, Big
Qizilbash, Talib (2011): Pakistani Writers and Bloggers React to Salmaan Taseer’s Revolution: Communication, Culture and the Iranian Revolution.
Death. Newsline, January 5. Minneapolis/London: University of Minnesota Press.
http://www.newslinemagazine.com/2011/01/pakistani-writers-and-bloggers-re
Syed, Faria/Haque, Jahanzaib (2011): Online Zeitgeist. The Express Tribune, April 12.
act-to-salmaan-taseers-death/
http://tribune.com.pk/story/147482/online-zeitgeist/.
Rahman, Rasheed (2009): Pakistan. Semi-authoritarian, Semi-failed State. In:
Tahir, Madiha (2010): Letter from Karachi. The Facebook Ban and the Future of Free
Freedom House: Undermining Democracy. 21st Century Authoritarians.
Speech in Pakistan. Foreign Affairs, June 1.
http://www.freedomhouse.org/uploads/special_report/83.pdf
http://www.foreignaffairs.com/features/letters-from/letter-from-karachi.
Rehman, Sonya (2011a): Media Faces Perils and Possibilities in Pakistan.
Thomaß, Barbara/Tzankoff, Michaela (Hrsg.) (2001): Medien und Transformation in
AudienceScapes, Intermedia Knowledge Centre. May 05th 2011.
Osteuropa. Wiesbaden: Westdeutscher Verlag.
http://www.audiencescapes.org/media-faces-perils-and-possibilities-pakistan-ci
tizen-journalism-Geo-News-international. Tsagarousianou, Roza/Tambini, Damian /Bryan, Cathy (Hrsg.)(1998):
Cyberdemocracy. Technology, cities and civic networks. London/New York:
- (2011b): Web Television Launches in Pakistan. AudienceScapes, Intermedia
Routledge.
Knowledge Centre. February 2, 2011.
http://www.audiencescapes.org/pakistan-web-television-maati-tv-south-asian- Yusuf, Huma (2009): Old and New Media: Converging During the Pakistani
partnership-bbc-urdu-ndtv-web-based-content-flood-relief-work. Emergency (March 2007 – February 2008), MIT Centre for Civic Media.
http://civic.mit.edu/blog/humayusuf/old-and-new-media-converging-during-the
Saleem, Sana (2011): Pakistan: Citizens in Action after Minority Minister’s
-pakistan-emergency-march-2007-february-2008.
Assassination. Global Voices Online, March 19.
http://globalvoicesonline.org/2011/03/19/pakistan-citizens-in-action-after-mino
rity-ministers-assassination/. [All internet sources last accessed on September 30th, 2011.]
Sarwar, Beena (2011a): Pakistani Journalists: Standing Tall. Economic & Political
Weekly, Vol. XLVI, No. 29, July 16, pp. 23-27.
- (2011b): Phenomenal response to the CFD mass letter campaign. Blog Journeys to
Democracy, March 12.
http://beenasarwar.wordpress.com/2011/03/13/phenomenal-response-to-the-
cfd-mass-letter-campaign/

73 74
 series

fesmedia Asia, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung

Division for international Cooperation Pakistan Office
Department for Asia and the Pacific P. O. Box 1289
Hiroshimastrasse 28, 10874 Berlin, Germany Islamabad, Pakistan
Tel: +49-30-26935-7403 Tel: +92-51-285 09 12-16
Email: rolf.paasch@fes.de Email: info@fes.org.pk