Hunger and Structural Inequality

LETTERS
Issn 0012-9976
Ever since the first issue in 1966,
EPW has been India’s premier journal for Bhim Yatra “educate, agitate and organise.” The
comment on current affairs
Bhim Yatra will educate our people about
and research in the social sciences.
It succeeded Economic Weekly (1949-1965),
which was launched and shepherded
by Sachin Chaudhuri,
who was also the founder-editor of EPW.
W e, the safai karamcharis, are on the
Bhim Yatra to tell the country and
government to “Stop Killing Us!” through
our rights and entitlements in the 2013
Act, the Supreme Court order of March
2014, and the rehabilitation schemes. At
As editor for thirty-five years (1969-2004)
manual scavenging of dry latrines, sewers the same time, we will press our demands
Krishna Raj
gave EPW the reputation it now enjoys. and septic tanks. The Bhim Yatra, in with the Indian government with the
editor
honour of B R Ambedkar, is travelling question: “Why not mechanise and
C Rammanohar Reddy across the country for 125 days through modernise our sanitation system?”
EXECUTIVE Editor 500 districts in 30 states from 10 December We demand from the Government of
aniket Alam 2015 and will end in Delhi on 13 April India:
Deputy Editor
2016—the eve of the 125th birth anni- (i) An apology to the safai karamchari
Bernard D’Mello
CHIEF COPY Editor
versary of B R Ambedkar. We call on community for the historical injustice
KAUSHIK DASGUPTA everyone to support our struggle to fulfil and centuries of humiliation of making
Senior Assistant Editor Babasaheb’s dream of achieving our right us manual scavengers.
Lina Mathias to life, liberty and equality. (ii) Eliminate manual scavenging imme-
copy editors
From generation to generation, safai diately, without any further delay. We
Prabha Pillai
jyoti shetty karamcharis have been forced to manu- will not accept any more deadlines.
Assistant editorS ally scavenge society’s human excreta from (iii) Stop the deaths in sewer lines and
P S Leela dry latrines, sewer lines and septic tanks. septic tanks at all costs. Modernise and
lubna duggal
For decades, we have been telling this mechanise the sanitation system and do
Assistant editor (web)
Anurag Mazumdar country and its government to stop the whatever it takes to stop killing people
editorial Assistant violence and discrimination against us. in sewer work.
ABHISHEK SHAW Our fundamental rights to life and dignity (iv) Pay Rs 10 lakh, as mandated by the
production are being constantly violated with no Supreme Court order, to dependants of
u raghunathan
s lesline corera regret or remorse. The 1993 manual persons who died in sewer lines since
suneethi nair scavenging prohibition law was never 1993 without any hassle or hesitation.
Circulation implemented and no convictions were (v) Enhance the one-time cash payment
Gauraang Pradhan Manager
B S Sharma made during the 20 years that it was in of immediate relief to liberate manual
Advertisement Manager force. In 2013, Parliament passed the scavengers from Rs 40,000 to Rs 2 lakh.
Kamal G Fanibanda new Prohibition of Employment as Manual Safai Karamchari Andolan
General Manager & Publisher Scavengers and Their Rehabilitation Act; New Delhi
K Vijayakumar
in 2014 the Supreme Court passed judg-
editorial
edit@epw.in ment on our public interest litigation to Hunger and
Circulation prevent deaths in sewer lines and septic Structural Inequality
circulation@epw.in
tanks and to compensate those who died
W
Advertising
advertisement@epw.in since 1993. The government has made e consider that the right to food is
Economic and Political Weekly and remade laws and schemes. Time and a universal human right. Violation
320-321, A to Z Industrial Estate again, deadlines and dates were set to end of this right results in hunger and
Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel
Mumbai 400 013
manual scavenging. Nothing changed. malnutrition.
Phone: (022) 4063 8282 Manual scavenging, the manifestation We believe that the problems of hunger
FAX: (022) 2493 4515
of untouchability and caste oppression, and malnutrition in our country are
EPW Research Foundation shamelessly continues till date. Deaths created by structural poverty and inequali-
EPW Research Foundation, established in 1993, conducts continue to occur with alarming fre- ty resulting in severe food insecurity. This
research on financial and macro-economic issues in India.
quency. It is hypocritical that our politi- situation is exemplified by huge problems
Director
J DENNIS RAJAKUMAR cians and parliamentarians miss no op- of unemployment and the ongoing agri-
C 212, Akurli Industrial Estate portunity to praise Ambedkar, while they cultural crisis. The public response to
Kandivali (East), Mumbai 400 101
Phones: (022) 2887 3038/41 allow Dalits to die day after day in man- this situation has been far from adequate
Fax: (022) 2887 3038 holes, across the country. Bhim Yatra in terms of protecting and promoting
epwrf@epwrf.in
will place this shame before the public community self-reliance and control on
Printed by K Vijayakumar at Modern Arts and Industries,
151, A-Z Industrial Estate, Ganpatrao Kadam Marg,
and hopes to stir the nation’s conscience. issues of food security, agriculture and
Lower Parel, Mumbai-400 013 and “Enough is enough,” we will not toler- livelihoods, and providing basic support
published by him on behalf of Sameeksha Trust
from 320-321, A-Z Industrial Estate,
ate this violence any longer. The Bhim services such as the public distribution
Ganpatrao Kadam Marg, Lower Parel, Mumbai-400 013. Yatra will go from basti to basti, of all the system (PDS), mid-day meals (MDMs), Inte-
Editor: C Rammanohar Reddy.
districts and states, with Ambedkar’s cry grated Child Development Services (ICDS),
4 january 2, 2016 vol lI no 1 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
LETTERS
maternity entitlements, crèches and child- consequences for health. In the absence Recently, Dayabai, a social activist
care services (for optimal infant and young of proper evidence and regulation for who has been working for the upliftment
child feeding, including breastfeeding). safety, we recommend a moratorium on of Dalits, Adivasis and women for decades
Various technological interventions GM imports as well as on open field-test- in Kerala, faced humiliation in a state
are being suggested and considered for ing till safety concerns have been put ad- transport corporation bus. The conduc-
reducing hunger and malnutrition, such equately to rest. tor of the bus she had boarded from
as genetically modified (GM) foods, ready- Last but not least, technological inter- Thrissur asked her to alight after show-
to-use (therapeutic) foods, and food for- ventions in food for reducing hunger ering abuses on her. Unfortunately, this
tification, especially to deal with various and malnutrition should be protected is not an isolated case.
aspects of malnutrition such as micro- from commercial interests. They should Many women commuters are increas-
nutrient deficiencies and severe acute be carried out through public institutions, ingly encountering such traumatic inci-
malnutrition. However, such interventions based on transparent processes, public dents during their daily travel. Women
necessarily create centralised systems for debate and scientific evidence, with ex- also have to put up with lack of toilets
food production and distribution that tensive safeguards against profit mo- and other basic facilities. This is espe-
further compromise decentralised auto- tives and conflict of interest. cially true of long distance journeys
nomy and community control. They also Vandana Prasad, Radha Holla, when they are simply forced to delay
detract from local livelihoods and take Dipa Sinha, Sejal Dand, Arun Gupta, nature’s call because the buses usually
Veena Shatrughna, Jean Dreze,
away the option of using local foods halt at places where the toilets are dirty
Devika Singh and Sachin Jain
and recipes, many of which have good People’s Health Movement–India and the Right and broken down or the facility is non-
nutritional value. In large measure, to Food Campaign existent for women.
these issues, especially micronutrient During the long night journeys in buses
deficiencies, can be taken care of by Travails of Women Travellers and trains women travellers have to face
enabling people to improve dietary lewd comments and stares making the
diversity and quality as part of ensuring
a true food security that is not interpreted
as mere calorie-sufficiency through cereal-
T ravelling has always been associated
literally, and metaphorically, with
mobility and progress. However some re-
journey a nightmare.
Dayabai had the courage (and re-
ceived the support) to complain to the
based diets. curring occurrences in the context of the authorities on behalf of the millions of
Whereas feeding practices need to “travelling” women and the public trans- women who are daily “silent sufferers”
certainly change if nutritional deficien- port system raise questions about the real while commuting. But what about the
cies, both micro and macro, are to be nature of this so-called mobile progress. women who remain silent through the
tackled with urgency and efficacy, higher The physical and psychological harass- daily harassment that mars their physi-
calorie-density, protein-rich foods need to ment that women are subjected to got cal and mental well-being?
be produced/sourced in as decentralised public notice with the Delhi gang rape of Divya N
a manner as possible and from locally December 2012. Thrissur
available foods such as egg.
Though the need for supplementation
is likely to persist, we recommend that
the issues of food and medicine should not
be mixed up where micronutrient defi-
ciencies are concerned. Fortification is a
centralised process with debatable impact
on micronutrient deficiencies. Micro-
nutrient supplements need a production
process that is akin to that of producing
other drugs and we already have ongoing
supplementation programmes though
they need reform and better implementa-
tion. The issues of food security, on the
other hand, are closely linked to local
agricultural practices, subsistence econ-
omies, livelihoods, culture, support for
women’s work and childcare, and infant
and young child feeding practices.
As far as GM food is concerned, not
only is its impact debatable, there are also
serious current, potential and irreversible
Economic & Political Weekly EPW january 2, 2016 vol lI no 1 5
LETTERS
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january 2, 2016
Modi’s Pakistan Policy

The past 19 months have shown that the Prime Minister has none.
P
rime Minister Narendra Modi surprised everyone with Yet, it is dangerous to read too much into optics. It is natural to
his sudden stopover in Lahore to wish his Pakistan coun- see in the personal gesture of Modi visiting Lahore a cementing
terpart a happy birthday. In a style now typical of India’s of good relations. It is precisely because this gesture came out of
14th Prime Minister, the announcement of the Lahore stopover no incremental improvement of relations in the recent months
was made on the social networking site Twitter by the Prime on Kashmir, terrorism, and tensions on the Line of Control, that
Minister’s official handle from Kabul on the morning of 25 it would be a mistake to put positive meanings into it. It is a classic
December 2015, just a few hours before he landed in Lahore. “empty signifier,” absorbing whatever meanings its observers
It appears that even India’s foreign and home ministers were want to put in it, rather than emitting any of its own.
clueless about this visit before the announcement. But it is obvi- Ever since Prime Minister Modi surprised everyone by inviting
ous that a fair amount of spadework had been done, building up Prime Minister Sharif to his swearing-in ceremony in May 2014,
to this “spontaneous” visit; it is also obvious that the Pakistan India–Pakistan relations have been on a roller coaster ride. The
Army would have been part of the planning as well as India’s high hopes of the May 2014 meeting, where Sharif supposedly
National Security Advisor (NSA). came against the “advice” of his military, were soon dashed by a
Other than the bewilderment among the extremists on both “live” border and the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) gov-
sides of the border, the general reaction among Indians and ernment’s insistence on its “red lines” which Pakistan should
Pakistanis has been to welcome the brief visit by Narendra not cross. The first of these was that Pakistani officials could not
Modi to Lahore. Indeed, one must not carp but welcome the involve Kashmiri separatists in India–Pakistan talks, and the
event because it comes as a relief after months of a steady dete- second was that Pakistan-sponsored terrorism would be the
rioration of bilateral relations on all fronts. And most commen- first item on the agenda of the talks. The July 2015 Ufa Declara-
tators have welcomed the meeting. But all good tidings and tion was followed by the sorry spectacle of India calling off the
bonhomie notwithstanding, the meeting was only a gesture meeting of the NSAs because it would not countenance Pakistani
and one gesture cannot rebuild relations which have deterio- officials meeting representatives of the Kashmir Hurriyat.
rated largely on account of the belligerence of the Bharatiya A few months of freeze were followed by the November–
Janata Party (BJP), its sister organisations and its mentor, the December thaw when news emerged that the NSAs of the two
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. countries had met in Thailand and then there was a meeting
During the second term of the United Progressive Alliance between Modi and Sharif in Paris during the climate talks. The
government, the BJP made no effort to hide its anger about the Lahore visit comes in this “context.” Yet these are not signs of
efforts at dialogue made by former Prime Minister Manmohan improving relations. The “red lines” drawn by the NDA govern-
Singh. Every move was labelled a sell-out. During the 2014 elec- ment were indefensible but what has happened in the past
tion campaign, Modi had famously said that he does not believe couple of months for Modi and Doval to have quietly buried
in sending “love letters” to Pakistan and that as Prime Minister them and engage in a new bonhomie?
he will “speak a language Pakistan will understand”; which later, Given the extreme volatility of India–Pakistan relations in
after he did become Prime Minister, was helpfully explained by the 19 months since Narendra Modi assumed office and his
his NSA Ajit Doval as a policy which will make Pakistan “lose branding as a “Hindu Hriday Samrat” (Emperor of the Hindu
Baluchistan” if it ever repeats a Mumbai. Since then, while there heart), it is not clear what the Prime Minister’s newfound reasons
have been many flip-flops, Pakistan continues to be BJP’s favourite for working towards improving relations with Pakistan are. Is it
destination of exile for all those who disagree with Modi. that he is only bending to pressure from Washington and the
Over the years, Narendra Modi has on his own contributed so other Western capitals he is so besotted with and who want India
much to a poisoning of India–Pakistan relations that when there and Pakistan to engage in a dialogue?
is a break in the pattern like the brief visit to Lahore, we tend to It is impossible to put one’s finger on what drives Modi’s
see it not only as a ray of sunshine but as heralding a new dawn. Pakistan policy since he has not yet taken the effort to explain
EDITORIALS
it to the country. It is this which leads us to suspect that domestic bipartisan consensus and a careful step-by-step
Prime Minister has no Pakistan policy; only bluster and spec- approach of give and take to avoid the many minefields. Unfor-
tacle. Given how vexed and layered the India–Pakistan tunately, there has been little evidence of any of that in Prime
relation has been it needs careful handling, quiet work, a Minister Modi’s tenure.

EDITORIALS
Destruction of the Doha Round

India plays a poor hand at the World Trade Organization’s negotiations.
T
he idea that there is no longer a sharp divide between the In 2013, at the Bali ministerial conference, the United Progres-
global North and the global South has been disproved in sive Alliance government did not forcefully tie its demand for
ample measure by the decisions taken last month in protection to the PDS with an agreement on trade facilitation
Nairobi at the 10th ministerial conference of the World Trade (covering customs rules and procedures), a subject that was a
Organization (WTO). The essence of the final communique is matter of great interest to the US. Then in 2014, the National
that the 14-year-old Doha “Development” Agenda (DDA) of the Democratic Alliance government after showing a lot of bravado
Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations is now effectively about refusing to endorse the deal on trade facilitation, meekly
dead (though not officially buried), but Doha itself is still alive signed on. So in Nairobi, India found to its acute embarrass-
and available for cherry-picking by the North at the expense of ment that it had no negotiating chips to play with.
the South. The Doha Round had begun with a huge agenda covering ag-
At the ministerial meeting in Doha in 2001, held in the imme- riculture, industry, services, trade facilitation and the special
diate aftermath of 9/11, the North—led by the United States needs of the Least Developed Countries. In agriculture, it was to
(US) and the European Union (EU)—sold a new round of trade address market access, tariffs, and subsidies. In industry, there
negotiations at the WTO on the ground that it will provide the was the issue of market access and tariffs. Negotiations dragged
world with a badly needed confidence booster. Doha was thrust on at the WTO’s Geneva headquarters and at ministerial meet-
on a reluctant South with the promise that it would be a “devel- ing after ministerial meeting as countries found it difficult to
opment” round that would deal specifically with the large subsi- digest this ambitious agenda. A semblance of a balanced out-
dies given to agriculture in the US and the EU. Fourteen years come—especially in agriculture—which gave some meaning to
later, the North has formally abandoned all pretence of a devel- the DDA, was available in 2008 when a package of “draft mo-
opment agenda. In Nairobi it has, for the first time, refused to dalities” was drawn up; but the US killed the package when it
commit itself to the DDA. It now talks of looking at “new ap- found it would hurt its powerful farm lobby. After that it has
proaches” to explore elements in Doha (that is, use more muscle been all downhill until the Nairobi wreck.
power to push ahead with those areas such as trade in services The effective abandonment of the Doha Round will once
that are of self-interest) and at the same time bring “new issues” again raise the two-decade-old question of whether developing
to the WTO (such as foreign investment, electronic commerce countries should walk out of the WTO. The argument against
and public sector enterprises). doing so is that the South is better off in a multilateral trade
The Doha Round was a lie when it was born; in Nairobi the organisation, which, unlike the World Bank and International
greed and self-interest of a triumphant North has caused its death. Monetary Fund, is governed by a one country–one voice system.
The idea of a round and a single undertaking where countries Indeed, the South was earlier successful at the WTO in slowing
gain in some areas in exchange for giving concessions in others the juggernaut of the North, which seemed triumphant after the
has been thrown aside. As a result the developing countries lopsided Uruguay Round agreement. But bit by bit the North
have lost out badly. India in particular has come a cropper. chipped away at alliances of the South and bit by bit it grabbed
Nairobi saw a limited but a very important set of outcomes. In what was of mercantile interest. In the meanwhile, regional
agriculture it saw an agreement on export subsidies which gives trade agreements with their punitive WTO+ clauses acted as
the North additional time and greater flexibility to interpret pincers on the WTO negotiations leading to the current sorry
and phase out such support. The North refused to agree to the state of the South, especially one of its leading voices, India.
demand of India and China, in particular, on an effective The story ever since the late 1980s has been that when push
special safeguard mechanism (SSM) which would help protect comes to shove, New Delhi caves in. Almost always the
the South from surges in agricultural imports. And most impor- surrender on WTO issues has been in the interest of pursuing
tant for India, the US refused to countenance a time-bound deal the larger India–US special relationship. The most recent turn-
on a package that would protect public stockholding pro- around was on the agreement on trade facilitation which came
grammes in agriculture from WTO-mandated reductions. So the after discussions in Washington in November 2014 between
future of India’s public distribution system (PDS) still hangs in Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Barack
the balance, even if the threat will materialise only some years Obama. Will the users of the PDS eventually have to pay for
down the line. this surrender?
EDITORIALS
Opposing Social Boycott

Maharashtra’s draft law to curb social boycott is welcome but it needs to be strengthened.
T
he notoriety of the actions of North India’s khap panchayats of the charge sheet being filed. The draft legislation calls for seven
has overshadowed the sizeable number of cases of social years of imprisonment or a fine of Rs 5 lakh or both if the order
boycott ordered by caste panchayats in Maharashtra. of a social boycott is proved. With the victim and court’s consent,
Known as the gaavki system, it is a gathering of villagers with however, the convicts can be ordered to do community service.
long-standing roots and influence in the area. There have been The proposed legislation is promising but has its weak points.
increasing reports of individuals, families, and even caste groups For instance, it does not look at inter-caste or inter-religious
being socially boycotted over acts seen by the larger community as boycotts. Proving that a non-registered body gave oral orders of
breaking taboos or even misdemeanours under traditional customs. boycott would remain difficult. Some activists also want the
The Maharashtra government has now drafted the Maharashtra state to provide protection to the victim and family as soon as a
Prohibition of Social Boycott Bill, 2015, that is yet to be intro- complaint is filed rather than when the trial starts. The Maha-
duced in the state legislative assembly. Although there are inad- rashtra Andhashraddha Nirmoolan (Anti-superstition) Samiti has
equacies in the draft bill, the general view is that the legislation is presented its own draft of the bill called the Maharashtra Re-
very much required. The murdered rationalist Narendra Dabholkar strictions of Functioning of Jat Panchayat Act 2015 to the gov-
was in the forefront of the demand for such a law. In 2013 the ernment which proposes punitive measures. The samiti argues
Bombay High Court, while hearing a petition by two victims from that the government’s proposed legislation is ambiguous and
Raigad District, directed the state government to draw up a law only looks at the limited aspect of social boycott, which is actu-
against such boycotts. It also asked the government to direct police ally an offshoot of more pernicious caste and gender-related dis-
stations across the state to treat such cases as criminal offences. crimination. It also says that heavy fines are imposed by these
The draft bill defines a “caste panchayat” as a committee made bodies on poor victims. Media reports of cases in Maharashtra
up of a group of persons belonging to any community, registered show that social boycott actions can follow couples marrying
or not, which regulates practices in that community, controls within the gotra and marrying outside the caste, married women
personal and social behaviour and collectively resolves the dis- not wearing the mangalsutra, women wearing jeans or “gowns,”
agreements of and amongst its members through oral or writ- and even parents not allowing their children to participate in Holi
ten statements. The offences under the law would be cognisa- revelry. These boycotts deny access to livelihoods apart from pro-
ble, bailable and can be sent to trial. A specially appointed social hibiting personal interactions among friends and even family.
boycott prohibition officer will detect such offences and assist The trajectories of a number of social welfare and “progressive”
the magistrate and police officers involved in handling such legislations have shown that while the law certainly can put in
cases. The draft law defines “community” as made up of mem- place punitive measures to protect citizens, deep-rooted social
bers connected through religion, caste and sub-caste and a social practices cannot be curtailed or eliminated. Maharashtra also
boycott as a gesture or act, oral or written, of social discrimina- enacted the Prevention and Eradication of Human Sacrifice and
tion. A boycott will cover an act preventing or denying members Other Inhuman, Evil and Aghori Practices and Black Magic Act,
from conducting or participating in any social, religious, eco- 2013, but its progress from draft to law was tortuously delayed,
nomic or community functions. Any gathering that meets to dis- and the provisions considerably diluted in order to accommo-
cuss the imposition of a social boycott will be considered an un- date a number of political and religious apprehensions. The
lawful assembly. The trial should be completed within six months anti-social boycott bill will not hopefully traverse the same path.

EDITORIALS
First Published in 1966 finally announced and the Sant broke his nine- telling pressmen that if his demands were not
day fast the cumulative sigh of relief could have satisfied, Sikhs would strike out for a sovereign
been heard across the Himalayas… State of Sikhistan with the help of Pakistan and
“A silly joke”, editorialised the “Organiser”, China. The paper went on: “The Government
the organ of the Jan Sangh. “The Government knows who these gentlemen are. They are the
To mark 50 years of EPW, each week in 2016 will has capitulated to blackmail; nobody has any same gentlemen who had said last year at the
present an extract from our archives. doubt about that” and added: “Any Govern- time of the Pakistani attack that they would not
The Economic Weekly stopped publishing end-December ment worth the name would have refused to stop their agitation for the Suba even if Pakistan
1965, and EPW was launched in August 1966. talk to a man who has threatened to kill him- entered Amritsar. If the arm of the law has any
Vol II, No 1, JANUARY 7, 1967 self for the third time in five years unless his strength left in it, Government must round up
bidding was done ... but the Government yield- these gentlemen and prosecute them. It must
After the Sigh, the Steam ed ground all along the line. It failed to call Mr prosecute all those gentlemen who threatened
— Reader Fateh Singh’s bluff — though everybody knew to commit suicide — and all those temple trus-
No single issue agitated the weekly press more that somehow he won’t die ... the Government tees who gave them sanctuary. They have be-
than Sant Fateh Singh’s threat to immolate him- showed for all the world to see that it had the trayed their trust. By bowing to the blackmail of
self if his demands were not conceded. For a backbone of a banana. Such a government can such leaders, the Government of India has done
whole week the country had been teetering on the only excite pity — and contempt’’. little justice to itself and even less to the gallant
brink of disaster and when a compromise bet- The “Organiser” also recalled how some of Sikh community of which the whole country is
ween the Akali leader and the government was the lieutenants of Sant Fateh Singh had been justly proud”.

COMMENTARY
Maharashtra’s Water Politics claimed a major chunk of the financial

allocations in the irrigation sector at the
cost of other regions (Mohanty 2009) in
Fate of the Regulatory Authority the state. This region got the highest
financial allocations for irrigation by
creating a cycle of power—the water
Paromita Goswami guzzling sugar cane industry produced
the powerful sugar barons who con-
A
Maharashtra was the first Indian n independent regulatory autho- trolled the state’s coffers (Lalvani 2008).
state to legislate an independent rity called the Maharashtra Water As it became increasingly clear that
Resources Regulatory Authority Western Maharashtra’s sugar economy
water regulatory authority in 2005.
(MWRRA) was legislated into existence thrived on the irrigation and power sub-
This decision was driven as much with the important agenda of removing sidies,2 sociopolitical agitations started
by the World Bank-promoted “some power from existing water bureau- in Vidarbha region for equitable financial
water sector reforms as by cracies and to ensure that reforms are suc- allocations to the region (Kumar 2001: 72).
cessfully implemented” (Cullet and Gupta On 29 July 1983, the Government of
domestic politics. Irrigation
2009: 141). One important aspect of the Maharashtra announced a fact-finding
backlogs and regional imbalances water reforms as set out in the policy committee headed by the eminent econo-
have been the main feature of was the removal of regional imbalances mist V M Dandekar (henceforth Dandekar
water politics whose roots go back and this was set as one of the tasks before Committee) with terms of reference that
the independent regulatory authority. included (i) studying the regional imbal-
to the formation of the state. The
This article explores the political ance in the state, (ii) determining the in-
state government’s desire to aspects of Maharashtra’s water sector dicators of disparities, (iii) mapping each
prioritise water allocation for reforms in the context of regional imbal- district against the overall development
industrial use in its State Water ances in the irrigation sector. It gives of the state since 1960, and (iv) investigat-
a background of the politics around ing the expenditure incurred for the deve-
Policy 2003 met with strong
regional disparities and irrigation back- lopment of each district and the status
resistance from people in logs, analyses the shifts in policies and of implementation.3 The Dandekar Com-
Vidarbha. Although irrigation was laws in the context of the regional issues mittee focused on irrigation as one of
eventually prioritised above and concludes with the politics of water the crucial indicators of regional imbal-
regulation in Maharashtra. ance and evolved a formula to standardise
industry, politics also led to the
the differences across the regions pertain-
undermining of the independent Backlogs and Politics ing to net sown area, net irrigated area,
water regulatory authority In March 1953 leaders of Vidarbha, types of crops and the water availability
legislated as an essential element Marathwada and Bombay state signed the during various seasons to the “standard
Nagpur Agreement clearing the way for rabi area.” Using this standard, it arrived
of the water sector reforms.
the formation of Maharashtra. This agree- at an average development indicator for
ment became a reference point in the the state. It then listed each district on the
political contentions around allocations scale such that some of the districts had
of financial and physical resources in a total irrigated area that exceeded the
the state including water.1 It was given state average while others fell short.Thus,
a constitutional basis through the ninth the concept of regional backlog and more
constitutional amendment in 1956 by specifically irrigation backlog emerged
which Article 371(2) stipulated the for- through this exercise. The committee
mation of statutory development boards. recommended that the government should
The article also established the gover- spend a certain amount in each region
nor’s authority to issue directives for fin- to create irrigation potential and bring
ancial allocation aimed at removing that region at par with the state average. It
regional imbalances. Article 371(2) and also, almost permanently, made the is-
the Nagpur Agreement remain till date sue of regional imbalance concomitant
Paromita Goswami (goswami.paromita@gmail. at the centre of Maharashtra’s turbulent with the issue of irrigation backlog.
com) is a PhD student at the Centre for Law and water politics. The state assembly took serious note
Governance, JNU, Delhi and an activist of The development model of western of the Dandekar report submitted in
Shramik Elgar, Chandrapur, Maharashtra.
Maharashtra based on sugar cooperatives June 1984 and unanimously passed a
10 january 2, 2016 vol li no 1 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
COMMENTARY
resolution in both houses on 26 July investment of Rs 1,400 crore in the irrigation prioritised industrial use over irrigation.
1984 requesting the President to order works of Krishna Valley upto the year 2000… Further, Clause 10 of this policy provided
The main reason for growing imbalance in de-
the establishment of statutory develop- velopment in the irrigation sector is the domi- for the formation of a high power com-
ment boards for the removal of regional nance of the Krishna Valley Project where the mittee (HPC) of six cabinet ministers
disparities under Article 371(2). However, bulk funds in the irrigation sector is being spent vested with the powers to reserve 25%
the matter was kept pending and the …After the constitution of the Krishna Valley or more water in irrigation projects for
Irrigation Development Corporation, large re-
financial allocations remained skewed non-irrigation use. The MSWP put forward
sources were raised from the market and were
in favour of Western Maharashtra and spent in Krishna Valley areas…Although the a five-pronged strategy to overcome the
the regional disparities only increased resources were raised from the market, the state’s water woes. The very first strategy
between 1984 and 1994 leading to regions of Marathwada and Vidarbha have is “minimising regional imbalance.”8
been getting little share …While raising the
“socio-political tensions arising out of The MSWP was followed three years later
Bond money by the Irrigation Development
unacceptably large gaps in the level of Corporations the interest and repayment li- by the creation of the independent regu-
development across regions” (Programme ability is made by the State Government and latory authority—the MWRRA. Although it
Evaluation Organisation 2003: ix). accordingly a provision for interest liability was within the mandate of the MWRRA
The three statutory development boards is made by the government in the budget. As to ensure the implementation of the
both the interest and repayment liabilities
(SDBs) were finally established in April are ultimately borne by the State Government,
governor’s directives for the removal of
1994.4 In the same year, the governor equitable distribution of the non-budgetable irrigation imbalances, this mandate was
appointed the Indicators and Backlog allocation over all the three regions is there- directly contradicted by another man-
Committee to provide a current assess- fore both desirable and necessary…6 date—that of following the prioritisation
ment of regional backlogs and this com- Region-wise allocation of outlay in the set in the MSWP. In fact, from its moment
mittee gave its final report in November irrigation sector was first made as per the of creation the “independent” water regu-
2000. On 15 December 2001, the gover- directives of the governor in the budget of latory authority in Maharashtra was any-
nor passed the first directives for 2002–03. Thereafter, the governor issued where but outside the sphere of politics.
rem.0oval of regional backlogs under a number of directives to the government On 12 December 2010, the department
Rule 7 of the Development Boards Or- and leaders from Vidarbha, especially of water resources passed a government
der, 1994 in which the irrigation sector opposition members, remained aggres- resolution (GR) restructuring the water
was given special attention: sive in their demand for budgetary allo- resources department and its organisations
The regional disparity has increased more
cations to be made accordingly. in accordance with the requirements of the
conspicuously in the irrigation sector. The The matter of regional disparities was government’s loan agreement with the
proportion of backlog in the irrigation sector in complicated by the industrial growth in World Bank.9 Under the section titled
the overall backlog of Vidarbha has increased the state since 1991. Certain sectors like “Functions of the Restructured Water
from 42.30% as identified by Fact Finding
thermal power and mining opened up Resources Department,” there is an entry
Committee in 1984 to 61.64% has identified
by the Indicators and Backlog Committee in
for private investment and the demand reading “Implementation of MWRRA Act
1994 and further to 68.47% as on 1 April for water (and other natural resources) 2005.” Further, under the section titled
2000…On the other hand the proportion of from companies increased (Wagle et al “Functions of Secretary, Water Resources
backlog in the Irrigation Sector in the over- 2012: 412). The development model Project and Development (WRP & Devp)”
all backlog of the rest of Maharashtra region
adopted by the Maharashtra government we find the entry “Overall control and
has decreased from 45.56% as identified by
the Fact Finding Committee in the year 1994
promoted the setting up of industries in implementation of the provisions of
to 27.65% as identified by the Indicators and the area designated as “backward” and Maharashtra Water Resources Regulatory
Backlog Committee in 1994 further to availability of assured quantity of water Authority (MWRRA) Act 2005” (emphasis
18.42% as on 1 April 2000. The regional im- at a subsidised rate was critical for this added). Nowhere is it clearer that the
balance in the Irrigation Sector is more evi-
kind of industry-led development. Ironi- irrigation ministry takes upon itself the
dent compared to other backlog sectors and
therefore there is a need for review of the
cally, backward regions like Vidarbha implementation of the MWRRA Act and
policy of allocation in the Irrigation Sector.5 that were already demanding water and the regulatory authority is firmly under
battling irrigation backlogs over past the control of the secretary of depart-
The directive also mentioned the Maha- decades became the targets for industry- ment of water resources.
rashtra government’s overemphasis on led development post 1990s.
development of Krishna Valley primarily Backlogs vs Industrial Use
benefiting Western Maharashtra at the Water Sector Reforms The HPC formed in 2002 continued to
cost of irrigation works in other regions: On 21 January 2003 the government operate even after the formation of the
In 1966 the State Government established the adopted the Maharashtra State Water MWRRA and the government went ahead
Krishna Valley Development Corporation. It Policy (MSWP), stating the rules regarding with allocation of water to industries at
passed a special legislation for this purpose. allotment of water to various categories of the cost of irrigation. According to the
All existing irrigation projects in Krishna Valley
along with resources, implements and personnel
users including irrigation and industry.7 Vidarbha Statutory Development Board,
were transferred to the corporation. The pro- In spite of the governor’s clear directives The energy generated during the year 2007–08
visions of the new law allowed for an annual to focus on irrigation, Clause 4 of the policy from Thermal plants in the State was 43,174
Economic & Political Weekly EPW january 2, 2016 vol li no 1 11

COMMENTARY
MU, out of which 29,127.25 MU, (67.46% of 2010, the first in a series, to amend the effect and prevents all future court
Mahagenco’s total energy generation) was MWRRA Act 2005.14 The ordinance con- actions against it.
from Vidarbha…The total water requirement
for existing and new generation plants in
tinued to remain in force until 15 April On 15 May 2011 the government
Vidarbha, shall be about 993 Mm³ there- 2011 when the Maharashtra Water Reso- amended the MSWP16 to reverse the
by depriving irrigation over 1,50,000 to urces Regulatory (Amendment and Con- order of prioritisation and put irrigation
1,75,000 hectares land (2009: 32). tinuance) Bill was introduced and passed above industrial users. However, the
The contradictions between the MWRRA with brute majority past midnight at 1.45 demands of Vidarbha and other under-
Act 2005 and the HPC led to one of the am.15 The most important amendment was developed regions and of farmers in
most bitterly fought court battles for the inclusion of the HPC through the intro- general, remain at the mercy of the
water, in which the moot point was not duction of Section 2 (k-1). In a strangely government. According to Greenpeace,
just access to the resource but whether an worded amendment, the GR passed in “between 2003 and 2010, the HPC diverted
executive order could override legislation. 2003 finds its way into the statute. at least 1,500 million cubic metres of
A writ petition10 was filed by the Society High Power Committee means the commit- water per year from irrigation to non-
for Backlog Removal and Development tee constituted by the State Government irrigation purposes…from 38 dams
(Help Line) Amravati District of the under the Government Resolution, Irriga- across Maharashtra. This is the irriga-
Western Vidarbha region challenging the tion Department, No Misc 1001 (154–01)/I M tion water of approximately 300,000
(P), dated the 21 January 2003.
government’s action of diverting water hectares of farmland.” When the water
from major irrigation projects located in The amendment also introduces the diverted by other government agencies
Vidarbha and Marathwada regions for fresh concept of “sectoral allocation” un- is added to this the figure goes up to
industrial purposes, thereby depriving der Section 2(u)(1) defined as the alloca- 2,885 million cubic metres from 43 dams
thousands of hectares of agricultural tion made in water resource projects by affecting a massive 357,621 hectares
land, which would have benefited by the state government. The provision gives (Greenpeace 2012: 35).
irrigation from these resources.11 The the government limitless powers to allot
cause of action leading to the petition any amount of water for any type of use, Conclusions
rose from the allocation of water from unlike the HPC whose powers were lim- The water sector reforms in Maharash-
the Upper Wardha project located at ited to 25% diversion of water from a tra involve legal transformation through
Simbhora in Morshi block of Amravati project for non-irrigation use. Further, enactment of statutes, ordinances and
District. While giving the third revised under Section 11(a) of the Amendment subsidiary legislation to tighten govern-
administrative sanction on 29 March Act, the regulatory authority is empow- ment control over water resources and
2006,12 the water resources department ered to “determine the criteria for the meet efficiency targets. The political
noted that the dam would irrigate 80,250 distribution of entitlements by the River contestations around irrigation backlogs
hectares upon completion. Neither at Basin Agencies within each Category of drove the MSWP and the MWRRA in
this stage nor at any earlier stage was Use, within such terms and conditions directions contrary to the intentions of the
there any mention of the requirements as may be prescribed, after sectoral pro-Western Maharashtra government.
of industries or any other sector. A ther- allocation is made” (emphasis added). Although Vidarbha won a pyrrhic victory
mal power industry, Sophia Power, was Thus, the powers of the independent by ensuring that irrigation retains the
allocated 87.60 million cubic metres of regulatory authority are severely cur- higher priority in water allocation over
water for its 1,350 MW thermal power tailed and made subservient to that of industry, the government ensured that
project in 2008.13 The petitioners asserted the state government, such that no its powers of water allocation remained
that the decision of the HPC violated the longer can the authority claim any inde- supreme. As a result of this political tur-
MWRRA Act, since it is the function of the pendence from the government in mat- moil the independence of the regulatory
MWRRA (and not the HPC) to determine ters of allocation. authority lies compromised.
the distribution of entitlement for vari- These sweeping changes brought about
ous categories of use and the equitable by the amendments have changed the Notes
distribution of entitlement of waters very nature of the MWRRA Act 2005. The 1 Article 3: For the purposes of all round devel-
opment and administration this State shall
within each category of use on certain principal legislation had at least purported comprise of three units, that is, Mahavidarbha,
prescribed terms and conditions. The HPC to establish a regulatory authority, inde- Marathwada and Rest of the state. Article 4:
The expenditure to be incurred on various as-
did not allow the regulatory authority to pendent of political or bureaucratic in- pects should be in proportion to the population
complete any of the procedures envis- terference in its task of regulating access of these units, without creating obstacles to the
needs of an independent administration.
aged in the act and went ahead with the to water resources of the state. The
2 Notes (1973) “Politics of an Irrigation Project,”
allocation of water to the industry. amendment legislation, on the contrary, EPW, 8(26): 1,129 and Notes (1987) “Politics of
firmly entrenches the authority of the Irrigation Water” EPW, 22(24): 913.
3 GR No RDV1082/CR38/PRG 14 dated 3 August
Politics of Amendments state government, a power that in effect 1983, Planning Department.
Even while the writ petition was pending regulates the regulator. Not only this, 4 The Development Boards for Vidarbha, Marath-
wada and Rest of Maharashtra Order 1994.
in court, the Maharashtra government the amendment act legalises all actions 5 Para 5.3. of Governor’s Directives dated 15
passed an ordinance on 17 September of the government with retrospective December 2001.

COMMENTARY
6 Directives by the Governor of Maharashtra the Sophia thermal power project initiated by Coal-fired Power Plants on Water Supply, New
under Rule 7 of the Development Boards for Indiabulls Company. Delhi: Greenpeace.
Vidarbha, Marathwada and rest of Maharashtra 15 “Bill on Water Distribution Invites Ire from Kumar, Ajit (2001): “Maharashtra Statehood for
Order 1994 dated 15 December 2001, Paras 5.2 Activists, Opposition,” Hindu, 16 April 2011, Vidarbha,” EPW, Vol 36, No 50, pp 4614–17.
and 5.3. http://www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp- Lalvani, Mala (2008): “Sugar Eonomy of Maharashtra:
7 GR, No Misc 1001 (154–01)/I M (P), Irrigation national/tp-karnataka/article1701142.ece, A Political Economy Perspective,” Journal of
Department, Government of Maharashtra. viewed on 21 April 2011. Development Studies, Vol 44, No 10, pp 1474–1505.
8 Maharashtra State Water Policy (2003): Clause 1.3. 16 GR No Misc 2011/252/11/IM Policy, 18/5/2011, Mohanty, B B (2009): “Regional Disparity in Agri-
9 G R No WRD-Restructuring/2009/(16/09)/ Maharashtra State Water Policy— To Give Higher cultural Development of Maharashtra,” EPW,
WR(Est), 12/10/2010, Department of Water Priority for Water Use to Agriculture—irrigation Vol 44, No 6, pp 63–69.
Resources, Government of Maharashtra. over industry, Irrigation Department, Govern- Programme Evaluation Organisation (2003): Eval-
10 Writ Petition No 1028/2010, filed on 2 March ment of Maharashtra. uation of the Statutory Development Boards
2010, before the High Court, Mumbai. (SDBs) in Maharashtra. Programme Evaluation
11 Para 11 of writ petition No 1028/2010. Organisation, New Delhi: Planning Commission.
12 Vide G R UWP–2005/(422/2005), MP–2. References Vidarbha Statutory Development Board (2009):
13 Minutes of 13th meeting of HPC titled “Regard- Cullet, Philippe and Joyeeta Gupta (2009): “India: Fifteenth Annual Report, 2008–09, Nagpur: VSDB.
ing Reservation of More Than 25% Water from Evolution of Water Law and Policy,” The Wagle, Subodh, Sachin Warghade and M Sathe
Projects of Department of Water Resources for Evolution of the Law and Politics of Water, (2012): “Exploiting Policy Obscurity for Legal-
Non-irrigation Use,” 21 February 2008. J W Dellapenna and J Gupta (eds), Dordrecht: ising Water Grabbing in the Era of Economic
14 Including the decision to divert water for Springer, 159–75. Reform: The Case of Maharashtra, India,”
irrigation from the Upper Wardha project to Greenpeace (2012): Endangered Water: Impacts of Water Alternatives, Vol 5, No 2, pp 412–30.

COMMENTARY
Bihar’s Alcohol Ban feedback loops at the most microscopic

level. The quality of such feedback loops
is determined by how contradictions,
Good Intentions, Impractical Policy mistakes, failures, and transgressions
are looked at in a given society.
The deleterious effects of addictive
Sanjeev Kumar, Nishith Prakash substances like alcohol are quite well-
known among public health experts and
T
Nitish Kumar’s decision to ban he announcement by Bihar Chief health economists. Yet, the decision by
alcohol in Bihar may not address Minister Nitish Kumar that the Kumar is more of a political decision,
state will implement prohibition largely to appease his vote banks—not
the problem of domestic violence,
on alcohol from 1 April 2016 is a classic that there is anything wrong with that—
as he expects it will. The state case of tail chasing. This is the one area but at a cost of Rs 4,000 crore in a re-
will also lose Rs 4,000 crore in where economists can make a good pre- source-starved state does not sound
tax revenue. Moreover, bans have diction—a blanket ban on a preferred pragmatic. For states that have adopted
substance like alcohol gives rise to a similar policies, in the absence of data
always led to black market sales,
black market, underground production or experimental variation, it would be
and then greater expenditure activities, price rise and a diversion of difficult to evaluate the overall welfare
to enforce the ban. The answer scarce law enforcement machinery for impact of such policies.
to growing alcoholism and its activities that the state and the market
can easily work together to limit. Bans Tend to Fail
related social malaise lies in
And there does exist a simple policy. Take the example of the Child Labour
higher taxes and limitations on To begin with, an increase in the price of (Prohibition and Regulation) Act of
access to alcohol. alcohol—both through higher taxes and by 1986. We know that child labour is an
making it harder to access—might go a long evil practice; it directly interferes with
way in curtailing the demand for alcohol, education and is a result of poverty. A
and then the state can use the surplus to recent paper by Bhardwaj et al (2013)
change the demand elasticities of alcohol. estimates the consequences of India’s
We thank Santosh Kumar, Kundan Kishore, A complex and immensely diverse coun- landmark legislation against child labour
Abhiroop Mukhopadhyay, Anand Bhushan, and try like India cannot be governed except and shows that child wages decreased
Karthik Muralidharan for their helpful comments.
by ensuring individual freedom—which and child labour increased after the ban.
Sanjeev Kumar (sanjeev.kumar@yale.edu) includes the freedom to drink alcohol. Indi- More importantly, the increase in child
teaches health economics and health policy at vidual freedom potentially can facilitate a labour comes at the expense of school
the Department of Health Policy and Management
modicum of accountability in the presence enrolment, household expenditure, con-
in the Yale School of Public Health at Yale
University, the US. Nishith Prakash (nishith. of poor state capacity in India. In order for sumption, calorie intake, and asset hold-
prakash@uconn.edu) teaches economics in a complex societies to govern themselves, ing. Thus households are worse off after
joint position with the Department of efficient feedback mechanisms have to the ban. In the context of alcohol ban,
Economics and the Human Rights Institute at be built in the system, and ensuring indi- the impact really depends on who in the
the University of Connecticut, the US.
vidual freedom socially embeds such income distribution gets affected. Also,
COMMENTARY
given the poor implementation of the In multivariate regressions using indi- world, it would be impractical to expect
federal and state policies, one can surmise vidual-level data, after controlling for people to suddenly stop consuming it. The
that the right tail (the rich) of the income many confounding variables, which makes surplus can also be used to open alcohol
distribution curve will continue to have it more likely to facilitate apple-to-apple and other substance use de-addiction cen-
access to alcohol (possibly of a higher comparisons,1 for all Indian states taken tres, especially since people who drink
quality), while the left tail (the poor) together, alcohol consumption by men is compulsively tend to use other substances
will continue to buy the local alcohol associated with women reporting 17% too. Our analyses also hint at other usual
(also called tharra, possibly of even higher probability of experiencing vio- policy levers like education, shift in cul-
poorer quality). In general terms, given lence. When the analyses were restricted ture by empowering women, sensitising
that most individuals take alcohol volun- just to Gujarat, the probability went up communities about the pernicious effects
tarily and in moderate quantity, even the to 26%, for Bihar it was 15%, and for UP of intimate partner violence, reducing the
price-based regulation of alcohol might 17%. So our analyses do support that the norm around violence against women,
lead to high deadweight loss. alcohol consumption is associated with age-focused counselling, poverty reduc-
Beyond the scenarios delineated above, women having heightened probability of tion, increasing employment among men,
take the rationale provided by Kumar’s experiencing physical and sexual violence. etc, all of which have beneficial effects
administration for such a policy: alcohol However, Gujarat, a state with the longest on lowering the incidence of intimate
consumption is the primary reason for period of prohibition in place, has not partner violence.
violence against a sizeable number of only failed to make alcohol inaccessible, A comparison of different policy amen-
his voters, that is, women. A quick glance it looks like those who drink also beat able variables suggests that the sensitisa-
at the National Family Health Survey their wives with higher probability than an tion of communities might be one of the
(NFHS) (2005–06) paints an intriguing all-India average. Therefore, these esti- better policy instruments available to
picture. While 33% men in Bihar and mates force us to take a pause and ques- lower the probability of a woman experi-
25% in Uttar Pradesh (UP) report con- tion the rationale of policymakers in India encing violence. In all specifications, the
suming alcohol, the number for Gujarat attempting to ban substance like alcohol effects of the variable, “a woman reporting
is only 15%. The respective numbers despite good intentions, because we know that her father used to beat her mother,”
reported by women in these states about that the implementation will be weak. has almost equal effects on a woman
their partners consuming alcohol are In order to counter the unintended experiencing violence in her own life.
40%, 26%, and 16%, respectively. (but predictable) consequences of such Also women who seem most at risk are the
policies, like availability of spurious women who currently report that they are
Wife-beating sans Alcohol alcohol, leading to hundreds of deaths not staying with their partner or those
The picture gets somewhat horrifying in Gujarat, the government ended up who are divorced. Working through these
when it comes to harbouring the belief that putting in place a draconian law such as policy amenable variables has a better
wife-beating is justified. Gujarat is at the death penalty for the production of such chance of stemming the epidemic of vio-
top among the major states with 74% men alcohol. Given the glacial pace with which lence against women, and the accompany-
of the opinion that wife-beating is justified such justice is delivered in India, such ing belief facilitating such harmful actions,
when wife does the following: going out policies, besides the usual teething prob- than just a prohibition against alcohol.
without telling the spouse, neglecting lems, only end up belittling the reputation
children, getting into arguments, refus- of the state machinery, further corroding Fiscal Health Is Imperative
ing to have sex, burning food, being un- already poor state capacity. In fiscal terms, the ban will lead to a loss
faithful, and misbehaving with in-laws. of Rs 4,000 crore. The opportunity cost
The corresponding numbers for Bihar Addressing Alcoholism of such a loss is huge: it can pave the way
and UP are 51% and 38%. Given that the A better policy would be to slowly wean for more universities, more schools, more
number is highest in Gujarat, one can people away from alcohol, the way it has
potentially infer that an abstinence from happened in the United States (US) for Obituaries
alcohol may not extend to abstaining tobacco use. A more effective policy would
The EPW has started a monthly section,
from the belief that it is alright to beat be to increase taxes on alcohol, and to
“Obituaries”, which will note the passing of
one’s wife for some transgressions. make use of the surplus money to gainfully
teachers and researchers in the social sci-
Crude data on women reporting dif- employ people and help them live more ences and humanities, as also in other areas
ferent forms of violence—physical and meaningfully engaged lives through sports of work.
sexual—suggests that with 54%, Bihar and entertainment as boredom in the rural The announcements will be in the nature of
tops the list, and Gujarat is at 25% areas could be an important reason for short notices of approximately a hundred
(NFHS-3). On a national level, 46% women indulgences in alcohol. Thus, these steps words about the work and careers of those
report having experienced violence when might also make the demand for alcohol who have passed away.
they report that their partners consume less price inelastic. Given that alcohol has Readers could send brief obituaries to
alcohol, the number is only 25% for been a beverage of choice for a long time edit@epw.in.
those who report otherwise. in almost every community around the
COMMENTARY
de-addiction centres, more primary health more sustainable and prosperous society. create an innovative and entrepreneuri-
centres, a better regulatory body to pre- Kumar can candidly explain to his women al population with poor financials.
vent spurious liquor from coming into constituency that though he promised
note
the market, etc. One of the best works in prohibition, the evidence suggests that it
economics that we have come across in did not work in the US. It is not working in [We published a piece in Economic Times (http://
blogs.economictimes.indiatimes.com/et-com-
the last decade is by Frederick et al (2009) Gujarat as far as its effect on curtailing mentary/blanket-alcohol-ban-in-bihar-wont-stop-
on the issue of opportunity cost neglect— violence against women is concerned. In violence-against-women/) based on this article.]
they say most of us neglect what we re- fact, it might end up increasing the prob- 1 Analyses are done with the Primary Sampling
ally are giving up when we choose to do ability of violence by those drinking Unit (PSU) level fixed effects to control for
many local area level unobserved confounders
something. Among the many reasons for alcohol. It is just a bad economic policy. along with the standard demographic confound-
such neglect, we believe one of the ma- If alcohol had been as pernicious as ers—caste, religion, education—as well as
norm for violence against women, joint family
jor ones is our distaste for carrying con- heroin, cocaine, meth, or lysergic acid set-up, health status-anaemia, height, weight,
number of household members, employment
tradictions and counterfactuals—thus diethylamide (LSD)—addictive sub- status of women, wealth index, occupation of
narrowing the alternatives available to stances taken by a small proportion of partners along with cohort fixed effects. Similar
results were found when the variable “alcohol
us. One can understand and expect such people—we would have understood such consumption” was replaced by “high frequency
neglects and biases at the level of indi- paternalistic policies. But alcohol is of alcohol consumption” (defined by almost
daily consumption of alcohol).
viduals, but the whole purpose of public consumed by almost 30% of the Indian
policy is not to let such neglect stymie population, the welfare cost of the References
sensible policies from taking root. blanket ban on alcohol will most likely Bharadwaj, Prashant, Leah K Lakdawala and
Nicholas Li (2013): “Perverse Consequences of
As we never enter into the same river be quite high. Well Intentioned Regulation: Evidence from
India’s Child Labor Ban,” National Bureau of
twice, the policymaking after victory A blanket paternalistic policy, at a huge Economic Research, Working Paper No 19602.
should be driven more by the dictates of cost to the exchequer, is not a healthy sign Frederick, Shane, Nathan Novemsky, Jing Wang,
Ravi Dhar and Stephen Nowlis (2009): “Oppor-
financial health and mobilising resources for things to come in Bihar—no country or tunity Cost Neglect,” Journal of Consumer
to augment state capacity to create a state has ever taken off and managed to Research, Vol 36, No 4, pp 553–61.

COMMENTARY
Mental Healthcare became the blueprint for similar plans

rolled out in over 123 districts across the
country (Goel 2011). But patchy and vari-
New Tactics, Strategic Failure able implementation, lack of human re-
sources, limited budgets, inability to uti-
lise available funding and the failure to
K S Jacob integrate mental healthcare into primary
care resulted in poor delivery of mental
T
The provision of mental healthcare he Alma Ata Declaration on Uni- health services in most areas (Sarin and
at the primary level in low- and versal Healthcare (WHO 1978) was Jain 2013).
a clarion call for nations to focus It was the tragedy in Erwadi, Tamil
middle-income countries is
on health for all their peoples. The mental Nadu, in 2001—where people treated in
woefully inadequate today. While health movement also acknowledged the a religious facility died in an accidental
the recent emphasis on the link inadequacy of care for people with mental fire—that brought the plight of those
between mental disorders and illness living in the community. The with mental illness into national con-
World Health Organization (WHO) led the sciousness. The subsequent directives of
non-communicable diseases
effort to incorporate mental healthcare the Supreme Court and the National
appears to be a tactical advance, it within primary healthcare in developing Human Rights Commission temporarily
is also an admission of the strategic countries. This resulted in pilot projects refocused the country’s attention on the
failure of integrating mental in different parts of the developing care of people with mental disorders.
world (WHO 1984). Evidence from these Yet, today, mental healthcare in the com-
healthcare into primary care.
endeavours was then employed to munity and in primary care remains a
establish national mental health poli- distant dream in India.
cies and programmes in many countries Similar situations in many low- and
(DGHS 1982). middle-income countries (LMIC) spawned
In India, pilot projects in Raipur Rani international concern. The Movement for
(Chandigarh) and Sakalwara (Bengaluru) Global Mental Health (MGMH), launched
K S Jacob (ksjacob@cmcvellore.ac.in) teaches were scaled-up for the Bellary District in 2007, renewed the national and inter-
psychiatry at the Christian Medical College, Mental Health Programme (Karnataka) national efforts at improving care for
Vellore.
in 1988. The district programme then people with mental illness. The movement
COMMENTARY
recognised the burden of mental illness, of strengthening primary healthcare sys- mental disorders and their treatment
identified limitations in service delivery, tems are all but forgotten (WHO 2008). despite robust evidence of contribution
highlighted the gap in treatment and Despite long and systematic cam- to the global burden of disease (Ferrari
services and attempts to bridge the void. paigns by mental health professionals, et al 2013) demands analysis. The limited
It initiated many research projects and activists and the WHO, mental health did resources and expertise on the ground
coordinated resources to achieve its ob- not reach critical international political to manage mental disorders in primary
jectives and goals. consciousness. The United Nations’ am- care and in the community call for intro-
Support for the movement also came bitious Millennium Development Goals spection. The issues include problems in
from the WHO, which attempted to take (2000) failed to mention mental health primary care, failure of public health
the 65th World Health Assembly resolu- objectives, suggesting its relatively lim- and psychiatric overreach and are briefly
tion on mental health and care forward. ited role and impact on humanity com- discussed below.
The Mental Health Gap Action Pro- pared with priority physical, social and
gramme (mhGAP), launched by the WHO economic concerns. Recent campaigns Problems in Primary Care
in 2008, produced an intervention guide attempted to highlight the need to The problems in primary healthcare in
for common psychiatric disorders and include mental disorders in the more India and LMIC are multiple and diverse
their management in primary care detailed Sustainable Development Goals (Jacob 2011). Poor infrastructure and
(WHO 2008). Further, its Comprehensive (SDG) (2015) (Thornicroft and Patel 2014). overburdened primary care systems are
Mental Health Action Plan 2013–20 in- However, mental illness does not directly common. Limited finances and poor uti-
cludes elaborate and diverse objectives feature in SDGs. The promotion of men- lisation of available funds do not help
to scale up services for national popula- tal health is listed under SDG 3.4, which improve impoverished environments nor
tions (WHO 2013). Despite these much- supports the reduction of premature raise the morale of demoralised health-
hyped efforts, the reality on the ground mortality from non-communicable dis- care staff.
for people with mental illness has hardly eases (NCDs) through their prevention Significant differences in primary and
changed across many LMIC. and treatment and through the promo- tertiary care settings, patient profiles and
tion of mental health and well-being. physician perspectives influence clinical
International Environment SDG 3.5 suggests the need to strengthen practice. Unsuitable tertiary care con-
An analysis of the status quo related the prevention and treatment of sub- cepts and classification complicate diag-
to poor mental healthcare delivery sug- stance abuse, including narcotic drug nosis and consequent care. Traditionally,
gests a complex interaction with the abuse and harmful use of alcohol. physician training emphasises medical
changing international political and eco- The WHO and some other international diagnosis. Consequently, the inability to
nomic environment. The ideal of Uni- organisations have taken these goals to recognise the diagnostic label prevents
versal Healthcare, as argued by the argue for the integration of mental health- the initiation of treatment. Non-specific
Alma Ata Declaration, soon came under care with NCDs and some are even sug- symptoms, milder, mixed and sub-syndro-
intense political and economic pressure. gesting that mental illness be included mal presentations, associated with psy-
Its critics argued that it did not have as an NCD in its own right. They are cur- chosocial stress and physical adversity
clear targets, was too broad, expensive rently championing the linkage bet ween make the use of classical tertiary care
and hence unattainable. The programmes NCDs and common mental disorders (for concepts and categories (for example,
gradually morphed into a more circum- example, depression and anxiety), shared major depression and generalised anxi-
scribed Selective Primary Health Care underlying causes, associated risk factors, ety) difficult to employ in primary care.
with its specific focus on growth monitor- co-occurrence, complex interdependencies Yet, common clinical presentations in
ing, oral rehydration therapy, breastfeed- and interactions, and their far-reaching primary care (for example, mixed anxiety
ing, immunisation and female education, and overarching consequences (WHO and depression) are not recognised or accepted
family spacing, and food supplements Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation 2014a). as psychiatric labels even in psychiatric
(GOBI–FFF) (Walsh and Warren 1979). They suggest integrated, effective and classifications for use in primary care
The collapse of the Soviet Union efficient care for chronic conditions not (Jacob and Patel 2014).
resulted in a reduction in emphasis on just within transformed health systems Physicians recognise the importance
egalitarian ideals and increased focus on but also scaled up within communities. of psychosocial context (for example,
capitalistic economic systems. Many LMIC, Mental health professionals and activists stress, personal resources, coping, social
in their efforts to quickly increase their have been suggesting the inclusion of supports and culture) and their effect on
gross domestic product, reduced impor- specific objective mental health indica- mental health. They prefer not to use
tance of public sector institutions and tors (for example, reduction in suicide mental disorder labels because of the
encouraged private enterprises. Reduc- rates and increase usage of services for high rates of spontaneous remission
tions in national health budgets signi- psychosis) to measure SDGs and their and placebo response and the absence
ficantly affected the already meagre change over time. of improvement with antidepressant
finances available for mental health The failure of the international com- medication in those with mild disorders
services. The original aims and methods munity to highlight the need to focus on (Kirsch et al 2008). General practitioners
COMMENTARY
are seriously concerned about the mental health training, and the strength- relationship between psychosocial adv-
medicalisation of all personal and social ening of primary healthcare (Jacob 2011). ersity and mental ill-health (that is dis-
distress (PLoS Medicine Editors 2013). tress, illness and disease) complicates
They argue that the use of symptoms to Failure of Public Health the simplistic “atheoretical” approach to
diagnose mental disorders, without con- There is hard evidence to suggest that psychiatric diagnosis. The current clas-
sideration of context, in particular psy- mental distress and illness are linked to sifications provide labels by arbitrarily
chosocial hardship, essentially flags social determinants of health (WHO and dividing the many complex dimensions
non-clinically significant distress, espe- Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation 2014a, b). of mental health, distress, illness and
cially at lower degrees of severity. The failure to meet basic needs (for exam- disease into dichotomous normal/abnor-
Many physicians and general practi- ple, clean water, sanitation, nutrition, mal (disorder) categories (Jacob 2015).
tioners are uncomfortable with the use housing, immunisation) due to poverty The discipline with its biomedical frame-
of the concept of mental disorder, with impacts mental health (Jacob 2012). work transfers the disease halo reserved
its disease halo, which sidesteps the Patriarchy results in gross gender injustice for severe mental illness to all psychiat-
disease–illness dichotomy while attem- and significantly affects the health of girls ric diagnoses. It locates primary pathol-
pting to encompass both disease and and women. Low education and unem- ogy in the individual when causal mech-
distress (Jacob and Patel 2014). A dis- ployment are common causes of mental anism can lie in the environment. Medi-
ease portrays structural and functional distress. Structural violence, discrimina- cation-based solutions for problems of
abnormality, while illness is used to tion, social exclusion, political oppression, living are controversial.
depict subjective experience of suffering. ethnic cleansing and forced migration The vast evidence base, which demon-
Consequently, they often do not use psy- are common in poorer countries. Armed strates the correlation of depression and
chiatric categories at all, preferring to conflicts and war take their toll. These anxiety with NCDs, is based on observa-
avoid potentially stigmatising and mean- risk factors for poor mental health work tional studies, and cohort and case-control
ingless labels. Consequently, the Inter- through insecurity, hopelessness, rapid designs. However, such investigations are
national Classification of Primary Care-2 social change, risk of violence, and poor prone to bias. On the other hand, there
(WONCA 2003) focuses on reasons for physical health (Patel and Kleinman 2003). is very limited evidence that treatment
clinical encounters, patient data, and Nevertheless, mental health in LMIC is of depression and anxiety impact NCD
clinical activity. “Mixed anxiety depres- often addressed through urgency driven outcomes as demonstrated by the SAD-
sion” and “adjustment disorders” are medical solutions, which are preferred HART (Sertraline AntiDepressant Heart
preferred to the traditional psychiatric to public health approaches (Jacob 2007). Attack Randomised Trial) and ENRICHD
categories of major depression and gen- Public health is therefore reduced to a (Enhancing Recovery in Coronary Heart
eralised anxiety. Consequently, the trai- biomedical model. Primary care is mis- Disease Patients) trials (Glassman et al
ning of physicians in psychiatry in LMIC, taken for public health, and the focus is 2002; ENRICHD 2003).
often set in specialist facilities rather on outreach clinics rather than a con-
than in primary and secondary care set- certed multisectoral public health res- Tactical Advance
tings, is inappropriate and disempowers ponse (that is provision of basic needs, and Strategic Failure
physicians. The diluted tertiary care healthcare, employment, justice, etc). The linkage raises many questions: Is the
concepts and classifications and man- current push to highlight linkage between
agement strategies, enforced top down, Psychiatric Overreach mental disorders and NCD tactical? Does
are seldom practised. Consequently, such The absence of gold standards and labo- it acknowledge the strategic failure of in-
efforts are more in the realm of advocacy ratory tests, lack of pathognomonic corporating mental illness management in
than technical input. symptoms, use of individuals’ percep- primary care? Will such tactical packag-
Piggybacking mental health pro- tion of unpleasant feelings and phenom- ing with NCD prove effective, particularly
grammes requires robust primary health ena within the normal range of emo- in the context of impoverished, emascu-
systems for success. Revitalising primary tions, and the discounting of stress and lated and demoralised primary health-
care in LMIC, currently systematically context makes it difficult to separate care systems? Will it change the ground
underfunded and impoverished, will not normal human distress from mental dis- reality and overcome the barriers to uni-
aid the goal of integrating mental health orders (Jacob 2015). Psychiatric labels versal health and mental healthcare?
into primary care or with NCDs. The capi- medicalise mental distress. The failure of individual vertical pro-
talistic orientation of governments and Stress and trauma can be acute (for grammes to deliver argues for the inte-
the failure to support universal health example, bereavement), recurrent (ex- gration of mental healthcare into primary
coverage suggest the need to increase ample, domestic violence) or chronic (for healthcare. However, such incorporation
political pressure. The inability to scale up example, poverty); physical disease and at the front line of healthcare requires
projects to national programmes in LMIC disability, interpersonal difficulties and massive inputs to strengthen health sys-
mandates the need for bottom-up con- other social determinants are associated tems to allow for successful horizontal
cepts and classification, restructuring with symptoms of depression and anxiety. integration of different aspects of health
medical and nursing education, revamping Clinically and statistically significant service delivery.
COMMENTARY
An analysis of recent history argues Goel, D S (2011): “The National Mental Health Pro- & Political Weekly, Vol XLVIII, No 25, pp 77–81.
gramme: Problems, Perspectives, Possibilities,” Sustainable Development Goals (2015): United Na-
that much of the effort by mental health Public Mental Health: An Rvolving Field, New tions Department of Economic and Social Af-
professionals is essentially advocacy rather Delhi: Ministry of Health, Government of India. fairs, https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/
Jacob, K S (2007): “Public Health in India and the ?menu=1300.
than technical input to integrate mental Developing World: Beyond Medicine and Pri- Thornicroft, G, V Patel (2014): “Including Mental
healthcare into primary healthcare or even mary Healthcare,” Journal of Epidemiology and Health Among the New Sustainable Develop-
Community Health, Vol 61, No 7, pp 562–63. ment Goals,” BMJ, 349: g5189.
into the care of chronic NCDs. Rhetoric
— (2011): “Repackaging Mental Health Programmes Walsh, J and K Warren (1979): “Selective Primary
needs to match reality. It also suggests in Low- and Middle-income Countries,” Indian Healthcare: An Interim Strategy for Disease
that mental health advocacy may not Journal of Psychiatry, Vol 53, No 3, pp 195–98. Control in Developing Countries,” New England
— (2012): “Depression: A Major Public Health Journal of Medicine, 301, pp 967–74.
significantly affect secular trends in pop- Problem in Need of a Multi-sectoral Response,” WONCA (World Organization of Family Doctors)
ulation mental health and care. Indian Journal of Medical Research, Vol 136, (2003): International Classification of Primary
No 4, pp 537–39. Care, 2nd ed, electronic version.
— (2015): “Patient Experience and the Psychiatric WHO (World Health Organization) (1978): Decla-
Discourse: Attempting to Bridge Incommensurable ration of Alma-Ata: International Conference on
References Primary Healthcare, Alma-Ata, USSR, http://
Worlds,” Indian Journal of Psychiatry (in press).
DGHS (1982): National Mental Health Programme Jacob, K S and V Patel (2014): “Classification of www.who.int/publications/almaata_declaration_
for India, New Delhi: Directorate General of Mental Disorders: A Global Mental Health Perspe- en.pdf.
Health Services. ctive,” Lancet, Vol 383, No 9926, pp 1433–35. — (1984): “Mental Healthcare in Developing
ENRICHD Investigators (2003): “Effects of Treating Kirsch I, B J Deacon, T B Huedo–Medina, A Scoboria, Countries: A Critical Appraisal of Research
Depression and Low Perceived Social Support T J Moore, B T Johnson (2008): “Initial Severity Findings,” WHO Technical Report Series, No 698.
on Clinical Events After Myocardial Infarction: and Antidepressant Benefits: A Meta-analysis of — (2008): Mental Health Gap Action Programme:
The Enhancing Recovery in Coronary Heart Data Submitted to the Food and Drug Administra- Scaling up Care for Mental, Neurological and Sub-
Disease Patients (ENRICHD) Randomised Trial,” tion,” PLoS Medicine, 5(2): e45. Movement for stance Use Disorders, Geneva: WHO, http://www.
JAMA, Vol 289, No 23, pp 3106–16. Global Mental Health, http://www. globalmen- who.int/mental_health/evidence/mhGAP/en/.
Ferrari, A J, F J Charlson, R E Norman, S B Patten, talhealth.org. — (2013): Mental Health Action Plan 2013–2020,
G Freedman, L Murray et al (2013): “Burden of PLoS Medicine Editors (2013): “The Paradox of Geneva: WHO, http://apps.who.int/iris/bit-
Depressive Disorders by Country, Sex, Age, and Mental Health: Over-treatment and Under- stream/10665/89966/1/9789 241506021_eng.
Year: Findings from the Global Burden of Disease recognition,” PLoS Medicine, 10(5): e1001456. pdf.
Study 2010,” PLoS Medicine, 10(11), e1001547. Patel, V and A Kleinman (2003): “Poverty and Com- WHO and Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation (2014a):
Glassman A H et al for the SADHEART (Sertraline mon Mental Disorders in Developing Coun- Integrating the Response to Mental Disorders and
Anti-Depressant Heart Attack Randomised Trial) tries,” Bulletin of the World Health Organiza- Other Chronic Diseases in Healthcare Systems,
Group (2002): “Sertraline Treatment of Major tion, 81(8), pp 609–15. Geneva: World Health Organisation.
Depression in Patients with Acute MI or Unstable Sarin, A and S Jain (2013): “300 Ramayanas and the — (2014b): Social Determinants of Mental Health,
Angina,” JAMA, Vol 288, No 6, pp 701–09. District Mental Health Programme,” Economic Geneva: WHO.

COMMENTARY
On the Question of Backwardness demand for inclusion in the list of OBCs

requires careful examination of the
criteria of identifying backwardness. The
proclamation of the Patel community
Satish Kumar about its backwardness, and its demand—
that has taken coercive proportions—to
T
The demand by Gujarat’s Patidar he demand of the Patels or the be counted among the socially and eco-
community for a share in the Patidar community of Gujarat for nomically weaker communities in Gujarat
inclusion in the list of Other Back- challenges the very foundation of the
Other Backward Classes
ward Classes (OBCs) is a potential threat reservation policy: the criteria for iden-
reservation quota is not just a to the constitutional basis of identifying tification of backwardness.
demand to get wishes fulfilled but a group/class as “backward”—a classifi-
cation that leads to a community being ‘Backwardness’ Defined
seems a strategic conspiratorial
included in the appropriate beneficiary The exact identification of a group or
plan to get rid of the reservation
list. Widespread and virulent public agi- community as “backward” is conten-
policy. It challenges the tation with anti-reservation slogans is tious, and a subject of great public de-
foundational premises and not a new phenomenon in India. But bate. The Constitution does not define
determinants of backwardness, mobilisation at such a scale and organ- “backwardness.” But it contains some
isation of mega rallies has been rare in special provisions for the uplift and ad-
the grounds of entitlement to the
the tumultuous history of the reserva- vancement of socio-educationally back-
benefits of the reservation policy. tion movement. The movement of the ward classes of citizens. It provides for
Patels is also distinctive in another res- reservation of seats in government jobs,
pect. It demands a share for the Patel higher educational institutions and legis-
Satish Kumar (satish.ggu@gmail.com) is a community in the OBC quota, while not latures for any socio-educationally back-
research scholar at the National University of overtly opposing the reservation policy. ward class that is under-represented in
Educational Planning and Administration and Given the publicly known fact that the public services and institutions.
has also worked as an intern with the Indian Patels of Gujarat are a politically and The Second Backward Classes Com-
Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi.
economically powerful community, their mission (Mandal Commission) used a
COMMENTARY
composite set of social, educational and physical capital resulted in poor social essential properties of a conventional
economic criteria to determine back- capital as well as material deprivation caste include stratification of people, ac-
wardness. All of these were assigned pre- of the depressed classes. This further ceptance of ascribed status and negation
defined weightage points. Three points led to capability deprivation among them, of equality, the imposition of certain
were given to each of the social indicators, which is one of the reasons of uneven occupations and denial of equal oppor-
two points were assigned to each educa- development and inequalities between tunity, restriction of social mobility and
tional indicator, and one point was allot- social groups. hierarchical power relations, and op-
ted to each of the economic indicators. Most importantly, the reservation pression and discrimination. Caste in
However, some prominent indicators policy is not a poverty alleviation pro- contemporary India is not merely an
applicable to all groups, to determine gramme. It is an affirmative action policy identity marker of one’s origin, but is
backwardness, include the following. aimed at providing equal opportunity to also a potential sign of backwardness/
First, a class (not a caste) should be both those who historically suffered the most advancement. The main reason for this
socially and educationally backward to and experienced complete denial of phys- is the historical fact that there was com-
be identified backward. Second, poverty ical capital and social goods on the plete denial of equal opportunities to
is another important determinant of grounds of their ascribed social distinc- certain communities. They were prohib-
backwardness, but not the sole criterion, tion. It also aims to break, and gradually ited from owning physical assets, denied
otherwise, a large section of society eradicate, social and procedural barriers basic human rights and not allowed to
would fall under the backward category. and to protect such disadvantaged groups participate in society on the basis of
Third, caste is an important factor in from discriminatory practices which are merit. A history of unequal opportuni-
determining backwardness, but, again, inflicted in the name of caste. Another ties meant there was disparity in the de-
not the main criterion. Otherwise, it reason for not adopting the economic cri- velopment of human capabilities: some
may perpetuate reverse discrimination. terion as the chief determinant for identi- communities consequently became back-
Fourth, occupation, too, is a significant fying backwardness is that lower-caste ward compared to others in the race of
factor: this criterion takes into account if people are not discriminated on the basis development.
a class did/does perform menial jobs, of possession of economy, but are stopped Considering these historical facts,
such as leather work, manual scav- from availing social opportunities and the Constitution makers, especially
enging, tanning, etc. Fifth, the percent- benefits on the grounds of their ascribed B R Ambedkar, advocated for the incor-
age of literacy is also taken into account rank in the hierarchical social ladder. poration of special provisions for the up-
in order to identify a group as backward. However, it is imperative to note that lift and advancement of deprived com-
The literacy rate is not just an indicator the economic factor is not completely munities. The reservation policy was put
of educational development or back- negated while determining backward- in place for this purpose. Therefore,
wardness of a group, but also a potential ness. It does play a crucial role in deter- caste is taken as an indicator of deter-
indicator to determine the level of acces- mining backwardness, but it is not an mining backwardness, but it is not a
sibility to knowledge and information. inclusive variable. It is merely one indi- comprehensive one. Most importantly,
Sixth, the place of habitation, which rec- cator of backwardness/advancement, caste is neither the sole criterion nor the
ognises geographically isolated groups and therefore, does not cover other decisive one in determining backward-
of people, as also those who reside in important determinants of backwardness, ness. However, given the historical
Naxal-hit areas or forest-rich areas. such as social, cultural, political and evidence, the determination of back-
Seventh, backwardness should be com- demographic variables. wardness is incomplete sans caste.
parable between social groups. These Caste is a socially-constructed term The pragmatic observations indicate
indicators and sub-indicators collectively that refers to an enclosed class. The that with the passage of time, the benefits
contribute in determining backward-
L
ness, and looking at merely one of them Pr ow
Complete Annual EPW Sets Available ice
is not enough for the purpose. s
At Nominal Rates
Economic and Caste Criteria EPW has a few complete sets of the journal for 1986, 1988, 2001, and from 2003 to 2014
As stated above, backwardness has been that are available at nominal rates.
constitutionally defined in terms of social The entire set for each year is available for just Rs 100 plus postage and packing charges.
and educational parameters, and no, or (The cost of postage for each set—weighing around 10 kg—by registered parcel will be
very less, importance has been given to around Rs 400 to Rs 500. Packing charges will be Rs 100).
the economic criterion. The chief reason The total payable amount is Rs 700. Interested buyers can also call and visit our office in
for this is the fact that economic depriva- Mumbai and collect the volumes by paying just Rs 100 each.
tion is the outcome of historic social and There are only a limited number of these unbound sets available. Institutions and individuals
educational deprivation. The historical interested in buying any of the sets can call the Circulation Department for further details.
persistence of extreme oppression and Phone: 022-40638282
denial of access to social goods and
COMMENTARY
of reservation policy are no longer limited removing or reducing inter-social group colleges, private universities, and busi-
to caste groups only. Otherwise, persons disparities in order to establish an egali- ness establishments, the group’s demand
with disability and women would have tarian society. Therefore, it is extremely for acquiring OBC status seems to be
no reservation in various spheres of de- important to understand the necessity a weakly-reasoned one and a well-
velopment. At present, the inclusion of of having a reservation policy until the planned strategy to abolish the reserva-
transgenders in the beneficiary list of the inter-group disparities are eradicated. tion policy.
reservation policy is also under consider- Further, a reservation policy is perhaps The possible repercussion of this
ation; such reservation is again for a class the most reasonable path to address en- demand may not just lead to diluting
of citizens. Thus, the benefits of the reser- trenched structural inequalities and the constitutional basis of the reservation
vation policy are not confined to caste continuing social obstructions. Unfor- policy or eradicating of the provisions of
groups, but extend to other socially and tunately, that does not seem to be hap- affirmative action, but also may restore
educationally backward citizens who are pening. The demand for the abolition of historical oppression, caste-based dis-
subject to discrimination and who do not caste-based discrimination and estab- crimination, and atrocities. It also opens
have adequate representation in public lished social distance between social up possibilities of other relatively ad-
services and institutions. groups, which is ensured through the vanced groups raising similar demands.
practice of endogamy, is less voluble As the permissible limit of quota is
Equality in Law/Equality in Fact compared to demand for the termina- around 50%, it is near impossible to ex-
In a speech to the Constituent Assembly, tion of the reservation policy. tend its ambit to other groups, especially
Ambedkar pointed out that our Consti- to forward groups.
tution provides for equality before law Possible Impacts of Demand In the light of the above, the demand
and equality of opportunity to all citi- The strong anti-reservation agitation of the Patel community for inclusion in
zens irrespective of their social identity, of the Patel community to get rid of the OBC list is neither justified on social
but people are unequal in real social and the reser vation policy, on the one hand, and educational grounds, nor on an eco-
economic life. This fact leads to the con- and their demand for inclusion in the nomic criterion. Further, neither are
tradiction between “equality in law” and OBC list, on the other, seem contradic- they backward (over and above SCs and
“equality in fact.” The former does not tory. Their acceptance of being a politi- STs) nor do they face social discrimina-
consider historical oppression and con- cally and economically powerful com- tion on the basis of caste. Mere self-
sequent social disabilities, and prevents munity and having adequate represen- proclamation is not sufficient ground to
special provisions on the basis of socially- tation in public services further nulli- identify a community as backward. The
determined variables to disadvantaged fies the validity of claims of being present movement is just an indication
groups. The latter recognises the histori- “backward” in the race of development. of the potent anti-reservation agitation
cally imposed social disabilities and Given the fact that the Patel community and the perceived feeling of reverse dis-
their repercussions on the present ability is socio-economically and politically crimination. It does, however, signal the
of sufferers and, therefore, envisages spe- more advanced than Scheduled Castes dearth of sustainable livelihood oppor-
cial provisions to bring “equality in fact.” (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs), it tunities and the failure of the govern-
The reservation policy, one of such possesses agricultural lands and other ment to create adequate employment
special provisions, is committed to physical capital, and owns self-financed opportunities for all citizens.
A K Banerji Fellowship Programme

In honour of the late Arun Kumar Banerji, a well-known economic historian and former Executive Director of the Reserve Bank
of India, the Sameeksha Trust has instituted the A K Banerji Fellowship Programme.
The EPW Research Foundation will administer the scheme.
Under the A K Banerji Fellowship Programme, every year two students pursuing post-graduate (PG) or doctoral degrees
in economics or public policy will be provided fellowships, tenable at the EPW Research Foundation (EPWRF), Mumbai, for a
period up to three months.
The selected Fellows will work with senior staff of EPWRF and carry out tasks that are part of the EPWRF’s activities. Based on
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Programme.

Half-forgotten Vital History police firing against striking workers in
Bhilai killed 11 people.
The account here of working with Niyogi
is painfully honest, not glossing over his
Felix Padel distrust for independent-minded women,
and the Sens’ distancing from the move-
I
nside Chhattisgarh: A Political Memoir book reviewS ment. A parallel today might be the Mun-
is an important book that can be read nar women plantation workers’ strike, out-
at many levels, bearing witness to Inside Chhattisgarh: A Political Memoir by side trade union normality, in Kerala.
some extremely significant chapters in the Ilina Sen, Gurgaon, Haryana: Penguin Books India, 2014; Women workers’ marginalisation is a
history of Central India’s heartland, culmi- pp xi + 307, Rs 399. concern explored in Ilina Sen’s previous
nating in the creation of an exceptionally book, A Space within the Struggle: Women’s
beautiful state called Chhattisgarh in Bhilai Steel Plant (BSP)—the complex Participation in People’s Movements (1990).
2000, the region’s descent into civil war where Niyogi made his name. Typically,
and the sentencing of the author’s hus- for industrial areas, the exploitation of Key Histories
band, Binayak Sen, to life imprisonment. workers was extreme, and “the adminis- Inside Chhattisgarh: A Political Memoir
The story starts—inasmuch as any tration was replaced by BSP bureaucracy,” records many interconnected, half-for-
story has a beginning—at the Centre for despite which, Ilina “soon fell in love with gotten yet vital histories, which came
Social Medicine and Community Health in the place and with Chhattisgarh—an ishq together from Bhilai to Tilda, where the
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi— (love) that I still have not outgrown…” Sens stayed immediately after the Niyogi
where Sen began his exceptional career A key feature that drew her in was years. Here they got involved with Sat-
in community health in 1976, while Ilina …the many strong women in the organiza- namis and their struggle, who commem-
went for population studies. Within five tion. These beautiful Chhattisgarhi women orate Guru Ghasidas; a contemporary of
years, the couple had shifted to Rasulia in wrapped towels around their waists as they Veer Narayan Singh, the Chhattisgarhi
headed for the mines in the morning… Their
Hoshangabad District of Madhya Pradesh, self-confidence and pride in their sanga- leader who rebelled against the British in
where they brushed shoulders with eminent than… was evident in every sentence they 1857, whose memory Niyogi revived. They
Gandhians at the Friends Rural Centre, set spoke—such was the stuff of which the ro- then stayed in the village of Bagrumnala,
up by Quakers, as the centre underwent a mance of Dalli-Rajhara was made. in what became Dhamtari District, one of
series of transitions from J C Kumarappa’s Chhattisgarh Mukti Morcha’s Shaheed the Maang Gaon villages set up by people
eminently Gandhian Economy of Perman- Memorial hospital was the first place displaced by dams on the upper Mahanadi
ance, to Green Revolution “improved agri- where Binayak Sen made his name, though village, whose struggle for recognition in
cultures,” to organic farming inspired by he increasingly dedicated his efforts during the Lal Topi movement had been visited
Fukuoka’s “one straw revolution”; com- these Dalli years to supporting Niyogi’s by Ram Manohar Lohia years before.
plemented by Kishore Bharati’s programme trade union movement. The book gives a Rupantar was a civil society trust the Sens
of grass-roots science education, with their vivid account of Niyogi’s work and his set up in this village that focused on health
“fierce faith in the scientific method.” death, for which the only person punished and education. It ended up serving over
Ilina’s focus here was Korku Adivasi was the hired killer, Paltan Mallah, who 240 villages and became a model for the
villages, in an area gradually reeling from was sentenced to life imprisonment. Those National Rural Health Mission.
mass displacements, near Pachmarhi in the who hired the killer have remained free. Another key history is the work of
Satpura hills, brought about by the first As Ilina says, Niyogi’s trade union acti- R H Richharia, with whom the Sens
Narmada Valley dams, and also army firing vism was hard enough against public sector became friendly, who did outstanding
ranges, where later the outstanding Samaj- utilities such as the BSP. Many believe it was work collecting and recording the germ
wadi Jan Parishad activist Sunil Gupta his activism on behalf of less organised plasm of indigenous rice varieties against
helped displaced Adivasis to evolve an workers in the private sector that led to his the trend of promoting high-yield varieties.
alternative economy—fishing in the assassination in 1991—the year of India’s This collection would have been taken
Tawa reservoir. new economic policy, when working condi- over by the multinational seed company
tions and protests began to get even harder. Syngenta if it had not been for public pres-
Niyogi and Chhattisgarh Police firings during the years the Sens sure, in which the Sens were involved.
Mukti Morcha were active with Niyogi include those on This book presents many leads into the
Quite soon, the growing reputation of contract workers hired by Manganese Ore real history of Chhattisgarh, including the
India’s iconic trade union leader, Shankar India at Bharveli mines in 1983, and against Gond hero Bodal Diwan, whose resist-
Guha Niyogi, drew the Sens further east workers on strike at Bengal Nagpur Cotton ance under the Bastar Raj against the
and a bit south, to make a home at Dalli- Mill in Rajnandgaon in 1984. In July 1992, “Aryas” was a symbol for the Lal Topi
Rajhara, the iron ore mine that supplied 10 months after Niyogi’s death, another movement, and gave guidance to its
BOOK REVIEW
leader, Manglu Thakur, whom the Sens far from unique. As the “Free Binayak Sen Of course, India is not the only country
befriended; also Iqbal and Kalawati, who Campaign” has always made clear, India’s where innocents are sentenced to life
served as the most warm-hearted of guides jails are full of hundreds of people impris- imprisonment on fabricated evidence. In
to many of us who were blessed to get to oned on fabricated evidence and false the United Kingdom, a prominent case is
know the extraordinary realm that was charges; many of them Adivasis; and many the “Birmingham Six,” accused of pub
Bastar before it began its descent into hell. of them accused of aiding and abetting the bombings in Birmingham and sentenced
Maoists. Arun Ferreira’s Colours of the to life imprisonment in 1975, overturned
Gathering of Dark Clouds Cage: A Prison Memoir (2014) gives an ex- in 1991. In the United States, Susan
The initial euphoria over Chhattisgarh’s cellent account of jail life by an activist ar- Lindauer is a good example—a Central
creation did not last long. There was Bharat rested as a Maoist supporter. Manisha Intelligence Agency whistle-blower on 9/11
Aluminium Company’s (Balco) sale to Ster- Sethi’s Kafkaland: Prejudice, Law and Coun- and Iraq, who was locked away in a mili-
lite in 2001, and the worker deaths from ter Terrorism in India (2014) details a paral- tary psychiatric unit in 2005 after an ex-
the collapse of a new chimney in Korba in lel process of evidence fabricated against ceedingly Kafkaesque manipulation and
2009; intimidation of local people’s resist- alleged Islamic terrorists. The Curious Case suppression of evidence. She was freed a
ance to Jindal Steel’s takeover of land for of Binayak Sen by Dilip D’Souza (2012) year later, when the government case
coal mines; Essar’s planned steel plant at goes more into the details of this particular against her dropped in 2009. Her book
Dhurli and Tata Steel’s at Lohandiguda; case, and why it became symbolic to human Extreme Prejudice: The Terrifying Story
and above all the setting up of Salwa Judum rights activists the world over. Ilina Sen’s of the Patriot Act and the Cover ups of
on the pretence that it was a “spontaneous book highlights the increasing polarisation 9/11 and Iraq was published in 2010.
uprising” against the Naxalites. All these over the case: to half the world, Binayak
represent the gathering of dark clouds that Sen remains a heroic doctor, dedicated to Conclusions
culminated in Binayak Sen’s arrest in May bringing relief to those in need, and high- We live in an age of extreme prejudice.
2007 on the charge of acting as a courier for lighting injustice—a living example of a Ilina Sen’s book is eloquent on the family’s
the Maoists when he gave medical treat- life in service to the people; to the other demonisation by the media and their
ments to their leader Narayan Sanyal in jail. half, his guilt seems an article of faith, with outcasting by neighbours. An innocent
The Kafkaesque manipulation and dis- media following the political and police person’s ordeal on the inside of incarcer-
tortion of evidence in his case, and Binayak lead. To this half, it apparently seems obvi- ation has a counterpart in the unceasing
Sen’s two spells in jail (May 2007–May ous that human rights activists are in the stress for their family and close friends
2009 and December 2010–April 2011) are same category as Maoists or terrorists. who face the prejudice and wade
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BOOK REVIEW
through never-ending bureaucracy and and workers’ rights, where people mat- for herds of elephants increasingly
campaigning on the outside. Binayak, ter and the complex history of margin- hemmed-in by new coal mines, and for
like Susan Lindauer and Arun Ferreira, alised identities vies with a mainstream dozens of Adivasi communities, what
was lucky to have a large network of dedicated to imposed industrialisation, future lies in store for Chhattisgarh in
family, friends and supporters who assimilation of Adivasis into Hindutva, coming years?
eventually ensured his release. Thou- and a distortion of history. For the
sands of people are not so lucky. Raoghat mountain range and Indravati Felix Padel (felishmr@gmail.com) is a social
To read Inside Chhattisgarh is to enter River, where vast new iron ore mines anthropologist and author of Sacrificing
the slower paced world of village India and the Bodhghat dams are planned, People: Invasions of a Tribal Landscape.

BOOK REVIEW
(Chambhars) and the Mangs (Matangs).

Being Dalit and Being Rural Their assertion is seen as an attempt to
go “beyond Mahar dominance” by carving
out unique anti-discrimination trajecto-
Maansi Parpiani ries. The chapter describes how identity
labels like Mang also develop their own
A
nthropologist Sarah Pinto in her Civility against Caste: Dalit Politics and Citizenship hierarchies of “purity,” “mobility” and “re-
ethnography of rural midwifery in Western India by Suryakant Waghmore, New Delhi: ality” (“the real Mang”).
asks a question, Sage Publications, 2013; pp 276, Rs 588, hardback. The universe of political parties, commu-
How can we account, in overdetermined Dalit Households in Village Economies edited by nity organisations, NGOs and the like that
spaces like ‘villages,’ for overdetermined V K Ramachandran and Madhura Swaminathan, have overlapping agendas emerge as a rich
modes of othering like ‘caste’ and the ways New Delhi: Tullika Books, 2014; pp 339, Rs 556, hardback.
Dalit civil society. The book sees the “NGO-
the very imagination of such entities is bound-
ed is at once part of discursive craftings of isation of the Dalits” and enhanced recogni-
modernity and also very real, very embodied, that institutional party politics is not the tion for a discourse on Dalit rights as a con-
very everyday? (2008: 24). sole means of political contestation. tinuation of Dalit electoral struggles and
Pinto’s evocation speaks to the renewed Chapter 3 follows cases of atrocity not as an impasse or rupture. Highlighting
academic interest in caste dynamics and against Dalits and describes how most of the need to give more attention to non-elec-
everyday-ness in different spaces. Two these stem from the reorientation of toral politics, the book makes a case for the
books contribute to this debate by offer- rural public spaces and contestations of movements of the Dalits in Beed to be
ing different ways of conceptualising the Dalits’ access to these spaces. Also de- counter publics that are neither anti-state
means of being Dalit in rural India today. scribed are the ways through which social nor restricted to elitist locations, but repre-
links with police and lower bureaucracy sent instead an interactive challenge to the
Citizenship and Dalits play a crucial role in such negotiations— “high democracy and low civility” of the In-
The book Civility against Caste highlights sometimes to the benefit, but at most dian society at large. The book’s theoretical
the political struggles of citizenship by dif- times, to the detriment of Dalits. Parti- engagement with this argument however is
ferent groups within the general category cularly interesting are the challenges of limited and this limits it from reaching out
of “Dalit.” The book lays out the landscape proving humiliation and nature of dhind to a larger theorisation of civility, civil socie-
of caste in Beed District of Maharashtra. (caste-based content) within violence. ty, and political participation.
Suryakant Waghmore makes an interest- Chapter 4 looks at the political struggles The book’s contribution lies in the de-
ing choice in adopting the lens of civil soci- for reclaiming through encroachment lineation of the social world of different
ety—that is often exclusively applied to the grazing lands for cultivation. persons that locate themselves within
upper-middle-class associations in metro- diverse meanings of being Dalit. Further-
politan centres. Chapter 1 argues that aspi- Assertion of Political Identity more, the rural here is more than a spatial
ration and mobility are not merely about Attempts to imagine a collective and site; it is a unique matrix of social relations
material consumption, but are equally re- larger identity of “backwardness” in the formed by the “material and cultural
lated with the ideals of “trust, dignity and idea of the “Bahujan,” are highlighted in practices that sustain the ‘untouchable’
equality.” It highlights “the burden of civili- the following chapter. The author deline- status of Dalits and the disjuncture that the
ty” on the Dalits, their expected docility in ates the history of the idea and the Bahujan increasing monetisation of rural society
the face of being confronted with aggres- Samaj Party—that had its roots in the has introduced” (p 63).
sion—verbal, physical and spatial. This is Bahujan and Minority Community Em-
followed by a chapter on the history of the ployees Federation (BAMCEF). The making Degrees of Exclusion
caste movements in the Marathwada of this larger grouping is not without as- The edited volume, Dalit Households in
region of Maharashtra that questions the sertions of difference within this Bahujan Village Economies, takes a different metho-
assertion that Dalit politics has reached an collective. Chapter 6 brings into focus dological approach to studying rural
impasse. The chapters that follow argue the political struggles of the Charmakars Dalit life even if it shares Civility against
BOOK REVIEW
Caste’s common concerns. It uses statisti- Socio-economic Conditions of Dalit House- smooth one and its functioning came to
cal survey tools like National Sample holds in a Malabar Village” by R Rama- be continually disrupted by landlord
Survey Office data, the All India Debt and kumar draws out the historical trajectories groups. The Keezhvenmani massacre of
Investment Surveys (AIDIS) and case of land reforms in Kerala and their impact 1969 was the most violent of the several
studies from the Project on Agrarian in Malabar District. The paper uses sur- attacks on agricultural workers. Howev-
Relations in India (PARI) along with micro veys conducted in 1955 by Thomas Shea er, as highlighted by the paper, a com-
village-level data. The introduction high- in Morazha village and contrasts it with mittee provided the substance that final-
lights the need for micro-level analyses data collected by the author in 2001. ly led to the acceptance of workers’ de-
of how caste in different villages is relat- mands for fair wages, land distribution,
ed to sectional deprivation and differen- History of Struggle and land ceiling.
tial impact discrimination. Accordingly, “The Peasant Movement and Dalit The next paper by Aparajita Bakshi
an overview paper, “Role of Social Exclu- Rights in East Thanjavur, Tamil Nadu” analyses the impact of the reforms in West
sion in Explaining Poverty in Income-Poor by G Ramakrishnan uses oral history Bengal through secondary and primary
States of India” by Sukhdeo Thorat, Nidhi accounts to trace the trajectory of caste survey data. Secondary data reveals the
Sadana Sabharwal and Amit Thorat em- and labour relations in the region. The relatively better access to land for Dalits
phasises the need for taking into account All India Kisan Sabha that was initiated and Adivasis in the state compared to
degrees and gradation of exclusion. The in 1936 came to Tamil Nadu only five the national average. This, as argued by
paper argues the prevalence of different years later but saw incremental success- the paper, is owing to the historical
forms of exclusion that range from “comes in decreasing the share rent paid by peasant movement in the state that had
plete debarring” or “unfavourable inclu- agricultural labour and entitled them to twin demands of abolition of the zamind-
sion” to “selective inclusion” or “exclu- larger portions of the crop. The paper ari system and a larger share of crop for
sion from decision making.” points out that this large alliance of land- the sharecropper. The primary surveys
The papers that follow are divided into owning peasants and agricultural work- discussed in the chapter indicate that land
three clusters. The first set looks at some ers was bound to be affected by their reforms as implemented in the post-inde-
historical engagements of the identity of substantially divergent socio-economic pendence era appear to have benefited
the Dalit to gain a longue durée perspec- conditions, and soon enough the latter the Dalits and Adivasis in three realms:
tive on the changes in landscape and sought to organise themselves exclusive- increase in contractual tenancy (though
social universe of the Dalits. The paper ly. The formation of the Agricultural still seasonal), access to homestead lands
“Agrarian Change and Changes in the Workers’ Association however was not a (and through it to livelihood sustenance
new from PRIMUS

Sixty-Four Yoginis: Cult, Sharing Sovereignty:
Icons and Goddesses The Little Kingdom in
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BOOK REVIEW
options of backyard gardening), and re- areas to bank credit. The author uses data the Scheduled Caste groups. Third, the
distribution of agricultural land via the from the AIDIS, correlates it with other composition of the Dalit population in the
implementation of land ceiling. sources to argue an increase in the share of villages did not seem to have any direct re-
formal sources in rural debt in Dalit house- lationship with income inequality. Of the
Access to Land and Livelihood hold, between 1962 and 1992, followed by two Dalit majority villages; one had sub-
The second set of papers address issues of a decrease between 1992 and 2002—dur- stantively high and the other relatively
land rights, tenancy, access to credit, ing which period the reliance on informal much lower income inequalities.
and caste-based violence in contempo- sources re-emerged. The paper argues An exploration of manual work in the
rary times—piecing together important that even in 2010, which witnessed the PARI villages by V K Ramachandran,
challenges of negotiating Dalit identities highest percentage of credit given to Niladri Sekhar Dhar and Navpreet Kaur
in different rural contexts. Judith Heyer’s “weaker sections” since 1993, 15 of 22 pri- highlights the large share of Dalit house-
chapter on “Dalit Households in Indus- vate and 8 of 30 public sector banks did not holds in all manual worker households.
tralising Villages” makes an important meet their targets. Particularly, it makes note of the high
contribution by pointing out the different proportion of manual agricultural work
categories within the agricultural labour Asset and Income Inequality among Dalit women. Highlighting the
force and their changing profile over The third section deals with case studies exclusion in access to basic civic ameni-
the 20th century in Tamil Nadu—“farm from the PARI based on surveys conducted ties, Madhura Swaminathan and Sham-
servants,” “daily wage labour,” “piece- in 22 villages across nine states. The first sher Singh point to the deprivation expe-
rated contract labour,” and “migrant sug- two papers discuss asset inequality and rienced by Dalit households, in terms of
arcane-crushing labour.” She points out asset poverty in Dalit households. In the differential access to land, housing, elec-
that by 2008–09, daily-wage and piece- first paper, Vikas Rawal makes a case for tricity, toilets and drinking water. The
rated labour come to represent 99% of the the disproportionately low share of Dalit paper takes adequate basic housing to
agrarian labour force in the surveyed households in the access to and ownership reflect the minimum parameters of pucca
villages. This grouping mostly consists of agricultural plots, homestead lands, roofs, walls and floors, two rooms, source
of Dalits and their shift from agricultural animals, means of production like agri- of water inside or immediately outside
labour to daily wage has made these cultural machinery and means of trans- the house, electricity connection and a
villages the source of daily wage labour port. This idea is further built upon functioning latrine. On these criteria,
for the larger region. through a paper by Partha Saha who dis- the survey concludes that zero to a small
“Tenancy and Distress in Thanjavur” by cusses the need to look at asset poverty as proportion of Dalit households have met
V Surjit peals out the different complexi- an additional measure of economic hard- the criteria of adequate housing.
ties in tenancy farming in the Tamil Nadu ship, apart from income poverty. The In sum, the book addresses the need for
District. It is mostly Dalits who are sublet paper highlights the role of assets, not only empirical investigations in the discussion
plots of land by caste Hindus, who are in as wealth and as a means of income gen- of caste and discrimination. While some
turn tenants of the temple land. The high eration, but also as cushions against in- papers highlight persuasive disadvantage,
costs of rent and of production are aggra- come fluctuations. The paper measures others point to significant attainments.
vated by the exclusion of these cultivators the vulnerability of households in two Yet, the challenge of inclusion and redres-
from any governmental monetary relief in Uttar Pradesh villages, Harevli and Mahat- sal appears to be far from overcome. The
the event of crop failure as they are not the war, in terms of the period of time they can very processes of attainment seem to pro-
direct tenants of the land. Land conflicts in survive at the poverty-level line of con- duce new antagonisms as is evident from
Marathwada forms the next discussion in sumption, using funds obtained from sell- persistent violence. It also produces new
a paper by R Ramakumar and Tushar ing their assets. The result reveals that hierarchies and fissures as the categories
Kamble. The paper follows the struggles 44.6% and 71.2% of households in Harevli of Dalit/Scheduled Caste themselves
over retaining land by a Dalit family in a and Mahatwar respectively would not be come to be contested and interpreted in
village of Osmanabad District, in the face able to sustain the said consumption level plural ways. Locally rooted empirical sur-
of encroachment by an upper-caste (Mara- for more than a year. veys and studies as undertaken in this
tha) household. Their constant negotia- The following papers build upon the book provide the content for multiple real-
tions with the police, the law, and local other facets of vulnerability among Dalit ities of the caste experience, and speak to
power heads in the pursuit for a fair hear- households. Vikas Rawal and Madhura the call for investigating Dalit-ness from
ing are used to highlight the ways in Swaminathan’s survey in the PARI villages divergent locations and standpoints.
which social discrimination is interspersed leads them to three observations. First,
with struggles over economic resources not only is income inequality prevalent Maansi Parpiani (prg573@hum.ku.dk) is
doctoral candidate at the Centre for Global
for the Dalits. but that there is wide polarisation in ine-
South Asian Studies, University of Copenhagen.
The paper by Pallavi Chavan continues quality and the absence of a substantial
the discussion on the triad of land, rent middle-ness. Second, the agriculturally Reference
and risk by highlighting the challenges of prosperous villages have markedly high Pinto, S (2008): Where There Is No Midwife: Birth and
access faced by Dalit borrowers in rural income inequality to the disadvantage of Loss in Rural India, New York: Berghahn Books.

PERSPECTIVES
Kaul overrated the didactic impact of

A Brief History of Panchsheel Indian diplomacy. Zhou doubtless took
note of the principles frequently advo-
cated by Nehru but several of these prin-
Chandrasekhar Dasgupta ciples had also been independently
enunciated earlier by China in different
T
Contrary to popular belief, he origins and rationale of the contexts. Thus, as Kaul himself noted,
Panchsheel did not draw Five Principles of Peaceful Coex- “equality, mutual benefit and mutual
istence, better known in India as respect for sovereign territory” were pre-
its inspiration from Indian
Panchsheel, deserve to be rescued from scribed as basic principles for establish-
philosophy, nor did it reflect lack the realms of speculation and mytho- ing diplomatic ties with foreign coun-
of political realism on the part of logy. It is frequently asserted in public tries in Article 56 of the 1949 Common
Jawaharlal Nehru. Panchsheel discourse in India that Jawaharlal Nehru Programme (effectively its interim con-
was the author of the five principles; stitution). This formula figured, for ex-
was promoted by China and India
that Panchsheel drew its inspiration ample, in Zhou Enlai’s letter of 2 October
as an instrument for advancing from ancient Indian or, more specifically, 1950, addressed to Jawaharlal Nehru,
their respective national interests Buddhist philosophy; and that they proposing establishment of diplomatic
in the mid-1950s. China, the reflected Nehru’s alleged naiveté and ties. Nehru’s positive response also
lack of political realism. None of these referred to the principles.1
originator of the five principles,
beliefs stands up to an examination of The 1950 Sino–Soviet Treaty also pro-
sought to reassure neighbours the historical record. claimed the principles of equality, mu-
who had developed misgivings The five principles made their first ap- tual interest, mutual respect for state
about it during the Korean War, pearance in the preamble of the 1954 sovereignty and territorial integrity and
India–China agreement on trade and non-interference in the internal affairs
and to wean them away from
cultural ties with Tibet. There are con- of the other party. Though Nehru had in-
the United States. India viewed trasting versions of its paternity. An offi- deed repeatedly dwelt on the principles,
Panchsheel as providing some cial history of China’s diplomacy gives singly or in various combinations, it was
degree of reassurance in the the credit to Premier Zhou Enlai and Zhou who first gave shape to the five
states that it was “at his meeting with an principles as a composite package,
context of the border dispute
Indian delegation [on 31 December 1954] formed by adding “mutual non-aggres-
with China, as well as a means that Premier Zhou proposed for the first sion” and “peaceful coexistence” to the
of countering US moves to create time the Five Principles of Peaceful Co- three principles enunciated earlier as
new military alliances in Asia. existence” (Han 1990: 102). the basis for establishing diplomatic ties
Reflecting an Indian perspective, with non-communist states.
In a final twist of irony, the five
Triloki Nath Kaul, the principal Indian The term “Panchashila,” was adopted
principles found a place in the negotiator for the 1954 agreement, as- by Nehru on Panikkar’s suggestion (Kaul
Shanghai Communique (1972), serts that “the credit for formulating and 1979: 95). The Sanskrit version was not
normalising Sino–US relations. popularising the Five Principles goes to always viewed as a mere translation and
Nehru, if any one person can claim it” this might well have contributed to the
(1979: 96). According to Kaul, Nehru’s widespread misconception that the prin-
instructions to the Indian delegation be- ciples had their roots in Indian philosophy.
fore their departure for Beijing encom-
passed the five principles. “Here,” he Different Perspectives
writes, “were the seeds of Panchsheel.” India and China approached Panchsheel
Though he acknowledged that the five from somewhat different perspectives.
principles were spelled out by Zhou These differences were reflected in the
Enlai when he received the Indian dele- negotiations leading to the Tibet agree-
gation on the eve of the negotiations, ment of 1954. The Indian delegation, ini-
Kaul believed that Zhou “had been echo- tially focusing on the application of the
ing the thoughts of Nehru which had principles for maintaining peace along
been conveyed to him by [ambassador] the borders with Tibet, insisted on incor-
Chandrasekhar Dasgupta (cdasgupta62@ Panikkar and me [Kaul], adding only porating the five principles in the text of
gmail.com) retired from the Indian Foreign the phrase ‘mutual non-aggression’ ” the Tibet agreement in the form of a
Service.
(1979: 100). separate article. The Chinese pressed for
26 JANUARY 2, 2016 vol lI no 1 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
PERSPECTIVES
embodying the five principles in a sepa- China. Post-World War II economic re- Nehru’s Realism
rate joint press communique (Kaul 1979: construction was the topmost priority Jawaharlal Nehru has been unjustly crit-
102). Both sides recognised that the prin- for Western Europe and it could not icised for his alleged naiveté in accept-
ciples were not only applicable to their afford to ignore the Chinese market ing at face value Chinese declarations of
bilateral relations but also had a wider (Zhang 2007: 511-2). China’s strategy peaceful intentions. However, the record
relevance in the context of the Cold War. was to widen the differences between shows that he had few illusions about
However, the Indians attached primary the US and the two “intermediate zones” the efficacy of declaratory principles.
importance to the former dimension by adopting the strategy of “peaceful co- Neither he nor his officials believed that
and, therefore, insisted on its inclusion existence.” Thus, China decided on an Panchsheel obviated the need for secur-
in the Tibet agreement. The Chinese, on image makeover as a first step in a new ing India’s borders. In his preliminary
the other hand, wanted to highlight the diplomatic offensive against the US. report on the Tibet negotiations, Kaul
latter dimension—seeing it as the first Such was the background of Zhou’s five emphasised the need for establishing
step towards some sort of a wider Asian principles. check posts at all disputed points and
peace treaty or non-aggression pact— Within a fortnight of the conclusion of extending administration right up to
and thus proposed that it be set out inde- the Tibet agreement with India in April the border. Nehru endorsed these recom-
pendently in a joint communique. The 1954, Zhou pursued the “peaceful co- mendations and pointed out the need
two sides finally agreed to a compro- existence” line in the Geneva conference for expediting action (SWJN 25: 410).
mise: the five principles figure in the text on Vietnam and Korea, where China Nehru hoped that Panchsheel would, to
of the Tibet agreement but as a set of sought neutralisation of the Indochina some extent, exercise a restraining influ-
general principles in the preamble, rather countries in order to forestall establish- ence on aggressive behaviour. As he
than as a separate article. ment of new American military bases in explained in the Lok Sabha on 29 Sep-
For China, “peaceful coexistence” was its periphery. Addressing the plenary tember 1954 (Heimsath and Mansingh
a new diplomatic strategy in the context session on Indochina issues on 12 May 1971: 192):
of the prevailing international situation. 1954, Zhou declared (Zhang 2007: 515): [I]n the final analysis, no country can trust
In late 1953, the Korean War was draw- Asian countries must mutually respect each another country…Therefore, it is not a ques-
ing to an end, even as the struggle for other’s independence and sovereignty and tion of my trusting any of these big or small
Indochina gathered intensity. The United not interfere in each other’s internal af- countries; but it is a question of our follow-
fairs; they must solve their disputes through ing a policy which…makes it more and more
States (US) was seeking new allies and
peaceful negotiations and not through difficult progressively for the other country
bases in Asia to “contain” the communist to break trust. We need not live in a fairy
threats and military force; they must estab-
powers. Beijing’s military role in Korea lish normal economic and cultural relations world where nothing wrong happens…But
and its assistance to North Vietnam had on the basis of equality and mutual benefit we can create an environment wherein it be-
given rise to fears of communist expan- and disallow discrimination and limitation. comes a little more dangerous for the other
Only in this way could the Asian countries party to break away from pledges given.
sionism in many neighbouring countries.
avoid the neo-colonialist exploitation of the
China needed an image makeover to reas- As noted earlier, India initially viewed
unprecedented catastrophe of Asians fight-
sure its neighbours; hence the incorpora- ing Asians and achieve peace and security.
Panchsheel primarily in a bilateral India–
tion of “non-aggression” and “peaceful China context. However, while the Tibet
coexistence” in the five principles. Two days later, in a meeting with the negotiations were still in progress, a
Beijing also hoped to play on differ- British Foreign Secretary, Anthony transformation took place in India’s
ences between the US and its West Euro- Eden, Zhou stressed that (Ostermann security environment. In February 1954,
pean allies. Premier Zhou Enlai ex- 2008: 21) the US announced that it would extend
plained the rationale of the new diplo- China wants peaceful relations with all of military aid to Pakistan and, in April,
matic strategy to senior Chinese diplo- its Asian neighbours. The recent agreement Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles,
mats in a meeting on 5 June 1953. The that China signed with India on trade in unveiled US plans for forming new mili-
Tibet is sufficient to demonstrate this point.
new strategy aimed to weaken US ties to tary pacts in Asia to contain commu-
In the preamble, China and India stated mutual
the two “intermediate zones” compris- respect for territorial sovereignty, mutual nism. With the recruitment of Pakistan
ing, respectively, Asia, Africa and Latin non-aggression, mutual non-interference in as a US ally, the Cold War arrived at
America; and European allies of the US. internal affairs, reciprocity on an equal basis, India’s doorstep.
“US war threats,” Zhou explained, “will and peaceful co-existence. Nehru’s advocacy of Panchsheel now
widen the gap between the US and the Mao explained this line to his col- acquired a new dimension. He saw Panch-
West European countries and cause leagues in an enlarged politbureau meet- sheel as a means of buttressing non-
most of the nations in Asia, the Middle ing on 7 July 1954 (Zhang 2007: 517): alignment and a “zone of peace” in India’s
East and North Africa to keep their dis- neighbourhood. Nehru was particularly
In Geneva we have advanced the slogan of
tance from America.” peace, thereby portraying an image of being
concerned that Burma (now Myanmar)
Moreover, the US and its West Euro- for peace, whereas the US refuses to adhere and Indonesia might weaken in their
pean allies did not see eye to eye on the to such a slogan and thus forges an image of attachment to non-alignment on account
question of economic sanctions against being for belligerency which makes no sense. of anxieties about Chinese interference
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JANUARY 2, 2016 vol lI no 1 27
PERSPECTIVES
in their internal affairs. Though Burma Delhi on his way to Beijing. He explained step, Zhou might broach the subject with
was deeply attached to non-alignment, his objectives in a telegram to Chairman U Nu, on his way back to China, and lat-
it was concerned over reports that Bur- Mao in a cable, er follow it up with Indonesia.
mese communists were receiving sup- The purpose of this visit to India is to con- The joint statement issued at the con-
port from members of the local Chinese duct preparation work for signing some form clusion of the Chinese Premier’s visit to
community as well as sources in China. of Asian peace treaty and to strike a blow at India focused on Panchsheel and eleva-
Communist victories in Indochina, as- the United States’ conspiracy to organise a ted it from a set of principles guiding
Southeast Asia invasive bloc.
sisted by Beijing, further fuelled Bur- India–China bilateral relations to one
mese anxieties. Zhou also wanted to exchange views that should be applied in their relations
In April 1954, Chettur, the Indian am- with Nehru on the Geneva talks, hoping with other countries in Asia and beyond.
bassador in Rangoon, reported that a to “have India exercise its influence to The Prime Ministers reaffirmed these prin-
senior Burmese official had hinted at a push for British Commonwealth support ciples and felt that they should be applied in
possible reconsideration of the policy of for the Indochina ceasefire.” He antici- their relations with other countries in Asia
as well as in other parts of the world…. In
non-alignment. Nehru did not take this pated that Nehru might “mention the
particular, the Prime Ministers hoped that
at face value but he was nevertheless issue of the relations between our country these principles would be applied to the so-
concerned about a weakening of Bur- and Burma; we will probably initiate and lution of the problems of Indochina where
ma’s hitherto staunch commitment to suggest establishing a non-aggression the political settlement should aim at the
non-alignment. He felt that Panchsheel agreement with Burma. Nehru might creation of free, democratic, unified and
independent states…. The adoption of the
could make a contribution to alleviating ask us to visit Burma on the way, if this is
principles referred to above will also help
these anxieties, thereby reinforcing non- so, then we will agree.” Zhou’s focus was in creating an area of peace which, as cir-
alignment. He instructed his ambassa- on “striking a blow at the United States,” cumstances permit, can be enlarged, thus
dors in Beijing and Yangon to suggest not its junior Asian partners. Hence he lessening the chances of war and strength-
the conclusion of a Sino–Burmese agree- added, “We will not initiate involvement ening the chances of peace all over the world
(SWJN 26: 410–12).
ment adopting the five principles (SWJN in the dispute between India and Paki-
25: 478–80). stan.” However, if the issue was raised, Nehru followed this up with a letter to
“we will emphasise that South East the Burmese Prime Minister pursuing
Nehru’s ‘Look East’ Asian countries should unite against the his earlier suggestion regarding a Sino–
The Burmese Prime Minister, U Nu, was invasion of the United States.”2 In other Burmese declaration on Panchsheel.
initially sceptical about the wisdom of words, while enlisting India’s support Outlining his discussions with Zhou on
relying on Chinese assurances. Nehru for opposing US military pacts in Asia, the five principles, Nehru suggested that
countered his arguments with candour Zhou intended to keep open his options a Sino–Burmese joint statement might
and realism (SWJN 25: 480-81): regarding Pakistan. include a reference to the effect that
You said …that it was difficult to rely upon Zhou’s talks with Nehru revealed a these principles should also govern Sino–
any assurances that might be given by the large measure of convergence in their Burmese relations (SWJN 26: 407–10).
Chinese Government. I agree that there is views on South-East Asia. Zhou agreed
some force in that, both because govern- Panchsheel in Burma
at once when Nehru suggested that Laos
ments may change their minds and because
a communist government especially func- and Cambodia should have the status of U Nu accepted Nehru’s advice but wanted
tions in a peculiar way. independent neutral states. He con- to go beyond a mere declaration of gen-
It is not really a question of placing implicit firmed that this was, indeed, the posi- eral principles. In two sessions of talks
reliance in the word of a government, but tion he was taking in Geneva. The two with Zhou Enlai, he spelled out his
rather of judging circumstances and taking
statesmen were in complete agreement major concerns with great politeness
action accordingly…
In the present circumstances, I think it is to that neutral or non-aligned states in the and candour. He lodged a “friendly
the advantage of the Chinese Government to region, free from foreign military bases, complaint” about Chinese support for
be friendly to India, Burma and Indonesia. would expand the “area of peace” in the underground Burmese Communist
Looking further eastward, Nehru Asia (SWJN 26: 371–73). Pursuing China’s Party as well as Kachin rebels. The
sought a neutral status for Laos and “peace offensive” against the US, Zhou Chinese Premier dismissed these as “ru-
Cambodia. This would enlarge the “area said that if the five principles were ap- mours”’ or “misunderstandings,” reiter-
of peace” in Asia and would assuage plied to all Asian states, “we can prevent ating the position that “revolution can-
Burmese fears of a communist threat US attempts to organise military blocs in not be exported.” When Zhou proposed
through Laos. He hoped that that agree- this area.” Nehru expressed general a joint statement of adherence to the
ment could be reached in Geneva to agreement with this line of thought but five principles, U Nu said he agreed with
respect the neutral status of these Indo- focused more specifically on Burma and Prime Minister Nehru’s suggestion but
China countries. Indonesia which, he felt certain, would proposed that the statement incorpo-
At the end of June 1954, during an in- gladly accept the principles. Since Zhou rate six elements:
termission of the ministerial talks in was visiting Rangoon on his way back to (1) The five principles agreed between
Geneva, Zhou Enlai passed through New China, Nehru suggested that, as a first India and China.
PERSPECTIVES
(2) A joint declaration that neither side will the future.” However, it would be inap- and Burma. The Soviet Union was quick
participate in conspiracies to overthrow propriate to mention a specific issue of to follow. A Sino–Soviet joint commu-
the legitimate government of the other. this type in a joint communique. “Ac- nique of 12 October 1954 affirmed the
(3) An appeal addressed implicitly to cording to my understanding,” he said application of the five principles in their
Burmese communists and KMT elements disingenuously, “Prime Minister U Nu’s relations with Asian countries (Keith
to give up “incorrect thoughts” and use meaning is that although [the issue of] 1989: 80). The five principles figured in
peaceful ways to solve disputes. the border has been dragged out for a the joint communique issued after
(4) A pledge to do everything possible to very long time, the [two countries] have Nehru’s visit to USSR in 1955. In his dis-
further peace in the world, particularly always been able to get along peace- cussions with Soviet leaders, the Prime
in South-East Asia. fully; the countries hereby express they Minister had lodged a strong protest
(5) Express their intention to take steps to are gratified.” U Nu clarified that he against Moscow’s ties to the Communist
resolve the Sino–Burmese border issue. wanted an “unambiguous mention” that Party of India, which amounted to inter-
(6) Address the dual nationality issue. there was a border issue and that steps ference in India’s internal affairs. In this
(U Nu mentioned that Jawaharlal Nehru would be taken to resolve it. He was not context, the Panchsheel principle of non-
had written to him about a conversation calling for any specific steps at this stage. interference in the domestic affairs of
with Zhou in which the latter had indi- India and other countries had hesitated the other country assumed particular
cated that Beijing would change its dual to raise their border issues with China in significance.
nationality policy for overseas Chinese. such unambiguous terms. Zhou Enlai’s
U Nu expressed the hope that this could response to U Nu3 therefore deserves to The Americans at Bandung
be included in the joint statement.) be quoted at some length. “Peaceful coexistence,” the last of the five
Zhou parried these proposals with I am still wondering if it should be written principles, was viewed with suspicion in
masterly finesse. “In terms of general down, because I am considering the issue Washington. Not without some justifica-
spirit,” he began, “our views are mostly of my own personal power. I personally tion, the US saw peaceful coexistence as a
believe, on principle, it should not be a prob-
the same.” He then proceeded to counter slogan aimed against its initiatives to forge
lem. However, the Chinese Government has
the additional elements introduced by not yet placed the border issue between China
new military alliances. As the Bandung
the Burmese Prime Minister. A declara- and various countries onto the agenda. The Conference approached, Washington
tion about conspiracies was not desira- Chinese Government is not willing so far to apprehended that it would provide a
ble because it might suggest that there touch this issue (emphasis added). platform for the wider dissemination of
was, indeed, some truth in stories about The resultant outcome was the rela- the principle. The US decided to take
interference by either party in the do- tively brief Sino–Burmese joint state- pre-emptive action by mobilising its re-
mestic affairs of the other. A reference ment of 29 June 1954, which affirmed gional allies. A Southeast Asia Treaty
to “mutual non-interference” in each that “the principles agreed between Organization (SEATO) meeting in Febru-
other’s internal affairs and “mutual non- China and India…should also [be] the ary 1955 provided an opportunity for
aggression” would adequately cover the guiding principles for the relationship mobilising support. Departing from his
concern. As for U Nu’s third element, bet ween China and Burma” (SWJN 26: usual frontal tactics, Secretary of State
“the prime minister of one country ap- 409 fn). Dulles obtained the agreement of mem-
pealing to the people of another country The advance in Sino–Burmese rela- bers to send a message to the Bandung
is also interference in [another’s] inter- tions owed a great deal both to Nehru’s gathering extending their best wishes
nal affairs,” he argued! Why not simply advocacy and to Zhou Enlai’s disarming and expressing their hope that the out-
uphold the right of the people of any diplomatic style. Zhou made a very fa- come would ensure that “free nations
country to choose their own system and vourable impression on the Burmese remain free.” American officials worked
life style? Regarding dual citizenship of during his visit. As U Nu recounted later quietly behind the scenes to make certain
overseas Chinese, the information con- in a speech to a Chinese audience (Keith that US allies present the case for collec-
veyed by the Prime Minister was cor- 1989: 76): tive security against communist aggres-
rect; China had decided to adopt this Before Premier Zhou Enlai came to Ran- sion, at Bandung (Brands 1990: 84). Pa-
new policy and would soon commence goon…we were wondering and feeling un- kistan proved particularly cooperative.
negotiations with Indonesia on this issue. easy whether we would have to deal with Thus, when the Bandung Conference
difficult man or a proud man or a man of vio-
“After the issue of overseas Chinese in met in 1955, a deep rift appeared bet-
lent temper. But no sooner had we met him
Indonesia has been solved by specific than we discovered that all our anxieties
ween Turkey, Lebanon, Iraq, Thailand
stipulations with Indonesia, then we will were unfounded, because he showed in his and the Philippines, on the one hand,
solve the issue of Overseas Chinese with relations with us that he did not behave as a and the proponents of peaceful coexist-
others also,” he promised. Premier of a powerful country but as that of ence—India, Burma, China, Indonesia
a brotherly country.
As regards the Sino–Burmese border, and Egypt—on the other. US allies called
Zhou took the standard Chinese line Thus by the end of June 1954, for condemnation of “communist coloni-
that this was “an issue left behind by his- Panchsheel had been adopted by its alism,” upheld the right of collective
tory” and that it “needs to be resolved in three founding countries, China, India self-defence and stoutly opposed any
PERSPECTIVES
endorsement of “peaceful coexistence.” conveyed its firm opposition to Soviet border and a massive uprising in Tibet
When U Nu took the lead in calling on the military intervention. Moscow itself de- cast doubts on the value of these princi-
conference to adopt the five principles, cided against armed action and issued a ples. Border incidents occurred in the
Prime Minister Mohammed Ali of declaration on 30 October 1956, asserting middle sector within months of the sig-
Pakistan countered by proposing the the “principles of full equality, respect of nature of the Tibet treaty and these
“Seven Pillars of Peace.” This included territorial integrity, state independence spread later to other sectors. These early
the right of collective self-defence. and sovereignty, and non-interference in encounters did not involve exchange of
Together with Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), domestic affairs” as principles govern- fire or loss of lives. However, on 21 Octo-
US allies also called for condemnation of ing relations between the socialist coun- ber 1959, Chinese troops opened fire on
“communist colonialism” as evidenced tries (Luthi 2008: 57). China immediately an Indian patrol, killing a number of
in Eastern Europe. offered its support through a statement Indian troops. This had a powerful im-
Differences on this issue were finally issued on 1 November, hailing the pact on Indian public opinion, evoking
papered over by a reference to all mani- Moscow declaration as of great impor- sharp questions about Chinese inten-
festations of colonialism (which was in- tance in “correcting errors in mutual tions and the credibility of Panchsheel.
terpreted by China as referring to the relations between socialist states” and The Tibetan uprising and the Dalai
political, economic and military mani- asserting that socialist states were Lama’s flight to India in 1959 led to further
festations of colonialism). The ten prin- inherently able to better apply the five serious complications in India–China
ciples adopted in Bandung eschew any principles than capitalist countries (Keith relations. Zhou’s visit to India in 1960
reference to peaceful coexistence, sub- 1989: 97–98; Han 1990: 103). The state- yielded no results. Panchsheel dis-
stituting it (on Zhou’s suggestion) by the ment made the point that relations bet- appeared from the India–China lexicon;
phrase “live together in peace”, taken ween socialist countries should all the almost three decades were to pass after
from the preamble to the UN Charter. more be based on the Five Principles of Zhou’s visit before the term made a reap-
They also uphold the “right of each Peaceful Coexistence. pearance in an India–China joint state-
nation to defend itself singly or collec- This turned out to be a short-lived ment. India did not cease to uphold the
tively” in conformity with the UN Charter, position. China soon reversed its position universal validity of the principles but
with the proviso that collective defence on military intervention in the context saw no point in invoking them in the
arrangements are not used to serve the of Hungarian developments. The Gomul- context of its ties with China.
particular interest of any big power. ka government in Poland had pledged its
Zhou Enlai’s courtesy and moderation fealty to the Warsaw Pact. In Budapest, Coming Full Circle
made a great impression on all delegates however, the newly-installed Nagy regime Meanwhile, China explored the possible
at Bandung, including such close US announced its intention of quitting the use of the five principles in new con-
allies such as Prince Wan Waithyakorn Warsaw Pact. Mao decided that Hungary texts. Chinese foreign policy underwent
of Thailand and Carlos P Romulo of the had become a “battleground for social- more than one dramatic change of course
Philippines. China’s efforts to rebuild its ism.” Reversing its previous position, during the Cold War years. Starting as a
image after the Korean War failed to Beijing now urged Moscow to “suppress Soviet ally and an adversary of the US, it
dissuade these countries from joining the counter-revolutionary armed rebel- turned against Moscow at the end of the
SEATO but Zhou’s masterly performance lion” by military force (Luthi 2008: 60). 1950s and embarked on a policy of
at Bandung did have a significant reas- The shift in the Chinese position was staunch opposition to both superpowers.
suring effect. Zhou also reached a bilat- reflected in the Sino–Polish joint com- It again changed course in the early
eral agreement with the host country, munique of 16 January 1957, which re- 1970s, when it normalised relations with
Indonesia, on the vexed question of dual ferred to only three of the five principles the US, forming a quasi-alliance against
nationality. To the dismay of the local (respect for sovereignty; mutual non- its former Soviet ally. Finally, the latter
Chinese community in Indonesia, Zhou interference in internal affairs; and half of the 1970s witnessed a normalisa-
agreed that they would henceforth be equality and mutual benefit), omitting tion of Sino–Soviet ties. China’s interpre-
denied dual Chinese citizenship. non-aggression (Keith 1989: 99). This tation of the Five Principles shifted with
line was reiterated in the Sino–Czech each of these policy transformations.
Role in the Socialist Bloc treaty of friendship and mutual coopera- Ironically, disagreement over “peace-
China initially advocated the five princi- tion of 27 March 1957 (Keith 1989: 100). ful coexistence” was one of the under-
ples in the context of its relations with Thus, almost immediately after the lying factors in the Sino–Soviet split. At
non-communist Asian states but, in statement of 1 November 1956, China the 20th Congress of the Communist Party
October 1956, the uprisings in Poland reverted to its traditional position on ties of the Soviet Union in 1956, Khrushchev
and Hungary raised the question of their between socialist states as formulated in sounded a call for peaceful coexistence
applicability in relations between com- the Sino–Soviet treaty of 1952. between the rival blocs. Beijing initially
munist countries. China took the line By 1958, Panchsheel had reached the supported the call but soon reversed its
that the source of the crisis lay in zenith of its influence. In the following position, mainly because of apprehen-
Moscow’s “big power chauvinism” and it year, armed clashes along the India–China sions that the principle inhibited active
PERSPECTIVES
Soviet support for China’s efforts to gain With the Shanghai Communique, the state of relations, despite a border issue
control of Taiwan. Scholars have viewed Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence that remains to be resolved.
the 1958 Taiwan Strait crisis as Mao’s completed a full circle. Originally conceived
challenge to the Soviet strategy of as a set of principles to guide relations Notes
peaceful coexistence. In 1959, China between China and other Asian coun- 1 Nehru to Chow [Zhou], telegram No 11273,
30 December 1949. MEA File No 751-CJK/50,
reinforced its rejection of peaceful coex- tries with a view to containing US influ- National Archives of India.
istence in the (Socialist) East and (Capi- ence in Asia, it was momentarily invoked 2 “Premier’s Intentions and Plans to Visit India,”
talist) West context by strident calls for in 1956 in the context of relations bet- telegram (from Geneva) dated 22 June 1954.
Documents on Bandung, CWIHP Digital Ar-
world revolution. ween socialist countries and resuscitat- chives, Woodrow Wilson Center, Washington
The next decade witnessed a rapid ed in the context of Sino–Soviet rela- DC, available at http://digitalarchive.wilson-
center.org/collection.
downward spiral in Sino–Soviet relations in 1969. Finally, in 1972, it made 3 “Record of the First Meeting between Premier
tions, culminating in military confronta- an unexpected appearance in the 1972 Zhou and Prime Minister U Nu” (28 June 1954)
and “Record of the Second Meeting between
tion along the disputed border. China Shanghai Communique, issued at the Premier Zhou and Prime Minister U Nu” (29
denounced the Soviet Union as a “social conclusion of Nixon’s visit to China. June 1954), Documents on Bandung, CWIHP
Digital Archives, Woodrow Wilson Center,
imperialist” state. In 1969, border clashes In 1976, India and China agreed to Washington DC, available at http://digital-
on the Ussuri raised the sceptre of war restore diplomatic ties to the ambassado- archive.wilsoncenter.org/collection.
between the former allies. On 11 Sep- rial level. Relations between the two
tember 1969, in the wake of the Ussuri countries registered a slow but steady References
incidents, Zhou met the Soviet Premier improvement in the following years, Brands, H W (1990): India and the United States:
Kosygin at the Beijing airport while the leading to Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi’s The Cold Peace, Boston: Twayne Publishers.
Han Nianlong (chief editor) (1990): Diplomacy of
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home from Hanoi. During an exchange almost three decades after Premier Zhou Press.
Heimsath, Charles H and Surjit Mansingh (1971): A
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Kaul, T N (1979): Diplomacy in Peace and War, New
though “proletarian internationalism” tion from other issues and established Delhi: Vikas Publishing House.
was not applicable in the case of ties with the basis for significant progress in Keith, Ronald C (1989): The Diplomacy of Zhou
Moscow, state to state relations could be India–China relations. This was reflected Enlai, London: Macmillan.
Luthi, Lawrence M (2008): The Sino-Soviet Split,
maintained on the basis of the five prin- in the joint press communique issued at Princeton: Princeton University Press.
ciples (Keith 1989: 188). Zhou’s initiative, the conclusion of the visit which, for the Ostermann, Christian Friedrich (ed) (2008): Cold
War International History Project Bulletin,
however, did not yield concrete results. first time since the 1950s, included a sub- Issue 16, Fall 2007/Winter 2008, Inside China’s
The Ussuri clashes triggered off a stantive reference to the five principles. Cold War, Washington DC: Woodrow Wilson
International Center for Scholars.
chain of events that eventually led to a Panchsheel, today, arouses neither the SWJN 25/26, Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru
Sino–US rapprochement and normalisa- enthusiastic support nor the bitter criti- (Second Series), Vol 25/Vol 26, 1999/2000
(eds), Ravinder Kumar and Sharada Prasad H Y,
tion of relations between the erstwhile cism that attended its birth in the mid- New Delhi: Nehru Memorial Fund/OUP.
enemies. China had originally advanced 1950s. Its periodic reiteration in India– Zhang, Shu Kuang (2007): “Constructing Peaceful
the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexist- China exchanges may be seen as reflecting Coexistence: China’s Diplomacy towards the
Geneva and Bandung Conferences, 1954–55,”
ence as a diplomatic counter against the a broadly normal and non-confrontational Cold War History, Vol 7, No 4, November.
expansion of US influence in Asia. With
NE
normalisation of Sino–US ties, the five EPWRF India Time Series W
principles appeared in a startling new
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Expansion of Banking Statistics Module
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basis of the new relationship, devoted a The Economic and Political Weekly Research Foundation (EPWRF) has added state-wise
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ciples of Peaceful Coexistence.” It reads: are provided for deposits, credit (sanction and utilisation), credit-deposit (CD) ratio, and
number of bank offices and employees.
…the two sides agreed that countries, regard-
less of their social systems, should conduct Data on bank credit are given for a wide range of sectors and sub-sectors (occupation) such
their relations on the principles of respect as agriculture, industry, transport operators, professional services, personal loans (housing,
for the sovereign and territorial integrity vehicle, education, etc), trade and finance. These state-wise data are also presented by bank
of all states, non-aggression against other group and by population group (rural, semi-urban, urban and metropolitan).
states, non-interference in the internal affairs
The data series are available from December 1972; half-yearly basis till June 1989 and
of other states, equality and mutual ben-
annual basis thereafter. These data have been sourced from the Reserve Bank of India’s
efit, and peaceful coexistence. International
disputes should be settled on this basis,
publication, Basic Statistical Returns of Scheduled Commercial Banks in India.
without resorting to the use of force. The Including the Banking Statistics module, the EPWRF ITS has 14 modules covering a range
United States and the People’s Republic of of macroeconomic and financial data on the Indian economy. For more details, visit www.
China are prepared to apply these principles epwrfits.in or e-mail to: its@epwrf.in
to their mutual relations.

SPECIAL ARTICLE
Sacralising Dalit Peripheries

Ravidass Deras and Dalit Assertion in Punjab
Ronki Ram
T
Dalit peripheries in the vicinity of mainstream villages in he phenomenon of Dalit assertion in India has often
Punjab are now no longer stigmatised neighbourhoods. been understood through the prism of two models of
Dalit1 social mobility: conversion2 and Sanskritisation.3
On the contrary, they are fast becoming critical sites of
It is generally believed that Dalits make use of either one of
Dalit social protest and assertion. This is often attributed these models to escape from caste-based social exclusion. But
to the sacred and radical ethos of the indigenous Dalit in the case of contemporary Punjab both the models have
religion in the state—the Ravidassia dharm. Until quite failed to explain the distinct pattern of Dalit social mobility
(Ram 2012a: 639–702). A majority of Dalits in the state have
recently, these peripheries were characterised as dens
neither converted to the mainstream religion nor have they
of poverty, filth and disease with no political assimilated the cultural ethos of the dominant castes. They
reverberation except during short electoral intervals or seem to be more covetous of their native religious identity
the annual celebration of the anniversaries of guru (Ahir 1992: 105), which emanates from the structural logic of
distinct Dalit space confined within the segregated boundaries
Ravidass and B R Ambedkar. Often ignored, they
of lower caste neighbourhoods. Exclusive Dalit space plays an
remained silent service sectors with a variety of cheap important role in articulating caste experiences, formulating
manual labour and dumping grounds for the disposal of political consciousness and facilitating social mobility within
the waste of mainstream villages. But over the last few Dalit neighbourhoods (Guru 2011: 40–41). It sets the pace for
the emergence of Dalit movement while grooming them to
years, the agency of the Ravidass deras has empowered
devise their own counter-religious formation. How these
them to assert a separate Dalit identity and demand a neighbourhoods generate space-based Dalit consciousness
share in the local structures of power. and empower the socially excluded to challenge the oppres-
sive structures of caste-based discrimination has not been
addressed adequately in scholarly Dalit literature. This paper
attempts to fill such gaps in the fast expanding domain of
caste/Dalit studies while exploring the emerging patterns of
Dalit assertion within the segregated Dalit neighbourhoods
in Punjab.
Until 1950, a separate Dalit space in rural Punjab, like in any
other part of the country, used to be a submissive site of
despair, dependence and helplessness. If the graded caste hier-
archy reduced Dalits to the lowest rung of social status, their
segregated living space further marginalised them. Within the
asymmetrical structures of the agrarian rural economy, this
space stands nowhere near the privileged mainstream villages.
All public utility centres like schools, colleges, post offices,
I am grateful to Sukhdeo Thorat, Kancha Ilaiah, Gopal Guru, banks, health centres, anganwadis (child day care centres),
K C Sulekh, P S Verma, L R Balley, Mohan Lal Philoria, the late
ration-depots, panchayat and cooperative societies’ offices, etc,
D C Ahir and K C Shenmar for helping me tremendously in sharpening
the arguments raised in the paper. My sincere thanks to all those who
are established within the well-guarded spatial boundaries of
helped me generously during my fieldwork. I am also grateful to all the the mainstream villages. Dalit neighbourhoods were/are
fellow seminarians who commented on various versions of the paper deprived of all such essential public utility facilities. For all
presented at different occasions in India and abroad. Seema, Sahaj and these facilities, they had to visit mainstream villages where
Daksh kept me free on the home front, many thanks to them. The usual they were/are not welcome because of their so-called low
disclaimers apply.
birth reinforced by their segregated living space.
Ronki Ram (ronkiram@yahoo.co.in) teaches at the Department of Dalits were historically deprived of landownership rights in
Political Science, Panjab University, Chandigarh.
Punjab (the Land Alienation Act of 1900). Under the informal
SPECIAL ARTICLE
local customary law, popularly known as razat-namas, even distinguishes Dalit struggle in the peripheries of the contem-
the plots in the Dalit neighbourhoods where they were allowed porary Punjab from that of the mainstream as well as some of
to build only kachcha (mud) houses, were legally registered in the other Dalit endeavours particularly rooted in religious
the name of the local dominant peasant castes. The land on conversion and cultural assimilation is explored in the
which Dalit neighbourhoods were raised happened to be the third part.
ancestral property of the dominant peasant castes (based on
field notes). The village land was mostly divided among the 1 Problematising the Pind-Periphery Matrix
agricultural castes. Since Dalits were confined within separate In this article, the term Dalit peripheries refers to Dalit localities/
localities, they were not considered part of the mainstream neighbourhoods often situated on the south-western margins
villages. Though razat-namas and the Punjab Land Alienation of the rural settings in India towards which the wind blows
Act of 1900 were declared null and void through the concerted and the sewage of the villages flows. The villages are invari-
efforts of B R Ambedkar, Dalits remained landless. ably divided into two segments: upper-caste neighbourhoods
Although Dalits constitute a high proportion of the Punjab (popularly known as pinds) and the lower-caste neighbourhoods.
population (31.94% vs 16.64% for India as a whole, Census The latter are contemptuously called chamarlees, thathees or
2011), their share in landownership is negligible. They hold vehras (hereafter peripheries) in contemporary Punjab. In
5.98% of the total number of operational holdings in the state Tamil Nadu, they are known as ceris and pinds are called uurs
and occupy only 3.20% of the total area under cultivation.4 (Racine and Racine 1998: 7; Herring 2013: 48). Dalit neighbour-
This is in sharp contrast to four other states where the propor- hoods are also known as jati muhallas, bastis or vastis (Rawat
tionate number of Scheduled Castes (SCs), as in Punjab, is 2013: 1059), Apne-Apne Pinjare—spatially marked prisons of
higher in comparison to the rest of the states. In Himachal caste identity (Namishray 2006 [1995]), Dalit waadas, “sudra”
Pradesh, for example, the SCs constitute 25.19% of the total waadas (Ilaiah 2005: 114–17), hulgeris, mahar waadas, chamar
population and hold 22.06% of the total operational holdings tolas and harijan waadas (Guru 2011: 41). Gopal Guru called
occupying 13.82% of the total area under cultivation. Similarly them bahishkrut while comparing and contrasting them with
in West Bengal and Uttar Pradesh they constitute 23.51% and puruskrut Bharat—privileged Hindu middle-class neighbour-
20.70% of the total population and hold 24.86% and 17.24% of hood (as referred in Rawat 2013: 1064). Pinds and peripheries
the total operational holdings and occupy 20.31% and 11.70% are two spatially-distinct social domains with their respective
of the total area under cultivation, respectively. world views and discourses rooted in the rural political
In Punjab, in the absence of the ownership of agricultural economy of the state.6 Occupations, water sources (wells and
land, Dalits were left with no alternative but to augment their handpumps), shrines, pilgrimage centres, cremation grounds,
social status through the potent agency of counter religious chaupals (community halls) and popular narratives/discourses
formation. Given the Sikh religion’s domination of the culture separate them from each other. Their communicative languages,
and the thick concentration of Dalits in the state, the strategy of festivals, songs, satires, heroes, gods and goddesses, parameters
counter religious formation assumed critical importance. It has of morality and immorality, eating habits, beliefs and faiths
led to the formation of a separate Dalit religion (Ravidassia are also dissimilar (Ilaiah 2005: 5–35). Dissimilarities between
dharm), which in turn has led to sacralisation of Dalit neigh- them have more to do with the distinct nature of their respec-
bourhoods (Ram 2012a: 689–700). Dalits in the state, especially tive space (Guru 2011: 40–41).
the Chamars (leather workers), who over the years improved Pinds, the basic unit of the Indian social life and often char-
their economic position through the leather business, affirma- acterised by some as “self-sustaining” “little republics” or
tive action and with the financial support of their brethren “complete republics” known for communally-integrated life,
abroad (Dalit diasporas), organised themselves into various have been and continue to be what Ambedkar perceptively
guru Ravidass sabhas (societies) and established a large number called “a sink of localism, a den of ignorance, narrow minded-
of Ravidass deras5 within their separate neighbourhoods. The ness and communalism.”7 For Ambedkar (1948: 21–22), it was
embellishment of Dalit neighbourhoods, dotted with impres- “the working plant of the Hindu social order, where one could
sive structures of Ravidass deras, represent the emerging con- see the Hindu social order in operation in full swing.” While
tours of rising Dalit assertion in the state. arguing differences between pinds and peripheries, he empha-
This article is divided into three parts. The first problema- sised that the latter “is not a case of social separation, a mere
tises the phenomenon of Dalit space while articulating an stoppage of social intercourse for a temporary period. It is a
ethnographic account around the two distinct living settings case of territorial segregation and of a cordon sanitaire putting
of villages and Dalit peripheries. The second weaves a narra- the impure people inside the barbed wire into a sort of a cage.”
tive of how Dalit peripheries are being transformed from a For Dalits, pinds constitute the dominant/oppressive “other.”
condemned space of poverty, disease and filth into rousing The inhabitants of pinds were known as “the major community,”
sites of Dalit contestation. It builds on the premise that these irrespective of their numerical strength. Whereas the inhabit-
peripheries, while drawing inspiration from their segregated ants of the peripheries despite their being in large numbers
space, native heroes and spiritual mentors not only challenged would always be treated as a “minor community.” The inhabit-
the traditional structures of social domination but also found ants of the pinds revered their elders as wise men/women as
ways to empower Dalits to confront their tormentors. What per the moral tradition of rural life. But this moral norm did
SPECIAL ARTICLE
not apply to the elders of the Dalit peripheries. The latter those of the Dalit peripheries. While articulating the difference
were/are not treated equally at par with the elders of the pind. between Brahmin waadas (mainstream villages) and Sudra
Even the children of the landowners of the pinds call the elders waadas (Dalit peripheries), Ilaiah writes that friendship
of the Dalit peripheries by their nicknames (based on field between the children of Dalit Bahujans and Brahmins is
notes). Taking a clue from Joothan, an autobiography of Om censured (2005: 2–3, 9 and 17). In his words,
Prakash Valmiki, Valerian Rodrigues (2015: 15) writes, “Names ‘Upper’ castes speak of Dalitbahujans as ‘ugly.’ ‘Sudra’ is an abusive
were clearly distorted such as kiran became kinno, Radha word; ‘Chandala’ is a much more abusive word. ‘Upper’ caste children
Devi became radhiya.” are taught to live differently from Dalitbahujan children, just as they
are taught to despise and dismiss them (2005: 9).
The inhabitants of pinds did not want that the “minor com-
munities” of the Dalit peripheries would compete with them in The only interaction that Dalits could have with the inhabit-
terms of status and prestige (based on personal interactions ants of the pinds was through their manual wage labour. To
with Dalits in the peripheries). The “major community” of quote Ilaiah further:
pinds laid down the social code of conduct for the Dalit Dalitbahujans could enter these ‘upper’ caste streets and colonies only
peripheries—what to and what not to eat and wear; the physical as servants, milk vendors, vegetable vendors, tapimaistries (supervisors
distance Dalits were supposed to maintain from the upper/ of construction work), carpenters, and so on. They were the sellers
of the skills, and the so-called upper-castes, who were themselves
dominant castes; the kind of houses they should have; the unskilled, were the consumers. By and large the Dalitbahujans live
language they should converse in; and the names they should in slums. They were debarred from doing anything that would allow
adopt (Moon 1989). The social code of conduct was so severe them to improve their socio-economic position or reach the level of the
that even after 68 years of India’s independence common Brahmin–Baniyas (2005: 65–66).
social bonds between pinds and peripheries still seem to be a Moreover, the Dalits were not allowed to have any say in
distant dream (Joshi 1992: 37; Darapuri 2012; Nayar 2012). It is determining the rates of their fixed wages. They had to accept
in this context that pind and periphery emerged as two distinct the arbitrarily determined wages by the landowning castes
and mutually antagonistic social domains separated by exclu- (Moon 1989: 22). It is in this context that pind and periphery
sive caste neighbourhoods. come face to face in open confrontation when the latter
demanded better wages and an equal share in the local struc-
1.1 Manual Workers tures of power. The current spate of social boycotts of the
Pind personifies possession of land, wealth and pride. It Dalits by the dominant landowning castes in various villages
belongs to those who own land within its territorial domain. In of contemporary Punjab is a case in point (Joshi 1992: 38; Ram
the rural community life of pinds, possession of land and social 2012a: 652–53).
status are coterminous. Anyone who does not own land cannot In fact, what makes Dalit peripheries dependent on pinds
claim to be the real pindwala. Although Dalit peripheries are was total control exercised by the latter on the economic, reli-
situated within the legal jurisdiction of the mainstream villages, gious and cultural lives of the former. Dalits of a periphery
their inmates, deprived of landownership rights, were not were never allowed to possess any amount of land however
considered the real pindwalas. Thus pind belonged to the small it may be and were forced to perform hard labour within
landowning castes only. Though some non-landowning castes their hereditary low-paid occupational divisions for the com-
were allowed to live within the well-guarded spatial boundaries forts of the pindwalas. They were condemned to perform all
of the pinds, they happened to be only ancillary castes, tradi- sorts of jobs like disposing of the carcasses of dead animals,
tionally attached with the landowning castes. These artisan skinning and preparing the hides for leather works, sweeping
castes (carpenters, blacksmiths, potters, barbers, water carriers the streets of the upper-caste neighbourhoods, removing
and tailors), contemptuously known as nikki-minni jat (lower animal and human excreta, cutting the umbilical cords of the
castes) or kami-kammin (ancillary working castes), historically newly born, preparation for funerals, beating drums at
used to draw their fixed share from the periodic crop yields different occasions, making brooms, weaving and washing
grown in the land of the pind and were considered as second- clothes, picking cotton in the scorching sun, and performing
class citizens. The traditional justice system based on gram heavy manual jobs on the farms/agricultural fields of the
panchayats was highly discriminatory. The gram panchayats dominant castes.
were dominated by the influential families of the pinds. Dalits The above-mentioned intensive manual labour jobs were
in the peripheries were invariably denied justice by such performed by Dalits under the patron-client relationship,
upper-castes dominated grass-roots’ bodies. popularly known as the jajmani system (Gould 1964). Under it,
Thus for all practical purposes the inhabitants of the periphery the Dalits were permanently attached as siris/sapis (labourers)
and to a large extent the artisan castes used to depend on the with the jajmans (landlords) and were given some fixed
landowning communities of their respective pinds. Though amount of grain at each harvest. They were supposed to pro-
both the artisan and Dalit castes depended on the landowning vide not only hard labour in the farms of the landlords but also
communities, the Dalits were historically excluded from the make the shoes and other leather instruments required for
pinds and continue to be so even today. Their relationship with varied agricultural operations. Dalit women had to clean the
the inhabitants of the pinds was that of manual workers. Even cowsheds and make pathians (dung cakes) for the landlords’
the children of the inhabitants of the villages did not mix with hearths. In return, they were given a few chapattis, buttermilk
SPECIAL ARTICLE
and some fodder for their cattle in the form of a meagre wage many homes have in-house toilets, sewage and water facilities.
in kind. What made them most vulnerable was their total Public and private transport system connects them with the
immobility as far as employment opportunites were con- towns and cities.
cerned. Under such an oppressive system, the Dalits within the Pinds and peripheries now seem to be entering into “an
peripheries were not allowed to work for landlord(s) belonging epochal struggle” in contemporary times (Muralidharan 2006: 4;
to another pind, which deprived them of the advantage of bar- cf Thirumaavalavan 2004). What makes this epochal struggle
gaining for a better wage deal. Even within their jajmani limits different and novel is the non-violent nature of the Dalit move-
in the pinds, they were not allowed to work for landlords with ment. The Ad Dharm movement of the early 1920s, the Ambedkar
whom they were not bonded under the jajmani system. In other movement beginning in the early 1940s, and later on the Bahujan
words, this system was a subtle mechanism for appropriating Samaj Party (BSP) in the 1980s all played an important role in
the surplus value of Dalit labourers while virtually converting peacefully politicising the Dalit peripheries to ask for their due
them into bonded labourers. share in the local structures of powers. Apart from a few violent
Yet another interesting feature of the pind-periphery matrix incidents, by and large the Dalit movement in Punjab remained
is that a thin geographical line separates these two exclusive peaceful. Throughout the hundred years of its existence the
neighbourhoods. Peripheries begin where the houses of the Dalit movement in the state preferred constitutional measures
upper/dominant castes cease to exist. The upper/dominant over violent means and stood as a guard for the continuity of
castes did not share their rituals, ceremonies and various other the Constitution, which provided them opportunities to get rid
community festivities with the Dalits (Moon 1989: 22). They of their historically degraded social existence. The following
do not invite them to marriages and other social gatherings in section explores the genesis of non-violent nature of the Dalit
the pinds. Dalits and their peripheries were/are also derided movement in the state and the critical role it played in the
and mocked at in the popular discourses and songs of the upper/ emergence of radical Dalit assertion in the peripheries.
dominant castes. The patronising and non-cognitive catego-
ries of Dalit names and adjectives used in the language of the 2 Ravidass and Assertion in Dalit Peripheries
narratives of upper/dominant caste neighbourhoods often The peaceful stance of Dalit movement in the segregated Dalit
present them as good for nothing (Guru 2011: 40–41). Dalit peripheries of contemporary Punjab owes much to the spiritual
neighbourhoods too have their distinct discourses. Woven and social philosophy of Ravidass. A majority of the houses in
around painful memories of historical discriminations, they the peripheries, particularly of the Ravidassia community, are
were hardly articulated in the written form and only orally adorned with the calendar images of Ravidass (based on field
circulated. Though circulated in a limited form due to the notes). He is to them what Brahma, Vishnu, Mahesh are to
severe scarcity of writers among them, the discourses of the Hindus. His spiritual-social philosophy is simple and presented
peripheries, stored in the memories of the ex-untouchables, in language familiar to the inhabitants of the periphery. He did
argues Ilaiah, keep Dalits spellbound (2005: 6 and 13). They not advocate cultural assimilation or conversion as a way to
reveal the usual antagonistic relationship between pinds and upward social mobility. Instead, he emphasised sticking to
peripheries, which is now being captured graphically in the one’s own caste, space and profession while at the same time
popular Dalit songs and graffiti in contemporary Punjab. exhorting his people to take pride in their so-called degraded
Dalit peripheries complement the varna (fourfold hierarchical manual labour. He also underlined the importance of manual
division of Hindu social order) ideology (Rawat 2013: 1064), labour against the pompous show of temple ceremonies of the
which facilitated the perpetuation of Brahminical social order Brahmin priests. He considered his shoe-repairing/mending
of caste hegemony over the hapless Dalits. The social code of corner as a sanctum sanctorum of his faith in the omnipresent
conduct of varna ideology did not allow them to claim a share and all-embracing god. He did not recognise the need for a
in the local structures of power. It is only recently that some of separate place to worship god or any medium (priest/idol)
the Dalits have started converting their peripheries into radi- between a devotee and his/her god. For him performing one’s
cal sites of Dalit assertion. Many Dalits, who have been able to duty with honesty and non-discriminatory attitudes towards
escape from the oppressive jajmani system of agricultural all is the first and last lesson of spirituality. He underlined his
manual labour, got diversified in various non-agricultural pro- firm belief that no one was born low or high and it was only one’s
fessions. Their entry into governments jobs, the state and cen- deeds that turned him or her so. Such a unique socio-spiritual
tral legislatures, and in some cases even corporate business chemistry of his existential day-to-day living and his egalitarian
(Kapur, Shyam Babu and Bhan 2014; Kapur, Bhan, Pritchett philosophy of casteless society facilitate the emergence of a Dalit
and Shyam Babu 2010: 39–49) have transformed the texture counter public in the fertile soil of the long neglected and
of Dalit neighbourhoods. Dalit peripheries are now no longer discriminated territories of the Dalit segregated peripheries. Songs
ghettoes of mud houses and thatched huts littered with dirt based on his moral and social teachings now reverberate in the
and filth. Instead, impressive and sprawling houses decorate lanes and bylanes of Dalit neighbourhoods. Ravidass Jayanti
them. Liberal remittance by the Dalit diasporas has further (birth anniversary) is celebrated with great fanfare. Street plays,
improved the living conditions in the peripheries tremendously. cultural programmes and sports tournaments are regularly
The surroundings of the peripheries are no longer buried under organised as a tribute to him. All this has led to the sacralisation
the heaps of waste and dirt; streets are made of concrete; of secluded and neglected Dalit space thus far.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Though born in what is now Uttar Pradesh, Ravidass became manifestation of the rising distinct Dalit identity within Dalit
very popular in the Dalit neighbourhoods of Punjab. He is peripheries in contemporary Punjab.
believed to have visited Punjab during his journeys to Rajasthan. Ravidass deras have formulated their own sacred scriptures,
Stories about his meetings with Guru Nanak, the founder of religious symbols, ceremonies, prayers, rituals and messages
the Sikh faith, his visits to Khuralgarh Sahib and Chak Hakim in of social protest against the oppressive structures of caste
Doaba region of contemporary Punjab are very popular among domination in the agrarian society of Punjab. Their distinc-
the people of Dalit peripheries in the state. Huge monuments tiveness also lies in the fact that they neither take refuge in the
in the form of Ravidass temples have been built at these two established theology nor imitate the dominant sociocultural
places. The inclusion of the bani of Ravidass in the Sri Guru ethos of upper-caste society. On the contrary, they proudly dis-
Granth Sahib carries a special meaning for the low-caste tinguish themselves from the mainstream religious systems
inmates of the segregated Dalit peripheries. They often allege and contest the hegemony of the upper-caste neighbourhoods
that in spite of the respectable place assigned to the bani of over the Dalit peripheries. Ravidass deras, in fact, have been
their guru, the dominant peasant caste continued to consider functioning as missions to sensitise Dalits and to facilitate their
them low and discriminate against them in the name of caste empowerment (Ambedkari 2005: 5). They have taken the form
titles which has no place whatsoever in the philosophy of Sikhism of a new sociocultural movement for the empowerment of Dalit
(Joshi 1992: 42; Omvedt and Patankar 2012: 43). They also neighbourhoods.
object to the attribution of the title of bhagat (devotee) to Ravidass In Ravidass deras, religious (Ravidass) and political (Ambed-
who is venerated by them as a guru.8 The subtle presence of kar) figures are seamlessly blended. They represent a critical
social exclusion within the structures of the mainstream Dalit space where bhakti-based cultures of non-violent social
religion which otherwise rooted firmly in an egalitarian phi- protest, as propounded and practised by Ravidass, get finely
losophy forced some sections of a large Dalit community in the combined with that of the political as spearheaded by Ambedkar.
segregated Dalit peripheries to seek refuge in the recently In the Ravidass deras, the ecstasy and reason of the song of
declared Dalit religion—Ravidassia dharm (Arsh 2012: 15). the utopia of Begumpura (an ideal Dalit democratic state) of
Religion in contemporary Punjab stretches to the highly Ravidass perfectly fits with the analytical resonances of the
contested sphere of politics. Gurdwaras, the most powerful Prabuddha Bharat of Ambedkar, one of the most popular and
ecclesiastical institutions of the Sikh religion, are a case in reason-based utopias envisioned by Dalit–Bahujan intellectu-
point. One can hardly find a locality in the rural as well as urban als and leaders of the anti-caste movement during the colonial
settings of the state, which does not contain a gurdwara(s). period. The Ravidass dera movement in Punjab represents
They are not only archetypal religious structures but also epit- what Johannes Beltz, an eminent authority on neo-Buddhism,
omise an all-pervasive spiritual influence and vast reach of the describes “a new terrain of exciting future research” (2004: 11)
Sikh religion and its hold on the state politics (Ram 2007: whose potential strength is yet to be fully exploited. It has gen-
4069–71). The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), one of the main po- erated a sense of confidence among the residents of segregated
litical parties, that has been in power in the state for two terms, Dalit peripheries and provided them an opportunity to exhibit
enjoyed a solid base among the majority of Jat Sikhs who in their hitherto eclipsed Dalit identity with a sense of pride. The
turn owe allegiance to the Sikh religion. It also controls the architecture of Ravidass temples with their golden canopies to
Shiromani Gurdwara Prabandhak Committee (SGPC), the adorn his idols provide immense prestige to the neighbour-
supreme ecclesiastical body of the Sikhs. There is a general hoods. The presence of the mammoth buildings of these
impression that anyone who controls the gurdwaras also controls shrines makes a big difference from the viewpoint of the social
politics in Punjab (Singh 2007). It is in the widespread gurd- prestige of Dalits. The intensive virtual confrontation between
wara culture in the dominating space of pinds that the mush- some of the Dalits and upper-caste persons on the social media/
rooming of Ravidass deras assumed special importance in the internet is a clear indication of rising Dalit assertion.
exclusive space of Dalit peripheries in contemporary Punjab.
3 The Movement and Its Challenges
2.1 Ravidass Deras: Vehicle of Dalit Assertion The Ravidass deras movement took a sharp turn after the mur-
Though the genesis of deras in Punjab can be traced back to der of one of the top priests of the Ravidassia community at a
the Nath-Yogi tradition and Sufism in India, the phenomenon Ravidass temple in Vienna on 24 May 2009.9 After this, the
of Ravidass deras began emerging in the early 20th century. It Ravidass deras, primarily led by the Dera Sachkhand Ballan
seemed to have emerged as a response to the need of a distinct (near Bhogpur in Jalandhar District), publicly announced
Dalit religious identity. In other words, these deras are the out- Ravidass dharm—a separate Dalit religion—on 30 January 2010
come of the strategy of Dalit identity formation processes (Arsh 2012: 15). The declaration of a separate Dalit religion has
which over the years have come to acquire an important role led to a confrontation between the Sikh religion and the Dera
in the ongoing Dalit struggle for dignity, social justice and Ballan-led Ravidass deras. The main source of the contention,
equality. It is safe to argue that these deras have not merely however, lies in the emergence of a separate Dalit identity as a
come up as centres of spiritual gatherings for Dalits, but soon challenge to the existing hegemonic Sikh identity. At a still
expanded into epicentres of non-violent Dalit social protest deeper level, Dalit deras strike sharply at the political economy
(Ram 2007; Ram 2008; Ram 2009a). They are, in fact, a clear of religion in Punjab. Since Dalits constitute almost one-third
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of the total population of the state, their sheer numbers make a lay claim to the bhakti of god and the seat of power; Dalits too
big difference. As some of them have improved their economic are equally capable of realising the same simply by converting
conditions at home and also carved a niche for themselves their exclusive space in the Dalit peripheries into a critical site
abroad, their numerical strength definitely matters in the po- of contestation.
litical economy of religion. This is evident in the vast amount Unlike Gandhi, Ravidass did not stage dharnas (sit-ins), orga-
of offerings being received at various Ravidass deras in Punjab nise hartals, lead demonstrations, or take out long marches.
and abroad (Ram 2008; Ram 2009b). The large followings of He did not make any appeal to the rulers of his time either for
the Ravidass deras may also have serious political implications legal or any other provision whatsoever. His way of non-violent
for the religion-dominated electoral politics of Punjab. Thus social protest was very simple and low profile. He would wor-
their mushrooming in the segregated Dalit peripheries does ship god but without insisting on entering the temples. He
not only symbolise the assertion of a separate Dalit identity, it would wear the prohibited dress of the upper castes but with-
also sharpens the underlying contradictions between the landed/ out seeking to enter their villages. Nor would he take any
dominant communities residing in pinds and the landless/ interest in their so-called pure professions. He would happily
lower castes living in Dalit neighbourhoods. It is in this volatile adhere to his so-called low-caste occupation. The high mark of
context that the bhakti-based method of non-violent social his innovative method of non-violent social protest is that he
protest, as devised by Ravidass, assumed critical importance. would acquire social dignity by elevating his very profession,
The peace appeal made by the priests of the Dera Sachkhand which was, in fact, used to turn him into an outcaste. He did
Ballan after the Vienna episode to its enraged followers is a not harp either on the ideas of persuading the upper castes to
case in point (Jag Bani: 26 May 2009). Since the entire socio- change their mind about the caste hierarchy. On the contrary,
spiritual activities within the Ravidass deras revolves around he tried to prove the worthiness of his so-called lowest caste
the teachings of Ravidass, deeply soaked in universal love and persons by letting his tormentors know that there was nothing
peace, it inculcates a sense of permanent faith in the minds of high or low in the man-made caste categories. He emphasised
a large number of Ravidassias about the non-violent social pro- that the so-called low caste persons were second to none and
test for the emancipation and empowerment of their lives endowed with all such qualities, which any one being proud of
within peripheries. his/her so-called high castes might boast about.
Though Dalit struggle remained non-violent throughout its Ambedkar also deployed the satyagraha method of non-
long history of social protest against social exclusion, it has violent social protest in his struggle for the annihilation of
nothing to do with the Gandhian struggle of satyagraha nor caste during the colonial period. He adopted it in his famous
has it been swayed by promises of Sanskritisation—another Mahad struggle and also for the entry of Dalits into Hindu
non-violent way of upward Dalit social mobility. In the fol- temples.12 But there is also a difference between the non-violent
lowing sections an attempt has been made to characterise social protest methods of Ambedkar and Ravidass. Unlike
non-violent Dalit struggle as it has been waged from the segre- Ambedkar, Ravidass did not deploy it for the purpose of the
gated Dalit peripheries in the rural settings of Punjab. In other entry of Dalits into Hindu temples. He exhorted Dalits to seek
words, we will discuss the non-violent social protest method of dignity in adhering to their so-called polluting occupations
the Ravidass deras movement and how it differs from satya- while at the same time telling the upper caste Brahmins that
graha and Sanskritisation, the two non-violent conflict dignity lay in hard manual labour rather than in the shallow
resolution tools deployed at different interval of Dalit struggle pride of priesthood. After practising satyagraha for a fairly long
in the country. period of time, Ambedkar, however, got disillusioned and finally
abandoned it in favour of conversion to an egalitarian religion
3.1 Bhakti versus Satyagraha like Buddhism. Although Ambedkar abandoned satyagraha for
Though the bhakti mode of non-violent social protest of the emancipation of the downtrodden, he remained committed
the Ravidass dera movement looks very similar to that of to the principle of non-violence throughout his life and what
Gandhian satyagraha, it was devised in an altogether different may safely be called the legacy of Dalit sants of the bhakti
context to peacefully challenge the centuries-old structures of movement. Ravidass was one among the three renowned un-
social exclusion and oppression in the Brahminical social order touchable sants of the bhakti movement to whom Ambedkar
in premodern times.10 Gandhi used satyagraha against foreign dedicated his seminal book The Untouchables (1948); the other
rule.11 Ravidass deployed his own version of satyagraha (bhakti two were Nandanar and Chokhamela.
method of non-violent social protest) against the long entrenched
oppressive structures of caste and untouchability within the 3.2 Bhakti versus Sanskritisation
Hindu society at a time when there was no such vision/model While choosing bhakti as a method of non-violent social
of satyagraha available at all. Another distinct aspect of the protest, Ravidass provided an alternative model for the eman-
non-violent social protest method of Ravidass that differentiates cipation of the Dalits much before the articulation of the
it from the Gandhian method was that he did not deploy it for contemporary popular methods of Dalit social mobility—
gaining something in lieu of its withdrawal as a part of a political Sanskritisation/cultural assimilation and conversion/radical
strategy. He simply made use of it to publicly demonstrate that separation (Ram 2012a: 639–702). His main emphasis, how-
the so-called upper castes were not the only ones who could ever, was on instilling self-confidence among the oppressed
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Dalits while encouraging them not to bother about the cultural on the unnecessary expenditures. Gandhi discarded the hollow
restrictions imposed on them by the upper castes in the name materiality of spending extravagantly and took pride in the
of graded caste hierarchy. His social mobility method sharply simple low-caste apparel. It is in this context that both Ambedkar
differs from Sanskritisation, which facilitates the ambitious and Gandhi adopted different paths of social mobility.
lower castes to improve their social position in the local caste Nevertheless, what made the Dalit social mobility method of
hierarchy by emulating the cultural symbols of the higher Ravidass unique and different from both of Ambedkar and Gandhi
castes (Srinivas 1998: 88). Since caste is a given social category was that he brought together their separate social mobility
in Hindu society, which cannot be changed arbitrarily, the methods into a single potent one. Ravidass reiterated the emula-
lower castes were left with no other option but to imitate the tion of the high castes in certain respects (dress), but rejection
cultural symbols of the upper castes to attain upward social in others (occupation). Moreover, in defying the dress code of
mobility. Whereas, Ravidass’s emphasis on social respect with- the upper castes and sticking to lower-caste traditional occupa-
out crossing over the caste and religious boundaries is what tions, he not only enhanced the status of the occupations of the
made his project of Dalit emancipation different from that of lower castes but also encouraged them not to try to please the
the Sanskritisation and conversion. He exhibited his protest upper castes in meekly emulating their cultural symbols. His
against the social oppression by putting on the prohibited message was very simple and clear. By asking the Dalits to put
dress and other cultural symbols of the upper castes and at the on the prohibited dress of the upper castes, Ravidass did not
same time without saying no to his so-called denigrated pro- want them to feel elevated. Instead, he wanted to demolish the
fession of leather work. By imitating the iconography of the symbolic link between the dress code and the superiority of so-
upper castes and also sticking to his hereditary occupation, called upper castes. In fact, he wanted Dalits to wear the pro-
Ravidass probably wanted to convey that the lower castes need hibited dress not for any religious/ritual purposes at all but for
not abandon their caste professions to climb up the ladder of undertaking their daily routine business duties of carrying away
the caste hierarchy as in the case of Sanskritisation nor to con- the carcass and skinning the dead animals, colouring leather
vert to another religion as in the case of conversion. They had and making and mending shoes! He also praised the so-called
to, rather, assert their human rights by challenging the caste denigrated Dalit professions and ridiculed the hypocrisy and
hierarchy while remaining firmly grounded in their respective shallow pride of the upper castes in his spiritual poetry. It is in
caste groups. He wanted to dismantle the norm of Varnash- this context that the egalitarian social philosophy of Ravidass
ramdharma (fourfold division of Hindu society based on graded expressed in the mode of poetry as well as in the praxis of his
rank system in caste hierarchy) by showing that lower castes bhakti-based method of non-violent social protest became the
are no longer dependent on the mercy of the “false pride and manifesto of the Dalit assertion in segregated Dalit peripheries
hypocrisy” of the Brahmins (Schaller 1996: 107). of the contemporary East Punjab, which has been carried forward
Though the concept of Sanskritisation has been challenged by the mushrooming growth of the agency of Ravidass Deras.
in the context of lower caste movements for quite some time
now and the idea of Ravidass’s alternative model of Dalit social In Conclusion
mobility may also not be considered as an original contribution, My key argument in this article is that the segregated Dalit
the point, however, this article wants to articulate modestly, is space in contemporary Punjab has been witnessing an upsurge
that the bhakti-based method of non-violent social protest as of Dalit assertion. Ravidass deras and their unique way of
innovatively devised by Ravidass calls for a fresh look in the face social protest happened to be the main force behind such an up-
of the failure of the archetypal social mobility model captured surge. Dalit social protest is basically aimed at inventing Dalit
in the contemporary concept of Sanskritisation. Gandhi and cultural heritage through the potent agency of counter religious
Ambedkar too adopted somewhat similar strategies in their formation while negotiating with the dormant forces of social
respective struggles for the emancipation of lower castes. Gandhi change. It is in this context that these deras come forward to
valorised Dalit occupations such as sweeping and toilet-clean- provide the much sought-after “counter Dalit public” within
ing by advocating that every one irrespective of his/her caste segregated Dalit peripheries which has not only exorcised
should take to these most essential jobs in their own settings, their blemished posture but also sacralised them into monuments
thus finally dissociating these so-called demeaning occu- of Dalit assertion. However, the main catalyst behind the upsurge
pations from their permanent attachment with the lower of such a Dalit assertion within the segregated Dalit peripheries
castes only. However, Ambedkar departed strongly from the has been the radical spiritual teachings of Ravidass who un-
Gandhian way of Dalit social mobility. He, instead of recom- leashed a sort of social revolt against the dominant and oppres-
mending the upper castes to come forward to clean their lava- sive structures of Brahminical social order through his unique
tories themselves in order to assign prestige to the so-called method of bhakti-based social protest.
polluted Dalit occupations, asked the lower castes to aspire
for the same jobs as educated upper-caste people do. He also
emphasised the cleanliness of the lower castes and adopted available at
the suit and tie as a medium of upward Dalit social mobility. Oxford Bookstore-Mumbai
Gandhi, on the other hand, encouraged people to lead a very Apeejay House, 3, Dinshaw Vacha Road, Mumbai 400 020
simple life, probably to bridle the blatant poverty by cutting Ph: 66364477

SPECIAL ARTICLE
Notes Ravidass Maharaj) Seer Goverdhanpur, Vara- Case and Beyond,” Comparative Studies of South
nasi (UP): Shri Guru Ravidass Janam Asthan Asia, Africa and the Middle East, Vol XVIII, No 1,
[All the terms associated with the traditional caste Public Charitable Trust. pp 5–19.
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Bal, Hartosh Singh (2010): “A Native Place,” http:// Ram, Ronki (1999): “Power v/s Dialogue: Gandhi-
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Beltz, Johannes (2004): “Introduction,” Recon- pp 103–23.
1 “Dalit” is a broad term that incorporates the structing the World: B R Ambedkar and — (2004a): “Untouchability, Dalit Consciousness
Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, and Buddhism in India, Surendra Jondhale and and the Ad Dharm, Movement in Punjab,”
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2 Conversion has been a common practice Our Own Brethren?” http://www.thehindu. — (2007): “Social Exclusion, Resistance and De-
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other group takes over the customs, ritual, Desi and Beyond’,” Economic & Political Weekly, Dalit Consciousness,” Deccan Herald, Monday,
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Dalit Testimonies: From the Ordeal to Speak to Dalit.html.
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caste hierarchy” (Srinivas 1998: 88; also see — (2009b): “Ravidass, Dera sachkhand Ballan
Vol 33, No 1, pp 39–55. and the Question of Dalit Identity in Punjab,”
Srinivas 1956).
Ilaiah, Kancha (2005): Why I Am Not a Hindu, Journal of Punjab Studies, Vol 16, No 1, pp 1–34.
4 On the basis of calculation by Madan Mohan Kolkata: Samya, 2nd edn.
Singh and Kulwant Singh, Centre for Research in — (2012a): “Beyond Conversion and Sanskritisa-
Jodhka, Surinder S (2002): “Nation and Village: tion: Articulating an Alternative Dalit Agenda
Rural and Industrial Development, Chandigarh.
Images of Rural India in Gandhi, Nehru and in East Punjab,” Modern Asian Studies, Vol 46,
5 Dera literally implies a holy abode free from the Ambedkar,” Economic & Political Weekly,
structural bindings of institutionalised reli- No 3, pp 639–702.
Vol 37, No 32, pp 3343–53.
gious orders and is the headquarters of a group — (2012b): Dalit Pachhan, Mukti Ate Shaktikaran
of devotees owing allegiance to a particular Joshi, Barbara R (1992): “Untouchables, Religion, (Dalit Identity, Emancipation and Empowerment),
spiritual person who is reverently addressed as and Politics: The Changing Face of Struggle,” Patiala: Punjabi University, pp 252–56.
Sant/Guru/Baba/Mahraj. Religion and Political Conflict in South Asia,
Rawat, Ramnarayan S (2013): “Occupation, Dignity
London: Greenwood Press.
6 For details on differences between the social and Space: The Rise of Dalit Studies,” History
universes of the pind and Dalit periphery see the Kalarmajri, Gurmit (1998): Hashian Ton Bahar (Be-
Compass, Vol 11, No 12, pp 1059–67.
following literary (Punjabi) and other sources: yond the Margins), Patiala: Annu Publications.
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(SC and ST), New Delhi.
1948; Moon 1994, 1989: 19–26; Ram 2012b: — (2011): Meree Purkhe (My Ancestors), Patiala:
Rodrigues, Valerian (2015): “Indian Democracy
252–56; Pettigrew 1978: 44; Singh 1977: 70). Hashia Parkashan.
and the Reconstruction of Dalit Self: Contem-
7 For the diametrical opposite views of Gandhi Kapur, Devesh, D Shyam Babu and Chandra Prasad porary Dalit Writing,” Man and Society, Vol 12,
and Ambedkar on pind see: Jodhka (2002: Bhan (2014): Defying the Odds: The Rise of Dalit Summer, pp 7–22.
3343–53); Bal (October 2010). Entrepreneurs, New Delhi: Random House India.
Schaller, Joseph (1996): “Sanskritisation, Caste
8 Conversations with L R Balley, a veteran Dalit Kapur, Devesh, Chandra Prasad Bhan, Lant Pritchett
Uplift and Social Dissidence in the Sant
leader, Jalandhar, 16 January 2003; K C Sule- and D Shyam Babu (2010): “Rethinking Ine-
Ravidās Panth,” Bhakti Religion in North India:
kh, an Ambedkarite and prolific writer, Chan- quality: Dalits in Uttar Pradesh in the Market
Community Identity and Political Action, David
digarh, 2 December 2004. Reform Era,” Economic & Political Weekly, Vol
N Lorenzen (ed), New Delhi: Manohar.
9 For details see: http://www.nytimes.com/ XLV, No 35, pp 39–49.
Singh, Indera Pal (1977): “Caste in a Sikh Village,”
aponline/2009/05/24/ world/AP-EU–Austria- Moon, Vasant (1989): “Untouchables or Children of
India’s Ghetto,” Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Writ- Caste among Non-Hindus in India, Harjinder Singh
Temple-shooting.ht (accessed on 5/25/ 2009).
ings and Speeches, Vol 5, Bombay: Government (ed), New Delhi: National Publishing House.
10 For different perspectives of Hindu views of
non-violence, see Vidal, Tarabout and Meyer of Maharashtra. Singh, Narinderpal (2007): “Shiromani Committee
(eds) (2003). — (1994): “Draft Constitution: Discussion,” and Caste,” Desh Sewak (Punjabi Daily, Chandi-
Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar Writings and Speeches, garh), Sunday Magazine, 1 July.
11 For a detailed account of various satyagraha
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(1969); Galtung (1992); Weber (1991); Ram Muralidharan, Sukumar (2006): “The New Dalit and Westernization,” The Far Eastern Quarterly,
(1999). Assertion,” http:///www.india-seminar.com/ Vol 15, No 4, pp 481–96.
12 For a detailed account of Ambedkar’s Mahad and 2006/557/557%20sukumar% 20muralidharan. — (1998): Village, Caste, Gender and Method: Es-
temple satyagraha, see Zelliot (2004: 78–88). htm, accessed on 1/26/2007. says in Indian Social Anthropology, New Delhi:
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CPI to WPI Causation

Empirical Analysis of Price Indices in India
Neeraj Hatekar, Anuradha Patnaik
The causal relationship between consumer price index 1 Introduction
T
and wholesale price index has been the focus of several he wholesale price index (WPI), which relates to the
transactions at the primary stage, broadly corresponds
econometric studies. The CPI could drive the WPI when
to producer prices. The consumer price index (CPI)
producers follow mark-up pricing and when wages measures change over time in the prices of a fixed basket of
increase. These could be due to supply shocks that lead goods and services purchased by consumers and it reflects re-
producers to hike prices, thereby also increasing tail prices. The causality between CPI and WPI has recently
been the focus of several econometric studies. There are
consumer prices, which in turn could lead trade unions
broadly two views in the literature which have been subjected
to demand higher wages—leading to higher WPI. to empirical investigation. The more conventional view can be
Alternately if consumer expenditure rises in response to referred to as the “supply chain view.” Going by this view, the
a positive income shock—increasing the demand for changes in the prices paid by the producers will temporally
precede the changes in the price paid by the consumers (Akcay
goods—it can lead to a rise in the derived demand for
2011; Caporale et al 2002; Cushing and McGarvey 1990). This
labour and subsequently wages. The present study is because the retail sector adds value to the existing produc-
attempts to (i) empirically test for the causal influence of tion and uses it as an input (Rao and Bukhari 2010).
CPI on WPI in the frequency domain, and (ii) test whether However, in the light of mark-up pricing, wage-price spirals,
wage indexations, and derived demand analysis, anticipation
the observed CPI to WPI causation is demand-driven or
of reverse causality would not be out of place and forms the
driven by supply shocks. second view. The “wage mark-up” view states that producers
set prices as a certain mark-up over the cost of production. In
this view, WPI increases lead to CPI increases, which in turn,
leads to increased wage demands as workers try to maintain
their real wages. The extent to which the unions succeed in
raising nominal wages feeds into the increase in the price of
the final product. The initial increase in WPI could be a result
of either demand shocks or supply shocks. The causality from
CPI to WPI appears as unions with bargaining power succeed in
maintaining real wages.
Alternatively, we can think of a pure “demand-side” channel
that emphasises the transmission of increased consumer
demand into higher producer prices (Marshall 1961). Increased
consumer expenditure in response to a positive income shock
increases the demand for the goods, causing a rise in the
derived demand for labour. This pushes wages upwards as
labour unions following restrictive employment practices push
wages up. The producer, in turn, pushes up the price of the
producers’ good at least in the short run generating a wage-
price spiral or cost push inflation.
The potential causality from CPI to WPI is important from a
We are thankful to an unknown referee of this journal, whose policy perspective. The standard “supply chain” view assumes
comments helped us revise the paper significantly.
unidirectional causality from wholesale prices to consumer
Neeraj Hatekar (hatekar@economics.mu.ac.in) and Anuradha Patnaik prices. This is the simple “cost-push” inflation view of changes
(Dr.A.Patnaik75@gmail.com) teach at the Department of Economics, in consumer prices. In this view, it is enough for the policy
University of Mumbai.
authorities to target wholesale prices in order to ensure price
SPECIAL ARTICLE
stability. But if there is a feedback from consumer prices to where p and w are logarithms of WPI and nominal wages, p* is
wholesale prices, it is possible that the central bank may be the expected prices (usually the CPI), u is the unemployment
“under-targeting” in the sense that the WPI inflation target set rate and α is the changes in labour productivity. The wage
may be too low since it fails to take into account the potential equation, which is also the Phillips curve equation, given by
transmission channel from CPI to WPI. Equation 2, gives the behaviour of nominal wages, such that
In the light of the above, the present study attempts to the wage inflation depends upon the price inflation (CPI infla-
empirically establish whether CPI causes WPI in the Granger tion). The magnitude of α is the extent of wage indexation.
causality from the CPI to the WPI in the frequency domain for The Equation 3 is the mark-up equation or the price equa-
India. If the causality from CPI to WPI is significant, then there tion which gives the behaviour of prices. In this model the pro-
are two potential channels for this causality. As has been out- ducer’s prices are a mark-up over unit labour cost, with wages
lined above, the causality could be a result of either demand adjusted for labour productivity. If the mark-up is constant,
shocks or supply shocks. Supply shocks raise WPI, leading to changes in wages will be transmitted into the producer’s
increase in the CPI as per the traditional supply-side view. In prices as it is, thus, indicating a reverse causality from CPI to
turn, as labour unions succeed in maintaining their real wages, the WPI via the wages. So also, a rise in the volume of unem-
mark-up pricing leads to WPI rising in response to CPI increases. ployment reduces the wage inflation (Phillips curve). Thus, a
Demand shocks lead to increased CPI, and an increase in the rise in the volume of employment or (output gap) will also lead
demand for labour, which in turn leads to increase in WPI to wage inflation. Thus, the two factors which augment wage
through mark-up pricing as wages increase. inflation are (i) the mark-up over production cost, and (ii) the
In this paper, we also examine the relevance of the two output gap or increased labour employment, due to derived
types of shocks for understanding the CPI-WPI causality. The demand.
study gains special significance against the backdrop of the Colclough and Lange (1982) developed a derived demand
proposed move of the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) towards in- model, which generates the reverse causality (that is, from CPI
flation targeting with CPI. Also, identification of drivers of cau- to WPI). Since the demand for final goods determines the de-
sation, whether the CPI-WPI causality is operating mainly as a mand for inputs between competing uses, an expected rise in
result of supply shocks or demand shocks, can help develop the future prices of the final goods can lead to an increase in
appropriate policy responses to price stabilisation policies. the prices of inputs in the current period.
The rest of the paper is designed as follows: Section 2 gives
the theoretical background to the reverse causality from CPI to 3 Review of Literature
WPI. The review of literature is covered in Section 3. Section 4 A substantial body of literature already exists on causality
gives a detailed explanation of the data and methodology between WPI and CPI at the global level as well as in the Indian
used. The results of empirical analysis are reported and dis- context.
cussed in Section 5 and Section 6 concludes. Engle (1978) examined the transmission of factor cost into
output prices using regional data on consumer and wholesale
2 Causality from CPI to WPI: Theoretical Background prices of the United States (US), using spectral analysis. The
The reverse causality from CPI to WPI can be explained using the study reported causality from WPI to CPI only at low frequen-
model of wage indexation, which protects the workers’ real wage cies. Clark (1995) concluded that the production chain only
from unanticipated inflation. Suppose that the trade unions weakly links producer prices to consumer prices in the US. Rao
bargain that wages be determined by Equation 1 below: and Bukhari (2010) also studied the long-run path of the CPI
and WPI of Pakistan for the period 1978–2010 using monthly
w = [Ep + yEu] + λ [p – Ep] 0< λ<1 …(1)
data in the time domain. The study found that in the long-run,
where Ep, Eu are expected price (measured by CPI) and ex the two indices converge. Sidaoui et al (2009) used the Granger
pected unemployment, p, is the CPI and λ is the degree of index- causality analysis in a co-integrated bivariate vector auto
ation. If λ is 1, there is complete indexation, and of λ =0 there is regressive (VAR) framework, to investigate the causal relation
no indexation. Changes in the wages according to Equation 1 between the two, using monthly data from January 2001 to
results in changes in the average cost of production for the pro- October 2008 for Mexico. The study found significant CPI res
ducer, who in turn, alters the mark-up (to maintain his profits), ponse to producer price index (PPI) shocks. Akcay (2011) esti-
and alters the prices of the goods that enter the WPI. mated causal relationship between PPI and CPI for the period
Tobin (1972) described the wage-price mechanism using August 1995 to December 2007 for select European countries
two equations: (a) wage equation, (b) price or the mark-up and found bidirectional causality only in the case of Germany.
equation. Muhammad et al (2012) tested the Granger causality between
( )
dw dp* du CPI and WPI of Pakistan in the frequency domain using
=α + g u, 0<α<1 …(2) Lemmens et al (2008) approach and using monthly data for
dt dt dt
the period 1961–2012. They found variable causal relation
existing between CPI and WPI across different frequencies, and
dp dw no Granger causality from WPI to CPI at 5% significance level
= – α + ƒ (u) …(3)
dt dt at any frequency. Tiwari et al (2014), using monthly data of
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Mexico for the period 1981 to 2009, tested for causality from policy target in the Urjit Patel Committee Report, the causality
PPI to CPI by employing continuous wavelet approach. The from CPI to WPI gains special importance. So also identifica-
study found bidirectional relationship between the two. tion of the factors causing the causality, if it exists, becomes
Samanta and Mitra (1998) applied the Granger causality in equally important. Only one study by Tiwari (2012), studying
the time domain for two sub-periods, from April 1991 to May causality between CPI and WPI, in the frequency domain is
1995 and May 1995 to May 1998 on WPI and CPI. The study available. It is needful to mention that the sample period taken
found that while for the first sub-period a stable long relation up in the current study differs from the Tiwari (2012) study
between CPI and WPI existed, no such relationship could be which employed monthly data for the period 1957–2009. We
demonstrated for the second sub-period. Das (2009) studied have employed monthly data from April 2000 to March 2013,
the dynamics of inflation in India using WPI and CPI. The study keeping in mind the changing composition of WPI and CPI,
concluded that there exists no long-run relation between the each time the series are revised. In addition to estimating the
two. Goyal and Tripathi (2010) tested the Granger causality causality from CPI to WPI, have also estimated the causality
between CPI inflation and WPI inflation to study the impact of from the index of industrial production (IIP) (trend filtered) to
food prices on wages and producer’s prices in the time domain. WPI, to test if the causality from CPI to WPI is due to the excess
The study did get evidence of the Granger causality from dif- demand and the resulting increase in employment, and there-
ferent components of CPI to WPI. Tiwari (2012) attempted to fore, wage inflation.
study the static and dynamic causality between WPI and CPI of
India using co-integration analysis. The study found that the 4 Data and Methodology
WPI is determined by market forces and a leading indicator for
CPI. Tiwari (2012) and Lemmens et al (2008) employed the 4.1 Data and Variables
Granger causality in the frequency domain on monthly data The current study employs monthly data on CPI-IW, CPI-AL (CPI
on WPI and CPI of India for the period 1957–2009, and found agricultural labour) and WPI and IIP for the period April 2000
that CPI is a leading indicator for WPI as well as inflation in In- to March 2013. All the data have been collected from the RBI,
dia. Rakshit (2011) made a detailed study of WPI and CPI of In- Handbook of Statistics (various issues). The causality between
dia for the period 2006–10. The study highlighted the sharp the prices has important implications for inflation measured
dissimilarity in the behaviour of WPI and CPI, and the need to by these price indices. These price indices have been specifi-
scrutinise the interplay of macroeconomic and sectoral factors cally chosen for the current study because at present the Indian
or the close connection between general price level and rela- inflation figures are reported on the basis of WPI. However,
tive prices. The influence of macroeconomic variables (M3, according to Urjit Patel Committee Report (2014), the CPI infla-
M1, gross domestic product (GDP), exchange rate, agricultural tion ought to be the target variable. Of the four CPI measures,
GDP and their lags), on different measures of inflation (WPI for which data is available, the CPI-IW has the largest coverage
headline, WPI core, WPI manufacturing, CPI-Industrial Work- and is used as the cost of living index (used for wage indexa-
ers (IW), CPI core, CPI food, CPI services, agricultural GDP), was tion purpose), so it has been chosen as measure of CPI in the
estimated using ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions. current study.
The results highlight the failure as explanatory variables of Five different primary price measures are available in India.
most macroeconomic variables as well as the output gap for These measures are WPI, CPI-IW, CPI-AL, CPI for rural labourers
the measures of inflation mentioned above. The RBI Export (CPI-RL) and CPI for urban non-manual employees (CPI-UNME).
Committee to Revise and Strengthen the Monetary Policy The WPI series with base 2004–05 gives primary articles a
Framework (2014) examined the relationship between WPI weight of 20, fuel, power, light and lubricant a weight of 14.9
and CPI of India using monthly data for the period from Janu- and manufactured products a weight of 65. It is constructed by
ary 2000 to December 2013, for food and core parts of these the Office of the Economic Adviser, Ministry of Commerce and
prices, separately using the Granger causality and structural Industry. Since 2010, the Central Statistics Office (CSO) has
VAR (SVAR). The study found that while in the food part of replaced the CPI-UNME by a new series of CPI which provides a
these prices bidirectional causality exists, no causality was comprehensive index for both rural and urban population, in-
found in the core group. Ray (2014) estimated the causal rela- stead of targeting a specific segment of the population. The
tionship between CPI and WPI using monthly data for the new series has been introduced recently and so not much data
period 2005–13 in the time domain and found that there exists on the same is available. The CPI-IW index is used for regulation
a unidirectional causality from CPI and WPI. Rathore (2014) of wage and dearness allowances of millions of employees and
empirically studied the mark-up in Indian manufacturing workers in the organised sector of India. It is constructed by the
sector using firm level data and found evidence of varying labour bureau and follows a weighing pattern which is differ-
degree of union bargaining power, and therefore, mark-up ent from WPI. Food, beverages and tobacco are given a weight
existed across firms and the states of India. of 48.46, fuel and light have a weight of 6.43, housing 15.27,
From the review of literature it is clear that the causality clothing and footware get 6.58 and a weight of 23.26 is given to
between the price measures has been engaging researchers miscellaneous items in the CPI-IW with base year 2001.
for quite some time both nationally and internationally. With The study banks on the theoretical reasoning that the re-
inflation targeting on the anvil and the CPI proposed as the verse causality from CPI to WPI occurs due to mark-up pricing.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
When due to rising prices workers bargain for higher wages, 1 ∞

Suv (λ)=Cuv (λ)+iQuv (λ)= ∑ γ (k)e –iλk …(5)
the producers increase the wages (causing wage inflation), 2π –∞ uv
and in turn, transfer the same into the price of the product
produced by them (thus, retaining their profit through the where Cuv(λ) is the cospectrum or the real part of the cross
fixed mark-up). However, wages can also rise due to a derived spectrum and the quadrature spectrum or the imaginary part
demand for labour. If the wage rise is due to derived demand, is given by Quv(λ).γuv = cov(ut vt), gives the cross covariance
causality from potential output to WPI will be significant. between ut and vt at lag k. The cross spectrum can be non-
Since, we hypothise that mark-up pricing is the reason for parametrically estimated as follows:
wage inflation, the following causality tests will authenticate
1
our hypotheses: Ŝuv (λ)= 2π ∑M
–M wk γuv (k)e
ˆ –iλk …(6)
(i) Causality from CPI to WPI: It is expected that the causal where γ ûv =ˆ cov(ut vt), the empirical cross covariance with
ity is significant (to show that the wage inflation is due to wk, the window weights for k = –M to +M. The weights are as-
mark-up pricing). signed according to the Barlett weighting scheme, where
|k|
(ii) Causality from CPI-AL to WPI: It is expected that the cau- wk = 1 – M , and M is the maximum lag order, which is often

sality will be insignificant as mark-up pricing does not exist in chosen equal to the square root of the number of observations
agriculture sector. following Diebold (2001). Having derived the cross spectrum,
we can compute the coefficient of coherence huv(λ) which is
(iii) Causality from Output Gap (Trend Filtered IIP) to defined as
WPI: If the null hypothesis of no causality is not rejected, it |S (λ)|
uv
would support the hypothesis that the CPI to WPI causation is huv (λ)= 0<huv (λ)<1 …(7)
√(Su(λ)Sv(λ)
primarily reflecting the mechanism that adverse supply shocks
lead to increases in WPI, which raises nominal wages as nomi- Lemmens et al (2008) have shown that under the null
nal wages adjust to preserve real wages in response to in- hy pothesis that huv(λ) = 0, the estimated squared coefficient
creased CPI. The increased nominal wages lead to increased of coherence at frequency λ with 0<(λ) <π when appropriately
WPI as a result of mark-up pricing. If the wage rise is mainly rescaled converges to a chi-squared distribution with 2 de-
demand-driven, we should find some causality between vari- grees of freedom. However, this coefficient of coherence is
ous measures of the output gap and the wholesale prices. only a symmetric measure of association between the two
The Granger causality is a commonly used technique to time series and does not indicate anything about the direction
measure the causal relationship between variables. The pre- of relationship between the two processes. For the directional
sent study employs a spectral density-based Granger causality relationship, Lemmens et al (2004) have decomposed the cross
test as given by Lemmens et al (2004). The merit of this spectrum into three parts: (i) Su]v, the instantaneous relation
approach lies in the fact that we obtain a more complete picture between ut and vt, (ii) SuYv the directional relationship be-
of the causal flow, by decomposing the Granger causality over tween vt and lagged values of ut, and (iii) SvYu the directional
different time horizons, and this facilitates our understanding relationship between ut and lagged values of vt, that is,
of variations in the strength of causal flow between the two
1
variables over the spectrum (Lemmens et al 2004). The spec- Suv (λ)= [S + SuuYv+ SvYu ] …(8)
2π u]v
trum can be interpreted as a decomposition of the series vari-
1 –iλk+∑∞ w γ (k)e –iλk} …(9)
ance by frequency. Suppose, Xt and Yt are the two time series,
2π k=–∞ wk γuv (k)e
= {γuv(0)+∑–1 k=1 k uv
then to test for the Granger causality between these time series,
the white noise innovations series ut and vt derived after ap Lemmens et al (2004) have proposed the spectral measure
plying ARMA filters to Xt and Yt become the main building of Granger causality based on the key null that Xt does not
block. Let Su (λ) and Sv (λ) be the spectrum of the innovation Granger cause Yt, if and only if γuv (k) = 0 for k<0, hence only
series of Xt and Yt, respectively at frequency λ ε [-π, π ] given as the second part of Equation 9 becomes important, that is,
1 ∞ 1 1
Su(λ)= ∑ γ (k)e–iλk and Sv(λ)= ∑∞k=–∞γv(k)e–iλk …(4) SuYv= [∑–1k=–∞ wk γuv (k)e
–iλk] …(10)
2π k=–∞ u 2π 2π

where γu=cov(utut-k) and γ v=cov(vt vt-k) are the autocovari- And, therefore, the Granger coefficient of coherence will be
ances of ut and vt at lag k. It is important to note that since the |SuYv (λ)|
innovations series are white noise process (WNP), their spectra huYv (λ)= 0<huv (λ)<1 …(11)
√(Su(λ)Sv(λ)
are constant functions represented as Su(λ) = Var(ut)/2π
and Sv(λ) = Var(vt)/2π, respectively. The cross spectrum bet with the SuYv given by Equation 10. In the absence of the
ween the two innovation series which is the covariogram of Granger causality huYv (λ) =0, for every frequency between 0
the two series in the frequency domain is a complex number, and π. A natural estimator for the Granger coefficient of
defined as coherence at frequency λ is
SPECIAL ARTICLE
|ŝ (λ)| and WPI in the frequency domain was conducted. Again after
uYv
ĥuYv (λ)= …(12) ARMA filtering the data, the number of observations of each
√ŝ (λ)ŝ (λ)
u v
series changed. To maintain uniformity 144 innovations of
with weights wk for k ≥ 0 put equal to zero in ŜuYv(λ) (Lem- each series were finally used in estimating the Granger causal-
mens et al 2008). The distribution of the estimator of the ity. As a result the M, the max lag length till which the covari-
Granger coefficient of coherence can be derived from the dis- ances have to be estimated is √ T`=12, where T is the total num-
tribution of the coefficient of coherence. Under the null hy- ber of (remaining) usable observations.
pothesis that ĥuYv (λ) = 0, for the squared estimated the Since the Granger coefficient of coherence is estimated in the
Granger coefficient of coherence at frequency λ, with 0 < λ < π frequency domain a plot of the same across various frequencies
^
would give a clear picture of the causal flows. It is important to
2(ń–1) h2uYv (λ) →d χ22 …(13) note that the frequencies can be converted into time using the
following relation between the two: T=2π/λ, where T is the
where, ń = T/∑–1 k=–M wk and → implies convergence in distri-
2 d number of observations, and λ is the frequency. Thus, with 144
bution. Since the weights wk with a positive index k are set observations 72 cycles of different frequencies will be obtained.
equal to zero when computing ŜuYv(λ), only the wk with nega- The shortest cycle will be of two months (frequency=3.14) and
tive indices are in effect taken into account. Thus, the null hy- the longest cycle will be of 144 months (frequency=1). For the
pothesis of no Granger causality at frequency λ versus huYv(λ)> 0, present study the short run is defined as cycles with frequency
is then rejected, if between 2 and 3.14 (that is, period of cycle between 2 and 3.1
months), medium run for cycles with frequency between 0.5
χ22, (1–α)
ĥuYv (λ)> …(14) and 2 (or period of cycle between 3.1 and 12 months) and long
√ 2(ń–1)
run for frequency between 0 and 1 (or period of cycle between
with χ22, (1–α) being the 1-α quantile of the chi-squared distri one year and above). The Figure 1 plots the Granger coefficient
bution with 2 degrees of freedom. of coherence from CPI to WPI at 1% significance level.
Figure 1: Granger Causality from CPI to WPI at 1% Significance Level
5 Results of Empirical Analysis
Granger Coefficient of Coherence
0.4
Since monthly data over a period of 13 years has been used, the
data had to be seasonally adjusted. As a result the Beaulieu 0.3
and Miron (1992) test for seasonal integration which is an ex- 0.2
tension of the Hylleberg et al (1990) methodology to monthly
0.1
data was conducted. It was found that the WPI and CPI-AL
series exhibited seasonal integration at all frequencies, and 0
the CPI-IW series was integrated at zero frequency and +/-5π/6 0.25 0.5 0.75 1 1.25
1.5 1.75 2 2.25 2.5 2.75 3.14
Frequency
frequency. As a result the first difference and the 12th differ- The straight line parallel to the X-axis represents the critical values at 1% significance level.
All the figures have been estimated and then plotted by the authors.
ence of the WPI and CPI-AL series gave a seasonally filtered sta-
tionary WPI and CPI-AL series. The CPI-AL series had to be fur- It is clearly evident that the Granger coefficient of coherence
ther regressed on a level dummy, such that DL=0 till the 85th from CPI to WPI at 1% significance level is significant only at a fre-
observation and DL=1 after that, as there was a change in the quency of 2.59 (that is, for cycle of 2.44 months). However, at 5%
trend post 2007 December. Similarly, the first difference and significance level (Figure 2) the causality from CPI to WPI becomes
the sixth difference of the CPI-IW series gave a seasonally significant in a broader frequency band ranging from 2.3 to 2.8
filtered stationary CPI-AL series. Initially, the number of obser- Figure 2: Granger Causality from CPI to WPI at 5% Significance Level
vations was equal to 160. After the seasonal filtering the 13 obser-
0.4
vations were lost, leaving 147 filtered observations. Generally,
all filters that separate a univariate time series into trend and 0.3
cycle components rely at least on arbitrary assumption. Keep- 0.2

ing in mind the arbitrariness of the filters the output gap was
0.1
derived by using three different filters on the IIP. These filters
are Hodrick Prescott Filter (1997), Baxter King Filter (1995) 0
0.25 0.5
1.5 0.75
1.75 1 1.25
2 2.25 2.5 2.75 3.14
and Bandpass Filter. This would help us to test the robustness Frequency
of our results to various specifications of the filters. The straight line parallel to the X-axis represents the critical values at 5% significance level.
The seasonally adjusted data of CPI-IW, CPI-AL and WPI were (that is, cycles ranging between 2.2 months and 2.7 months). It is
first filtered by applying appropriate ARMA techniques and it important to note here that there are 14 different cycles within
was found that WPI series followed an AR(2) process while the this frequency band. The maximum causal flow is at a frequency
CPI-IW series was found to be an MA(4) process and CPI-AL fol- of 2.56, which is at a cycle of 2.44 months. At this frequency the
lowed an AR(1) process. The innovation series which are the Granger coefficient of coherence is 0.3933. This implies the maxi-
residuals of the above processes were then derived and the mum causal flow from CPI to WPI is 39%, in the short run. In the
Granger causality tests between CPI-IW and WPI and CPI-AL long run, however, no significant causality was found.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Similarly, Figure 3 plots the Granger coefficient of coherence Figure 6: Granger Causality from WPI to IIP (Hodric Prescott Filter) at 10%
Significance Level
from WPI to CPI across different frequencies at 1% significance
level. It is clear that this causal flow is significant across a wide

0.4
range of frequencies from the short-run to the medium-term with 0.3

frequency between 1.3 and above, that is, cycles spanning from
0.2
Figure 3: Granger Causality from WPI to CPI at 1% Significance Level
0.1
0.5
0.4 0
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2
1.4 1.6 1.8 2 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 3
0.3 Frequency
The straight line parallel to the X-axis represents the critical values at 10% significance level.
0.2 Figure 7: Granger Causality from IIP (Hodric Prescott Filter) to WPI at 10%
0.1 Significance Level

0.5
0
0.25 0.5 0.75 1 1.25
1.5 1.75 2 2.25 2.5 2.75 3.14
Frequency 0.4
The straight line parallel to the X-axis represents the critical values at 1% significance level. 0.3
two months to five months. Within this frequency band there are 0.2
41 different cycles of short-term and medium-term duration. The 0.1
maximum causality is of the magnitude of 0.44, at the frequency 2.5. 0
The Granger causality from output gap (IIP has been used as 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2
1.4 1.6 1.8 2 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 3
Frequency
proxy for output since data on GDP is available on a quarterly fre- The straight line parallel to the X-axis represents the critical values at 10% significance level.
quency) to WPI to test for the derived demand impact on employ- Figure 8: Granger Causality from WPI to IIP (Bandpass Filter) at 10%
ment, and thus, the wage inflation was estimated. The output gap Significance Level
was derived by applying three different filters to IIP. These filters
0.4
are (a) Hodrick Prescott Filter, (b) Baxter King Filter, and (c) Band
0.3
pass Filter. The Granger causality from each of these output gap
series to WPI has been reported from Figures 4 to 9. 0.2
From Figures 4–9 it can be seen that the Granger causality is 0.1
not significant in any of the figures except Figure 7. This implies
0
that the Granger causality from potential output to WPI is signifi- 0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8 2 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 3 3.14
cant only at 10% level and only when the potential output has Frequency
Figure 4: Granger Causality from WPI to IIP (Baxter King Filter) at 10% Figure Granger
9: GrangerCausality
Causality from
FromIIP (Bandpass
IIP(Band Filter)
Pass to WPI
Filter) to at
WPI10%at
Significance Level
Significance Level 10% Significance Level
0.4
0.4
0.4
0.3
0.3
0.3
0.2
0.2
0.2
0.1
0.1
0.1
0
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8 2 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 3 3.14 00
Frequency
0.2
0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8
0.4 0.6 00
0.8 11 1.2 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8
1.4 1.6 1.8 22 2.2 2.2 2.4
2.4 2.6 2.8 33 3.14
2.6 2.8 3.14
Frequency
Frequency
Figure 5: Granger Causality from IIP to WPI (Baxter King Filter) at 10%
Significance Level potential output. As a result, insignificant causality from potential
output to WPI using any of them is indicative of absence of signifi-
0.4
cant causality at most of the frequencies, and the empirical results
0.3 do not support evidence of causality from output gap to WPI. If
0.2
excess demand is not driving WPI, it could not conceivably be
driving the changes in WPI that result from changes in CPI. It is
0.1
more likely that WPI changes are supply-side changes as indicated
0 in previous studies (Sharma and Kulkarni 2011). This also implies
0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1 1.2 1.4 1.6 1.8 2 2.2 2.4 2.6 2.8 3 3.14
Frequency that the excess demand and the resulting increase in demand for
The straight line parallel to the X-axis represents the critical values at 10% significance level. labour may not be significantly causing wage inflation. Supply
been derived using the Hodrick Prescott Filter. It is important to shocks drive wholesale prices, which in turn, drive consumer
note that each of the filters used above blocks out different prices. Consumer prices then feed back into wholesale prices
frequencies. Also, considering the essential arbitrary nature of through mark-up pricing. This seems to be closer to the true
these filters, three different filters have been used to derive the mechanism.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure 10: Orthogonal Impulse The relationship between Figure 11: Granger Causality from CPI-AL WPI
Response Function (IRF) of CPI
WPI and CPI was further ex-

0.4
1.5
amined in the time domain
0.3
by estimating their impulse
1.0 response functions in a 0.2
bivariate VAR framework. 0.1

The impulse response func-
IRF-WPI
0
0
tions showing bidirectional 0.25 0.5 0.75 1 1.25
1.5 1.75 2 2.25 2.5 2.75 3 3.14
causality have been reported Frequency
0.0
in Figures 10 and 11. The re-
sults in the time domain con- 6 Conclusions and Policy Implications
-0.5 firm with that in the frequen- It is clear from the results of empirical analysis that a bidirectional
cy domain, because the im- causality between CPI-IW and WPI exists. The causality from WPI to
2 4 6 8 10 pulse response starts con- CPI-IW exists in the short-run and the medium-run. The causality
95% Bootstrap CI, 100 runs
verging around the third from CPI to WPI exists in the short-run only. The magnitude of cau-
time horizon (month) for the WPI equation and second month for sality from WPI to CPI is higher than the magnitude of causality
the CPI equation. It is also clear from Figure 10 that the impulse from CPI to WPI. The findings support our hypothesis of CPI chang-
response function from WPI to CPI persists for a longer time hori- es driving WPI changes in India and that the context for this causa-
zon. In the frequency domain short cycles and medium term cy- tion is mainly supply shocks rather than demand shocks. This has
cles spanning between two and five months were influencing the been concluded on the basis of the following two results:
causal flow from WPI to CPI, in the time domain, the impulse to (i) The absence of causality from potential output to WPI which
CPI from WPI converges during the same time. Similarly, short clearly shows that the wage rise for labour is not due to derived
cycles were influencing the causality from CPI to WPI in the demand for labour.
frequency domain, the impulse response of WPI due to a shock to (ii) Similarly, the absence of causality from CPI-AL to WPI may be
CPI also converges during the same time horizon. because there is no mark-up pricing in the agriculture sector.
Finally Figure 5 shows that the causality from CPI-AL to WPI In the light of the RBI’s proposed inflation targeting with new CPI
is insignificant at all frequencies. This again supports our hy- being the target variable, the results of the present study gain special
pothesis, because the causality from CPI to WPI is due to mark- significance. The monetary impulse via the CPI will reach the WPI at
up pricing, which does not apply to the agriculture sector. least in the short run and help maintain the credibility of the RBI.
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Akcay, S (2011): “The Causal Relationship between WP-2010–012. India 2006–10: Some Analytical and Policy
Producer Price Index and Consumer Price In- Hylleberg, S, R F Engle, C W J Granger and B S Yoo Issues,” Economic & Political Weekly, Vol XLVI,
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SPECIAL ARTICLE
Biological Markers and the Health of Older Indians

Results from the 2010 LASI Pilot
P Arokiasamy, D E Bloom, J Lee, J O’Brien, S Parasuraman, Uttamacharya
I
Portable, user-friendly diagnostics have increased the ndia is experiencing dramatic demographic and epidemio-
use of biological markers in national health surveys. The logical transitions. Specifically, as the share of India’s elderly
population increases, so too does the incidence of non-
2010 pilot wave of the Longitudinal Ageing Study in
communicable diseases (NCDs) among adults aged 45 and
India used a comprehensive biomarker module to older. This rise in NCDs is coupled with a lingering burden of
measure more accurately the burden of health risks and infectious and parasitic diseases, resulting in a double burden
morbidity among older Indians in four pilot states. This of disease (1, 2). Estimates suggest that by 2030, individuals
aged 45 and older will bear half of India’s disease burden
paper presents results from the biomarker data collected
(both communicable and non-communicable) (3). However,
during the LASI pilot wave and compares them with the limited availability of reliable health data makes assess-
self-reports. When compared with self-reports, ing the true prevalence of disease among older adults in
biomarker data revealed a greater burden of health risks India difficult.
In the absence of adequately reliable and objective measures,
and a higher prevalence of chronic disease. By showing
researchers rely on self-reported morbidity data, often from
the systematic variations in health status between LASI’s cross-sectional surveys in India. Various potential biases affect
self-reported data and biomarker data, the paper these data, owing largely to illiteracy and lack of education
highlights the value of using biomarkers to establish among survey subjects (4, 5). Cross-sectional survey data are
also less reliable when drawn from communities that are not
more reliable estimates of health in national surveys. The
representative of, or generalisable to, the overall population.
biomarkers studied include blood pressure The limitations of self-reported health data have encouraged
measurements, grip strength, body mass index, and the use of biological markers (biomarkers) in large-scale popu-
waist-to-hip ratio, all of which provide valuable insights lation health surveys. Biomarkers include measures of physiology
(for example, blood pressure), physical functions (grip strength),
into health trends affecting older adults.
and anthropometry (height and weight). Another set of indicators
are the molecular markers of health (for example, blood-based
assays) used to investigate the levels of various analytes in the
blood, including haemoglobin, a measure of iron, and C-reactive
protein (CRP), a measure of cardiac inflammation.
Compared with self-reported health data, biomarker data
allow for a more accurate assessment of the chronic disease
burden. Biomarker data also allow for better analysis of the
risk factors underlying chronic disease and can be used to
We thank the respondents for their time and contributions and
acknowledge the expertise and contributions of the LASI team in
study the effectiveness of various health interventions (6, 7).
conducting pilot survey. The LASI pilot survey received financial Furthermore, repeat collection of biomarkers from the same
support from the National Institute on Aging/National Institute of Health individuals can offer greater understanding of how physiologi-
(R21 AG032572-01). We are also thankful to an anonymous referee of this cal processes change with age, the conditions associated with
journal for valuable comments and constructive suggestions. Arunika ageing, and the ageing process itself.
Agarwal and Alyssa Lubet of the Harvard T H Chan School of Public
Health also provided valuable suggestions.
In 2010, researchers from the Harvard School of Public
Health (HSPH), the International Institute for Population
P Arokiasamy (parokiasamy@iips.net) is at the International Institute
Sciences (IIPS), and the RAND Corporation launched the Longi-
for Population Sciences, Mumbai; D E Bloom is at the Harvard School of
Public Health, Department of Global Health and Population, Boston, US; tudinal Ageing Study in India (LASI), a survey aimed at assess-
J Lee is at the University of Southern California, Los Angeles, US; ing the physical, economic, and social well-being of India’s
J O’Brien is at the Harvard School of Public Health, Department of Global older adult population. To better assess the physical health of
Health and Population; and both S Parasuraman and Uttamacharya are the study population, LASI included both self-report health
at the International Institute for Population Sciences.
questions and a biomarkers module.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Table 1 shows that the LASI biomarkers module includes a logit models to examine the effects of biological risk factors
comprehensive group of indicators, including measures of such as body mass index (BMI) and waist-to-hip ratio on the
physiology (blood pressure and lung functions), physical func- prevalence of self-reported CVD and diabetes.
tions (grip strength, balance tests, vision tests, etc), and an-
thropometry (height, weight, and waist and hip circumfer- Methodology
ence). The LASI project also includes a dried blood spot (DBS)
component to test for CRP, haemoglobin, Epstein-Barr virus Study Sample: The study sample came from the LASI pilot
(EBV) antibodies, and glycosylated haemoglobin (HbA1c). survey, conducted in 2010 in four Indian states. To reflect
Table 1: Biomarkers Included as Part of the LASI Pilot Study India’s demographic, economic, health, and
Category Biomarker Description Health Risks Associated with Levels cultural heterogeneity, the LASI pilot was im-
Beyond Normal Limits
plemented in two northern states (Punjab
Physiology Systolic blood pressure Index of cardiovascular activity: Cardiovascular diseases (CVD;
maximum pressure in an artery stroke, coronary heart disease and Rajasthan) and two southern states
when the heart contracts and [CHD], and mortality) (Kerala and Karnataka). Punjab is an eco-
pumps blood nomically more developed state, while
Diastolic blood Index of cardiovascular activity: CVD, mortality Rajasthan is relatively poor. Kerala, known
pressure minimum pressure in an artery
when the heart is resting for its somewhat developed healthcare
Resting pulse rate Indicator of heart function CHD, mortality system, has undergone rapid social develop-
and measure of overall fitness ment and serves as a potential model for the
Lung function (spirometry) future development of other states. Karna-
(a) Forced vital capacity The total volume of air that a Chronic obstructive pulmonary
(FVC) person can forcibly exhale in disease (COPD), CVD, asthma, taka is also in the advanced stages of demo-
one breath lung cancer graphic transition.
(b) Forced expired The volume of air that a person The LASI pilot used a multistage area
volume in one second can exhale in the first second probability sampling design. From each of
(FEV1) of forced expiration
the four states, two districts were randomly
(c) FEV1% The ratio of FEV1 to FVC,
expressed as a percentage selected from the 2001 Census districts, and
Physical Grip strength Indicator of hand muscle Loss of hand muscle strength, eight primary sampling units (PSUs) were
function strength, measured in kilograms falls and other functional selected from each district using probability
limitations, inflammation
proportional to size (PPS) sampling. PSUs were
Balance tests (semi Indicators of static balance, Disability, falls, inflammation,
tandem, full tandem, measured progressively from mortality chosen to match the urban/rural share of
side by side) semi tandem to either side by the state population. Twenty-five residential
side or full tandem households from each PSU were then selected
Timed walk Measure of functional capacity Self-reported health, functional
through systematic random sampling. Among
disability, recurrent falls,
inflammation these, an average of 16 households contained
Visual acuity Measure of impairment of Functional disability, glaucoma at least one age-eligible individual.
visual functioning In total, the pilot study collected demo-
Body shape Body mass index (BMI) Indicator of obesity and the CVD, diabetes mellitus, graphic, health, and social and economic
balance between energy intake mortality, some cancers,
and energy expenditure osteoarthritis data and biomarkers from 1,683 individuals
Waist-to-hip ratio Indicator of abdominal obesity Hypertension, CHD, non-insulin- (734 males and 949 females) aged 45 years
dependent diabetes, stroke and up and their spouses, irrespective of age.
DBS markers C-reactive protein (CRP) An enzyme in blood, essential Acute and chronic inflammation For a more detailed description of data
for interpretation of several
micronutrient biomarkers collection, see “Longitudinal Aging Study in
Glycosylated haemoglobin Integrated measure of glucose Diabetes mellitus, CVD, functional India: Vision, Design, Implementation, and
(HbA1c) metabolism over the previous disability, mortality Preliminary Findings” (9). See the Appendix
30–90 days (p 57) for a detailed description of the clinical
Epstein-Barr virus (EBV) Antibodies for Epstein-Barr virus Fever, sore throat, swollen lymph
equipment used in field testing.
antibodies indicate current, recent, or glands
previous infections from EBV
Apo lipoproteins A-1 and B (Apo B/Apo A-I ratio) Indicator of CVD Measurement Protocols: Blood pressure:
cholesterol: Apo lipoprotein (apo) Fieldworkers recorded three consecutive read-
B is present in atherogenic
lipoproteins, apo A is present in ings of systolic and diastolic blood pressure
non-atherogenic lipoprotein and calculated the mean for each respond-
Sources: (51-55). ent. Hypertension is classified according to
In this paper, we analyse results from the biomarker data the 1999 update of World Health Organization/International
collected as part of the LASI pilot, exclusive of DBS assays. DBS Society of Hypertension (WHO/ISH) guidelines on effective
assay-based results have been analysed in another paper (8). management of hypertension, which define high systolic blood
We then compare biomarker morbidity data with self-reported pressure as 140mmHg or above, and high diastolic blood pres-
data by state and by respondent characteristics. We also use sure as 90mmHg or above (10).
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Spirometry: Fieldworkers used spirometry results to measure • Females:

the presence of chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), ○ Low risk: <0.85, and
including mild or moderate stages. COPD is characterised by an ○ High risk: 0.85.
airflow obstruction that does not improve markedly over
several months. The spirometer provides four important indi- Statistical Analysis: We used a multinomial logit regression
cators of lung function (11): model to estimate the effects of key socio-economic and
(i) Forced vital capacity (FVC): the maximum volume of air health risk variables on measured and self-reported
exhaled (expired) after maximum inhalation (inspiration); prevalence of hypertension. Dependent variables fell into four
(ii) FEV1: the volume of air expired in the first second of maximal categories (Table 2, p 50): reported positive and measured
expiration after a maximal inspiration, a useful measure of Figure 1a: Mean Systolic Blood Pressure in Men, by Age and State, India,
how quickly full lungs can be emptied; (iii) FEV1% or FEV1/FVC: LASI Pilot, 2010
FEV1 expressed as a percentage of FVC, which gives a clinically <60 60–74
useful index of airflow limitation; and (iv) Predicted FEV1: 75+
150
values predicted using a linear regression model, with FEV1
as the dependent variable and age and standing height as in-
dependent variables. 100
mmHg
The model specification for predicted FEV1 is as follows:
fev1 = a + b×age + c ×height
50
Based on FEV1% (FEV1/FVC) and predicted FEV1, we
have classified lung obstruction into five categories using
0
the Global Initiative for Obstructive Lung Disease Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka
(GOLD) 2006 Spirometric Criteria for COPD Severity (11): Figure 1b: Mean Systolic Blood Pressure in Women, by Age and State, India,
(i) Mild: FEV1/FVC<70% and FEV10.8 of predicted FEV1; LASI Pilot, 2010
(ii) Moderate: FEV1/FVC<70% and 0.5FEV1<0.8 of predicted <60 60–74
75+
FEV1; (iii) Severe: FEV1/FVC<70% and 0.3FEV1<0.5 of 150
predicted FEV1; (iv) Very severe: FEV1/FVC<70% and
FEV1<0.3 of predicted FEV1; and (v) All individuals not fall-
mmHg
100
ing into these categories were considered to have normal
lung function.
For the analysis, we grouped together the “severe” and “very 50
severe” categories due to the very small number of cases in the
latter category. 0
Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka
Grip strength: Fieldworkers used Smedley’s hand dynamometer
(0–100 kgs) to measure the grip strength. Figure 1c: Mean Diastolic Blood Pressure in Men, by Age and State, India,
LASI Pilot, 2010
Vision: Fieldworkers used the corrected visual acuity range
specified by the Visual Functions Committee, ICO-1984 (12). <60
60–74
According to this standard, an individual has poor vision if 75+
100
measured visual acuity is 0.25 or less of the respective meas-
ures of near and distance vision for either eye.
BMI is calculated as
mmHg
BMI = weight (kg) / height (m2) 50
BMI measurements are grouped into four categories accord-

ing to WHO guidelines: underweight, normal, overweight, and
obese (13). These are defined as 0
• Underweight  18.4,
Figure 1d: Mean Diastolic Blood Pressure in Women, by Age and State,
• Normal = 18.5–24.9, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
• Overweight = 25–29.9, and 60–74
• Obese = 30 to maximum (13). <60
75+
Waist-to-hip ratio: 100
Waist-to-hip ratio = waist circumference (cm) / hip circum-
ference (cm)
mmHg
Waist-to-hip ratio was grouped into four categories accord-

50
ing to WHO guidelines (13):
• Males:
○ Low risk: <0.90,
0
○ High risk : 0.90, Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka

SPECIAL ARTICLE
Table 2: Dependent Variable Categories positive for hypertension with their spouse (52%) and lowest among those living
for Hypertension (RPMP), reported posi- with their children and their spouse (34%). When broken
Measured
Positive Negative tive but measured nega- down by socio-economic characteristics, including meas-
Reported Positive RPMP RPMN tive for hypertension ures of education, consumption, and wealth, no clear
Negative RNMP RNMN
(RPMN), reported nega- trend appears in the prevalence of measured high blood
tive but measured positive for hypertension (RNMP), and pressure.
reported negative and measured negative for Table 3: Prevalence (%) of Measured Blood Pressure (BP) and Comparative Assessment of
hypertension (RNMN). Measured and Reported Blood Pressure by States and Background Characteristics, India,
LASI Pilot, 2010
We also used a logit regression model to States/Background Prevalence of Measured Blood Pressure Prevalence of Measured vs
estimate the effect of biological health risk Characteristics Reported Blood Pressure
High High High High RPMP RNMP RPMN RNMN N
factors such as BMI and waist-to-hip ratio on the Systolic Diastolic Systolic and Systolic or
prevalence of reported cardiovascular disease, BP BP Diastolic BP Diastolic BP
and reported diabetes. Age, sex, residence, co- State
residence, caste, education, and wealth quintile Punjab 37.9 43.1 29.7 51.3 13.4 38.0 8.3 40.4 337
Rajasthan 31.6 30.3 19.5 42.4 3.5 38.9 1.9 55.7 370
were used as control variables.
Kerala 28.1 24.5 19.3 33.3 14.8 18.5 17.7 49.0 415
Karnataka 25.8 28.1 18.9 35.0 8.1 27.0 4.2 60.8 360
Results
Residence
Urban 32.1 33.4 22.7 42.8 11.3 31.6 8.4 48.8 412
Blood Pressure and Hypertension: Figures 1a–d Rural 28.8 28.5 19.7 37.6 8.0 29.6 6.6 55.8 1,070
(p 49) display mean values of measured systolic and Age
diastolic blood pressure by state, sex, and age. Mean <60 22.5 28.1 17.0 33.6 6.0 27.6 5.5 60.9 960
systolic blood pressure showed moderate variation 60–74 42.9 34.3 27.5 49.7 15.1 34.6 10.3 40.1 408
>75 46.3 29.9 26.9 49.3 12.1 37.2 9.4 41.4 113
by state, with the highest mean values among
Sex
both male and female respondents in Punjab Male 32.7 29.7 21.1 41.3 9.3 32.0 5.8 52.9 637
(140.4 and 135.3 mmHg, respectively). The mean Female 27.4 30.0 20.1 37.3 8.6 28.7 8.0 54.7 845
systolic blood pressure was lowest for males (131.0 Co-residence
mmHg) in Kerala and for females (127.8 mmHg) LA 37.5 31.8 26.2 43.1 14.4 28.7 15.7 41.2 78
in Karnataka. Overall, male respondents had LS 41.7 37.7 27.9 51.5 13.0 38.5 9.0 39.5 177
higher mean systolic and diastolic blood pressure LC 38.5 40.0 29.0 49.5 12.7 36.8 8.0 42.5 229
than females. LCS 25.1 26.1 17.0 34.2 6.9 27.3 5.9 59.9 998
Rural–urban differences in mean systolic and Caste
diastolic blood pressure were more pronounced SC/ST 30.5 27.9 20.2 38.2 4.0 34.2 2.3 59.4 377
OBC 28.4 29.7 19.7 38.4 9.8 28.7 8.0 53.6 543
for females than for males. For urban women,
Other 30.9 32.0 22.4 40.4 12.4 27.9 9.6 50.1 523
mean systolic blood pressure was six points
Education
higher and mean diastolic blood pressure four No schooling 28.6 26.8 18.6 36.8 3.9 32.9 4.2 59.0 670
points higher than in their rural female counter- Primary/middle 34.2 34.0 24.7 43.5 13.5 29.9 8.8 47.8 525
parts. Co-residence of older persons with both High school and
spouse and children was associated with lower above 24.3 30.2 17.9 36.5 13.1 23.3 11.5 52.0 287
mean systolic blood pressure. Wealth quintile
High blood pressure is associated with CVD, Poorest 31.4 29.2 22.8 37.9 1.5 36.3 1.1 61.0 204
Poor 29.0 26.0 16.3 38.7 3.8 34.9 3.1 58.3 230
including stroke and CHD, and with mortality
Middle 26.7 28.7 19.1 36.3 9.1 27.2 5.3 58.4 250
(14–17). Overall, 38% of respondents had either
Rich 28.5 29.7 20.6 37.5 10.9 26.7 9.6 52.9 393
high systolic or high diastolic measured blood
Richest 32.8 34.8 23.5 44.1 16.2 27.8 13.6 42.3 404
pressure, and 21% have both (Table 3). More than
MPCE quintile
half (51%) of respondents in Punjab had high blood Lowest 35.6 28.3 23.4 40.5 5.1 35.4 4.8 54.8 226
pressure (systolic, diastolic, or both), followed by Second 30.1 28.6 20.9 37.8 6.8 31.1 6.2 56.0 290
Rajasthan (42%), with the lowest prevalence in Third 30.8 29.7 20.9 39.5 9.7 29.8 6.2 54.2 284
Kerala (33%). Fourth 28.0 32.4 19.7 40.7 8.9 31.8 6.5 52.8 328
High blood pressure was more prevalent Highest 25.6 29.8 18.6 36.8 12.8 24.0 10.8 52.4 353
among urban respondents (43%) than rural Total (pooled) 29.7 29.9 20.5 39.0 8.9 30.2 7.1 53.9 1,482
RPMP = hypertension reported positive and measured positive, RNMP = hypertension reported negative but
(38%). Prevalence increased with age (Figure 1), measured positive, RPMN = hypertension reported positive but measured negative, and RNMN= hypertension
affecting 50% of those aged 60 years and older, reported negative and measured negative.
LA = living alone, LS = living with spouse only, LC = living with children only, and LCS = living with children
as compared with 34% of individuals under age and spouse both.
59. Overall, average blood pressure was higher SC: Scheduled Caste, ST: Scheduled Tribe; OBC: Other Backward Class
MPCE = monthly per capita expenditure.
among males (42%) than females (37%). Blood Systolic limits: more than 140 = systolic hypertension.
pressure was highest among those living only Diastolic limits: more than 90 = diastolic hypertension.

SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure 2a: Reported vs Measured Blood Pressure in Men, by Age and State, Figure 2b: Reported vs Measured Blood Pressure in Women, by Age and
India, LASI Pilot, 2010 State, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
75+
Karnataka
75+
Karnataka
60–74 60–74
<60 <60
75+ 75+
Kerala
Kerala
60–74 60–74
<60 <60
75+
Rajasthan
75+
Rajasthan
60–74 60–74
<60 <60
75+ 75+
Punjab
Punjab
60–74 60–74
<60 <60
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100
Percentage Percentage
RPMP RPMN RNMP RNMN RPMP RPMN RNMP RNMN
Figure 3a: Lung Function: Mean Measured FVC (Measured In Litres) in Men, Figure 3b: Lung Function: Mean Measured FVC (Measured in Litres) in
by Age and State, India, LASI Pilot, 2010 Women, by Age and State, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
2.5 2 <60
<60
60–74 60–74
2
75+ 1.5
75+
1.5
1
1
0.5
0.5
0 0
Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka
There are no observations for 75+ age group in Karnataka.
Figure 3c: Lung Function: Mean Measured FEV1 (Measured in Litre/ Second)
in Men, by Age and State, India, LASI Pilot, 2010 Figure 3d: Lung Function: Mean Measured FEV1 (Measured in Litre/Second)
2 in Women, by Age and State, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
<60
<60 1.5 60–74
1.5 60–74 75+
75+
1
1
0.5
0.5
0
0
Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka There are no observations for 75+ age group in Karnataka
Figure 3e: Lung Function: Mean Measured FEV1% in Men, by Age and State, Figure 3f: Lung Function: Mean Measured FEV1% iIn Women, by Age and
India, LASI Pilot, 2010 State, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
100 <60 100
<60 60–74 75+
60–74
80 75+ 80
Mean FEV1%
Mean FEV1%
60 60
40
40
20
20
0
0 Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka
Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka There are no observations for 75+ age group in Karnataka
The results show a high level of undiagnosed hypertension lowest in Karnataka (39%). As anticipated, Rajasthan shows a
(Figures 2a and 2b). Of respondents, 46% had either self- high prevalence of RNMP (39%). This finding is consistent
reported or measured hypertension, including 30% who had with our knowledge of somewhat poor outcomes of education
RNMP. Of the four pilot states, the prevalence of either reported and healthcare access in this state (18). However, Punjab
or measured hypertension is highest in Punjab (60%) and (38%) and Karnataka (27%) also reveal a high prevalence of
SPECIAL ARTICLE
undiagnosed hypertension, despite better socio-economic Grip Strength: Grip strength is a widely used indicator of
indicators in those states. physical function. It is strongly associated with the muscle
More than a third (36%) of respondents in the lowest wealth strength and functional ability of ageing individuals and typi-
and consumption quintiles, and among those with no educa- cally declines with age (23, 24). It also indicates frailty and can
tion, reported negative but measured positive for hyperten- serve as a predictor of both morbidity and mortality (25).
sion. In contrast, levels of reported positive but measured neg- In the LASI pilot, measured grip strength for males and
ative for hypertension increase with higher wealth and con- females varied by states and by other factors (Table 5, p 53).
sumption, indicating that economically better-off persons are
Table 4: Percentage Distribution of Population by Levels of Chronic
more likely to receive both diagnosis and treatment. Levels of Obstruction in Lung Function and by State and Background Characteristics,
reported positive but measured negative were significant in India, LASI Pilot, 2010
States/ Background Characteristics Normal Mild Moderate Severe N
Kerala and Punjab (18% and 8%, respectively), suggesting that
State
individuals in these categories had been previously diagnosed Punjab 64.7 16.5 10.1 8.8 159
with hypertension and were treated successfully (Figure 2). Rajasthan 58.8 14.8 12.1 14.3 182
Kerala 61.8 15.6 11.6 11.0 326
Lung Function: Poor respiratory flow is associated with increased Karnataka 61.2 12.7 11.7 14.4 291
mortality from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease and asth- Residence
Urban 58.7 13.4 10.3 17.6 279
ma and may also be a risk factor for CVD (19, 20), stroke (21), and
Rural 62.1 14.7 12.1 11.2 679
lung cancer (22). Figures 3a–f (p 51) present the mean values of
Age
the aforementioned three indicators of respiratory flow (FVC, <60 62.1 13.6 11.0 13.3 678
FEV1, and FEV1%) by state, age, and sex. The results reveal a 60–74 57.5 16.3 13.0 13.1 231
negative age gradient in the mean values of FVC for all four >75 63.7 15.4 14.4 6.6 49
states, with Punjab having the highest mean FVC and women Sex
Male 53.1 20.0 14.1 12.9 435
having lower values of mean FVC than men (Figures 3a and
Female 67.8 9.6 9.5 13.1 523
3b). The mean values for FEV1 also depict similar age and sex
Co-residence
patterns for all four states, with Punjab having the highest mean LA 55.6 11.0 17.2 16.2 44
values of FEV1 (Figures 3c and 3d). The mean values of FEV1% LS 58.4 19.5 8.6 13.5 110
did not show any clear age-sex patterns across the four states LC 63.3 11.9 10.9 13.9 133
(Figures 3e and 3f). However, the mean values were usually LCS 61.5 14.1 11.9 12.5 671
lower than the ideal 75%–80% threshold (11). Caste
SC/ST 64.8 12.0 13.6 9.6 210
Using spirometric results for these three indicators, we de-
OBC 58.9 14.4 11.4 15.4 384
rived the aforementioned five-level scale of chronic obstruc-
Other 61.9 16.0 9.9 12.2 339
tive pulmonary disease: normal, mild, moderate, severe, and
Education
very severe. For this analysis, we grouped together the “se- No schooling 63.8 12.1 13.3 10.9 337
vere” and “very severe” categories due to the very small num- Primary/middle 61.1 14.6 11.0 13.4 402
ber of cases in the latter category. High school and above 56.5 17.9 9.8 15.9 219
About 39% of pilot respondents suffer from at least some Wealth quintile
Poorest 65.5 16.3 10.3 7.9 115
level of chronic obstruction in lung function with different lev-
Poor 55.1 12.3 14.6 18.0 129
els of severity (Table 4). Across the four pilot states, the preva-
Middle 67.5 13.2 9.0 10.4 167
lence of chronic obstruction (mild, moderate, and severe cases
Rich 61.1 11.5 14.1 13.3 267
combined) was highest in Rajasthan (41%) and lowest in Punjab Richest 57.4 18.3 9.9 14.4 280
(35%). When mild cases are removed from the grouping, Kar- MPCE quintile
nataka had the highest prevalence of severe and moderate Lowest 70.5 13.9 5.6 10.1 136
cases (14% and 12%, respectively), while Punjab had the low- Second 63.0 13.8 10.9 12.3 182
est (9% severe and 10% moderate). Urban areas had a higher Third 58.9 14.7 14.4 12.0 172
prevalence of severe cases (18%) than their rural counterparts Fourth 60.2 14.6 11.3 14.0 218
Highest 56.3 14.4 14.2 15.1 250
(11%). Respondents in rural areas had a higher prevalence of
Total (pooled) 61.1 14.3 11.6 13.0 958
mild and moderate obstruction (15% and 12%, respectively) LA = living alone, LS = living with spouse only, LC = living with children only, and LCS =
than those in urban areas (13% and 10%, respectively). living with children and spouse both.
SC: Scheduled Caste, ST: Scheduled Tribe; OBC: Other Backward Class.
Across all four states, chronic obstruction in lung function Levels of chronic obstructions in lung functions are classified into five categories: normal,
was higher among males (47%) than females (32%), and prev- mild, moderate, severe, and very severe based on three measures of lung functions: FVC,
FEV1, and FEV1%. For the present study we have grouped severe and very severe into one
alence increased with age. Those living alone had a much category. The limits for different levels of chronic obstruction in lung functions are given
higher prevalence of moderate to severe cases (33%) than as follows:
Normal: FEV1/FVC>70%;
those living with their spouse, children, or both (22%, 25%, Mild: FEV1/FVC<70% and FEV1>=0.8 of predicted FEV1;
and 24% respectively). No significant correlations were Moderate: FEV1/FVC<70% and 0.5<=FEV1<0.8 of predicted FEV1;
Severe: FEV1/FVC<70% and 0.3<=FEV1<0.5 of predicted FEV1;
evident between socio-economic indicators and chronic ob- Very severe: FEV1/FVC<70% and FEV1<0.3 of predicted FEV1;
struction prevalence. MPCE: Monthly per capita expenditure.

SPECIAL ARTICLE
Mean grip strength for both hands for males was highest in is associated with a higher prevalence of chronic health
Kerala, followed by Karnataka; for females, mean grip conditions (26), falls and injuries (27), depression (28), social
strength was highest in Karnataka, followed by Kerala and isolation (29), and death (30). In the LASI pilot, distance and
Punjab. Urban areas show slightly higher averages than rural near visual acuity were measured in both right and left eyes.
areas for both females and males. Mean grip strength strongly More than 29% of respond- Table 6: Prevalence of Measured
declines with age: respondents aged 75 and older had an aver- ents had low distance visual Low Vision (Visual Acuity Less Than
0.25) by States and Background
age measure 30% lower than did respondents 59 and younger. acuity and 61% had low Characteristics, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
Correlations with living situations and socio-economic meas- near visual acuity (Table 6). States/ Background Measured Low Vision N
ures also occurred; mean grip strength was highest for re- Among the four pilot states, Characteristics Distance
Vision
Near
Vision
spondents residing with both their spouse and children and Karnataka had a high prev- State
rose with higher education and socio-economic measures. For alence of low vision for both Punjab 26.7 58.0 321
example, mean grip strength for men in the highest wealth distance and near vision Rajasthan 29.5 56.9 355
and expenditure quintiles was more than 50% higher than (32% and 66%, respectively). Kerala 26.5 62.8 413
Karnataka 32.1 66.4 315
those in the lowest (Table 5). The differences in the prev-
Residence
alence of low vision acuity Urban 27.4 62.7 375
Visual Acuity: Visual function plays a vital role in quality of life. among the other states were Rural 29.8 61.0 1,029
Results from several studies indicate that visual impairment less profound. Rural respond- Age
ents had a slightly higher <60 23.0 60.8 926
Table 5: Mean Measured Grip Strength (in Kilograms) for Both Hands by Sex, 60–74 38.7 61.1 381
States, and Background Characteristics, India, LASI Pilot, 2010 prevalence of low distance
States/Background Left Hand Right Hand vision than their urban coun- >75 54.7 69.7 96
Characteristics Male N Female N Male N Female N Sex
State terparts, while the prevalence Male 30.0 60.9 612
Punjab 23.3 150 16.5 168 25.6 150 18.7 167 of low near vision was Female 28.6 61.8 792
Rajasthan 17.9 165 12.5 196 19.9 166 13.5 196 slightly higher among urban Co-residence
Kerala 26.6 158 17.4 225 27.8 159 18.7 222 respondents. Age also promi- LA 28.3 63.1 69
Karnataka 25.8 145 17.7 208 27.2 145 19.2 209 nently affected visual acuity, LS 31.5 66.1 177
Residence as the prevalence of both low LC 42.4 64.5 200
Urban 24.4 157 16.3 228 26.3 158 18.0 229 LCS 26.2 59.9 958
near and low distance vision
Rural 22.6 461 15.8 569 24.2 462 17.0 565 Caste
Age rose with age. While a pro- SC/ST 32.5 57.1 354
<60 25.3 364 17.3 570 27.3 364 18.8 568 nounced sex differential was OBC 29.3 63.3 512
60–74 20.2 201 12.9 179 21.6 202 14.0 178 not evident in vision trends, Other 26.9 62.8 503
>75 17.2 53 9.6 47 18.0 54 10.5 47 respondents living with both Education
Co-residence a spouse and children have No schooling 32.8 61.6 620
LA 19.5 22 14.0 50 20.1 23 15.5 50 Primary/middle 29.9 63.0 508
the lowest prevalence of both
LS 22.6 84 16.0 91 23.2 84 17.4 91
near and distance vision dif- High school
and above 18.9 58.2 276
LC 18.7 40 13.9 169 19.2 40 14.7 167
LCS 23.5 472 16.8 487 25.6 473 18.4 486 ficulties. Finally, low vision Wealth quintile
Caste and higher socio-economic Lowest 33.5 58.1 199
SC/ST 19.5 162 14.6 201 21.9 163 15.8 202 status were inversely related: Second 35.2 64.8 212
OBC 25.0 219 16.4 297 26.9 218 18.1 296 higher wealth, expenditure, Third 26.3 62.4 233
Other 23.4 222 16.5 277 24.2 224 17.7 274 and education levels were Fourth 25.6 64.1 371
Education linked to lower prevalence Highest 27.2 57.9 388
No schooling 18.6 234 14.4 411 20.4 235 15.5 411 MPCE quintile
of vision problems. Lowest 42.2 70.1 210
Primary/middle 25.6 243 17.6 256 27.2 242 19.1 252
High school and above 26.6 141 18.2 130 28.1 143 20.1 131 Second 28.2 62.6 282
Wealth quintile Body Mass Index: BMI is an Third 31.3 60.4 260
Lowest 16.8 91 13.9 111 18.7 92 14.8 111 indicator of obesity and is the Fourth 24.4 59.0 305
Second 20.5 95 13.8 130 22.5 95 15.2 130 most widely used biomarker Highest 23.2 57.3 346
Third 23.5 99 16.2 136 24.8 100 17.6 136 in health surveys and social Overall (pooled) 29.2 61.4 1,404
Fourth 25.6 152 17.3 210 27.5 153 18.7 207 science research. Obesity is Low vision includes blindness. Limits for low
vision: a person has low measured distance or
Highest 26.9 180 17.6 210 28.4 179 19.5 210
associated with metabolic near vision if measured visual acuity is 0.25 or
MPCE quintile
Lowest 16.3 92 12.6 123 18.4 92 13.7 122 risk factors such as high blood less for either eye.
Second 21.6 121 16.7 152 23.1 120 17.8 151 pressure, blood fat abnormality, and glucose intolerance,
Third 24.1 105 15.7 160 26.3 107 17.0 160 which may influence the morbidity and mortality of individuals
Fourth 23.8 139 16.4 179 25.5 139 18.0 179 affected by CVDs (31–34). Studies also show that both excess
Highest 27.4 160 17.6 183 28.5 161 19.3 182 fat and accelerated loss of lean body mass are associated with
Total (pooled) 23.0 618 15.9 797 24.7 620 17.3 794 acute and chronic morbidity conditions and subsequent mor-
LA = living alone, LS = living with spouse only, LC = living with children only, and
LCS = living with children and spouse both; SC: Scheduled Caste, ST: Scheduled Tribe;
tality (35, 36); related conditions include diabetes, stroke,
OBC: Other Backward Class; MPCE- Monthly per capita expenditure. some cancers, and osteoarthritis.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure 4a: Mean Measured BMI in Men, India, LASI Pilot, 2010 one-third of males in the highest income quintile were over-
30 <60 weight or obese.
60–74
75+
Waist-to-Hip Ratio: Although BMI is a widely used biomarker,
20 it does not account for an individual’s distribution of body fat,
resulting in an imperfect picture of the risks of metabolic
complications (37). Waist circumference is sometimes preferred
to BMI as a predictor for cardiovascular disease risk (38) and
10 other adiposity-related conditions. Many studies have also
shown that waist circumference and waist-to-hip ratio are
better indicators of obesity in all populations, as they account
for regional abdominal adiposity and better predict obesity-
0
Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka related diseases (31, 32, 39). Waist-to-hip ratio is also a predictor
Figure 4b: Mean Measured BMI in Women, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
of hypertension, coronary heart disease, stroke, and diabetes.
30 Among pilot respondents, men had a slightly higher mean
<60
60–74 waist circumference than women, but women had a higher mean
75+ hip circumference than men, leading to a higher waist-to-hip
ratio for men than women (Figures 5a and 5b, p 55). Respond-
20 ents in urban areas had a higher mean waist-to-hip ratio (97 cm
for men and 90 cm for women) than their rural counterparts
(93 cm and 89 cm, respectively). Mean waist-to-hip ratio for
10
both men and women increases markedly with increasing
wealth and consumption quintile. Men and women in Punjab
had the highest mean waist circumference (91 cm for men and
91 cm for women) and the highest mean hip circumference (95 cm
0 and 98 cm, respectively), followed by men and women in Kerala.
However, the mean waist-to-hip ratio was highest for both
Overall, BMI values were significantly higher for female men (0.97 cm) and women (0.95 cm) in Kerala, followed by
respondents than for males (Figures 4a and 4b). This pattern men (0.96 cm) and women (0.93 cm) in Punjab. At the other end
holds across all four pilot states and among all measured socio- of the spectrum, men and women in Rajasthan had the lowest
economic strata, indicating an overall
Table 7: Percentage Distribution of Population by Levels of BMI by Background Characteristics, India,
higher obesity risk for females than LASI Pilot, 2010
males. BMI values for both males and States/Background BMI States/Background BMI
Characteristics Underweight/ Overweight/ N Characteristics Underweight/ Overweight/ N
females decline slightly with age and in- Normal Obese Normal Obese
crease with higher socio-economic char- State Caste
acteristics, indicating higher obesity risk Punjab 46.4 53.6 313 SC/ST 85 15 340
Rajasthan 87.8 12.3 325 OBC 69.8 30.3 461
for socio-economically advantaged indi-
Kerala 62.7 37.3 377 Other 61.7 38.3 475
viduals. Mean BMI values were much
Karnataka 72.5 27.5 294 Education
higher in Punjab than in the other states. No schooling 84.5 15.5 594
Of respondents, 28% fell into the over- Residence Primary/middle 64.3 35.7 469
Urban 57.9 42.2 360
weight/obese category, with a much higher High school and above 52.1 47.9 246
Rural 76.8 23.3 949
level in urban areas than in rural areas Age Wealth quintile
Lowest 92.7 7.3 177
(42% and 23%, respectively) (Table 7). <60 70.3 29.7 771
Second 84 16 195
Punjab had the highest prevalence of 60–74 72.6 27.4 416
Third 74.6 25.4 220
overweight/obese respondents (54%), >75 81.3 18.7 121 Fourth 66.2 33.9 347
while Rajasthan had the lowest (12%). Sex Highest 48.5 51.6 369
In terms of gender, more than one-third Male 79.4 20.6 633 MPCE quintile
of female respondents were overweight Female 65.6 34.4 676 Lowest 83.6 16.4 197
Co-residence Second 75.0 25.0 262
or obese, while more than one-fifth of
LA 60.4 39.7 74 Third 76.2 23.8 239
male respondents were overweight or
LS 62.5 37.5 175 Fourth 68.7 31.3 297
obese, with the prevalence declining LC 73 27 223 Highest 59.3 40.7 313
over age 60 for both genders. Better LCS 73.9 26.1 837 Total (pooled) 71.7 28.3 1,309
socio-economic characteristics were cor- LA= living alone; LS=Living with spouse only; LC=Living with children only; LCS=living with children and spouse both
related with higher rates of overweight/ BMI= weight (kg)/height(meters)2
obesity, especially for females. Almost Underweight= Minimum to 18.4; Normal=18.5 to 24.9; 25 to 29.9=overweight; 30 to maximum=Obese
Classification is according to guidelines of WHO Expert Committee on Physical Status: The Use and Interpretation of
two-thirds of females and more than Anthropometry, 1995.
SPECIAL ARTICLE
Figure 5a: Mean Waist-to-Hip Ratio in Men, India, LASI Pilot, 2010 health risk correlates of measured versus reported hyperten-
1 <60 60–74 sion. We estimated relative risk ratios (RRR s) of predictor
75+
variables on this dependent variable (measured versus re-
0.75
ported hypertension) using four mutually exclusive catego-
ries: reported positive and measured positive for hyperten-
sion (RPMP), reported positive but measured negative for hy-
0.50 pertension (RPMN), reported negative but measured positive
for hypertension (RNMP), and reported negative and meas-
ured negative for hypertension (RNMN), which was used as
0.25
the reference category.
Our results reveal the following patterns (Table 9, p 56):
0 (i) The RRR of RPMP was three to four times higher for re-
Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka spondents in the highest wealth quintile than those in the low-
est wealth quintile; (ii) The RRR of RPMP was three to four
Figure 5b: Mean Waist-to-Hip Ratio in Women, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
1
times higher for overweight/obese persons than for respond-
60–74
<60 75+ ents of normal/underweight body mass; (iii) The RRRs indi-
cate a much higher risk of RNMP among respondents aged 75
0.75 and above and among overweight/obese respondents; and (iv)
The substantial rise in RRRs for RPMN for hypertension for re-
spondents in the top two wealth quintiles suggests that indi-
0.50 viduals in this group had been previously diagnosed for hyper-
tension but received successful treatment, consistent with the
results presented in Table 2.
0.25
We also used logit regression models to examine the effects
of BMI and waist-to-hip ratio on the prevalence of reported
0
CVD, and reported diabetes. The control variables were age
Punjab Rajasthan Kerala Karnataka group, sex, rural/urban residence, co-residence (either living
mean waist and hip circumferences and the lowest mean waist- alone, living with spouse, living with children, or living with
to-hip ratio (0.91 cm for males and 0.87 cm for females). spouse and children), caste (a categorical variable encompass-
To examine how these measurements translate into health ing Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe, Other Backward Classes,
concerns, we grouped the waist-to-hip ratios into two categories and other), education (a categorical variable grouped into no
of risk for metabolic complications: low
Table 8: Percentage Distribution of Population by Levels of Waist-to-Hip Ratio by Background
and high (according to the WHO criteria of Characteristics, India, LASI Pilot, 2010
classification) (17). Our results show that States/Background Waist-to-Hip Ratio States/Background Waist-Hip Ratio
Characteristics Low Risk High Risk N Characteristics Low Risk High Risk N
a very large proportion (72%) of respond- State Caste
ents has high risk of metabolic complica- Punjab 20.0 80.1 295 SC/ST 41.2 58.8 331
tions (Table 8). Among the states, re- Rajasthan 38.4 61.6 333 OBC 26.8 73.2 456
spondents in Kerala had a very high prev- Kerala 8.1 91.9 368 Other 19.1 80.9 461
alence of high-risk waist-to-hip ratio Karnataka 36.4 63.6 283 Education
No schooling 39.1 60.9 581
(92%) followed by those in Punjab (80%). Residence Primary/middle 19.8 80.2 459
Prevalence of high-risk waist-to-hip ratio Urban 20.9 79.1 347
High school and above 15.3 84.7 239
Rural 30.9 69.1 932
was higher in urban areas (79%) than in Wealth quintile
Age
rural areas (69%). In the pilot sample, <60 Lowest 44.6 55.5 180
30.1 69.9 750
higher wealth and education levels go 60–74 Second 42.5 57.5 192
25.4 74.6 410 Third 35.5 64.6 214
hand in hand with the prevalence of high- >75 26.2 73.8 118 Fourth 17.2 82.8 335
risk waist-to-hip ratio; the prevalence in- Sex Highest 10.9 89.1 357
creases consistently with rising levels of Male 30.2 69.8 621 MPCE quintile
wealth and education. For example, Female 26.4 73.6 658 Lowest 39.9 60.1 201
around 85% of respondents with at least a Co-residence Second 31.1 68.9 256
LA 23.4 76.6 73 Third 34.5 65.5 224
high school education and 89% in the
LS 19.5 80.5 167 Fourth 25.9 74.1 294
highest wealth quintiles fell into the high-
LC 31.8 68.2 216 Highest 14.3 85.8 303
risk category. LCS 29.5 70.5 823 Total (pooled) 28.3 71.7 1,279
Limits of waist-to-hip ratio:
Multivariate Analyses: We used a mul- For males: lowest to 0.95 = low risk; 0.96–1.0 = moderate; and 1.01 to maximum = high risk.
For females: lowest to 0.8 = low risk; 0.81–0.85 = moderate; and 0.86 to maximum = high risk.
tinomial logistic regression model to Classification is according to guidelines of the WHO Expert Committee on Physical Status: The Use and Interpretation of
estimate the key socio-economic and Anthropometry, 1995 [17].

SPECIAL ARTICLE
education, primary/middle school, and high school and overweight/obese respondents compared with persons with
above), and wealth quintile. The results reveal that the likeli- underweight/normal body mass.
hood of CVD increased by a factor of 2.3 for overweight/obese
respondents compared with underweight/normal body mass Discussion and Conclusions
respondents (Table 10). Similarly, the prevalence of CVD in- The biomarkers module of the LASI pilot survey sought to
creased by a factor of 2.1 for respondents with a high-risk assess the health status of older Indians. The results demon-
waist-to-hip ratio compared with a low-risk waist-to-hip ratio. strate the potential of biomarkers to measure the prevalence of
The likelihood of diabetes increased by a factor of 3.4 for health risks and the burden of disease more accurately, while
Table 9: Multinomial Logit Estimates for Reported vs Measured capturing variations in a heterogeneous population. The value
Hypertension, India, LASI Pilot, 2010 of integrating a comprehensive biomarker module in the first
States/Background Characteristics Relative Risk Ratios (RRR)
RPMP RNMP RPMN full wave of LASI is thus established, and this nationally repre-
Age sentative wave will provide a greater understanding of the bio-
<60 1 1 1
markers of ageing and health in India, a country where the
60–74 3.99*** 1.71*** 2.69***
large proportion of older persons with little formal education
>75 2.98*** 1.72** 2.32**
and insufficient access to healthcare has a significant impact
Sex
Male 1 1 1 on health outcomes.
Female 0.66 0.71 0.79 The biomarker results reveal a much heavier burden of
Education health risks and a higher prevalence of chronic diseases among
No schooling 1 1 1 older Indians than self-reporting has implied. Overall, the
Primary/middle 3.56*** 1.58** 0.63
pilot study found that a full 39% of respondents suffered from
High school and above 3.41*** 1.35 0.83
hypertension, 39% had chronic obstruction in lung function,
Wealth quintile
Lowest 1 1 1 28% were overweight or obese, and 72% had a high-risk waist-
Second 3.24 1.16 1.75 to-hip ratio. In addition, 61% had low near visual acuity, and
Third 4.17* 0.76 1.51 29% had low distance visual acuity.
Fourth 3.41 0.81 1.91 These results are consistent with previous studies in India
Highest 4.44* 1.02 3.23 (40). For example, Gupta et al (2003) (41) reported a preva-
Waist-to-hip ratio lence of hypertension around 51%. Studies in Kerala indicate
Low 1 1 1
a 37% prevalence of hypertension among adults aged 30–64
Moderate 2.20** 0.98 1.88
(42) and a 55% prevalence among those aged 40–60 (43).
High 2.24*** 1.31 2.95***
BMI
Higher hypertension prevalence of 69% and 55% were
Underweight 1 1 1 recorded among populations of individuals 60 and older in
Normal 1.69 2.28*** 0.81 urban and rural areas, respectively, in a 2000 study (44). In
Overweight 3.37 3.02*** 1.73 contrast, other recent studies have documented prevalence of
Obese 3.81 2.01* 0.77 hypertension to be around 30%, though with substantial
N 1,364 regional variations (45). The difference in the prevalence of
p-values: ***<0.01, **<0.05, and * <0.10
(Reported negative and measured positive (RNMP) is the reference category for the hypertension between our study and other studies could be
multinomial logit estimates. because the study population in LASI comprised adults 45
State, residence, caste, and co-residence have been used as control variables.
RPMP = hypertension reported positive and measured positive, RNMP = hypertension years and above, while the age group for other studies was 18
reported negative but measured positive, RPMN = hypertension reported positive but years and above.
measured negative, RNMN = hypertension reported negative and measured negative.
A person is considered to have measured hypertension (high BP) if he or she is found to Several studies have reported the prevalence of overweight/
have hypertension for either of the measures (systolic or diastolic). obesity among older adults in India at levels close to the 30%
Systolic limits: more than 140 = systolic hypertension; diastolic limits: more than 90 =
diastolic hypertension. found in our analysis (42, 43, 46, 47). Similarly, the prevalence
Table 10: Logit Model Estimates of the Effects of BMI and Waist-to-Hip Ratio
of high-risk waist-to-hip ratio is consistent with findings from
on Reported Prevalence of CVD and Diabetes, India, LASI Pilot, 2010 other Indian studies (46, 47).
Biological Risk Factors Odds Ratios The prevalence of COPD found in this study was 39%,
CVD Diabetes
BMI which is consistent with the prevalence of COPD based on
Underweight 1.000 spirometry using the GOLD criteria from another nationally
Normal 1.422 1.874 representative study, the first India wave of the WHO-SAGE
Overweight/obese 2.339 3.422 (48). However, other epidemiological studies found a much
Waist-to-hip ratio lower prevalence of COPD in India, around 6%–7%, among
Low 1.000
older adults. Few studies have reported spirometry
Moderate 1.878*** 1.073
High 2.169*** 1.819*
results (49), and those studies that did use spirometry had
N 1,411 1,394 very variable methods of reporting, making comparisons
CVD = Cardiovascular diseases, including reported hypertension, heart disease, and stroke. difficult (50).
In the logit model, state, place of residence, age, sex, co-residence, caste, education, and
wealth quintile are used as control variables.
Among the four LASI pilot states, results from Punjab and
Sample represents number of cases included in the logit model. Kerala revealed a greater prevalence of high BMI, high-risk
SPECIAL ARTICLE
waist-to-hip ratio, and self-reported chronic disease diagno- education and healthcare access (4, 5). The positive socio-
sis. This finding is consistent with the fact that individuals economic gradients on the prevalence of reported and diag-
in these states, and in our study populations, are generally nosed morbidity and treatment rates presented elsewhere in
wealthier and better educated than individuals in Karnataka this paper support this conclusion.
and Rajasthan. However, results for Punjab and Kerala also The findings of this study should be interpreted in the
indicated higher rates of diagnosis and treatment for chronic light of certain limitations. Because of the somewhat small
diseases and better functional health status as measured by scope of this study, it does not provide nationally represent-
grip strength. For Karnataka and Rajasthan, the biomarker ative estimates; however, we made efforts to reflect the re-
results revealed further important outcomes. These states gional, demographic, and socio-economic heterogeneity of
showed a much higher prevalence of low visual acuity and India’s population. Second, the sample size of 1,683 adults
chronic obstruction in lung function. aged 45 and older is inadequate to provide for a detailed
Other findings included: (i) The prevalence of hyperten- analysis across regions in different stages of the demograph-
sion, low distance and near visual acuity, and poor functional ic and epidemiological transition. Despite these limitations,
health increased with age, indicating a strong positive gradi- the findings from this study provide a baseline for a more
ent of age with these health risks; and (ii) The burden of over- detailed analysis of sociodemographic patterns of health
weight/obesity and high-risk waist-to-hip ratio is greater for i ndicators and the role of biomarker measurement in popu-
females than for males and greater for respondents in urban lation surveys.
areas than for those in rural areas. In conclusion, although based on preliminary analyses from
Overall, evidence from the LASI pilot study revealed a a pilot survey with limited sample coverage, results from the
heavier burden of health risks and NCDs among educated and LASI pilot support the use of biomarkers to measure the burden
economically advanced respondents. However, these social of chronic diseases and risk factors among older adults more
groups were also associated with better health and function in accurately. The pilot survey has established a strong founda-
terms of hypertension, vision, and grip strength. This pattern tion for national LASI waves to greatly enhance our knowledge
suggests that socio-economically better off older Indians seek of the biological processes associated with the health and mor-
diagnosis and treatment at higher rates, possibly due to better tality of older Indians.
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NOTES
Multi-ethnic Malaysia in the by former Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi

would not enable us to understand Prime
Era of Najib Minister Najib Tun Razak’s domestic poli-

cies. Additionally, subsequent to 11 Sep-
tember 2001, the United States’ (US)
foreign policy on the Muslim world has
Kevin Fernandez, Sivamurugan Pandian had a direct impact on Malaysia.
This analysis attempts to provide
C
Malaysia has long been regarded omparative politics scholars have synthesis on three eras of administration,
as an embodiment of tolerant regarded Malaysia as a robust which include former Prime Minister
authoritarian regime, calling it Mahathir Mohamad (Reformasi period)
Islam living in peaceful
“competitive authoritarianism” (Diamond and Abdullah, to understand Malaysia
coexistence within a multicultural 2002), “quasi-democratic” and “semi- during the Najib administration politics.
and multi-ethnic religious society. democratic” (Case 1996), among other This timely analysis would enable readers
Tensions between the Malay things. What is important to note is that of Malaysian politics to decipher contem-
the state has not been referred to as a porary Malaysian politics and areas of
majority and other religious
democracy to the best of the authors’ further research. Limited studies have
groups have been rising especially knowledge. However, Malaysia is an focused on Najib and his reactions within
in the last few years. This interesting state. “Malaysia: Truly Asia” is a a Gramscian perspective, as proven below.
descriptive analysis provides multi-ethnic, multireligious society, yet it These would provide interested parties
prides itself at being a harmonious nation an understanding of Najib’s use of the
explanations regarding the rise of
state with a Muslim majority. With the available structure to defend himself
ethnocentrism in Malaysia and wave of colour revolutions happening against the growing popularity and
the ability of the ruling regime to recently in the Muslim world—the Arab relevance of the opposition in Malaysia.
remain relevant in contemporary Spring—and in the South-east Asian
region, interest in the robustness of the A Gramscian Framework
times. It also provides a timely
Malaysian regime has gained popularity. The Gramscian framework is based on a
analysis of the Najib Though the ruling regime, Barisan rich conceptualisation of power that
administration and its chosen Nasional, has been able to maintain its “draws upon Niccolò Machiavelli’s meta-
trajectories to gain legitimacy. authority over Malaysia, it has been sus- phor of the ruler as a centaur who ‘must
ceptible to the changing political and know well how to imitate beasts as well
economic landscapes that have affected as employing properly human means’
nation states globally. With the coming of when exercising power or authority”
new media, since the Reformasi period of (O’Shannassy 2009: 90). Antonio Gram-
1998, the ruling regime has been vulner- sci’s notion of power acknowledges
able to multiple pressures. Studies on the political authority and culture authority,
Malaysian political landscape prior to which explicitly addresses the issue of
1999 pictured it to have been a “subject” ethnic relations in Malaysia.
political culture. This has transitioned to In order to achieve an “expansive” or
a “participatory” political culture due to a “aspirational” hegemony, the hegemonic
stronger opposition coalition, widening group must also actively seek the consent
civil society and proliferation of alternative of subalterns. Gramsci’s notion of “hegem-
media, especially new media (Moten 2011). ony” is sensitive, therefore, to issues of
The effects of this transition have been both power and legitimacy (O’Shannassy
made conspicuous through the outcomes 2009: 90).
of the 12th and 13th general elections. Gramsci (1985) argues that coercion
The regime has continuously applied alone does not permit consent. Rather,
politically-laden Islam, while pressures consent is created and recreated by the rul-
from the opposition have led to a wave of ing stratum to propagate itself, to bring
Kevin Fernandez (kevin@umk.edu.my) is at
the Centre for Language Studies and Generic instability and antagonism between the about intellectual and moral, as well as
Development, Universiti Malaysia Kelantan; different ethnicities in Malaysia. Under- economic and political unity. To seek
Sivamurugan Pandian (psiva@usm.my) is at the standing domestic politics without interre- such consent, one should seek formation of
School of Social Sciences, Universiti Sains lating it with global affairs and the trickle- links with the existing elements of culture.
Malaysia.
down domestic political policies adopted Culture, here, is understood as interpreted
NOTES
by S Hall (1996: 439) as “the actual, the public sphere. These new platforms important role in making the Reformasi
grounded terrain of practices, represen- are proven to have been eating into the movement possible, the ruling regime also
tations, languages and customs of any Barisan Nasional’s hegemony through used coercive powers to maintain its hege-
specific historical society.” Most impor- the ballot box and through collective mony in Malaysia (Brown 2005). The
tantly, as Gramsci argues, “national” iden- action movements such as the Coalition West, particularly billionaire investor
tity cannot be imposed on the people, for Clean and Fair Elections, known as George Soros, was blamed for the econo-
but it has to be “humus of popular culture Bersih, and the Hindu Rights Action mic meltdown and Anwar was portrayed
as it is, with its tastes and tendencies and Force (Hindraf). as being compliant, playing into the repres-
with its moral and intellectual world” It is important, therefore, that the sive Western ploys. This strategy worked
(1985: 102). This, he regarded as “com- Gramscian perspective is applied to for the ruling stratum and the 1999 gen-
mon sense.” analyse Malaysian sociopolitical devel- eral elections were proof of this political
Hegemony needs to be continuously opments for the past decade. strategy. “[S]tate control over the main-
constructed and positively maintained stream media has clearly been justified in
within a context of shifting relations. A Nepotism, Cronyism and the name of national development as well
successful counter-hegemonic struggle in Corruption as national security” (Anuar 2005: 27).
civil society would allow an alternative Prior to 1997, the then Prime Minister Civil society played an important role in
hegemonic bloc to emerge. The onus now is Mahathir led Malaysia towards becoming morphing the support for the oppositional
upon the ruling stratum to form new insti- a newly industrialised country (NIC). movement in the late 1990s. Gagasan
tutions and ideologies to regain its hegem- Things took to change in 1997 when the Demokrasi Rakyat (Gagasan; Coalition for
ony over the counter-hegemonic bloc. Asian financial crisis hit most of the region, People’s Democracy) and Gerakan Keadilan
The Gramscian framework provides a and with the subsequent arrest of Anwar Rakyat Malaysia (Gerak; Malaysian
basis for analysing the late Mahathir era Ibrahim, the then Deputy Prime Minister People’s Movement for Justice) were
and the Abdullah era in contrast with of Malaysia on 2 September 1998. B Wain composed of various non-governmental
Najib’s administration in regaining hege- (2010) in his biography of Mahathir ar- organisations (NGOs) and the opposition
monic consent from Malaysian society. gued that one of the reasons behind the political parties like Democratic Action
This framework would enable us to under- conflict between Mahathir and Anwar was Party (DAP) and Parti Islam Se-Malaysia
stand the new institutions and ideologies due to the method of handling the crisis. (PAS; Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party). The
formed by Najib for constructing and posi- According to Wain’s (2010) findings, outcome of the Reformasi movement led
tively maintaining hegemony in Malaysia. Anwar had anticipated that he had the to the birth of a new oppositional coali-
For the purpose of this study, we support of a majority of the United Malays tion in Malaysia. The Barisan Alternatif
understand religion, according to Émile National Organisation (UMNO) bigwigs to (Alternative Front)—which consisted of
Durkheim’s (1965) definition, in its three gain control of the party, while Mahathir the PAS, the DAP, and the Parti Keadilan
elements: was away on a political hiatus. By default, Rakyat (PKR; People’s Justice Party)—
(i) “Beliefs” that some things are sacred. the UMNO having hegemonic power within posed a political challenge to the ruling
(ii) “Practices” that are centred on these the Barisan Nasional would enable anyone coalition in 1999. Due to ideological dif-
things that are considered sacred. having their support within the party to ferences the opposition crumbled after-
(iii) A “moral community” that is a result make a claim to be Prime Minister. wards and lost the 2004 polls decisively.
of these beliefs and practices. Many also claim that the Mahathir– The DAP severed its ties with the PAS and
In assuming these functions on how Is- Anwar animosity was further exacerbated left the Barisan Alternatif for failure to
lam is constructed, the central problem by the measures they intended to adopt to solve long-standing disputes over the
concerning the state would be the nature handle the financial crisis. While Anwar PAS’s Islamic state agenda in September
of the power exercised by a ruling class was hell-bent on adopting the Inter- 2001 (Mohamad 2004). The Barisan
over other classes through the ideology of national Monetary Fund’s (IMF) measures, Nasional coalition was able to secure
Islam for the Muslims, and as an inclusive Mahathir decided to peg the ringgit to Chinese votes and this was attributed to
government to the non-Muslims. It is this the dollar (Wain 2010). Though initially the handling of the Asian financial crisis.
ideology that has arguably kept the Barisan Mahathir’s policy was taken in with Additionally, the Chinese seemed to be
Nasional in power since independence. apprehension, his manoeuvre proved to be rather sceptical with the Barisan Alter-
The ruling government constructs these an impetus in getting Malaysia back on natif Islamic agenda. This failure to
ideologies because “ideologies have a ma- its feet with the other Asian Tigers, like address the ideological differences left
terial existence in the sense that they are South Korea, Indonesia and Thailand. the Barisan Alternatif hapless to further
embodied in the social practices of individ- What initially started off as a predomi- its counter-hegemonic aspirations. The
uals and in the institutions and organisa- nantly “Malay phenomenon,” the Refor- attacks on 11 September 2001 led to
tions within which these social practices masi movement became a Malaysian phe- heightened scepticism by non-Muslims to-
take place” (Simon 2001: 68). nomenon cutting across race, ethnic and wards Muslims, as major Western media
With the coming of new media, counter- religious differences (O’Shannassy 2009: houses led the onslaught on the Muslim
hegemonic ideologies are constantly within 94). While alternative media played an world. The racial clashes in Kampung
NOTES
Medan between 8 and 12 March 2001, supremacy) (Pepinsky 2007: 120). Free- was touted to have shifted from electoral
which were isolated and quickly re- dom of expression being utilised by non- authoritarianism to competitive authori-
solved, are evidence of domestic unre- Muslims has also ventured into unchar- tarianism (Levitsky and Way 2010). Najib’s
solved ethnic tensions (Heufers 2002). tered waters with the coming of new first act as Prime Minister was to release
The Gramscian perspective allows us media. Controversial Malaysian singer 13 persons detained under the ISA, who
to understand that, first, Mahathir used Namewee, for instance, in his attempt to had been held without trial. “This encour-
coercive power after gaining a mandate express his agency, released videos that ages greater acceptance of ethnic and reli-
for his successful handling of the 1997 were directed at the government and in gious differences within society and aims
Asian financial crisis. Second, the opposi- some instances were considered as directly to restore equity, peace, and prosperity
tion’s weak coalition, along with differ- insulting to Muslims (Koh 2008). through meritocracy” (Singh 2010: 175).
ences in ideological stance, led to the dis- Twenty-six NGOs and five opposition Additionally, Najib also “announced that
assembling of the opposition’s coalition. parties formed the Bersih, which success- foreign investors would no longer have to
Though this combination of civil society fully organised a demonstration on 23 No- incorporate 30% Malay equity for 27 sub-
movements and opposition coalitions was vember 2007 to press for electoral reforms. sectors, including health, social services,
able to make new forms of common sense, To add insult to injury, a newly formed NGO tourism, transport, business, and com-
the political strategy adopted by Mahathir organised a rally for defending Hindu puter-related services” (Singh 2010: 176).
to gain a mandate by the Chinese was able rights just two days after Bersih 2007. “An Among Najib’s reformations were amend-
to capture the opposition’s coalition. alliance of 30 Hindu non-government ments to the electoral system through the
organisations, Hindraf was formed in formation of the Parliament Select Com-
Abdullah and the Hadhari early 2006 in reaction to the Malaysian mittee (PSC), which also included mem-
Needing a fresh mandate from the Malay- High Court’s ruling that it had no jurisdic- bers from the opposition. He also seems to
sian populace, Abdullah went on to pro- tion in the case of Everest mountaineer believe in pushing through his reformation
mote progressive Islam, known as Islam and ex-soldier, M Moorthy’s burial” for the promotion of healthier ethnic rela-
Hadhari, which made sense after the Sep- (Leong 2009: 469). tions, and in using the web to win the
tember 2001 attacks and the pessimistic Abdullah finally passed the baton to middle ground.
global perspective on Islam. Ownership Najib after he realised Table 1: Ruling Regime’s Outcome in General Elections, 2013
and control was inevitable, integral in that he had lost the Party Percentage Parliamentary Percentage of
of Vote Seats Parliamentary
propagation of this ideology to the masses mandate not only from Seats
(Anuar 2005). Abdullah’s clean image was the people, but also Barisan Nasional 47.38 133 59.91
tarnished, having arrested emboldened from members of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) 29.42 88 39.64
Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) 7.85 7 3.15
opposition figures, journalists, and blog- UMNO, after the Ba-
Malaysian Indian Congress (MIC) 2.59 4 1.8
gers under the Internal Security Act (ISA), risan Nasional had one United Traditional Bumiputera Party (PBB) 2.1 14 6.31
1960 (Case 2010). This led to the high- of its worst setbacks Malaysian People’s Movement Party (Gerakan) 1.73 1 0.45
profile politician Zaid Ibrahim vociferously during the 12th general Sarawak United People’s Party (SUPP) 1.21 1 0.45
confronting Abdullah. Part of the Barisan elections. In multi-eth- United Sabah Party (PBS) 0.68 4 1.8
Nasional coalition, the Malaysian Indian nic and multireligious Sarawak People’s Party (PRS) 0.54 6 2.7
Sarawak Progressive Democratic Party (SPDP) 0.5 4 1.8
Congress’s (MIC) Samy Vellu was em- Malaysia, Mahathir’s
United Pasokmomogun Kadazandusun
broiled in a few scandals involving corrupt leadership seemed to Murut Organisation (UPKO) 0.48 3 1.35
workmanship on bridges, hospitals, and help the UMNO and Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) 0.12 0 0
even the parliament building itself (Pepin- the Barisan Nasional United Sabah People’s Party (PBRS) 0.09 1 0.45
sky 2007). Abdullah’s then young son-in- to maintain hegemony People’s Progressive Party (PPP) 0.07 0 0
Source: Election Commission of Malaysia.
law was attributed as the man behind with an authoritarian
the scenes actually running the country leadership style. Maha- Table 2: Opposition’s Outcome in General Election, 2013
Party Percentage Parliamentary Percentage of
(Chin and Huat 2009; Pepinsky 2007). thir, though, led Ma- of Vote Seats Parliamentary
Speculations were rife when politician laysia with an iron fist, Seats
Peoples’ Pact (PR) 50.87 89 40.09
Khairy Jamaluddin delivered the opposi- his vision was clear and
People’s Justice Party (PKR) 20.39 30 13.51
tion leader Anwar Ibrahim his passport on the developmentalist Democratic Action Party (DAP) 15.71 38 17.12
the day of his release from jail in 2004. ideology worked well Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) 14.78 21 9.46
In maintaining hegemonic power, to maintain peace and State Reform Party (STAR) 0.41 0 0
Abdullah exhibited inability in garnering harmony in Malaysia. Pan-Malaysian Islamic Front (Berjasa) 0.29 0 0
consent and support from non-Muslims, Subsequent to the Sarawak Workers Party (SWP) 0.14 0 0
which was exacerbated when politician 2008 general elections, Sabah Progressive Party (SAPP) 0.09 0 0
Love Malaysia Party (PCM) 0.02 0 0
Hishammuddin Hussein brandished a Najib became the in-
Malaysian People’s Welfare Party (KITA) 0.01 0 0
keris, a Malay ceremonial dagger, at the cumbent Prime Minis- Malaysian United People’s Party (Bersama) 0 0 0
2005 UMNO General Assembly during a ter of Malaysia in a pe- Independents (IND) 0.79 0 0
speech defending ketuanan Melayu (Malay riod when the regime Source: Election Commission of Malaysia.
NOTES
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not to be receptive to the idea of hudud. adopting violence as a solution. Macmillan.

CURRENT STATISTICS EPW Research Foundation
Wholesale Price Index Foreign Trade

The year-on-year (y-o-y) inflation rate based on WPI stood at -1.99% in November The merchandise trade deficit narrowed by 39.8% to $9.8 billion (bn) in
2015. Thus, the deflationary trend persisted for 13 months in a row since November 2015, y-o-y. The non-oil trade deficit was $5.5 bn in November 2015
November 2014 (-0.17%). The inflation rate of primary articles group increased by compared to $9.2 bn a year ago, while the oil trade deficit was lower at $4.3 bn
2.3% in November 2015 compared to -0.4% in October 2015 and -1.6% in November against $7 bn. Exports contracted for the 12th consecutive month in November
2014. The inflation for food articles rose to 5.2% in November 2015, the highest in 2015 by 24.4% to $20 bn from $26.5 bn in November 2014, and imports fell by
the last 7 months. The fuel and power index remained negative at -11.1%, y-o-y, 30.3% to $29.8 bn from $42.7 bn. Cumulative exports for April–November 2015
in November 2015. The index for manufactured products declined by -1.4% in was $174.3 bn, 18.5% lower than $213.8 bn reported last year, while cumulative
November 2015 against inflation of 1.9% a year ago. imports shrank by 17.2% to $261.9 bn from $316.3 bn.
Consumer Price Index Index of Industrial Production

CPI inflation rate rose to 5.4%, y-o-y, in November 2015, from 5% in October 2015 The y-o-y growth in IIP went up by 9.8% in October 2015 against 3.8% a month ago
and 3.3% in November 2014, led by food prices. The food price inflation rate rose (and was -2.7% in October 2014). The index of eight core industries registered 3.2%
by 6.1%, y-o-y, in November, compared to 5.3% a month ago. Both CPI-rural and growth in October 2015, same as in the previous month. Coal production grew by
CPI-urban inflation rates increased by 6% and 4.7%, respectively in November 6.3% in October 2015, compared to 1.9% in September 2015, while the growth in
2015, compared to 5.5% and 4.3% a month ago. As per Labour Bureau data, CPI crude oil, natural gas and petroleum refinery production declined by -2.1%, -1.8%
inflation for agricultural labourers increased by 4.9% in November compared to and -4.4%, respectively. Fertiliser production grew by 16.2% in October 2015
4.4%, in October 2015. Inflation for industrial workers was 6.3% in October 2015 compared to -7% a year ago. Growth in cement production was 11.7% in October 2015
against 5.1% in September 2015. against -1.2% in October 2014, while steel production fell to -1.2% compared to 14.2%.
Movement of WPI Sub-indices April 2014–November 2015 Merchandise Trade November 2015
Year-on-Year in % November 2015 Over Month Over Year (April–November)
($ bn) (%) (%) (2015–16 over 2014–15) (%)
12
Exports 20.0 -6.3 -24.4 -18.5
6
Imports 29.8 -4.3 -30.3 -17.2
Manufactured Products Trade deficit 9.8 0.1 -39.8 -14.6
2.3% Data is provisional; Source: Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
0
-1.4%
Primary Articles Trade Deficits April 2014–November 2015
-6
$ billion
Fuel and Power
-11.1% 0
-12
Non-oil Trade Deficit
-3
-$4.3 bn
-18
April M J J A S O N D Jan F M A M J J A S Oct* Nov* -$5.5 bn
2014 2015 -6
* Data is provisional.
-9
Oil Trade Deficit -$9.8 bn
Trends in WPI and Its Components November 2015* (%)
-12
Financial Year (Averages)
Weights Over Month Over Year 2012–13 2013–14 2014–15 Total Trade Deficit
-15
All commodities 100 0.5 -2.0 7.4 6.0 2.0
Primary articles 20.1 1.6 2.3 9.8 9.8 3.0 -18
Food articles 14.3 2.3 5.2 9.9 12.8 6.1 April M J J A S O N D Jan F M A M J J A S O Nov*
2014 2015
Fuel and power 14.9 0.9 -11.1 10.3 10.2 -0.9 Oil refers to crude petroleum and petroleum products, while Non-oil refers to all other commodities.
Manufactured products 65.0 -0.2 -1.4 5.4 3.0 2.4
* Data is provisional; Base: 2004–05=100; Source: Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
Movement of Components of IIP Growth April 2014–October 2015
Year-on-Year in %
Movement of CPI Inflation April 2014–November 2015 16
Year-on-Year in %
10.6%
Electricity
10
8
9.0%
8 4.7%
0
Rural 5.95%
6
5.41% Manufacturing Mining
CPI (Combined)
4.71% -8
4 April M J J A S O N D January F M A M J J A S Oct*
2014 2015
* October 2015 are quick estimates; Base: 2004–05=100.
2
Urban
Growth in Eight Core Industries October 2015* (%)
0
April M J J A S O N D Jan F M A M J J A S O Nov* Financial Year (Avgs)
2014 2015 Weights Over Month Over Year
2013–14 2014–15
* November 2015 is provisional; Source: Central Statistics Office (CSO); Base: 2012=100.
General index 100 1.6 9.8 -0.1 2.8
Infrastructure industries 37.9 5.2 3.2 4.2 4.2
Inflation in CPI and Its Components November 2015* (%)
Coal 4.4 17.6 6.3 1.3 8.5
Latest Month Over Over Financial Year (Avgs)
Weights Index Month Year 2013–14 2014–15 Crude oil 5.2 3.6 -2.1 -0.2 -0.9
CPI combined 100 126.6 0.4 5.4 9.4 5.9 Natural gas 1.7 1.6 -1.8 -13.0 -5.1
Consumer food 39.1 132.9 0.4 6.0 12.1 6.4 Petroleum refinery products 5.9 1.3 -4.4 1.5 0.3
Miscellaneous 28.3 118.1 0.2 3.8 6.5 4.6 Fertilisers 1.3 2.3 16.2 1.5 -0.1
CPI: Occupation-wise Steel 6.7 6.0 -1.2 11.5 3.5
Industrial workers (2001=100)# 269 1.1 6.3 9.7 6.3 Cement 2.4 5.9 11.7 3.1 5.6
Agricultural labourers (1986–87=100) 853 0.5 4.9 11.6 6.6 Electricity 10.3 3.4 8.8 6.0 8.2
# October 2015; * Provisional; Source: CSO (rural & urban); Labour Bureau (IW and AL). * Data is provisional; Base: 2004–05=100, Source: CSO and Ministry of Commerce and Industry.
Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates are available at: http://www.epwrf.in/currentstat.aspx.
Economic & Political Weekly EPW JANUARY 2, 2016 vol LI no 1 63

CURRENT STATISTICS EPW Research Foundation
India’s Quarterly Estimates of Final Expenditures on GDP for 2014–15
2014–15 2015–16 Financial Year
Rs crore | at 2011–12 Prices Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 Q2 2014–15 (PE)
Private final consumption expenditure 1483613 (6.2) 1443019 (7.1) 1543034 (4.2) 1594581 (7.9) 1592806 (7.4) 1540972 (6.8) 6064247 (6.3)
Government final consumption expenditure 306488 (1.6) 338349 (8.9) 276412 (27.6) 236561 (-7.9) 310018 (1.2) 356058 (5.2) 1157810 (6.6)
Gross fixed capital formation 769880 (8.7) 777597 (3.8) 789694 (2.4) 854802 (4.1) 807225 (4.9) 830687 (6.8) 3191973 (4.6)
Change in stocks 41969 (4.9) 40276 (4.4) 37469 (0.2) 44284 (4.9) 44076 (5.0) 42945 (1.0) 163998 (3.7)
Valuables 41528 (26.2) 36999 (8.9) 36010 (20.3) 53348 (43.6) 49589 (19.4) 53592 (44.8) 167884 (25.3)
Net trade (export–import) -34550 -62135 -40438 -8297 -39102 -72450 -145420
Exports 596944 (9.1) 628508 (-2.0) 607707 (-0.3) 601191 (-8.2) 558269 (-6.5) 598744 (-4.7) 2434350 (-0.8)
Less imports 631494 (-3.6) 690643 (1.1) 648145 (2.8) 609488 (-8.7) 597371 (-5.4) 671194 (-2.8) 2579770 (-2.1)
Discrepancies -74273 -7811 26616 98959 -51615 5182 43491
Gross domestic product (GDP) 2534654 (6.7) 2566294 (8.4) 2668797 (6.6) 2874237 (7.5) 2712998 (7.0) 2756985 (7.4) 10643983 (7.3)
India’s Overall Balance of Payments (Net): Quarterly and Annual

2014–15 ($ mn) ($ mn) 2014–15 (Rupees bn) (Rupees bn)
Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 2015–16 FY 2014–15 Q1 Q2 Q3 Q4 Q1 2015–16 FY 2014–15
Current account -7859 -10128 -8425 -1525 -6190 -27937 -470 [-1.6] -614 [-2.0] -522 [-1.6] -95 [-0.3] -393 [-1.2] -1700 [-1.4]
Merchandise -34562 -38605 -39287 -31725 -34197 -144179 -2067 -2340 -2433 -1974 -2,171 -8814
Invisibles 26703 28477 30863 30200 28007 116242 1597 1726 1911 1880 1,778 7114
Services 16986 18992 20299 19406 17423 75683 1016 1151 1257 1208 1,106 4632
of which: Software services 17014 16917 17844 18625 17658 70400 1017 1025 1105 1159 1,121 4307
Transfers 16413 16344 16392 16393 16157 65542 981 991 1015 1020 1,025 4007
of which: Private 16626 16513 16527 16609 16274 66275 994 1001 1024 1034 1,033 4052
Income -6696 -6860 -5829 -5599 -5573 -24983 -400 -416 -361 -348 -354 -1526
Capital account 19179 16518 23551 30711 18073 89959 1147 [3.8] 1001 [3.3] 1459 [4.6] 1911 [5.8] 1,147 [3.5] 5518 [4.4]
of which: Foreign investment 20321 17678 13495 22067 7874 73561 1215 1071 836 1373 500 4496
Overall balance 11179 6897 13182 30149 11430 61406 668 [2.2] 418 [1.4] 816 [2.6] 1876 [5.7] 725 [2.2] 3779 [3.0]
Figures in square brackets are percentage to GDP.
Foreign Exchange Reserves Variation

19 Dec 31 Mar 18 Dec Over Over Financial Year So Far Financial Year
Excluding gold but including revaluation effects 2014 2015 2015 Month Year 2014–15 2015–16 2010–11 2011–12 2012–13 2013–14 2014–15
Rs crore 1889890 2010400 2196380 9330 306490 202150 185980 73038 108086 82800 251570 322660
US $ mn 299870 321309 332267 -115 32397 19047 10958 19208 -14361 -485 16769 40486
Monetary Aggregates Variation

Outstanding Over Month Over Year Financial Year So Far Financial Year
Rs crore 2015 2014–15 2015–16 2012–13 2013–14 2014–15
Money supply (M3) as on 11 December 11332470 79660 (0.7) 1163030 (11.4) 652050 (6.9) 786910 (7.5) 1024980 (13.9) 1127570 (13.4) 1028170 (10.8)
Components
Currency with public 1501520 -6360 (-0.4) 165190 (12.4) 90510 (7.3) 115180 (8.3) 118420 (11.6) 104760 (9.2) 140520 (11.3)
Demand deposits 936770 23930 (2.6) 117850 (14.4) 6940 (0.9) 46020 (5.2) 42240 (5.9) 58760 (7.8) 78770 (9.7)
Time deposits 8879380 62210 (0.7) 873430 (10.9) 548320 (7.4) 625510 (7.6) 863900 (15.3) 965340 (14.9) 796240 (10.7)
Other deposits with RBI 14790 -130 (-0.9) 6550 (79.5) 6280 (320.4) 200 (1.4) 420 (14.9) -1280 (-39.5) 12630 (644.4)
Sources
Net bank credit to government 3375170 78470 (2.4) 221970 (7.0) 108320 (3.6) 369010 (12.3) 337320 (14.2) 335860 (12.4) -38720 (-1.3)
Bank credit to commercial sector 7471420 137870 (1.9) 718780 (10.6) 307340 (4.8) 431840 (6.1) 709420 (14.3) 777440 (13.7) 594280 (9.2)
Net foreign exchange assets 2445580 22660 (0.9) 390870 (19.0) 130760 (6.8) 194930 (8.7) 92880 (6.0) 287290 (17.6) 326700 (17.0)
Banking sector’s net non-monetary liabilities 1980350 159350 (8.8) 170510 (9.4) -104230 (-5.4) 210080 (11.9) 116530 (7.7) 275010 (16.8) -143800 (-7.5)
Reserve money as on 18 December 1989810 5790 (0.3) 222830 (12.6) 34230 (2.0) 61340 (3.2) 88540 (6.2) 217860 (14.4) 195720 (11.3)
Components
Currency in circulation 1568850 2890 (0.2) 176820 (12.7) 90960 (7.0) 120540 (8.3) 123750 (11.6) 110090 (9.2) 147240 (11.3)
Bankers’ deposits with RBI 406080 2920 (0.7) 39820 (10.9) -63440 (-14.8) -59480 (-12.8) -35610 (-10.0) 109020 (34.0) 35860 (8.3)
Other deposits with RBI 14870 -30 (-0.2) 6190 (71.3) 6710 (340.6) 280 (1.9) 420 (14.9) -1270 (-39.2) 12620 (640.6)
Sources
Net RBI credit to government 382870 -71230 (-15.7) -124100 (-24.5) -191730 (-27.4) 18350 (5.0) 54840 (10.2) 108120 (18.3) -334180 (-47.8)
of which: Centre 380870 -71880 (-15.9) -124740 (-24.7) -192030 (-27.5) 19830 (5.5) 56080 (10.5) 107140 (18.1) -336600 (-48.2)
RBI credit to banks and commercial sector 169910 72790 (74.9) 75160 (79.3) 37260 (64.8) -32600 (-16.1) 34610 (393.3) 14080 . 145020 .
Net foreign exchange assets of RBI 2318430 4620 (0.2) 323280 (16.2) 192630 (10.7) 191160 (9.0) 85860 (5.8) 244460 (15.7) 324750 (18.0)
Govt’s currency liabilities to the public 20650 0 (0.0) 1910 (10.2) 1400 (8.1) 1220 (6.3) 1900 (14.1) 2000 (13.0) 2090 (12.1)
Net non-monetary liabilities of RBI 902060 400 (0.0) 53420 (6.3) 5320 (0.6) 116790 (14.9) 88670 (14.7) 150810 (21.8) -58050 (-6.9)
Scheduled Commercial Banks’ Indicators (Rs crore) Variation

Outstanding Over Month Over Year Financial Year So Far Financial Year
(As on 11 December) 2015 2014–15 2015–16 2012–13 2013–14 2014–15
Aggregate deposits 9184960 82790 (0.9) 944700 (11.5) 534700 (6.9) 651670 (7.6) 841360 (14.2) 955110 (14.1) 827730 (10.7)
Demand 837690 23820 (2.9) 109860 (15.1) 13910 (1.9) 43660 (5.5) 36970 (5.9) 51620 (7.8) 80110 (11.2)
Time 8347260 58950 (0.7) 834830 (11.1) 520790 (7.4) 608010 (7.9) 804400 (15.2) 903480 (14.8) 747610 (10.7)
Cash in hand 62120 -3450 (-5.3) 11220 (22.0) 5020 (10.9) 8760 (16.4) 4360 (12.1) 5390 (13.3) 7480 (16.3)
Balance with RBI 376030 5150 (1.4) 28660 (8.3) 31020 (9.8) 2960 (0.8) -41000 (-12.7) 34090 (12.1) 56720 (17.9)
Investments 2746580 55390 (2.1) 299900 (12.3) 233860 (10.6) 254750 (10.2) 268320 (15.4) 206720 (10.3) 279010 (12.6)
of which: Government securities 2744490 55130 (2.0) 299520 (12.3) 233780 (10.6) 254740 (10.2) 268640 (15.5) 207540 (10.4) 278560 (12.6)
Bank credit 6966110 135230 (2.0) 691040 (11.0) 280980 (4.7) 429690 (6.6) 648610 (14.1) 733630 (13.9) 542330 (9.0)
of which: Non-food credit 6856720 127480 (1.9) 686890 (11.1) 274180 (4.7) 414720 (6.4) 633490 (14.0) 731610 (14.2) 546350 (9.3)
Capital Markets 24 December Month Year Financial Year So Far 2014–15 End of Financial Year
2015 Ago Ago Trough Peak Trough Peak 2012–13 2013–14 2014–15
S&P BSE SENSEX (Base: 1978–79=100) 25839 (-5.0) 25776 27209 (29.4) 24894 29044 22277 29682 18836 (8.2) 22386 (18.8) 27957 (24.9)
S&P BSE-100 (Base: 1983–84=100) 8013 (-2.9) 7982 8249 (31.2) 7687 8980 6680 9107 5679 (-38.0) 6707 (18.1) 8607 (28.3)
S&P BSE-200 (1989–90=100) 3343 (-0.8) 3327 3372 (34.2) 3193 3691 2678 3723 2288 (6.0) 2681 (17.2) 3538 (31.9)
CNX Nifty (Base: 3 Nov 1995=1000) 7861 (-3.8) 7832 8174 (30.4) 7559 8834 6653 8996 5683 (7.3) 6704 (18.0) 8491 (26.7)
Net FII Investment in equities (US $ Million)* 165236 (1.8) 166011 162385 (11.3) - - - - 136304 (23.4) 149745 (9.9) 168116 (12.3)
* = Cumulative total since November 1992 until period end | Figures in brackets are percentage variations over the specified or over the comparable period of the previous year | (-) = not relevant | -: not available | NS = new series | PE = provisional estimates
Comprehensive current economic statistics with regular weekly updates are available at: http://www.epwrf.in/currentstat.aspx.
64 JANUARY 2, 2016 vol LI no 1 EPW Economic & Political Weekly

APPOINTMENTS/PROGRAMMES/ANNOUNCEMENTS ADVERTISEMENTS
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Department of Economics
Centre for Development Studies
Doimukh, Itanagar
Arunachal Pradesh – 791112
(Short Term Course on Economics and NSSO Data Handling)
Applications are invited from young faculty members teaching economics in various colleges/universities
for two Short Term Courses in Economics. (i) The first programme will be ‘Frontiers of Research in
Economics’, w.e.f. 1st to 10th February 2016. The programme will cover research prospects in the
fields of (a) Agricultural Economics (b) Public Finance (c) International Trade (d) Industrial Economics
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Co-ordinator, CDS, R.G.U, Doimukh
New releases from Directed Initiative DIRECTED INITIATIVE

GD-301, Sector III, Salt Lake City, Kolkata 700 106
1. The Structure of Sociology: Fixity in Professionalism —SAMIT KAR
Call for Papers and Participation
2. Social Thought of Swami Vivekananda —SAMIT KAR (edited)
Directed Initiative in collaboration with Bose Institute
available at: Dasgupta & Co, College Street, Kolkata 700 073
and Ramakrishna Mission Vivekananda University,
Manisha Granthalaya, College Square, Kolkata 700 073 Belur Math, Howrah, West Bengal will organise a 2-day
Jawahar Book Centre, JNU Campus, New Delhi 110 067 ICSSR assisted National Conference on 20-21 February
2016 titled Religion, Society and Culture, Theme of
Sessions: (1) Inaugural Session, (2) Academic Session
l: Religion, Science and Society: Contribution of Sister
Nivedita, (3) Academic Session ll: Religion in
Contemporary World, (4) Academic Session lll: Religion:
Functions and Dysfunctions, (5) Valedictory Session.
Venue: Bose Institute Auditorium
Adjacent to Rajabazaar Science College,
University of Calcutta
LAST DATE OF SUBMISSION OF SYNOPSIS:
31st January 2016
Contact: rememberingsisternivedita@gmail.com
Lodging and Accommodation would be provided to
a limited Number of Outstation Paper-presenters.
Samit Kar
Convener Mob-9836137339
available at
Gyan Deep
Near Firayalal, H. B. Road
Ranchi 834 001
Jharkhand
Ph: 0651-2205640

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Building Bridges
Being Dalit as a Bangla Writer
Tirthankar Chanda is a playwright and writer based in Kolkata. Rounak Ray (rayrounak@gmail.com (mailto:rayrounak@gmail.com)) is also a writer based
in Kolkata.
Being Dalit is not an appendage to the identity of being a writer in Bangla. A community that has being marginalised historically needs to contextualise their
identity in forms that can subvert privileged notions of belonging and solidarity.
This is a transcreation of a Bangla essay written by Tirthankar Chanda in the Volume 4, No 1 Issue of Chetana Lahar. The original Bangla essay is attached as
a pdf.
The pertinence of this discussion started taking shape after I attended a book release in Kolkata. The book in question was written by a Dalit author.
My questions started brewing up after a revered singer-songwriter, who was invited at the book release function, said something before he started singing for
us during the event. He asked if it was necessary that a writer be judged on the basis of his/her community identity—a Dalit writer or a woman writer.
Creativity itself should be the sole marker for an artist, he said. According to him, there is only good writing and bad writing. Are we not looking at the writer
with pity by using attributes like Dalit, subaltern or marginalised?
I believe that the world of arts and letters cannot be segregated into neat categories of “good” and “bad.” There are large swathes of grey areas. Moreover, it
is only the privileged who can determine quality in the arts, by exercising their right of expression. In the ancient period, it was a norm to place a stick at the
middle or the side of the stage when Sanskrit dramas were enacted. The stick was supposed to discipline the non-Aryans or Adivasis who, according to the
pandits, would create ruckus out of boredom for not being able to decode the gentility of Sanskrit dramas.
What I am trying to say is, those forms of art may not appeal to some viewers or viewers of certain social groups. A large number of viewers are cultural
outcasts when it comes to performances whose target audience is the elite. The cultural practices of the marginal sub-cultural groups are often interpreted
as unrefined and vulgar by the privileged. It is laughable that the bhadrolok sometimes claim that the lifestyle of marginalised groups is not very different
from their own. Sanskritir Bhaanga Setu (Broken Bridge of Culture) by Akhtarujjoman Ilias is an excellent book on this subject.
However we need to evaluate what prompted the singer-songwriter to advocate eschewing one of the multiple identities of the author—Dalit, homosexual or
transgender. It is not enough to critique the categories of good and bad literature alone.
Systemic Issues
Let us delve into the topic from another viewpoint. It is needless to say that if a physically disabled person has climbed the Mt Everest, then it will evoke more
respect for the mountaineer than a non-disabled person. Other than overcoming the obstacles of the Himalayas, the mountaineer has also conquered one’s
own embodied disabilities. However an individual feat should not be used to dismantle the larger struggle for the rights of disabled persons. Urgent
interventions are required to improve access of disabled persons to not only professional environments, but also public spaces and the struggle for these
rights cannot be determined by one individual’s heroic feat.
We can draw an analogy to the Dalit writer here. The powerful section of society and the ways in which power operate oppress not only Dalits, but also all
other discriminated sections. Those who are used to the upper caste privileges cannot understand the indignity and insult of everyday life faced by a
discriminated person. Sandip Bandyopadhyay has given an excellent instance in the book Doliter Aakhyanbritto (Narratives of Dalits) published by Mrittika. In
the book, a certain teacher believing in “social-progress” says, “Oil and water has got mixed. Students are coming from the families of Santhals-Bauris-
Khoyars (of the many, these three are the discriminated communities of West Bengal). How come their marks can be good? Do they have any culture in their
families?” (p184)
It is so absurd to see that the teacher can forget the duty of educating the students for which teachers get a handful payment every month. Teachers like
these are potential stumbling blocks to the empowerment of students belonging to subaltern communities. We may light candles after the death of Chuni
Kotal (http://www.epw.in/journal/1992/35/commentary/story-chuni-kotal.html), but we do not give heed to thousands of Chuni Kotals every day and every
hour. We are dumb to this daily phenomenon. Our silence is violent, and often it ends up subjugating the weak and emboldening the powerful.
Violence and subjugation, like in the case of disabled persons, is systemic and not an everyday spectacle. It is manifested in the everyday actions of people
and institutions, and that is what makes it so pervasive and entrenched in society.
Only a Dalit writer knows about the hurdles one has to overcome for being a writer. But it does not mean that just because a certain artist (or writer) is Dalit or
of any marginal community, their work should be regarded as excellent. The evaluation of the works of a subaltern artist calls for a two-fold process of
nurturing. Firstly, when we will talk about the works of these artists, we have to unfailingly remind ourselves the unspeakable episodes of indignity faced by
them in their daily life. Secondly we should strive to bring to the public eye the works of subaltern persons. Any discriminated person has the inalienable right
to be a part of the artistic realm not just as Dalit, transgender or Adivasi, but also as a maker in oneself.
Celebrating Maghai Ojha
I will end this essay by citing an incident that involved the famous Assamese percussionist Maghai Ojha (or Oja). Ojha was invited as a percussionist in the
initial state level conference of Indian People’s Theatre Association (IPTA), Assam. Ojhas, as a community were called for playing percussion in any
ceremonies of upper caste people. After the ceremony was complete, Ojhas were fed at the backyard in the cowshed. The food was thrown to them in a
 meted out.
spread banana leaf from a distance—such was the level of discrimination
Balraj Sahni was so moved by Ojha’s performance that he took the latter on his shoulders and walked through the whole of Guwahati in the rally next day.
Years later, when an academy of instrumental music is set up near Jorehat in the name of Maghai Ojha one can say that the process bringing the Dalit voice
to the public eye has just started. Bangla literature needs to reinvigorate the same process.
Translator’s Notes
The Kannadigas, Malayalis, Marathis, Tamils and Telugus are much receptive to the idea of subaltern writing, in this case, Dalit writing than Bengalis. This
translation is made with the view that Bengalis are beginning to acknowledge Dalit writing.
ISSN (Online) - 2349-8846
Nuclear Salesmen in Paris
M V Ramana (ramana@princeton.edu) is currently with the Nuclear Futures Laboratory and the
Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University. He is a member of the Coalition for
Nuclear Disarmament and Peace and the author of The Power of Promise: Examining Nuclear
Energy in India (Viking Penguin 2012).
Despite being strongly promoted by pro-nuclear lobbies, nuclear power was not adopted as a
general policy to combat global warming in the 2015 Climate Change Conference in Paris. There
are good reasons to expect that as a source of energy, it will only become less important—in
particular the high costs of constructing and operating nuclear reactors and rapidly decreasing
costs of renewable energy.
One of the panels at the 2015 United Nations Conference of Parties (COP) 21 on climate change in
Paris was convened to discuss the role of nuclear power to combat global warming. The call to
expand the nuclear power footprint came not only from the various agencies involved in promoting
nuclear power, such as the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD)
Nuclear Energy Agency and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), but also from a group
of four climate scientists—James Hansen, Tom Wigley, Ken Caldeira and Kerry Emanuel, who were
given special prominence by the nuclear industry and a supportive media. Despite this advocacy,
the final document that emerged from the conference does not even mention the word nuclear.
This is not the first time that nuclear energy has been considered in the climate negotiations and
dropped. Around the turn of the century there was a concerted but unsuccessful effort to include
nuclear power among those that qualify for emission credits under the Clean Development
Mechanism adopted as part of the Kyoto Protocol. Things have changed since then—for the worse,
at least for those advocating nuclear power.
Nuclear Power in Global Context
In 1997, when the Kyoto Protocol was signed, nuclear energy’s share of global electricity
generation was about 17%. It has steadily declined since then, reaching below 11% of global
electricity generation by 2014. The downward trend is expected to continue. Even the IAEA’s latest
projections for nuclear power’s share in 2030 range from 11.3% in its high estimate to 8.6% in its
low estimate, with even lower projections for 2050. Going by the mismatch between earlier IAEA
projections and actual nuclear construction, the actual figures are expected to be lower.
The reduction in nuclear energy’s share of global electricity generation between 1997 and 2015 is
all the more remarkable because it included a decade or more of the nuclear industry claiming that
there was a nuclear “renaissance” underway. The demise of the renaissance, despite many
governments subsidising the effort, was primarily due to economic realities known for
decades—nuclear reactors are expensive to construct, and prone to overruns in cost and time.
Examples abound: the flagship projects in Europe—Olkiluoto (Finland) and Flamanville

(France)—and in the United States—Vogtle (Georgia) and V C Summer (South Carolina)—have all
shot up in costs. The Flamanville-3 reactor, for example, is now estimated at €10.5 billion, up from
€3.2 billion, while Vogtle has gone from $14 billion to around $21 billion. Similar is the case in
Russia (Leningrad NPP-2: 133 billion to 244 billion roubles) and India (Kudankulam I&II: Rs 13,171
crores to Rs 22,462 crores). Original construction timelines have also been extended; Olkiluoto’s
estimated construction period has tripled from four to 13 years and the reactor is yet to be
completed.
Nuclear Costs More
There is no reason to expect things will get better in the future. Historical trends in the United
States, which has built more reactors than any other country, and France, which has the highest
share of nuclear power in the world, show that nuclear construction costs have typically gone up,
not down, as more reactors are built. The European pressurized reactors proposed for constructed
at Hinkley Point in the United Kingdom are estimated to cost more than those at Flamanville and
Olkiluoto, and the estimated costs of the Russian reactors proposed for Turkey and Bangladesh are
higher than for the Kudankulam reactors.
In the last decade the marginal costs of operating nuclear reactors, especially older ones, have
increased to such an extent that in liberalised electricity markets, electric utilities are shutting
down old power plants even if they are still licensed by safety regulators to operate without safety
hazards for many more years. The list includes at least eight reactors in the United States and four
in Sweden. In justifying one of these closure decisions, the Swedish utility, E.On, announced: “there
are no prospects of generating financial profitability either in the short or the long term.”
The costs of renewable energy sources has decreased manifold in the last few years. It is the
principal alternative to nuclear power, with low carbon emissions. The Wall Street Advisory firm
Lazard estimates that generation costs of wind power and utility-scale photovoltaic energy in the
United States have declined by 61% and 82% respectively in the last six years—which is about half
of the corresponding generation cost of electricity from a new nuclear plant.
Conclusions
These economic challenges confronting nuclear power adds to the many other well-known problems
associated with the technology—the risk of catastrophic accidents like Fukushima and Chernobyl,
the production of long-lived radioactive waste, and the linkage with nuclear weapons. Despite
decades of effort, no new reactor design appears to be able to deal with all of these problems
simultaneously.
In their opinion piece in The Guardian, the four climate scientists posited: “The climate issue is too
important for us to delude ourselves with wishful thinking”. If only they, and others who cling to the
hope that nuclear power will magically resolve the climate problem, were to adopt the same rule!
Oddly Even, or Evenly Odd
G Arunima (arunima@jnu.ac.in) teaches at the Centre for Women’s Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi.
The odd-even car formula in Delhi has brought to the fore the class bias that always existed in the
city. Can we learn from history to build a more just and equitable environment for all to live, or will
we reinforce the old walls of inequality?
I am not a climate change expert. I am not an air pollution studies person. I am just a car using,
possibly pollution contributing, middle class resident of Delhi, who deeply fears what is rapidly
disappearing from the city—clean beautiful skies, starry nights, green leafy trees and fresh water
bodies. This city, despite its teeming population and overcrowding, still has an abundance of
greenery and foliage—in streets, parks, neighbourhoods, and amidst its myriad old monuments.
Odd and Even Rule
So what changed this city? I have been reading, both in the press and on social media sites,
people’s concerns regarding the rapidly deteriorating state of affairs here. Interestingly enough,
this has been triggered by the Delhi government’s proposed experiment to introduce road rationing
in Delhi by allowing cars with odd and even number plates to ply on alternate days, which targets
the middle classes head-on, and makes them responsible towards civic life and the general well
being of not just themselves and their families, but the city at large. Unused to this, several people
are rehearsing predictable problems that the scheme will encounter (which, as it stands, certainly
will)—from the absence of adequate public transport to the fear that the government would lack the
will to see this through. After all, 15 days is scarcely adequate to even get a preliminary sense of
the workability of a scheme that appears, at once, both bold and utterly fantastic.
Yet, underlying the concerns of many detractors is that they are being held responsible, and that
middle class, SUV (or just random car) owning, Delhi-ites will have to reorient their brains, and
begin to live in ways in which millions in this city do on a routine basis. Suddenly, in a city where
being punctual is meant only for the working classes that service all others’ homes, lifestyles and
all, being on time has become of paramount importance! Until now no one thought of how the
domestic workers, safai karmacharis, constant cleaners of localities and posher housing areas,
gardeners, drivers, nannies, and so many others made it to their places of work—the homes of the
middle/upper classes—“on time,” each and every day of the year. The worry only had been that
their lateness would throw the lives of papa, mummy, baba and baby log into jeopardy. Now
suddenly, not only must Delhi’s privileged get about their business on time, they need to take
responsibility for this themselves. How unfair is that (they ask)?!
Dismantling Public Transport
Many like me who grew up in Delhi in the 60s and 70s will remember a flourishing, functional, bus
system. The Delhi Transport Union (DTU) managed this, and for years I have been hunting for some
work that would direct me to understand how and why this collapsed. The little anecdotal evidence
I have (the many uses of “lefty” families) is that the then government wished to break the union,
leading to the change in the management structure. The DTU became the Delhi Transport
Corporation (DTC). Needless to say, this story needs far greater filling in. Suffice it to say here that
until the late 90s, despite the decline setting in, the city did have a functioning bus system. By the
early 2000s, this was to change. Looking back, it is pretty clear the kinds of interests that came
together to kill what was a functioning public transport system in this city.
This face of liberalisation of the Indian economy focused on the middle class buyer, and what else
to feed such aspirational dreams but the right to wield a four wheel drive! This was accompanied by
that delightful device of finance capital, the interest free loan, that fulfils our consumer desires so
beautifully. Within months, the transport demography of Delhi’s roads had changed. Sometime
around that time, I heard on one of the many radio channels I hear routinely in my car, that there
were at least 20 different kind of road users in the city. While for the radio jockey this was yet
another jocular aside on Delhi’s chaotic traffic, what struck me was how this palimpsest like history
of road use was a testimony to a different sense of access, and democracy, to public spaces.
Even today, one can at any given time see a rich diversity of road users—from cyclists, the usual set
of fuel dependent two and four wheelers, to cycle rickshaws and horse drawn carts. The most
affected by the presence of aggressive car drivers are the labouring men who deliver heavy retail
items (from desert coolers and air conditioners in the summer, to all manners of other household
items throughout the year) from shops to homes. Next to that are the elderly, the differently abled,
and the very young, for whom Delhi's ever increasing road aggression (after all the phrase “road
rage” entered our vocabulary only in this decade) can traumatise, and instill a fear for life of public
spaces.
In the changes then that must accompany the odd-even traffic rule is the building of wide and good
pavements, roads that are not pot-holed death traps, and a greater number of cycle rickshaws that
can service short distances. It would help if the governments' (state and central) would be focused
on real development—ie on pavements and pedestrians and all other ordinary people and their
needs, rather than cosying up to the builders’ lobbies that will certainly choke the city to death.
After all, Delhi’s still reeling under the shock of the scams run during the Commonwealth Games.
Looking at the Past
Some days back I took a friend from out of town to see Tughlaqabad—which, according to me, is
the most beautiful medieval fort town of this now benighted city. Walking up and beyond the
moat, through the main entrance, one enters what can only be described as a medieval
dreamscape. The shrill noises of the city recedes, routine worries begin to disappear and soon one
is walking across the stones and rubble of centuries past. Situated within a perimeter of nearly
seven kilometres, this is possible one of the biggest forts in this city. As one walks further into
Tughlaqabad, it becomes more and more magical. Large spaces, brambles and
bushes, keekar (acacia) in abundance and a wide open sky that invites one to dream of times past.
In between buffaloes from nearby villages can be found grazing, even as children from those places
come and play cricket in their ready made “pitch.” The adults from their families go about their
business, possibly keeping an eye on them, as indeed us, and keep everyone safe. This sense of
proximity and sharing of historical and contemporary spaces was a fact of my growing up years in
Delhi.
The city abounded in urban villages, and there was, for the want of a better word, an organic
relationship between people and spaces. This also meant that Delhi even had fields where a large
part of its seasonal vegetables would be grown by local farmers. In environmental terms it meant
that plants, trees and water bodies were maintained by these responsible citizens of the city—its
“villagers.”'. In terms of food safety, it meant that everyone ate truly “farm fresh” seasonal food.
And in terms of civic life, everyone knew that the city was a democratic, shared, space where
everyone had a right to live—if not in ways that were optimal or economically just, then at least in
ways that involved more shared habits and lifestyles.
Tughlaq was a mad dreamer, but also a great visionary. As always, history leaves us with fragments
that make us wish for a better tomorrow, and what better way to make that a reality than
wandering down the open spaces of bygone centuries. Delhi’s history has many beautiful examples
that show how environmentally and aesthetically sustainable lives can be led. What better way to
ensure that this grand city has a new future, than by looking back at its magnificent past?
Road Rationing and Economic Gains
Kaustuva Barik (kbarik@ignou.ac.in) teaches Economics at the School of Social Sciences, Indira
Gandhi National Open University, New Delhi.
The Delhi government’s move to allow only alternate use of cars with odd and even registration
numbers from 1 January 2016 is a step in the right direction. However, even as such command and
control measures will be difficult to sustain, the gains made from these measures will only wane
over time. What are needed are long-term measures with strong economic incentives to ensure
favourable outcomes for better quality of air and environment—indeed this involves strengthening
public transportations systems.
The recent decision of the Delhi government to permit private vehicles with odd or even
registration numbers to run on alternate days has created a stir. The policy envisages reducing the
number of vehicles on Delhi roads by about 50%, which is expected to reduce the level of air
pollution in the city. The policy has attracted appreciation from quite a few quarters on grounds of
improvement in environmental quality. However, many look at it with dismay as they have no
inkling of how to manage commuting when the new policy comes into effect. The magnitude of the
problem can be imagined if we visualise a scenario where about 42.4 lakh private vehicles will be
banned from plying on road[i] on any given day. People commuting in these vehicles will have to be
accommodated in the existing alternative modes such as buses and the metro. The adjustment
period is too short as it has taken effect from 1 January 2016. The alternative to private vehicles,
that is, the public transport system in Delhi, is inadequate, irregular, and over-crowded as usual.
Against this backdrop this article examines the economic gains of the new policy decision and
explores the possibility of attaining the policy objective through alternative means.
Private Vehicle Externalities
Undeniably, commuting in private vehicles provides autonomy to people and enhances their
productivity by saving on travel time. In addition, it saves them from jostling with the crowd,
provides a sense of security—more so at odd hours—and at times enhances their social status.
Excessive numbers of vehicles, however, leads to congestion on roads as road space becomes a
scarce commodity and adds costs to the economy (Small and Verhoef 2007). In such a situation, the
positive aspects of owning a vehicle, considered a private virtue, turns out to be a social vice.
Expectedly, the adverse effects are too many. First and foremost, it adds to air pollution and global
warming. In the case of Delhi, the contribution of vehicles to air pollution is quite high. Certain
studies estimate it to be up to 80% of the total (Gurjar et al 2004). Second, base noise levels in the
city have exceeded acceptable standards.[ii] According to Banerjee et al (2008: 165) motor vehicles
are the main source of urban noise emission: “The growing vehicle population gives rise to
unrestrained noise pollution and associated health effects and can cause both short term as well as
long term psychological and physiological disorders.” Third, delays due to traffic jams and
uncertainty in reaching destination in time gives rise to considerable stress in human beings with
many instances of road rage being noticed in recent years. Fourth, seen from an economic
perspective, congestion on roads results in loss of man-hours as travel time gets longer. Fifth, slow-
moving traffic leads to higher fuel expenditure at the household level and larger imports of crude
oil at the macro level, which has implications for valuable foreign exchange.
It is discernible that the use of a private vehicle could have a bearing on the costs borne by others,
popularly known as “negative externalities” in economic terminology. While costs to the owner/user
of the vehicle is limited to expenses on fuel and maintenance, costs to society are the rise in health
expenditure and economic wastages. This results in a divergence between social cost and private
cost, the former being greater than the latter. Such a scenario gives rise to the classic “free-rider
problem,” where the economic agents causing negative externalities do not bear the full cost of
their action.
Policy Options
In order to deal with the free-rider problem, existing literature suggests three policy options,
namely, moral suasion, command and control (CAC), and economic incentives. Under moral
suasion, people are persuaded to carry out environment-friendly practices. Through several
advertisements and awareness campaigns, the government aims at educating people. Campaign for
use of public transport (Ab Bus Karein—let us take a bus) and car-pooling are two prominent
examples that fall into this category. A limitation of this approach is that it leaves decision-making
to the good sense of individuals; no penalty is imposed for non-compliance. The CAC measures are
direct regulation by the government concerning controlling vehicle speed, traffic movement, fuel
use, emission levels and safety norms. Unlike moral suasion, CAC measures are coercive and invite
penalties. The economic incentives pertain to the use of taxes and subsidies to attain the set
objectives and leave decision-making to economic rationality of the person concerned.
For reduction of air pollution several CAC-type measures, such as use of lead-free fuel, conversion
to CNG, and tightening of emission standards have been introduced. In addition, penalties for
violation of traffic rules have been hiked manifold. Road tax and parking charges, which are one-
time payments at the time of registration of vehicles, have been increased to make private vehicles
costlier and thus discourage people from going for private vehicles. Studies show that certain
parameters of air pollution witnessed a decline after conversion to CNG (Kathuria 2005) but the
benefits have waned over the years. In a recent noting, the Delhi High Court observed that air
pollution levels in Delhi have reached “alarming proportions” and it is akin to living in a “gas
chamber.”[iii]
The signals given by the policy measures however have not been strong enough to discourage
people from buying private vehicles. The number of vehicles per 1,000 people in Delhi has gone up
to 487, implying approximately one vehicle for every two persons.[iv] Two factors appear to have
more than offset the gains of the policy measures followed so far. First, Delhi has a very high per
capita income, Rs 2,40,849 in 2014–15. This tremendous purchasing power in the hands of people,
allows most households to buy a vehicle.[v] Second, public transport systems are weak, thereby
compelling people to fend for themselves. As per the Government of Delhi (2015), there are
88,27,431 vehicles as of March 2015. Of these, 64.36% are motorcycles and scooters, while 31.61%
are cars and jeeps—together they make up 96%. The share of buses is a meagre 0.22%, while taxies
and auto-rickshaws comprise nearly 1% each. It is worth mentioning that there is a consistent
decline in the share of buses in Delhi over the years. During 1991–92 there were 20,201 buses
which increased to 41,483 by 2000–01, and subsequently declined to 19,729 in 2014–15. The
decline is not only for private buses, the fleet size of the Delhi Transport Corporation (DTC) has
also declined. The DTC is running on a perpetual loss[vi] to be funded by the state government and
its expansion has not been a priority. Introduction of metro rail has improved public transport
systems to some extent, although it has become very crowded of late.
Odd–Even Logic
Over the years, the Delhi government has recognised the congestion problem emanating from an
excess number of vehicles in the city and in order to ameliorate the problem, emphasis has been
given on expansion of roads, construction of flyovers, and streamlining traffic movements. The
decision to prohibit private vehicles from running on alternate days marks a departure from the
past as it implicitly recognises the presence of excess vehicles in Delhi and plans to cut it down
substantially.
The odd–even formula has been applied in several metropolitan cities around the world in various
forms and its impact has been mixed. A regulation in 1989 by the city administration of Mexico
banned each vehicle from driving on a specific day of the week. While reviewing the impact of the
policy Eskeland and Feyzioglu (1995: 1) make the following observations:
The regulation has been both popular and controversial: some feel it is a reasonable
concession from each car owner—aimed to alleviate congestion and pollution problems.
Others have felt that it is inefficient and unfair; inefficient in the way most rationing
devices are inefficient, unfair because it will be particularly costly to some—easily
avoided or accommodated by others. Finally, some feel that the regulation may be so
inefficient that it is counterproductive—increasing the levels of congestion and
pollution—because some have purchased additional cars to circumvent the ban, and
end up increasing their driving. The authors … find evidence in support of the latter
view.
The policy of banning odd- and even-numbered vehicles on specific days has prompted households
in Beijing to go for a second car with a different registration number so that they can drive
everyday by alternate use of two cars. According to Hao et al (2011) about 30% car sales in Beijing
is to satisfy the need for second car with the intention of avoiding the vehicle use regulations.
The odd–even formula has the advantage of reducing the number of vehicles in a city immediately.
The immediate effect of regulating odd–even vehicles in Beijing was reduction in vehicle flow by
21% and increase in average fleet speed by 27% (Hao et al 2011). The rebound effect of increase in
vehicle ownership however partly offset the policy’s effects on reduction of total vehicle use.
The odd–even formula is a short-term measure to reduce the number of vehicles immediately. Seen
from this perspective, the decision of the Delhi government to give it a trial run for 15 days (1–15
January) is a welcome decision. Some of the nagging issues in this venture however are: (i) the
large number of vehicles entering Delhi from neighbouring areas, (ii) concessions given to
emergency situations for Delhi households, (iii) funding of additional cost to implement the policy,
and (iv) perception of alienation among people. Given its coercive CAC nature, it does not give
much freedom to people and could be counter-productive.[vii] Thus the long-term solution to the
problem has to be different and based on economic incentives.
Internalising Externalities
The social cost being higher than private cost in the case of private vehicles calls for internalising
externalities. This could be achieved by a two-pronged strategy of (i) imposition of congestion tax
on private vehicles, and (ii) subsidy on public transport. Such a strategy will alter the cost–benefit
scenarios of private and public vehicles and provide economic incentives to people to alter their
mode of transport. An important advantage of economic incentives over CAC measures is the
“double dividend”—congestion tax will reduce the number of vehicles and simultaneously generate
revenues which can be used for strengthening public transport and smooth flow of vehicles. It could
be a win–win situation for stakeholders. The government will gain additional revenue by means of
congestion tax which it can utilise for subsidy on public transport. Private vehicle users will gain by
saving on time and fuel cost, as fleet speed will improve with reduction in number of vehicles. The
general public will gain through reduction in health cost as air pollution levels decline.
The tax imposed on private vehicles has to be calibrated in such a manner that it makes people
perceive that the private cost of using a private vehicle is high enough and it is profitable to use
public transport. Imposition of taxes on private vehicles calls for a bold decision by the government,
but it could be geared to a populist measure as there are two advantages to the government,
namely, (i) it is progressive in nature in the sense that poorer households are exempted
automatically, and (ii) public transport is made cheaper, adequate, reliable and safe. In fact it may
provide adequate funds to the government to integrate bus, metro and local railway services.
The imposition of congestion tax on private vehicles provides justification for imposition of a similar
tax on private vehicles entering Delhi from neighbouring areas. The green tax imposed on
commercial vehicles entering Delhi could be seen as a precursor in this respect.
A tentative calculation implying the fact that Delhi is sitting on a goldmine can be seen from the
following. If we take a conservative estimate of congestion tax of Rs 1,000 per month for cars and
jeeps, and Rs 500 per month for motorcycles and scooters, it would generate a revenue of about Rs
563.12 crore per month or Rs 6,757.44 crore per annum. If we add the tax collected from vehicles
entering Delhi from adjoining areas, this figure will go up substantially. One can imagine to what
extent public transport can be improved with such amounts of funding, and the commitment to a
cleaner environment be met.
Notes
[i] The total number of vehicles in Delhi as of March 2015 is 88.3 lakh of which 96% are private
vehicles (Government of Delhi 2015). Fifty percent of these private vehicles amount 42.4 lakh.
[ii] The Central Pollution Control Board (CPCB) has specified norms for noise level for four different
categories, namely, industrial, commercial, residential and silence zones. For residential areas
acceptable standard is 55 decibels during daytime and 45 decibels during night night. According to
Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) noise level in the Delhi is in excess of 100 decibels in
many areas. The adverse health effects of high noise pollution could be hearing loss, sleep disorder,
heart ailments, and general annoyance (CSE 2011).
[iii] Reported in Economic Times, 3 December 2015,

http://articles.economictimes.indiatimes.com/2015-12-03/news/68741891_1_....
[iv] In fact, one can notice acceleration in growth rate since 2001–02. According to Economic
Survey of Delhi there were 201 vehicles per 1,000 persons in 1991–92 which increased to 244 in
2000–01, considered to be moderate compared to the growth in the subsequent period. When we
fitted a piece-wise linear regression, we find the trend growth rate in number of vehicles per 1,000
persons to be 4.8% per annum during 2001–02 to 2014–15 compared to 2.4% per annum during
1990–91 to 2000–01.
[v] In fact, there are many households with multiple private vehicles. Moreover, one can notice
certain qualitative changes in vehicle composition with the proportion of high-end cars increasing
rapidly.
[vi] The working loss in 2014–15 is to the tune of Rs 1,011.38 crore.
[vii] According to the Centre for Science and Environment (CSE) the congestion level and
associated problems in most localities in Delhi are alarming (as reported in Hindustan Times, 20
August 2015, http://www.hindustantimes.com/delhi/congestion-pollution-twin-demons-in-...).
Purchase of multiple vehicles by households will further aggravate it.
References
Banerjee, D, S K Chakraborty, S Bhattacharyya, and A Gangopadhyay (2008): “Evaluation and

Analysis of Road Traffic Noise in Asansol: An Industrial Town of Eastern India,” International
Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, Vol 5, No 3, pp 165–71.
CSE (2011): CSE Surveys Noise Pollution in Delhi, viewed on 11 December

2015, http://www.cseindia.org/content/cse-surveys-noise-pollution-delhi.
Eskeland, Gunnar S and Tarhan Feyzioglu (1995): “Rationing Can Backfire: The ‘Day Without a car’
in Mexico City,” Policy Research Working Paper 1554, World Bank.
Gurjar, B R, J A van Aardenne and J Lelieveld (2004): “Emission Estimates and Trends (1990–2000)
for Megacity Delhi and Implications,” Atmospheric Environment, Vol 38, No 33, pp 5663–81.
Hao, Han, Hewu Wang, Minggao Ouyang (2011): “Comparison of policies on vehicle ownership and
use between Beijing and Shanghai and their impacts on fuel consumption by passenger
vehicles,” Energy Policy, Vol 39, pp 1016–21.
Government of Delhi (2015): Economic Survey of Delhi, 2014–15.
Kathuria, Vinish (2005): “Vehicular Pollution Control in Delhi,” Economic and Political Weekly, Vol
40, No 18, 30 April.
Small, Kenneth A and Erik T Verhoef (2007): Economics of Urban Transportation, Routledge: New
York.

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LETTERS

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On the Question of Backwardness demand for inclusion in the list of OBCs

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(Chambhars) and the Mangs (Matangs).

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Kaul overrated the didactic impact of

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CPI to WPI Causation

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Granger Coefficient of Coherence

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Granger Coefficient of Coherence

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Biological Markers and the Health of Older Indians

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Spirometry: Fieldworkers used spirometry results to measure • Females:

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