The Koch Brothers

AP Photo/Larry W.
Smith
The Koch Brothers

What You Need to Know About the Financiers of the Radical Right
Tony Carrk April 2011
w w w.americanprogressac tion.org
The Koch Brothers
What You Need to Know About the Financiers
of the Radical Right
Tony Carrk April 2011

Contents 1 Introduction and summary
3 Who are the Koch brothers and Koch Industries?
8 Bankrolling the right wing
12 Using Americans for Prosperity to “stimulate” the Tea Party
14 Bankrolling and influencing the U.S. Congress
17 Bankrolling state politicians
19 The real Koch brothers’ philosophy
25 What’s next?
26 Endnotes
27 About the author and acknowledgements

Introduction and summary
Any attempt to understand the modern conservative movement will eventually

lead to billionaire brothers Charles and David Koch. Using their vast wealth and
connections, the Koch brothers are key players in bankrolling right-wing political
action groups, think tanks, and individual politicians, using this array of political
power to advance their ideological agenda of limited government and less regula-
tion. Chances are they are part of any recent right-wing attack you have seen lately.
The Koch brothers, leaders of a vast family oil-and-gas conglomerate, use this
political network to pursue their right-wing agenda at nearly every level of
government. Whether they are contributing millions in campaign contributions,
spending millions on lobbying, or investing millions in right-wing think tank and
advocacy groups, the Koch brothers’ influence is pervasive.
Charles and David Koch would prefer to keep their influence behind the scenes
but recent reporting by the Center for American Progress Action Fund’s Think
Progress and a variety of media and advocacy organizations shed light on the
enormous breadth and reach of their network. This report will showcase the play-
ers involved in the Koch network, where they operate, and the vast amounts of
money involved. The report also exposes the Koch right-wing ideological agenda
that often protects their business interests at the expense of everyone else.
But cutting to the chase, here is a brief summary of the report’s findings:
• The Koch brothers, whose wealth, when combined, is the fourth highest in the
nation, run one of the largest private companies in the country. Koch Industries
is involved in industries ranging from oil and gas, refining and chemicals, miner-
als, fertilizers, forestry, consumer products, polymers and fibers, and ranching.
They have operations in 45 states.
1 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

• The Koch brothers use their considerable wealth to bankroll the right wing,
including the Tea Party. This serves the purpose of furthering not only their
right-wing ideology but also their bottom line. Koch Industries has a lot to gain
from gutting government oversight and electing candidates who oppose govern-
ment regulation, especially in the oil-and-gas industry.
• Chances are the Koch brothers are part of any recent right-wing attack as of
late as they have fought health reform, Wall Street reform, collective bargaining
rights, and efforts to curb climate change, to name just a few.
• We have identified at least $85 million the Koch brothers have given to at least
85 right-wing think tanks and advocacy groups over the past decade and a half.
• Their main advocacy group, Americans for Prosperity, has chapters in 32 states and
spent $45 million in the last election, predominantly to help elect Republicans.
• The Kochs donated directly to 62 of the 87 members of the House GOP
freshman class.
• The Koch brothers are active at the state level, spending $5.2 million on can-
didates and ballot measures in 34 states since 2003. They donated directly to
13 governors that won election last year.
• The Kochs are not going away. In fact, they have already pledged to raise
$88 million for the 2012 election and have started scheduling events for
potential Republican presidential candidates.
As this report will demonstrate, the Koch brothers’ network works hard to advance
a right-wing ideological agenda that helps their businesses reap more profits at
the expense of our environment, our economy, and the American middle class.
Understanding how they operate is the first step in countering their efforts to
reshape our nation’s laws to benefit the wealthy even more than they do today.
The Koch brothers’ issue agenda

A list of the top policy issues in which the Koch brothers are engaged
Issue Koch brothers fighting?
Repealing health reform Yes
Denying climate change Yes
Fighting Wall Street reform Yes
Dismantling collective bargaining rights Yes
Fighting reductions in carbon emissions Yes
Keeping corporate money in elections Yes
Fighting Internet neutrality Yes

Who are the Koch brothers
and Koch Industries?
Forbes magazine ranks Charles and David Koch the fourth-richest people in the
world, with a combined net worth of $44 billion. Charles is the chief executive of
Koch Industries, Inc., the family’s oil-and-gas conglomerate started by their father,
Fred C. Koch. David is vice president of the company.
The billionaire brothers joke that Koch Industries is the “biggest company you
never heard of,” but it is now the second-largest private company in the United
States with an estimated $100 billion in sales. It owns numerous companies in
industries ranging from oil and gas, refining and chemicals, minerals, fertilizers,
forestry, consumer products, polymers and fibers, and ranching. Koch Industries
and its subsidiaries have operations in 45 states (see map on page 6) and a pres-
ence in 60 countries. Some of the companies include:
• Flint Hills Resources, LP

• Koch Supply & Trading, LP
• Koch Pipeline Company, LP
• Georgia-Pacific
• INVISTA B.V.
• Koch Chemical Technology Group, LLC
• Koch Mineral Services, LLC
• Matador Cattle Company
Each of these units of the Koch business empire profits from the two brothers’ ideo-
logical agenda, which is why a quick but detailed look at each of them is important.
Flint Hills Resources, LP
Flint Hills Resources is a Wichita, Kansas-based refining and chemical company that
has a combined crude oil processing capacity of more than 800,000 barrels of oil per
day. Flint Hills has expanded its operations through capital projects and acquisitions

worth more than $5.3 billion since 2002. It markets a full slate of petroleum prod-
ucts, including asphalt, base oils, gasoline, jet fuel, diesel, and heating oils.
The Koch unit operates refining complexes in Alaska (North Pole), Minnesota
(Pine Bend Refinery in Rosemount), and Texas (Corpus Christi). In addition,
Flint Hills Resources also operates the Wisconsin pipeline, which carries products
from the company’s Twin Cities-area refinery to terminals in Junction City, Waupu,
Madison, and Milwaukee, and operates the MSP Airport line that delivers jet fuel
to the Minneapolis/St. Paul airport. In Texas, the unit operates the Texas Pipeline
system, which runs from Corpus Christi to the San Antonio, Austin, Bastrop, Waco,
and Dallas/Fort Worth markets, and the DFW Airport line that delivers jet fuel
from the Fort Worth-area terminal to the Dallas/Fort Worth airport.
Flint Hills also operates ethanol plants in Menlo and Shell Rock, Iowa, that pro-
duce 220 million gallons of ethanol annually. It is a leading producer of chemicals
and related products with manufacturing facilities in Illinois, Michigan, and Texas.
And it has an interest in a base lube oil facility in Louisiana as well as interests in a
biodiesel feedstock development company in California. According to its website,
Flint Hills produces fuels that power most of Texas, the Midwest, and the Alaska
interior. The asphalt it produces is used across the Midwest and Alaska.
Koch Supply & Trading, LP
Koch Supply & Trading provides risk management in crude oil, refined petro-
leum products, natural gas, and other commodities. The company is an indirect
subsidiary of Koch Industries. Koch Supply & Trading has locations in Houston,
New York City, and Wichita as well as London, Geneva, Singapore, India, and the
Netherlands. According to its website, products traded by Koch Supply & Trading
include: crude oil; refined products and derivatives; natural gas liquids; natural
gas, power, and emissions; metals; financials including foreign currency, interest
rates, and exchange-traded commodities; and freight.
Koch Pipeline Company, LP
Koch Pipeline Company is an indirect, wholly owned subsidiary of Koch

Industries. Many of the pipelines and terminal facilities it operates are owned by
Flint Hills Resources. Koch Pipeline owns or operates 4,000 miles of pipeline to

transport crude oil, refined petroleum, natural gas liquids, and other chemicals. It
operates proprietary and common carrier crude oil pipelines that deliver to refin-
ing centers in the Midwest and Texas.
Koch Pipeline operates the 540-mile South Texas system, which moves domes-
tic crude oil to Corpus Christi. And units of the Koch subsidiary own pieces of
other pipelines. For instance, the Koch Alaska Pipeline owns 3 percent of the
Trans-Alaska Pipeline System, and another Koch company owns 28 percent of the
Colonial Pipeline Company.
Georgia-Pacific
Georgia-Pacific became a wholly owned subsidiary of Koch Industries in 2005

after the two brothers paid $21 billion to take over the company and take it
private. Georgia-Pacific is a manufacturer and marketer of “tissue, packaging,
paper, pulp, and building products and related chemicals.” Georgia-Pacific’s North
American brands include: Quilted Northern (toilet paper), Angel Soft (toilet
paper), Brawny (paper towels), Sparkle (paper towels), Soft ‘n Gentle (toilet
paper), Mardi Gras (paper towels), Vanity Fair (paper napkins), and the Dixie
brand of tabletop products.
Georgia-Pacific has facilities in 27 states, including 25 in Georgia; 18 in Florida;

14 in Mississippi; 13 in California and Oregon; 10 in Arkansas and North
Carolina; nine in Texas; eight in Alabama, South Carolina, and Wisconsin;
seven in Virginia; five in Michigan and Tennessee; four in Ohio; three in Iowa,
Pennsylvania, and Washington; two in Illinois, Indiana, Kentucky, Louisiana, New
Jersey, and New York; and one in Massachusetts, Oklahoma, and West Virginia.
INVISTA B.V.
INVISTA, formerly DuPont Textiles and Interiors, is an independently managed

but wholly owned subsidiary of Koch Industries. Koch subsidiaries acquired
INVISTA from E.I. du Pont de Nemours and Company in 2004 and it was
combined with Koch affiliate KoSa. INVISTA is a producer of nylon, span-
dex, and polyester polymers and fibers. The materials go into clothing, carpets,
luggage, plastic bottles, and car interiors. Its products include LYCRA fiber,
STAINMASTER carpet, ANTRON carpet fiber, and COOLMAX fabric.

Koch Chemical Technology Group, LLC
Koch Chemical Technology Group and its affiliates manufacture and sell pollu-
tion-control equipment. Affiliates include: Koch-Glitsch, LP; Koch Membrane
Systems, Inc.; Koch Heat Transfer Company, LP; John Zink Company, LLC;
Optimized Process Designs, Inc.; and Koch Knight LLC.
Koch Mineral Services, LLC
Koch Minerals and its affiliates are among the largest dry-bulk commodity han-
dlers. It markets or trades 40 million tons of product per year. Koch Minerals also
has direct or indirect subsidiaries that collectively are one of the world’s largest
producers and marketers of nitrogen fertilizers. Those companies include: Koch
Nitrogen Company (Koch Fertilizer), LLC; Koch Nitrogen International, Sárl;
and Koch Fertilizer Canada.
Koch Nitrogen and its

affiliates have personnel in The Koch’s U.S. business empire
Wichita; Brandon, Manitoba;
States where units of Koch Industries operate
Geneva; London; Cayman
Islands; Paris; and Beijing.
They also have international
operations and interests in
Venezuela, Manitoba, and
Trinidad and Tobago.
Matador Cattle Company
Matador Cattle Company

is a key division of Koch
Agriculture Company and
an indirect, wholly owned
subsidiary of Koch Industries.
The company operates ranches States where units of Koch Industries operate
that together comprise
425,000 managed acres, of
which 240,000 are deeded Source: “Koch Industries, Inc. - Locations,” available at http://www.kochind.com/locations.asp.

acres, and support 15,000 cattle in production herds. It operates three ranches:
Beaverhead in Montana, Matador in Texas, and Spring Creek in Kansas.
Given the array of industries in which Koch Industries is involved, from energy to
agriculture to timber, all of which fall under government oversight, what agency is
in charge of regulation and what regulations are enforced are of great importance
to the companies’ bottom line. Since Koch Industries deals in commodity trading,
for example, they have a business interest in whether the Commodity Futures
Trading Commission has the resources to ensure oil speculators play by the rules.
And given its oil-and-gas interests, they have a business interest in whether the
Environmental Protection Agency has the resources to crack down on polluters to
ensure public health.
How can two of the richest billionaires in the country influence government regu-
lators of these industries? The next sections explore this question in detail.

Bankrolling the right wing
Charles and David Koch are not newcomers to the right-wing ideological move-
ment. Their father, Fred Koch, was an original member of the ultra-conservative
John Birch Society. For decades, the vast Koch wealth financed and built the right-
wing movement in America. In 1977, Charles Koch co-founded the Cato Institute.
David Koch was the 1980 vice presidential candidate for the Libertarian Party.
In 1984, David Koch created Citizens for a Sound Economy, an advocacy group
established to pursue the Koch agenda.
In 2004, Citizens for a Sound Economy split into two entities: FreedomWorks and
Americans for Prosperity Foundation. The Kochs remain active with Americans
for Prosperity Foundation. Americans for Prosperity Foundation, along with its
sister organization, Americans for Prosperity, pursues the right-wing ideological
agenda through education efforts, and holds rallies and events across the states as
well as runs television ads and other voter mobilization efforts. FreedomWorks is
a similar organization that is now headed by former Rep. Dick Armey (R-TX).
But the Cato Institute and Americans for Prosperity are not the Koch broth-
ers’ only avenues to pursue their ideological agenda. Not by a long shot. Indeed,
the Koch contributions read like a “who’s who” of the right-wing movement
(see table on pages 9-10). An examination of the Koch nonprofit organizations
records show they have given at least $85.9 million to more than 85 different
right-wing organizations over the past decade and a half.1 These donations are a
conservative estimate and just the tip of the iceberg, but the number of groups
reflect the vast reach of the Koch money.
Not only do the Koch brothers fund the right-wing intellectual movement but they
also help organize fellow deep-pocket donors at conferences “to review strategies for
combating the multitude of public policies that threaten to destroy America as we
know it,” as Charles Koch wrote in a letter. The conferences are intended to organize
the right wing, coordinate message, attract more donors, and mobilize voters to
pursue their ideological agenda.

The Koch brothers’ influence empire
A list of right-wing action groups and think tanks
This list of organizations is long but they have one common thread: promoting an antitax, antiregulatory ideology that will ultimately gut government’s ability to
ensure markets functioning properly for everyone and protect consumers against abuses in the system. In addition to promoting this right-wing ideology, some of the
groups on this list, such as the Competitive Enterprise Institute, seek to undermine the science behind climate change. Indeed, many of the policies these organiza-
tions promote not only further a right-wing ideology but they also increase profits for Koch Industries.
Cato Institute—$13,887,640 Pioneer Institute for Public Policy Research—$300,000
Citizens for a Sound Economy2—$12,356,712 Environmental Literacy Council—$287,516
George Mason’s Mercatus Center—$9,674,500 Property and Environment Research Center—$258,144
Americans for Prosperity Foundation—$5,610,781 Center for Equal Opportunity—$240,000
Heritage Foundation—$4,115,571 Institute for Energy Research—$237,000
Institute for Humane Studies—$3,630,091 Atlas Economic Research Foundation—$221,100
Bill of Rights Institute—$3,070,909 Ethics and Public Policy Center—$190,000
Youth Entrepreneurs of Kansas—$2,617,842 Citizens for Congressional Reform Foundation—$175,000
Institute for Justice—$2,615,000 Frontiers of Freedom Institute—$175,000
Reason Foundation—$2,516,521 Texas Public Policy Foundation—$174,500
National Foundation for Teaching Entrepreneurship—$2,481,786 The Phillips Foundation—$165,000
Federalist Society—$2,058,999 John Locke Foundation—$134,472
Institute for the Study of Human Origins—$2,035,912 Fund for American Studies—$133,650
American Enterprise Institute & Brookings Joint Center for Regulatory

James Madison Institute—$121,924
Studies—$1,979,400
Manhattan Institute—$1,575,000 John W. Pope Center for Higher Education Policy—$120,086
Washington Legal Foundation—$1,457,500 Young America’s Foundation—$107,500
Foundation for Individual Rights in Education—$1,400,000 Leadership Institute—$101,500
Foundation for Research on Economics & the Environment—$1,385,500 American Council on Science & Health—$101,000
Competitive Enterprise Institute—$700,499 Laffer Center for Global Economic Growth—$100,000
National Center for Policy Analysis—$672,000 Association of Private Enterprise Education—$98,500
American Legislative Exchange Council—$668,858 Commonwealth Foundation for Public Policy Alternatives—$93,903
Capital Research Center—$665,000 Center for Independent Thought—$92,500
Tax Foundation—$637,369 National Federation of Independent Business (NFIB) Legal Foundation—$88,000
Independent Women’s Forum—$485,000 Carbon Dioxide & Global Change Center—$85,000
International Foundation for Research in Experimental Economics—$440,000 Mackinac Center for Public Policy—$84,151
Acton Institute—$416,250 Market Based Management Institute—$82,500
Fraser Institute—$373,721 Media Institute—$80,000
Pacific Research Institute—$370,000 Heartland Institute—$77,578
American Council for Capital Formation—$325,000 Goldwater Institute—$75,000
George C. Marshall Institute—$310,000 Institute for Research on the Economics of Taxation—$65,000

The Koch brothers’ political-influence empire
A list of right-wing action groups and think tanks
Libertarian Review Foundation—$60,000
Americans for Tax Reform—$60,000 Students in Free Enterprise—$30,000
Buckeye Institute for Public Policy Solutions—$55,946 Center for Excellence in Education—$27,500
Center for Freedom & Prosperity Foundation—$54,266 Ayn Rand Institute—$25,000
National Tax Limitation Foundation—$50,000 International Policy Network—$25,000
North Carolina Institute for Constitutional Law—$50,000 Becket Fund for Religious Liberty—$20,538
Free Enterprise Education Institute—$45,000 Atlantic Legal Foundation—$20,000
South Carolina Policy Council—$45,000 Institute for Political Economy—$20,000
Center for Individual Rights—$40,000 Media Research Center—$15,005
Texas Justice Foundation—$40,000 Future of Freedom Foundation—$10,000
Foundation for Economic Education—$38,267 Pacific Legal Foundation—$10,000
National Taxpayers Union Foundation—$37,500 Foundation for Human Development—$5,000
Institute for Policy Innovation—$35,000 American Spectator—$4,500
Critical Review Foundation—$33,000 Galen Institute—$3,590
Hudson Institute—$32,650
Source: Tax records for the Claude R. Lambe Charitable Foundation, David H. Koch Charitable Foundation, and the Charles G. Koch Charitable Foundation, available at guidestar.org for 2009 and compiled on Media
Matters Action Network website for prior years.
Last year, for example, guests of the conferences included heavyweight
conservative figures such as:
• Supreme Court Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas

• Govs. Haley Barbour (R-MS) and Bobby Jindal (R-LA)
• Sens. Jim DeMint (R-SC) and Tom Coburn (R-OK)
• Reps. Mike Pence (R-IN) and Paul Ryan (R-WI)
• Media figures Rush Limbaugh and Glenn Beck
• Major Republican donor Fred Malek, a founder of the American Action Network
These top-shelf conservative leaders mingled with Koch Industries executives as

well as oil industry executives from Aspect Energy, LLC; Murfin Drilling Co., Inc.;
Anschutz Company; and GeoPark Holdings Ltd.; alongside several members of
Koch’s various subsidiaries.
The list of influential attendees itself is another example of how influential the
Koch brothers are in the right-wing movement, and it shows that the rest of the
right wing shares that feeling. They are a force organizing and coordinating the
right-wing movement, both at the grassroots level and the financial level.
This web of influence spun by the Koch brothers through these nonprofit organiza-
tions and conferences around the country serve to get their message out in as many
ways as possible. But the two brothers also make sure they are pursuing their ideo-
logical agenda at the grassroots level, too, which is the subject of our next section.
Using Americans for Prosperity
to “stimulate” the Tea Party
When the Koch-created Citizens for a Sound Economy split into two organiza-
tions—FreedomWorks and the Americans for Prosperity Foundation—David
Koch remained chairman of the Americans for Prosperity Foundation and the
organization continues to receive funding from the Koch brothers. The Americans
for Prosperity Foundation and its sister organization, Americans for Prosperity,
work to educate and mobilize conservatives on a range of issues, from the budget
to health care and workers’ rights.
Americans for Prosperity

holds rallies and events across The Koch brothers’ political-action-committee empire
the nation and spends mil- Americans for Prosperity offices around the country
lions of dollars on television
advertising and voter mobi-
lization efforts. Last year, it
spent roughly $45 million for
the midterm elections. And
its membership is growing. In
April 2009, there were roughly
23 state chapters, but now
Americans for Prosperity touts
chapters in 32 states (see map
at right).
Charles and David Koch used

Americans for Prosperity
to “stimulate” the Tea Party
movement that arose over the Americans for Prosperity state chapter
past two years. Americans
for Prosperity was one of the
Source: Americans for Prosperity, www.americansforprosperity.org/state-chapters.
organizations that helped plan
dozens of the first national Tea
Party rallies back in April 2009. Americans for Prosperity staffers organized events
from making reservations, to providing talking points and signs, to calling activists
to encourage them to participate. One employee said their role was to “educate”
Tea Partiers and give them “next step” training at their rallies.
Think of Americans for Prosperity as the voter-organizing arm of the Koch

empire—a formidable political machine that plays a role in all the key electoral
states. They have the ability to organize events, mobilize voters, and run televi-
sion ads. These ads promote their right-wing agenda and force elected officials to
respond. This is but one way the Koch brothers use their considerable finances to
influence elections. Another way is through direct contributions to candidates at
the national and state level, which is the subject of our next section.
Bankrolling and influencing the
U.S. Congress
The Koch network
Charles and David Koch and their company, Koch Industries, do not limit their in action
political donations to right-wing think tanks and advocacy groups. They also donate
A Koch-funded group produces
millions directly to candidates. Since 1990, the Koch network has donated $11 mil- report showing 56,000 jobs lost
lion to federal candidates, $9.8 million, or 89 percent, of which went to Republicans. from clean energy bill
Virginia
Virginia jobs decline by 56,400

Economic Impact on the State from the Waxman-Markey Bill, H.R. 2454
Proposed Legislation to Reduce Greenhouse Gas Emissions
The Koch network spent $2.1 million on last year’s midterm elections, almost $2
This study analyzes the Waxman-Markey bill under low
and high cost cases with respect to a baseline that projects
Figure 1. US GHG Em issions and
the future in the absence of the bill.1,2 W/M sets targets that
under the high cost case.

H.R. 2454 Targets
would reduce GHG emissions to 17% below 2005 levels by
7000
2020; 42% below 2005 levels by 2030; and 83% below 6000
2005 levels by 2050 (Figure 1). The price of carbon permits
MMTCO2e
5000
(what companies must pay to emit CO2) could reach 4000
between $48 and $61 per metric ton of CO2 (MT) by 2020 3000
and could increase to between $123/MT and $159/MT by 2000
2030.3 1000 H.R. 2454 Tar get
million, or 93 percent, of which went to Republicans. The 2010 elections ended

Baseline
Impact on Jobs 0
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014
2016
2018
2020
2022
2024
2026
2028
2030
The jobs impact of W/M is delayed by the free allocation of
permits and generous carbon offsets. By 2030, as emission
reduction targets tighten and other W/M provisions phase
out, Virginia jobs decline by 41,400 under the low cost case Figure 2. Loss in Employment by 2030
and by 56,400 under the high cost case (Figure 2). The
primary cause of job losses is lower industrial output due to 0
higher energy prices, the high cost of complying with -10
required emissions cuts, and greater competition from .
Thousands of Jobs
with an emboldened Republican Party that won the majority in the U.S. House of
overseas manufacturers with lower energy costs. -20
Decrease in Disposable Household Income -30

Higher energy prices would have ripple impacts on prices -40
throughout the economy and would impose a financial cost -41.4
on households. Virginia would see disposable household -50
income reduced by $103 to $235 per year by 2020 and -60 -56.4
$608 to $1,096 by 2030 (Figure 3). VA-Low VA-High
-70
W/M’s Impact on Energy Prices
Representatives and made gains in the U.S. Senate. Koch Industries PAC donated
Most energy prices would rise under W/M, particularly
coal, oil and natural gas. By 2015, gasoline would increase Figure 3. Loss of Disposable Income per
between 6% and 8%, electricity between 2% and 3% and Household
natural gas between 13% and 20%. By 2030, gasoline 2020 2030
prices increase between 20% and 26% while electricity 0
prices increase by up to 53% and natural gas by up to 64%. -$103
Table 1 shows the increase in energy prices faced by a -300 -$235
typical Virginia household compared to national household
2007 Dollars
increases over the 2020-2030 period. -600
-$608
Factors Contributing to Higher Electricity Prices
to 62 of the 87 members of the House Republican freshman class and to 12 of the

-900
W/M would reduce GHG emissions from all sectors of the
economy (transportation, residential, commercial, and -1,200 VA Low -$1,096
industry); however, as the largest emitter of GHGs, the
VA High
primary impact would fall on the electric sector. W/M -1,500
would result in the electric industry shutting down most
carbon-based generation and/or using expensive, as yet
unproven technology, to capture and store CO2. To meet
the stringent goals of W/M, the electric industry would also
have to substitute high cost technologies, such as biomass
new members of the U.S. Senate. One could argue these donations give Charles
and wind, for conventional generation.
1
The study used NEMS/ACCF-NAM 2, the version of the National Energy Modeling System
this analysis. It was performed independent of EIA which uses the NEMS model for energy
and David Koch considerable access to Congress. David Koch, for example,
attended the swearing-in ceremony for Speaker of the House of Representatives
Americans for Prosperity use
John Boehner (R-OH). the 56,000 jobs number in an ad
targeting Rep. Boucher
The Kochs have contributed significantly to the House Energy and Commerce
Committee. In fact, they are the single-largest oil-and-gas donor to members of
the committee, contributing $279,500 to 22 of the committee’s 31 Republicans
and $32,000 to five Democrats. Tim Phillips, the head of Americans for Prosperity,
even co-authored an op-ed with chairman Fred Upton (R-MI), detailing how
Congress could stop the EPA from ensuring a cleaner environment.
Koch gave money to Boucher’s
opponent, Morgan Griffith
Rep. Henry Waxman (D-CA) noted the Koch influence over the Republican
Party, saying that “it apparently no longer matters in Congress what health experts
and scientists think [on energy]. All that seems to matter is what Koch Industries
thinks.” Indeed, one could argue the House Energy and Commerce Committee is
really the “Committee from Koch” given its outsized influence. It can be argued,
however, that the Republican members of Congress in general are also wholly
owned subsidiaries of Koch Industries (see table).
Griffith won
The Koch brothers’ congressional empire
A list of political donations made to freshman members of congress in 2010 from Koch PAC
Name Amount Party State Freshman
House
Adams, Sandy (R-FL) $5,000 Republican Florida Y

Barletta, Louis J. (R-PA) $5,000 Republican Pennsylvania Y
Benishek, Daniel J. (R-MI) $5,000 Republican Michigan Y
Berg, Rick (R-ND) $5,000 Republican North Dakota Y
Black, Diane Lynn (R-TN) $2,500 Republican Tennessee Y
Canseco, Francisco (R-TX) $2,500 Republican Texas Y
Chabot, Steve (R-OH) $10,000 Republican Ohio Y
Denham, Jeff (R-CA) $5,000 Republican California Y
Dold, Robert (R-IL) $5,000 Republican Illinois Y
Duffy, Sean P. (R-WI) $10,000 Republican Wisconsin Y
Duncan, Jeff (R-SC) $2,500 Republican South Carolina Y
Farenthold, Blake (R-TX) $5,000 Republican Texas Y
Fincher, Steve (R-TN) $10,000 Republican Tennessee Y
Flores, William (R-TX) $2,500 Republican Texas Y
Gardner, Cory (R-CO) $10,000 Republican Texas Y
Gibbs, Bob (R-OH) $5,000 Republican Ohio Y
Gowdy, Trey (R-SC) $5,000 Republican South Carolina Y
Griffin, Tim (R-AR) $7,500 Republican Arkansas Y
Griffith, Morgan (R-VA) $5,000 Republican Virginia Y
Guinta, Frank (R-NH) $5,000 Republican New Hampshire Y
Hanna, Richard L. (R-NY) $5,000 Republican New York Y
Harris, Andy (R-MD) $10,000 Republican Maryland Y
Hartzler, Vicky (R-MO) $5,000 Republican Missouri Y
Hayworth, Nan (R-NY) $5,000 Republican New York Y
Heck, Joe (R-NV) $10,000 Republican Nevada Y
Herrera, Jaime (R-WA) $5,000 Republican Washington Y
Huelskamp, Tim (R-KS) $7,500 Republican Kansas Y
Huizenga, Bill (R-MI) $2,500 Republican Michigan Y
Hultgren, Randy (R-IL) $5,000 Republican Illinois Y
Hurt, Robert (R-VA) $5,000 Republican Virginia Y
Kelly, Mike (R-PA) $5,000 Republican Pennsylvania Y
Kinzinger, Adam (R-IL) $5,000 Republican Illinois Y
Lankford, James (R-OK) $5,000 Republican Oklahoma Y
Long, Billy (R-MO) $1,000 Republican Missouri Y
Meehan, Patrick L. (R-PA) $7,500 Republican Pennsylvania Y
Mulvaney, John Michael “Mick’’ (R-SC) $5,000 Republican South Carolina Y
Noem, Kristi Lynn (R-SD) $5,000 Republican South Dakota Y
Nugent, Richard B. (R-FL) $2,500 Republican Florida Y
Palazzo, Steven (R-MS) $5,000 Republican Mississippi Y
The Koch brothers’ congressional empire
A list of political donations made to freshman members of congress in 2010 from Koch PAC
Name Amount Party State Freshman

Pearce, Steve (R-NM) $10,000 Republican New Mexico Y*
Pompeo, Mike (R-KS) $10,000 Republican Kansas Y
Quayle, Ben (R-AZ) $5,000 Republican Arizona Y
Renacci, James B. (R-OH) $5,000 Republican Ohio Y
Ribble, Reid (R-WI) $5,000 Republican Wisconsin Y
Rigell, Scott (R-VA) $5,000 Republican Virginia Y
Rivera, David (R-FL) $10,000 Republican Florida Y
Roby, Martha (R-AL) $5,000 Republican Alabama Y
Ross, Dennis (R-FL) $10,000 Republican Florida Y
Runyan, Jon (R-NJ) $5,000 Republican New Jersey Y
Schilling, Bobby (R-IL) $5,000 Republican Illinois Y
Schweikert, David (R-AZ) $5,000 Republican Arizona Y
Scott, Austin (R-GA) $5,000 Republican Georgia Y
Scott, Tim (R-SC) $2,500 Republican South Carolina Y
Southerland, Steve (R-FL) $5,000 Republican Florida Y
Stivers, Steve (R-OH) $10,000 Republican Ohio Y
Tipton, Scott (R-CO) $2,500 Republican Colorado Y
Walberg, Tim (R-MI) $10,000 Republican Michigan Y
Webster, Daniel (R-FL) $5,000 Republican Florida Y
Womack, Steve (R-AR) $2,500 Republican Arkansas Y
Woodall, Rob (R-GA) $2,500 Republican Georgia Y
Yoder, Kevin W. (R-KS) $10,000 Republican Kansas Y
Young, Todd (R-IN) $5,000 Republican Indiana Y
Senate
Ayotte, Kelly A. (R-NH) $10,000 Republican New Hampshire Y

Blunt, Roy (R-MO) $10,000 Republican Missouri Y
Brown, Scott P. (R-MA) $5,000 Republican Massachusetts Y
Coats, Daniel R. (R-IN) $10,000 Republican Indiana Y
Hoeven, John (R-ND) $10,000 Republican North Dakota Y
Johnson, Ron (R-WI) $10,000 Republican Wisconsin Y
Kirk, Mark (R-IL) $15,000 Republican Illinois Y
Moran, Jerry (R-KS) $10,000 Republican Kansas Y
Paul, Rand (R-KY) $5,000 Republican Kentucky Y
Portman, Rob (R-OH) $10,000 Republican Ohio Y
Rubio, Marco (R-FL) $10,000 Republican Florida Y
Toomey, Pat (R-PA) $10,000 Republican Pennsylvania Y
Source: Center for Responsive Politics.
The Koch brothers’ statehouse empire
A list of the 34 states in which the Koch brothers,
their companies, and their employees made
Bankrolling state
political contributions between 2003 and 2010
Koch Industries’ contributions

State
politicians
from 2003 to 2010
Alabama $43,500
Alaska $38,613
Arizona $5,000
Arkansas $60,500
The Koch brothers spread their largesse at the state level too. California $1,149,500
Data from the National Institute for Money in State Politics Delaware $1,800
show that from 2003 to 2010, the Koch brothers, as well Florida $249,195
as their companies, employees, and affiliates, have donated Georgia $500,355
$5.2 million to state candidates and ballot measures in Idaho $500
34 states. $3.4 million of those donations, or 65 percent, went Illinois $11,000
to Republican candidates. Another $1 million, or 20 percent, Indiana $2,500
went to one ballot initiative: the effort to overturn California’s Iowa $131,150
clean energy law, AB 32. Kansas $478,270
Kentucky $3,500
The Koch brothers also donated $1.2 million to elect governors Louisiana $218,291
last year, including $1 million to the Republican Governors Maine $11,100
Association. Like new members of Congress, direct Koch Michigan $1,500
donations helped elect or re-elect mostly right-wing governors Minnesota $98,160
(see table). Mississippi $163,600
Missouri $2,375
As the tables show, the Koch brothers predominantly support Nebraska $5,000
right-wing governors. Since taking office, these governors have Nevada $6,000
been shifting the tax burden from the super rich to the middle New Mexico $26,500
class. For instance, not only did Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker New York $274,700
wage an intense fight with public-sector unions to take away North Carolina $19,000
their collective bargaining rights but he also proposed to raise Ohio $56,050
taxes on seniors and lower-income families while cutting taxes Oklahoma $197,375
for corporations. Or take Ohio Gov. John Kasich, who has pro- Oregon $141,863
posed cuts to education and nursing homes while at the same Pennsylvania $39,000
time proposing to eliminate the estate tax, a tax that falls only South Carolina $20,700
on the superwealthy. Texas $740,570
Virginia $273,402
Washington $94,050
Wisconsin $160,185
Total $5,224,803
Source: “KOCH INDUSTRIES Overview Map,” available at http://www.followthe-

money.org/database/natnoteview.phtml?u=1457&y=0&ince=1&incs=1.
The Koch brothers and governors’ mansions
A list of the governors who the Koch brothers, their businesses, and their employees
contributed to in the last gubernatorial elections
Gov. Rick Perry (R-TX) received Gov. Mary Fallin* (R-OK) received $5,000
$76,000 from the Koch network. from the Koch network.
Gov. Andrew Cuomo* (D-NY) received Gov. Terry Branstad* (R-IA) received $5,000
$87,000** from the Koch network. from the Koch network.
Gov. Scott Walker* (R-WI) received Gov. Tom Corbett* (R-PA) received $5,000
Gov. John Kasich* (R-OH) received Gov. Mike Beebe (D-AR) received $4,000
Gov. Sam Brownback* (R-KS) received Gov. C.L. “Butch” Otter (R-ID) received $500
Gov. Nathan Deal* (R-GA) received Gov. Mark Dayton* (D-MN) received $250
Gov. Susana Martinez* (R-NM) received

$10,000 from the Koch network.
*Newly elected
** According to the New York State Board of Elections
Source: National Institute for Money in State Politics.
Adding it all up
In the previous sections of our paper, we’ve detailed the Koch brothers’ vast
business interests, their extensive funding of right-wing think tanks and political
action committees to support the business needs of their empire and their ideo-
logical agenda, and their donations to specific politicians at the federal and state
level in support of those same business and ideological needs. The Koch brothers
insist that all of this political activity is related to their own individual political
philosophy but a case can be made that the business and political interests of the
Koch brothers are one and the same. How the two are inexorably intertwined is
the subject of our next section.
The real Koch brothers’ philosophy
Their profits over the middle class
The Koch brothers are a common thread financing the right-wing attack machine.
They are key players behind the Tea Party movement; the assault on health
reform, workers’ rights, the Environmental Protection Agency, and Wall Street
financial reform; and climate change deniers, to name just a few (see table).
The Koch brothers’ political and charitable donations do fund organizations

dedicated to their philosophy of limited government and deregulation but it is
hard not to notice that this is not purely philosophical. There’s no getting around
the fact that the Koch ideology also helps the Koch bottom line, often at the
expense of middle-class families. A 2004 report by the National Committee for
Responsive Philanthropy made this very same point, stating: “These foundations
give money to nonprofit organizations that do research and advocacy on issues
that impact the profit margin of Koch Industries.” Here are some examples of how
the Koch brothers use their ideology to put their profit margin over the well-being
of middle-class families.
Fighting collective bargaining
The Koch brothers have participated in the fight over collective bargaining taking
place across the country. The Koch network donated $1.2 million to help elect
conservative Republican governors last year, including Wisconsin’s Scott Walker
and Ohio’s John Kasich, both of whom are trying to take away collective bargain-
ing rights. During the fight in Wisconsin, Americans for Prosperity ran an ad and
orchestrated protests to support Gov. Walker’s union busting and orchestrated
pro-Walker protests. Americans for Prosperity also started a website urging people
to “Stand with Governor Kasich.”
Conservatives say these fights are all about balancing state budget, yet Americans
for Prosperity-Michigan’s executive director gave a crowd of conservatives a dif-
ferent reason: “what we would like to see is to take the unions out at the knees so
they don’t have the resources to fight these battles.” Weak labor unions make it
easier for big corporations to enact their agenda. But that agenda often stands in
contrast to good-paying jobs for the middle class.
Putting our economic security at the mercy of Wall Street
The Koch brothers’ pursuit of deregulation and limited government helps their
bottom line but it can often come at the expense of everyone else. Two examples
make this case.
First, the Koch brothers fought efforts to give the Commodity Futures Trading
Commission more oversight over speculative trading, whereby companies can arti-
ficially inflate prices on things such as oil, during the Wall Street reform debate. One
of the Koch companies—Koch Supply & Trading—takes part in oil and derivatives
trading. We should point out that oil speculation has reached an all-time high at the
same time gas prices continue to skyrocket.
Similarly, Americans for Prosperity supports the House continuing resolution that
cuts spending by $61 billion. Those cuts would reduce the budget for the CFTC
by one-third. Make no mistake: Gutting the CFTC or limiting its authority would
be a boon to Wall Street businesses that use complex financial instruments. But
while the result is more profits for oil companies, it means everyone else pays
more at the pump.
Another example of the Koch philosophy hurting middle-class families’ eco-

nomic security is Social Security reform. Koch-financed groups such as the Cato
Institute, Heritage, and Americans for Prosperity advocate for the partial privatiza-
tion of Social Security. While this would be a boon for Wall Street, it would put
retirement security at the mercy of the stock market. We should not forget that
from September 2007 to May 2009, American 401(k) and individual retirement
accounts lost a total of $2.7 trillion.
Social Security may not be vital for billionaires but it is a lifeline for millions of
Americans that is all that stands between paying their bills or slipping into poverty.
Tax cuts for them, more debt for everyone else
The Koch brothers use their advocacy group Americans for Prosperity to build
support for eliminating the estate tax, a tax only the top 0.2 percent of Americans
had to pay in 2009. Eliminating this tax would help the brothers, who together
have a combined net worth of $44 billion.
Eliminating the estate tax, however, would increase the federal budget deficit by
$1.3 trillion over 10 years. This revenue loss could force cuts to programs vital to
middle-class families and would crimp investments in the long-term growth of our
economy through vital education, innovation, and infrastructure programs.
Putting profits over public health
Koch Industries is one of the world’s top greenhouse polluters, with a carbon
footprint of roughly 300 million tons. Koch Industries refines high-carbon
Canadian crude, maintains coal-burning plants, owns one of the largest
oil pipeline networks in America, runs lumber mills, produces chemicals, and
manufactures fertilizer.
Not surprisingly, the Koch brothers oppose efforts to protect public health by
regulating these substances. They opposed efforts to cut harmful carbon emis-
sions. The head of Americans for Prosperity, Tim Phillips, co-authored an op-ed
with Rep. Fred Upton (R-MI), the chairman of the House Energy and Commerce
Committee, detailing how Congress could stop the Environmental Protection
Agency from ensuring a cleaner environment. One of the Koch subsidiaries,
Georgia-Pacific, is urging lawmakers not to consider formaldehyde a human car-
cinogen, as it is a formaldehyde producer.
Koch Industries clearly has an incentive to gut environmental regulatory agen-

cies: Many of their companies pollute and have faced significant fines. Greenpeace
reported on some of the environmental violations, fines, and settlements ensnarl-
ing Koch Industries. In 2009, for example, Koch Industries’ INVISTA unit
agreed to pay a $1.7 million penalty and spend $500 million to fix environmental
violations in seven states. Moreover, in December 2009, a Koch pipeline spilled
210,000 gallons of crude oil in Minnesota. Four years earlier, another Koch pipe-
line spilled 100,000 gallons of oil. In 2000, Koch Industries agreed to pay $30 mil-
lion for 300 reported oil spills at Koch pipelines, which caused an estimated
3 million gallons of oil to spill into lakes and streams in six states.
An Environmental Protection Agency study found that concentration levels of

carbon and other air pollutants are at unprecedented levels that have negative
effects on public health as well as lead to higher levels of drought and harm to our
water and food supplies.
Fighting quality health care for everyone
Americans for Prosperity was a key factor in activating opposition against the
landmark Affordable Care Act, including pushing the August 2009 town hall
meetings, as detailed earlier in our paper. The Koch brothers also have contrib-
uted to the National Federation of Independent Businesses Legal Foundation.
NFIB is a plaintiff and picking up most of the tab to finance the multistate Florida
lawsuit that, if successful, could overturn the law. The two brothers also fund
conservative groups such as the Cato Institute, the Heritage Foundation, and the
National Center on Policy Analysis, all of which have released reports purporting
negative consequences of the new health law.
While they argue the law is about freedom, they want to repeal the law that
gives millions of Americans more freedom and control over their health care,
extends coverage to 32 million Americans, holds insurance companies account-
able, cuts the deficit by more than $1 trillion over the next two decades, and
lowers costs for families.
Putting profits over science
The Koch brothers make their money from an oil-and-gas conglomerate that
emits pollutants that contribute to climate change. It should not be surprising,
then, that the Koch brothers are also major contributors to organizations denying
the effects of climate change. As Greenpeace reported:
Although Koch intentionally stays out of the public eye, it is now playing a quiet
but dominant role in a high-profile national policy debate on global warming.
Koch Industries has become a financial kingpin of climate science denial and
clean energy opposition. This private, out-of-sight corporation is now a part-
ner to Exxon Mobil, the American Petroleum Institute and other donors that
support organizations and front-groups opposing progressive clean energy and
climate policy. In fact, Koch has out-spent Exxon Mobil in funding these groups
in recent years. From 2005 to 2008, Exxon Mobil spent $8.9 million while the
Koch Industries-controlled foundations contributed $24.9 million in funding to
organizations of the climate denial machine.
In addition to the serious public health risks climate change poses to the country,
the Koch brothers’ assault on climate-change science hinders our ability to move
forward and create the jobs of the future. The Koch brothers fought the American
Reinvestment and Recovery Act of 2009 that provided billions in investments to
move our country to a green economy and create millions of jobs through high-
speed rail and solar and wind energies. In a time of high unemployment, these
jobs would greatly help middle-class families searching for work.
Fighting for corporate money in our elections
In addition to donating to executive and legislative leaders, the Koch brothers

invest heavily in organizations that promote a conservative judicial philosophy
such as the Federalist Society and the Cato Institute. These organizations played
a role in promoting corporate money in our elections, drowning out the voices of
everyone else. Think Progress reported:
When the Supreme Court took up the Citizens United case, Koch-funded front
groups filed a series of amicus briefs arguing that unlimited corporate money
in politics is protected by the First Amendment. For example, the Cato Institute,
founded and financed by the Koch brothers, submitted a brief that called for
“unfettered” corporate “speech” and the Institute for Justice, founded and financed
by David’s brother Charles, submitted a brief claiming that campaign finance
laws prohibiting unlimited corporate money “trump the First Amendment.”
Koch-funded groups later lobbied aggressively to oppose efforts to provide trans-
parency for the new tidal wave of corporate spending.
While unlimited amounts of corporate money in our elections may be good for
the Koch brothers, who control one of the largest private companies in America,
it will drown out the voices of millions of Americans. That means politicians and
elected leaders would be bombarded with millions in campaign donations and
television advertisements that put the interests of the few over the interests of
middle-class families and the rest of the country.
The bottom line: These public policy positions taken by Koch-funded organiza-
tions benefit Koch Industries and its two main shareholders, the Koch brothers,
often at the expense of the American middle class. How they parlay this network
in forthcoming elections will have equally meaningful consequences for the Koch
brothers and middle-class families.
What’s next?
The Koch brothers have already started preparing for 2012
The significant victories the billionaire Koch brothers chalked up for their ideo-
logical and business interests in the 2010 elections is only a precursor of what is to
come. The Koch brothers have already pledged to raise $88 million through their
considerable network for policy and political projects for the 2012 election cycle.
We have already seen how crucial Republicans see the Koch brothers for their
success next year. Sen. Scott Brown (R-MA) was recently caught on tape thank-
ing David Koch for his support, saying “it meant a ton,” and asking for more
support since he is up for reelection in 2012. David Koch also hosted one of the
first fundraisers for former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney’s possible 2012
presidential campaign.
Moreover, possible presidential candidates former Minnesota Gov. Tim Pawlenty

and former Sen. Rick Santorum have agreed to participate in an Americans for
Prosperity Foundation event in New Hampshire in April 2011. Other possible
contenders such as Mitt Romney, Mississippi Gov. Haley Barbour, former Alaska
Gov. Sarah Palin, former Speaker Newt Gingrich, and former Arkansas Gov.
Mike Huckabee may join them as well.
This report is intended to be a guide to help progressives map out the vast network
of influence the Koch brothers have built over the last decades. By exposing the
Koch brothers’ agenda and shedding light on how they operate, progressives can
force a public debate that will show that the Koch brothers are outside the main-
stream of most Americans and that they are putting their self-interest and right-
wing agenda ahead of middle-class families.
Endnotes
1 This is a conservative estimate of Koch giving through their charitable organizations. It does not include grants to
universities or hosptials. Not every year since 1995 is reflected. It does not include their direct, personal contributions.
2 CSE split into FreedomWorks and Americans for Prosperity Foundation.
About the author
Tony Carrk is policy director of the CAP Action War Room.
Acknowledgements
The author would like to thank his colleagues at Think Progress who have been
leading the effort to shed the light on the Koch network, particularly the past two
years. Specifically, Lee Fang and Brad Johnson’s research and reporting has been
critical. This report was guided by their work.
The Center for American Progress Action Fund transforms progressive ideas into policy
through rapid response communications, legislative action, grassroots organizing and
advocacy, and partnerships with other progressive leaders throughout the country and
the world. The Action Fund is also the home of the Progress Report and ThinkProgress.
1333 H Street, NW, 10th Floor, Washington, DC 20005 • Tel: 202-682-1611 • Fax: 202-682-1867 • www.americanprogressaction.org

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AP Photo/Larry W.

Tony Carrk April 2011

Tony Carrk April 2011

3 Who are the Koch brothers and Koch Industries?

8 Bankrolling the right wing

12 Using Americans for Prosperity to “stimulate” the Tea Party

14 Bankrolling and influencing the U.S. Congress

17 Bankrolling state politicians

19 The real Koch brothers’ philosophy

27 About the author and acknowledgements

Any attempt to understand the modern conservative movement will eventually

1 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

The Koch brothers’ issue agenda

Issue Koch brothers fighting?

Repealing health reform Yes

Denying climate change Yes

Fighting Wall Street reform Yes

Dismantling collective bargaining rights Yes

Fighting reductions in carbon emissions Yes

Keeping corporate money in elections Yes

Fighting Internet neutrality Yes

2 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

• Flint Hills Resources, LP

Flint Hills Resources, LP

3 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

Koch Supply & Trading, LP

Koch Pipeline Company, LP

Koch Pipeline Company is an indirect, wholly owned subsidiary of Koch

4 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

Georgia-Pacific became a wholly owned subsidiary of Koch Industries in 2005

Georgia-Pacific has facilities in 27 states, including 25 in Georgia; 18 in Florida;

INVISTA, formerly DuPont Textiles and Interiors, is an independently managed

5 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

Koch Mineral Services, LLC

Koch Nitrogen and its

Matador Cattle Company

Matador Cattle Company

6 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

7 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

8 Center for American Progress Action Fund | The Koch Brothers

Cato Institute—$13,887,640 Pioneer Institute for Public Policy Research—$300,000

Citizens for a Sound Economy2—$12,356,712 Environmental Literacy Council—$287,516

George Mason’s Mercatus Center—$9,674,500 Property and Environment Research Center—$258,144

Americans for Prosperity Foundation—$5,610,781 Center for Equal Opportunity—$240,000

Heritage Foundation—$4,115,571 Institute for Energy Research—$237,000

Institute for Humane Studies—$3,630,091 Atlas Economic Research Foundation—$221,100

Bill of Rights Institute—$3,070,909 Ethics and Public Policy Center—$190,000

Youth Entrepreneurs of Kansas—$2,617,842 Citizens for Congressional Reform Foundation—$175,000

Institute for Justice—$2,615,000 Frontiers of Freedom Institute—$175,000

Reason Foundation—$2,516,521 Texas Public Policy Foundation—$174,500

National Foundation for Teaching Entrepreneurship—$2,481,786 The Phillips Foundation—$165,000

Federalist Society—$2,058,999 John Locke Foundation—$134,472

American Enterprise Institute & Brookings Joint Center for Regulatory

Manhattan Institute—$1,575,000 John W. Pope Center for Higher Education Policy—$120,086

Washington Legal Foundation—$1,457,500 Young America’s Foundation—$107,500

Foundation for Individual Rights in Education—$1,400,000 Leadership Institute—$101,500

Competitive Enterprise Institute—$700,499 Laffer Center for Global Economic Growth—$100,000

National Center for Policy Analysis—$672,000 Association of Private Enterprise Education—$98,500