Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Diagnosis, Management and Treatment, 2nd Edition
Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Diagnosis, Management and Treatment, 2nd Edition
Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Diagnosis, Management and Treatment, 2nd Edition
Stress Disorder
Diagnosis, Management,
and Treatment
Second Edition
Edited by
David J Nutt
Murray B Stein
Joseph Zohar
Posttraumatic Stress
Disorder
Diagnosis, Management, and Treatment
Second Edition
Edited by
and
Joseph Zohar, MD
Division of Psychiatry
Chaim Sheba Medical School
Tel Hashomer
and Sackler School of Medicine
Tel Aviv University
Tel Aviv
Israel
© 2009 Informa UK
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List of contributors v
Foreword vii
Simon Wessely
1 Posttraumatic stress disorder: Diagnosis, history, and longitudinal course 1
Arieh Y Shalev
2 Epidemiology of traumatic events and posttraumatic stress disorder 12
Tracie O Afifi, Gordon JG Asmundson, and Jitender Sareen
3 Diagnostic dilemmas in assessing posttraumatic stress disorder 25
Berthold PR Gersons and Miranda Olff
4 Neuroimaging and posttraumatic stress disorder 36
Sarah N Garfinkel and Israel Liberzon
5 Brain circuits in posttraumatic stress disorder 51
Eric Vermetten and Ruth Lanius
6 The genetics of posttraumatic stress disorder 70
Eduard Maron and Jakov Shlik
7 Setting apart the affected: A novel animal model for posttraumatic
stress disorder and its translational perspective 88
Joseph Zohar, Michael Matar, and Hagit Cohen
8 Psychosocial treatments of posttraumatic stress disorder 99
Kerry J Ressler and Barbara O Rothbaum
9 Pharmacotherapy of posttraumatic stress disorder 116
Lakshmi N Ravindran and Murray B Stein
10 Early interventions following traumatic events 127
Jonathan I Bisson, Arieh Y Shalev, and Joseph Zohar
11 Traumatic stress disorders in children 147
Soraya Seedat
12 Ethnocultural issues 163
Alexander McFarlane and Devon Hinton
13 Posttraumatic stress disorder after disasters 176
Andrea R Maxwell and Sandro Galea
14 Symptom exaggeration in posttraumatic stress disorder 187
Alzbeta Juven-Wetzler, Rachel Sonnino, Danit Bar-Ziv, and Joseph Zohar
15 Future directions 195
Joseph Zohar, Murray B Stein, and David Nutt
Index 201
List of contributors
When writing an introduction to an already established text the easiest option is to turn to the
first edition and see what has changed over the years. And so never one to turn down the easy
route, that is what I have done.
Many things remain much the same, which is reassuring, as one sign of a maturing field is
stability. Some problems have not been solved. Diagnostic dilemmas remain, both as a chapter,
and as a problem. Neuroscience was the great prospect in 2000, and remains a great prospect
today. The sense of optimism conveyed in the final chapters in 2000 is undiminished, and indeed
some progress has been made. Neuroimaging has delivered at least some goods, although the
hope that this would translate into treatment advances expressed ten years ago remains a hope
today. Nevertheless, Vermetten is able to highlight for example a study in which long-term treat-
ment of PTSD with paroxetine increased hippocampal volume, suggesting some neurogenerating
actions of 5HT, which if replicated represents a genuine advance. Likewise, using the tryptophan
depletion paradigm Professor Nutt’s team have elegantly shown that 5HT might be critical to
restraining the expression of anxiety in PTSD when treated with SSRIs, although this in turn also
takes us back to the issue of comorbidity and whether PTSD is just another shuffling of the anxi-
ety disorder cards, rather than a unique diagnostic and biological entity.
A new and impressive addition is an authoritative chapter on genetics. The concept that
hereditary factors might play a role in the etiology of PTSD was a baby thrown out with the
1980 bathwater when they sat down to redraft the DSM and turned their backs on the previous
half century of thinking on predisposition, so it is good to see it back in there.
And what about treatment? The chapter on debriefing has gone, now incorporated into a
general discussion of early interventions. The reawakening of interest into the older literature
that suggested that ordinary people are and remain fairly resilient is starting to influence our
approaches and reminds us that sometimes in this area we go round and round, and not always
forwards. We have rediscovered what was known a generation ago—that the best immediate
mental health interventions in the hours and days after a disaster concern issues such as shel-
ter, safety, information, and communication. It is not necessary to immediately ask, “How was
it for you?” while the smoke and dust are literally and metaphorically still settling—because
the answers might be curt and unprintable. There are also signs of a more sensible public men-
tal health approach gaining ground—not wasting money on immediate treatments of large
numbers of people who are going to get better anyway (and who, as study after study shows,
vote with their feet in rejecting formal mental health interventions at that stage), but instead
concentrating a few weeks later on the smaller numbers who are still in trouble—the policy of
“watchful waiting” followed by “screen and treat” advocated in the UK NICE Guidelines and
used to good effect in the aftermath of the London bombs.(1)
So how should we be treating the smaller numbers of those who are still in trouble per-
haps some months after the event? The book reflects the fact that differences of opinion still
exist here. The final chapter, in which the editors use their prerogative to give their own views,
have not changed much over the decade. In 2000 SSRIs are the first-line treatment, and remain
so in 2009. But in the equally scholarly psychological treatment chapter Ressler and Rothbaum
draw attention to the recent statements from the respected US Institute of Medicine that expo-
sure-based psychotherapy remains the best validated treatment, and just like our own NICE
Guidelines, are less taken with the evidence for medications.
In truth most people don’t get very much anyway. In our studies of UK veterans with
mental health problems the majority never get near a doctor, and when they do they tend to
get given antidepressants, followed by counseling.(2) Only a very few will receive the NICE- or
IOM-approved “best practice” of trauma-focused therapy. Getting any decent treatment is the
challenge.
Perhaps the most challenging chapter comes from Professor McFarlane, writing alone in
2000 but now joined by Devon Hinton, who brings his experience of working in Cambodia to
viii Foreword
the table. I thoroughly commend this chapter to the reader because it is a thoughtful and wide-
ranging contribution that does not duck some difficult questions. For example, the authors use
Robert Hughes’s “Culture of Complaint,” one of my favorite books (3) to suggest that how soci-
ety conceptualizes personal responsibility is dramatically influenced by the adversarial tradition.
But Hughes also goes on to reflect about the cultural role of the victim, of a person defined not
by what he or she does, but by what was done to him or her, and identifies the growth of what
he called “victim culture” as a source of concern. Hughes is not alone in having these concerns—
influential sociologist Frank Furedi, for example, goes even further.(4) As a specialty we have
perhaps had a tendency to ignore views that run counter to our own narrative, so it is refreshing
for McFarlane and Hinton to be joining in this debate, as well as reminding us of the need to take
a broader historical perspective on what we have done and are doing.
If I have a personal hobby horse (and of course I do), it is to take issue with the view that
in the field of posttraumatic stress disorder, we are following an upward trajectory, always
moving along the path of knowledge in a Whiggish progress from ignorance to enlightenment.
My reading of the historical literature suggests that while this is partly true, it is also true that
we have also moved in a more circular trajectory during the past 100 years.
It is a great pity that there is still no real intellectual synthesis of trauma in the 20th
century—nor how and why the culture of trauma was transformed in the past two or three
decades of the last century. Too often trauma studies that delve into history rely on literature
as a primary sources, rather than history. The experiences of Sassoon and Owen were hardly
typical of the management of psychiatric injury in the First World War, and their accounts in
fiction or poetry were little known the immediate postwar years. Captain W E Johns, the inven-
tor of Biggles, was far more popular and gave a heroic narrative that people wanted to hear.
Field Marshall Haig was genuinely mourned when he died, and the fact that he still seats on his
horse at the top of Whitehall, looking down on the Cenotaph is not an example of postmodern
irony, but a mark of the fact that he was credited with masterminding Britain’s military victory.
When the now classic First World War play, “Journey’s End” was premiered in 1928 its author,
RC Sherriff, was shocked when he realized that the production was going to be “antiwar,” pro-
testing that he had never intended it to be anything of the sort.(5, 6, 7)
True, the publication of “All Quiet on the Western Front” in Germany in 1929 and then in
Britain the following signaled the start of a change. Lloyd George’s memoirs started the trash-
ing of Haig’s reputation in the 1930s, but the real turning point came in the 1950s and 1960s
with Alan Clark’s “The Donkeys” followed by the premier of “Oh What a Lovely War” in 1963.
The way was then clear for the apotheosis of our current views of the Great War in the person
of arguably its now most famous participant, Captain Edmond Blackadder, and in particular
the poignant last episode, recently voted the nation’s most favorite TV episode.
Our own views on our history have I would suggest also been influenced by the same
narratives changes that influenced Richard Curtis and Ben Elton when they created Captain
Blackadder. It is time for historians not comedy script writers to reclaim the history of trauma
and for us as practitioners and researchers to engage with the real history of PTSD, one free
from our own modern conceptions of how it “should have been,” but instead how it was. How
do we account for the very different view of children’s resilience in war time given by Melanie
Klein to that of our modern commentators? What about the work of pioneering sociologists
such as Quarantarelli whose findings on the outcome of disasters reads so differently from
our own? Why, for example, did studies from the First World War seem to report that prison-
ers of war were largely free from anxiety symptoms, whereas now the same group are seen as
particularly at risk?
Just before Ben Shephard published his history of war and psychiatry (8) he agreed to
talk about it at a major conference on psychological trauma. I recall the buzz of anticipation
before he spoke and then the almost palpable shock once the audience started to realize that he
was “not one of us.” True, he isn’t—but the field needs to engage with historians such as Ben
Shephard and Mark Micale (9) just as much as with neuroscientists.
One more new chapter deserves mention. Presumably in response to increasing concerns
about the increasing scope and spread of PTSD, and/or its increasingly prominence in the
Courts, the editors have requested a new chapter on symptom exaggeration, and a very good
one it is. But by focusing on exaggeration, inevitably the agenda has to reflect what are often
Foreword ix
overstated concerns about the malingering of PTSD (not unknown, but not common either) at
the expense of the more interesting and relevant topic of the influences on symptom reporting,
both positive and negative.
For example, whenever I interview a soldier, there are always contextual effects on what
he, or occasionally she, is prepared to admit to at any given time. On my first trip to an opera-
tional theatre I witnessed a Royal Marine trying to board the flight with a broken leg and con-
tinuing to deny there was anything wrong even when rumbled. He was a rather more blatant
example of the symptom minimization that we encounter each time we visit a base shortly
before a deployment to administer health questionnaires. Most soldiers have joined the mod-
ern professional armies of the developed world because they want to deploy—for the excite-
ment, challenge, and desire to put their training into reality, and also if they have any career
ambitions. It is in their interest to minimize any symptom or problem that might result in them
being refused permission to deploy, one more reason why predeployment screening for mental
health problems is doomed to fail.(10)
We also see minimization of symptoms if personnel are screened directly on their return
from deployment. Military personnel are not stupid, and know that if they endorse too many
symptoms then they will be held back in order to be interviewed by a psychologist or psy-
chiatrist, and thus miss their postoperational tour leave. So why should we surprised that in
another circumstance, perhaps a year later, when they are planning on leaving the military
and/or not wanting to return to Iraq or wherever (been there, done that, time to move on), their
thoughts now turn to what happens next and how they might guarantee future health care.
In each and every instance, context is intervening to decide what symptoms will be
endorsed, when, to whom, and for what purpose. Soldiers, like everyone else, are not disinter-
ested academic observers of their own condition.(11)
It is evidence like this that calls into question one assumption that underlies a few chap-
ters—that there exists the “real” or “true” level of symptoms, which can be determined either
with sophisticated questionnaires now or neuroimaging and/or neurophysiology in the future.
I am doubtful if this is possible. Not just reporting, but perhaps even experiencing symptoms
might be better understood as a pair of scales, in which there are factors promoting expression,
and factors promoting suppression, and what happens at any given time is the result of the
balance of the forces operating at any given moment. The fact that that rear-end shunts cause
whiplash in Sweden but not in Lithuania is also of relevance to PTSD.(12)
And what about the future? As in the first edition, the editors point to promising avenues
of research in the neurosciences and to the prospects of new pharmacological agents. However,
a new departure is the discussion of possible pharmacological prevention, as opposed to treat-
ment, of PTSD. This is a topic in which the “man in the street” (at least if journalists are to
be believed) expresses doubts, usually because of concerns that this in some way diminishes
our humanity, often linked to vague analogies with “Brave New World.” If the man in the
street knew more about epidemiology and public health he might also point out the differ-
ences between treating those who clearly have psychiatric disorders and have come forward
for treatment, and treating those who have been exposed to a trauma, most of whom won’t
develop psychiatric disorder, especially when we as yet we have no robust way of separat-
ing out that majority from the minority who will. The balance between risk and harm is very
different, something which this author believes will take a long time and some pretty heavy
evidence to change. Talk of the “golden hour” in major trauma or stroke care needs to done
cautiously, as the analogy is far from exact.
Anyway, the reader who opens this volume can be guaranteed a fascinating, scholarly
but still accessible account of PTSD in 2010. A warm welcome then for the second edition, a
brief rest for the editors, but then it will be time to start on the third.
References
1. Brewin CR, Scragg P, Robertson M et al. Promoting mental health following the London bombings: a
screen and treat approach. J Trauma Stress 2008; 21(1): 3–8.
2. Iversen A, Dyson C, Smith N et al. “Goodbye and Good Luck”; the mental health needs and treatment
experiences of British Veterans. submitted for publication. Br J Psychiatry 2005; 186: 480-486
3. Wessely S. Ten Books. Britsh J Psychiatry 2002; 181: 81–4.
4. Furedi F. Therapy Culture: Cultivating Vulnerability In An Anxious Age. Routledge, 2003.
5. Bond B. The Unquiet Western Front: Britain’s Role in Literature and History. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press; 2002.
6. Todman D. “San Peur and Sans Reproche”: The retirement, death and mourning of Sir Douglas Haig:
1918–1928. J Mil Hist 2003; 67: 1083–106.
7. Sheffield G. ‘Oh! What a Futile War: Perceptions of the First World War in Modern British Media
and Culture’, in War, culture and the media: representations of the military in 20th century Britain,
S. Carruthers, Stewart I, ed. Flicks Books: Wiltshire, 1996: 54–74.
8. Shephard B. A War of Nerves, Soldiers and Psychiatrists 1914-1994. London: Jonathan Cape; 2000.
9. Micale M, Lerner P, eds. Traumatic Pasts: History, Psychiatry and Trauma in the Modern Age, 1860-
1930. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, 2001: 140–71.
10. Rona RJ, Hooper R, Jones M et al. Mental health screening in armed forces before the Iraq war and
prevention of subsequent psychological morbidity: follow-up study. BMJ 2006; 333(7576): 991.
11. Wessely S. War Stories. British J Psychiatry 2005; 186: 473–5.
12. Schrader H, Obelieniene D, Bovim G et al. Natural evolution of late whiplash syndrome outside the
medicolegal context. Lancet 1996; 347: 1207–11.
1 Posttraumatic stress disorder: Diagnosis,
history, and longitudinal course
Arieh Y Shalev
Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is an anxiety disorder defined by the co-occurrence in sur-
vivors of extreme adversity reexperiencing avoidance and hyperarousal symptoms.(1) Unlike
most other mental disorders, the diagnosis of PTSD relies on associating concurrent symptoms
with a previous “traumatic” event. The association is both chronological (symptoms starting
after the event) and content related: PTSD reexperiencing and avoidance symptoms involve
recollections and reminders of the traumatic event. Individuals who suffer from PTSD continu-
ously and uncontrollably relive the very distressing elements of the traumatic event in the form
of intrusive recollection and a sense of permanent threat. They avoid places, situations, and
mental states that can evoke such recollections.
The image of men and women condemned to repeatedly relive a traumatic event has
always captured human imagination. It was immortalized in ancient legends, such as that of
Lot’s wife, petrified into a column of salt, as she looked backward to the chaos of Sodom. This
metaphor of being frozen by looking back at the trauma served as inspiration for generations
of artists (see adjacent figures)
More recent expressions depict combat soldiers as ones for
whom “the war does not end when the shooting stops” (2) or the
holocaust survivors who experience the components of the horror
decades after liberation.(3)
Beyond reminders of the traumatic event, PTSD symptoms
include pervasive alterations in one’s emotional life, in the form
of depressed mood, tension, restlessness, and irritability (Box 1.1).
PTSD, therefore, encompasses trauma-related symptoms, anxiety
symptoms and symptoms otherwise found in depression. PTSD
is also the common outcome of all types of traumatic events,
from most horrifying and protracted (e.g., child abuse) to shorter
events or incidents (e.g., rape, assault, combat event, accidents).
The latter have been referred to as Type I Trauma, whereas the
former, or Type II Trauma, have been associated with complex
PTSD and other psychological difficulties (e.g., mistrust, subjec-
tive sense of emptiness, relational difficulties). The construct of
PTSD has replaced, in fact, several event-related syndromes that
preexisted its definition (e.g., “concentration camp syndrome,”
“war neurosis” or “rape victim syndrome”). The configuration
of PTSD symptoms is the same in all these occurrences, whereas
the specific mental content differs, reflecting the particularities of
each person’s experience.
PTSD is not seen in every survivor of a potentially traumatic
event. Exposure, therefore, is not a sufficient cause of the disorder.
Instead, the traumatic event is currently viewed as “triggering” a
reaction, to which prior and posterior (postevent) factors contrib-
ute at least as much (4–6 and see below).
2 Shalev
A. The person has been exposed to a traumatic event in which both of the following
were present:
(1) The person experienced, witnessed, or was confronted with an event or events
that involved actual or threatened death or serious injury, or a threat to the
physical integrity of self or others.
(2) The person’s response involved intense fear, helplessness, or horror.
B. The traumatic event is persistently reexperienced in one (or more) of the following
ways:
(1) Recurrent and intrusive distressing recollections of the event, including images,
thoughts, and perceptions;
(2) Recurrent distressing dreams of the event;
(3) Acting or feeling as if the traumatic event were recurring;
(4) Intense psychological distress at exposure to internal or external cues that
symbolize or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event;
(5) Physiological reactivity on exposure to internal or external cues that symbolize
or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event.
C. Avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and numbing of general respon
siveness (not present before the trauma) as indicated by three (or more) of the
following:
(1) Efforts to avoid thoughts, feelings, or conversations associated with the trauma;
(2) Efforts to avoid activities, places, or people that arouse recollections of the trauma;
(3) Inability to recall an important aspect of the trauma;
(4) Markedly diminished interest or participation in significant activities;
(5) Feeling of detachment or estrangement from others;
(6) Restricted range of affect (e.g., unable to have loving feelings);
(7) Sense of a foreshortened future (e.g., does not expect to have a career, marriage,
children, or a normal life span).
D. Persistent symptoms of increased arousal (not present before the trauma) as indicated
by two (or more) of the following:
(1) Difficulty falling or staying asleep
(2) Irritability or outbursts of anger
(3) Difficulty concentrating
(4) Hypervigilance
(5) Exaggerated startle response
E. Duration of the disturbance (symptoms in criteria B, C, and D) is more than one month.
F. The disturbance causes clinically significant distress or impairment in social
occupational or other important areas of functioning
Along with other novel diagnostic entities (e.g., panic disorder), PTSD was first defined and
included in the American Psychiatric Association’s third Diagnostic and Statistical Manual
(DSM-III; (7)). Though received with significant scepticism, the disorder has nonetheless won
a central place in the current discourse on life stresses and mental disorders. Among the many
reasons for such a “success” are (a) the growing attention to nonpsychotic disorders in modern
psychiatry; (b) increased social awareness of, and aversion for, human rights violations, war,
Posttraumatic stress disorder 3
and violence; and (c) the growing interest, by neurobehavioral scientists, in emotions, memory,
brain plasticity, and gene environment interaction. Triggered by an external event, and involv-
ing both emotional deregulation and memory disturbance, PTSD is the prototype of environ-
mentally induced disorder.
As with other disorders in DSM-III, PTSD was essentially defined by its overt and reli-
ably observable expressions (as opposed to mental dispositions, psychological conflicts, or pat-
terns of subjective experiences). DSM-III attempted to increase the reliability of psychiatric
diagnoses by defining mandatory “diagnostic criteria” for each disorder. These criteria are
states of mind, activities, and dispositions that the patient can readily communicate and the cli-
nician can rather easily recognize and confirm. Trauma survivors often report other symptoms
(e.g., a sense of inner change, loneliness, despair), but these do not count for the diagnosis of
PTSD. Numerous rating scales and structured interviews have been validated for PTSD and
are routinely used in studies of this disorder.
It has been argued, though, that some PTSD symptoms might be too easily perceived and
communicated and thus may create an impression of an “epidemic of PTSD” following major,
spectacular, and socially contagious events. Studies of the prevalence of PTSD following the
September 11, 2001 attacks on the Twin Towers in New York have been criticized for overes-
timating the rate of PTSD on the basis of commonly reported symptoms (e.g., (8)). Most such
cases of PTSD have, in fact, recovered within few months of the attacks (9).
Nevertheless, the definition of PTSD has enabled an ever-growing stream of empirical
studies of comparable groups of trauma survivors. Thus, while the boundaries of PTSD and
the accuracy of the diagnosis made shortly after a traumatic event are a still matter of debate,
it is currently clear that this “man-made” definition of the disorder is a good enough object for
scientific enquiry. Clinicians, however, should be aware of the significant variability of indi-
vidual experiences and symptoms within this diagnostic entity and of the major role of the
particularities of each trauma in shaping survivors behaviour and recovery paths.
Despite the link to a traumatic event, DSM IV and the related World Health Organization’s
10th edition of International Classification of Diseases (10) do not posit a pathogenic mechanism
for PTSD. Putative mechanisms have been proposed for PTSD others, including “fear condition-
ing,” an abnormality of “fear processing,” or “shattered cognitive assumptions.”(11–13) These the-
ories established a basis for theory-based interventions for PTSD, such as cognitive-behavioural
therapy (CBT) or pharmacotherapy by agents that interfere with the early stress responses.
This chapter will address the disorder’s boundaries, that is, its frequent coexistence with
major depression and other mental disorders, and the difficulties to discern PTSD from a normal
response to traumatic events at the early aftermath of the latter. It will also present arguments for
and against assuming a complex PTSD resulting from Type II trauma. As a starter, the chapter
will briefly examine the history of PTSD, evaluate the evidence for the syndrome’s reliability and
validity, and discuss the changes in the definition of PTSD over time. A detailed historical review
of trauma-related disorders before 1980 is beyond the scope of this chapter (but see 14–16).
A brief history
Traumatic syndromes resembling PTSD have been described and harshly debated during the
20th century. Rescuers of survivors of ship explosions in Toulon in 1907 and 1911, for example,
exhibited “recapitulation of the scene, terrifying dreams, diffuse anxiety, fatigue, and various
minor phobias” ((14) p. 247). A debate concerning the nature and the therapy of “shell shock”
raged during most of World War I, at which time three different approaches to treating the dis-
order were used: (a) a social environment approach, exemplified by treating soldiers in military
installations, close to the frontline, and expecting their full return to military duty (17); (b) a
behaviouristic approach, exemplified by directly addressing avoidance and bodily (i.e., conver-
sion) symptoms (e.g., (18)); and (c) a psychotherapeutic approach, exemplified by exploring the
content and the personal meaning of traumatic experienced as a means of recovery (e.g., (19)).
The burden of compensation for World War I–combat neuroses resulted in restrictive
administrative decisions, such as not to compensate financially for battle shock during World
War II (in the United Kingdom), or to use the neutral term “battle fatigue” for stress disorders
among combatants of the U.S. army, instead of implying a mental disorder.(14)
Under such different titles, the clinical observations repeated themselves quite systemati-
cally. Symptoms of “operational fatigue” included (16) irritability, fatigue, difficulties falling
4 Shalev
asleep, startle reaction, depression, tremor and evidences of sympathetic overreactivity, diffi-
culties in concentration and mental confusion, preoccupation with combat experiences, night-
mares and battle dreams, phobias, personality changes, and increased alcoholism. (p. 210).
A “traumatic neurosis” (11) comprised “Fixation on the trauma, typical dream life, contraction
of general level of functioning, irritability and proclivity to explosive aggressive reactions”
(p. 86). These descriptions clearly resemble those currently used for PTSD.
Despite clinical observations during World War I and II, traumatic stress disorders were
not included in DSM-I (1952-1968) and DSM-II (1968-1980). DSM I included a category of
“gross stress reaction” of a maximum duration of two months, thereby implying that genu-
ine reactions to major stressors are transient, and prolonged illness reflects more basic distur-
bances. Those who remain chronically ill after a traumatic exposure essentially express another
underlying disorder (e.g., childhood neurosis, depressive illness) possibly revealed by trauma.
DSM-II eliminated the gross stress reaction category altogether and provided no alternative
diagnosis for reactions to major stressors.
The introduction of PTSD into DSM-III followed the realization of the profound psy-
chological effect of the Vietnam War, (20, 21) and concurrent studies of rape victims. A major
force behind the delineation of PTSD was Vietnam Veterans Working Group (VVWG), a
heterogeneous association of professionals and activists formed in 1974 and supported
by the American Orthopsychiatric Association and the National Council of Churches. The
VVWG drew the attention of the American Psychiatric Association (APA) Task Force on
Nomenclature (the DSM-III Task Force) to the need for stress-related syndromes to be rec-
ognized. It further compiled 724 observations of psychologically disabled veterans and pro-
vided a tentative list of syndrome, closely resembling Kardiner’s description of “traumatic
neuroses” among World War I veterans. These and other observations were submitted to the
Committee of Reactive Disorders appointed by the APA task force and the latter decided to
include PTSD in DSM-III as one based on “consensus” rather than “empirically validated”
disorder.(20)
Empirical findings have somewhat refined PTSD diagnostic criteria in subsequent edi-
tions of the DSM. The definition of a “traumatic event” (PTSD criterion A) was modified (see
the following). A requirement for a minimal one-month duration was included. Survivor guilt,
which appeared in DSM-III, was omitted because studies have shown that it was infrequent.
The item “physiological reaction to reminders of the trauma” was moved from the “hyperar-
ousal” (D) criterion to the “intrusion” (B) criterion. Finally DSM-IV has introduced a require-
ment for clinically significant distress or impairment (Criterion F). DSM-IV (1994) also added
an associated syndrome—acute stress disorder (ASD) that will be discussed as follows.
The syndrome
The current (DSM-IV) diagnostic criteria for PTSD differ from those originally included in
DSM-III in several ways. Unlike DSM-III, DSM-IV definition of a traumatic event does not
require an outstanding stressor that “would evoke significant symptoms of distress in almost
everyone.” Milder and more common stressors, such as road traffic accidents or sudden trau-
matic loss, have been shown to induce prolonged PTSD symptoms in a proportion of survi-
vors.(22–28) Accordingly, traumatic events occur quite frequently, with different proportions
of survivors developing PTSD after each trauma type. Table 1.1 summarizes the likelihood of
being exposed to a traumatic event, as recorded in several studies of civilian adults.
Traumatic events in DSM-IV also include instances of witnessing trauma to others
(such as witnessing an execution or being involved in rescue operations). The requirement
of direct exposure to the stressful event is not required any more: suffice it to be confronted
with an event. The definition of the event currently includes an emotional reaction while
exposed. The latter involves intense fear, helplessness, or horror. In U.S. studies using the
liberal DSM-IV “trauma” criteria (7, 23–25) the probability of experiencing a traumatic event
during one’s life is very high indeed, reaching 97% of male adults. Interestingly, the rates
of exposure to a traumatic event and subsequent PTSD were found to be much lower in a
European and an Australian study.(26, 27)
The World Health Organization’s ICD-10 has kept the original perception of a trau-
matic event as outstanding and universally distressing: “event or situation (either short or
long lasting) of an exceptionally threatening or catastrophic nature, which is likely to cause
Posttraumatic stress disorder 5
Author &
publication Study PTSD among PTSD among
year Population (n) Sample Males (%) Females (%) Trauma type
pervasive distress in almost anyone.” Virtually, all current studies of PTSD use DSM-IV diagnostic
criteria, thereby including in their sample survivors of an array of major and minor events, the
major defining element of which has become the subjective reaction to the event rather than its
“objective” appearance.
C. The traumatic event is persistently reexperienced in at least one of the following ways:
recurrent images, thoughts, dreams, illusions, flashback episodes or a sense of reliving
the experience or distress on exposure to reminders of the traumatic event.
D. Marked avoidance of stimuli that arouse recollections of the trauma (e.g., thoughts,
feelings, conversations, activities, places, people).
Dissociation symptoms do not significantly to improve predictions made from other early
symptoms. Moreover, numerous trauma survivors who do not show dissociation symptoms
and who do not qualify for the diagnosis of ASD develop PTSD. For these reasons, ASD has
been criticized as being of little value.(56) Nevertheless, when it can be diagnosed, ASD signals
a very high likelihood (between 34% and 72%) of developing chronic PTSD.(57, 58)
Clinicians may wish to use this diagnostic category with great caution and, specifically,
not to exclude individuals without ASD, and who are otherwise distressed, from receiving
early treatment. Interestingly, ICD-10 defines an acute response to stress as starting at the time
of the traumatic events and lasting for up to two or three days. ICD-10 acute response differs,
therefore, from ASD in that it only pertains to the very early reaction—and is not properly a
“disorder”—but rather a reaction.
diagnosed after three months, which is truly exceptional in psychiatry, and medicine in gen-
eral. Many of those with acute PTSD (60% e.g., 40) may recover with or without treatment.
Most important, both conditions require similar therapies. Clinicians may wish to identify and
treat survivors with high levels of early PTSD symptoms, anxiety, or depression without pay-
ing much attention to the current subdivisions.
Delayed-onset PTSD
This condition consists of delayed appearance of PTSD more than six months after a traumatic
event. Such delayed appearance has been linked with seeking compensation and malingering.
Yet one sometimes encounters individuals who have been coping well with the consequences of a
traumatic event and who developed PTSD at a distance from the traumatic event, often as a result
of another event. A systematic study of 150 combat veterans with delayed PTSD (first referral to
treatment between six months and six years following trauma (59) has shown that 90% of these
individuals had been symptomatic prior to seeking help. Some 40% of the cases were identified
as “delayed referral,” that is, subjects who suffered without seeking help; 33% had subsyndromal
PTSD since the traumatic event, 13% had reactivated previously recovered PTSD, and 4% had
been given other psychiatric diagnoses before being identified as suffering from PTSD.
Thought to be an exception, new data on American veterans of the war in Iraq and
Afghanistan (e.g., (60)) show a paradoxical increase in the prevalence of PTSD during the year
that follows deployment. These findings may reflect a growing concern about going back to
combat zone among those who remain in the force, a progressive realization of how one’s reac-
tions were abnormal during deployment (i.e., while being on a survival mode of living) or an
increased saliency of symptoms in a context of nonmilitary life (e.g., troubles concentrating
and irritability may become very obvious when one has to go back to work—or play with one’s
children). It is also possible that the delayed expression of PTSD is more typical of survivors of
prolonged adversities (e.g., captivity, abuse) who fail to adjust to the highly competitive society
within which most of us live.
Conclusion
The uniqueness of PTSD among mental disorders is that this condition develops after salient
events, and therefore, can be detected at an early stage and, to some extent, prevented. Despite
its “political” origins and despite the admixture of various symptoms in this manmade syn-
drome, PTSD has proved to be robust, persistent, reliably diagnosable, and clearly linked with
Posttraumatic stress disorder 9
substantial distress and dysfunction. Indeed, similar constellations of symptoms have been
described in trauma survivors throughout history. Biologically, the disorder has been associ-
ated with consistent, converging, and replicable findings, particularly in the areas of startle
physiology and neuroendocrinology and some recent brainimaging studies. Several recent
treatment studies, including pharmacology and psychological therapies, are quickly reversing
a previous image of a hopeless condition. PTSD, therefore, is a story of success.
Yet PTSD is also a matter of debate, mainly because the disorder is used and abused in
compensation claims, in ideological debates (e.g., the false memory debate) and in introducing
some of the worse forms of therapies to the clinical arena. The main threat to the survival of
this condition is, therefore, its misuse and overextension to include any and all illnesses that
follow trauma. Intrinsic inconsistencies, however, do exist. First, the co-occurrence of PTSD
and depression is a major area for future research—particularly when the contribution of early
depression to chronic PTSD is considered. Second, the boundary with normal reactions to trau-
matic stress, particularly at the early aftermath of traumatic events, needs better definition.
Finally, the complex causation of chronic PTSD, and particularly the role of postevent factors
in maintaining the disorder, should make us rethink about the nature of the link between the
triggering traumatic event and the subsequent psychological, biological, and genomic events.
PTSD, therefore, faces an exciting future as subject of clinical and scientific investigation. PTSD
is also likely to be at the center of future debates concerning human nature, human resilience to
stress, and the role of culture in defining what is disordered and what is not.
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2 Epidemiology of traumatic events and
posttraumatic stress disorder
Tracie O Afifi, Gordon JG Asmundson, and Jitender Sareen
Many people experience traumatic events through their lifetime. After an exposure to a trau-
matic event, some individuals may develop posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Studies
using community samples provide information on the epidemiology of traumatic events and
PTSD in the general population. Using the current literature primarily on general population
samples, this chapter reviews: (a) definitions of traumatic events, (b) methods of assessing
traumatic events and PTSD in epidemiologic studies, (c) epidemiologic studies on traumatic
events and PTSD, (d) epidemiology of traumatic events, (e) epidemiology of PTSD, and (f)
mental and physical health comorbidities of PTSD.
The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders’ (DSM) first criterion for PTSD requires
that a person be exposed to a traumatic event. DSM-III and DSM-III-R criteria defined a trau-
matic event as an event outside the range of usual human experience and one that would
be distressing for almost anyone.(1, 2) The definition of what constitutes a traumatic event
was expanded in the DSM-IV criteria. According to the current DSM-IV diagnostic criteria
for PTSD, a traumatic event is an event that is experienced or witnessed and involves the
actual or threatened death, serious injury, or threat of physical integrity of oneself or others
and invokes a response of fear, helplessness, or horror.(3) Many different types of traumatic
events are included under the DSM-IV definition such as war-related events, natural disasters,
physical assault, sexual assault or violence, threats with weapons, serious accidents, illness,
and the unexpected death of loved ones. Many individuals will experience a traumatic event
or several events throughout their lifetime. Some people who are exposed to a traumatic event
will develop symptoms of PTSD and may meet criteria for a PTSD diagnosis.
Several epidemiologic studies on traumatic events and PTSD have been conducted using gen-
eral population samples. Most of these studies have used samples from the United States. The
first studies were conducted in the 1980s using DSM-III and later DSM-III-R criteria. In the
mid-1990s, studies using DSM-IV criteria began to be published. The prevalence of exposure to
traumatic events and PTSD reported in epidemiologic studies varies depending on the method
and criteria used for assessing traumatic events.(4)
With regard to method, earlier studies using DSM-III criteria inquire about traumatic
events using a single question, while studies using DSM-IV criteria provide respondents with
a list of qualifying traumatic events. The list method and the use of longer versus shorter lists
results in higher prevalence estimates of exposure to traumatic events and number of traumatic
events experienced compared to a single-question method.(4) In addition, the expansion of the
definition of traumatic events in the DSM-IV criteria indicates that studies using DSM-IV crite-
ria include a greater number of qualifying traumatic events compared to earlier studies using
DSM-III or DSM-III-R criteria, which also has an impact on the prevalence of traumatic event
exposure and PTSD.(4, 5)
Epidemiology of Traumatic Events and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 13
Methods in studies also differ when respondents endorse experiencing more than one
traumatic event. When respondents have experienced multiple traumatic events, some studies
will require the respondent to identify the worst traumatic event, while other studies will use a
random method to select a traumatic event for assessing PTSD symptoms. Kessler et al. (1995)
stated that studies using the worst event method will likely overestimate the associations of
that event with PTSD, while using a random method to select an event may provide more
accurate information regarding a trauma.(6) Direct comparison of both methods has indicated
that prevalence of PTSD based on the worst event method and random event method was
13.6% and 9.2%, respectively.(7) However, further investigation determined that both methods
provided similar findings with regard to identifying sex differences and traumatic events with
the highest likelihood of PTSD.(8)
In addition, studies have also differed in the year in which data were collected, location of
data collection, ages of the respondents, interviewing methods (face-to-face versus telephone
interviewing), and the representativeness of the community samples. All these factors may
play a role in why variation in the prevalence estimates of traumatic events and PTSD has been
reported in different epidemiologic studies and may limit comparability of estimates in some
studies. Also, because most of the earlier studies were conducted in the United States, results
may not be generalizable to other countries.
Details of epidemiologic surveys that assess traumatic events and the prevalence of PTSD
using general population samples have been summarized in Table 2.1. The first two large-scale
epidemiologic surveys on PTSD using DSM-III criteria and general population samples were
conducted in the early 1980s with data from St. Louis using the Epidemiologic Catchment
Area (ECA) survey (9) and the Piedmont region of North Carolina (10). In 1989, Breslau
et al. (1991) conducted the first investigation of traumatic events and PTSD using DSM-III-R
criteria in a community sample of young adults from southeast Michigan.(11) Following this
study, DSM-III-R criteria were used to assess traumatic events and PTSD in a U.S. sample from
Southeastern cities (Charleston, Greenville, Charlotte, and Savannah) (12), a national sample of
young adult females (13), the first nationally representative sample of males and females using
the National Comorbidity Survey (NCS) (6), a community sample of mothers from southeast
Michigan (14), and a community sample from three cities in Chile using the Chile Psychiatric
Prevalence Study (CPPS) (15).
Following these studies, DSM-IV criteria was used to assess traumatic events and PTSD
in several samples including a community sample from Winnipeg, Canada (16); a community
sample from Lubeck, Germany (17); a community sample from Detroit (7); a national sample
from Australia (18); a sample of older adults from the Netherlands (19); a community sample
from Mexico (20); a national sample from Sweden (21); a national sample from the United
States (22, 23); and a European study including six countries (Belgium, France, Germany, Italy,
the Netherlands, and Spain).(24) Details of the prevalence of exposure to traumatic events and
PTSD from each study will now be discussed.
Table 2.1 Lifetime and current prevalence of PTSD in the general population (Posttraumatic Stress Disorder).
Another community sample from the United States assessing 10 traumatic events indi-
cated that 21% (SE = 1.3%) and 69% (SE = 1.5%) of the total sample had experienced any past
year and lifetime traumatic event, respectively.(12) The most commonly experienced traumatic
events were tragic death, robbery, and car accident. In a representative sample of females from
the United States, 69% reported experiencing a lifetime traumatic event with 36% of females
experiencing any crime-related event (e.g., sexual assault, physical assault, homicide of friend,
or family member) and 33% of females experiencing a noncrime event (e.g., accident, natural
disaster, fear of death or injury, witnessing death or injury) only.(13)
Using the NCS, Kessler (1995) found that exposure to traumatic events were high in the
general U.S. population with 60.7% of males and 51.2% of females endorsing any lifetime trau-
matic event.(6) In a community sample of mothers from southeast Michigan, the prevalence of
one or more traumatic events was 40%.(14) The prevalence of traumatic events was similar in
the sample from Chile, with 39.7% of the sample reporting a traumatic experience.(15) A rep-
resentative community sample from Detroit found the prevalence of lifetime traumatic events
to be much higher, with 89.6% (SE = 0.8%) of the sample endorsing experiencing a lifetime
traumatic event.(7) The most commonly experienced event in this study was the sudden unex-
pected death of a relative or friend.
Data from the Winnipeg community sample also found that many individuals had been
exposed to a lifetime traumatic event, with 74.2% endorsement among females and 81.3%
endorsement among males.(16) The violent death of a friend or family member and being phys-
ically attacked were the two most common traumatic events among both males and females.
The prevalence of traumatic events were also prevalent in the national sample from Australia,
with 64.6% of males and 49.5% of females reporting at least one traumatic event.(18) In the
community sample from Mexico, 76% of the sample reported experiencing a lifetime traumatic
event.(20) These data also indicated that traumatic bereavement, witnessing someone killed or
injured, and life-threatening accident were the three most common traumatic events among
males and females. Similarly, 80.8% of the national sample from Sweden reported experiencing
at least one traumatic event.(21)
when investigating specific traumatic events among males and females. For example, Breslau
et al. (1991) found that the traumatic experience of rape was only reported among females.
(11) Norris et al. (1992) found that males were more likely than females to be physically
assaulted, be in a motor vehicle crash, and be exposed to combat, while females were more
likely than males to be sexually assaulted.(12) No other sex differences were detected in
this study with regard to lifetime exposure to robbery, fire, other disaster or hazard, and
tragic death. Kessler et al. (1995) reported numerous sex differences with regard to lifetime
prevalence of traumatic events.(6) More specifically, males relative to females were more
likely to experience physical attack, combat, threat with a weapon, life-threatening acci-
dent, natural disaster with fire, and witnessing someone badly injured or killed. However,
females were more likely to experience rape, molestation, child physical abuse, and child-
hood neglect relative to males. Breslau et al. (1998) found similar results using a com-
munity sample from Detroit, which indicated that males compared to females were more
likely to be mugged or threatened with a weapon, shot or stabbed, and badly beaten, while
females relative to males were more likely to experience rape and other sexual assault.(7)
In the community sample from Germany, females were more likely to experience rape and
sexual abuse than were males, but when considering lifetime prevalence of any traumatic
event, gender differences were not found.(17) In the national sample from Australia, males
were significantly more likely to experience being physically attacked, threatened with a
weapon, and to be exposed to combat, while females were more likely to be exposed to
rape and sexual molestation.(18) Sex differences were also noted in the community sample
from Mexico, with males being more likely to experience traumatic bereavement, witness-
ing someone killed or injured, life-threatening accident, physical assault, being threatened
with a weapon, combat, and torture or terrorism, while females were more likely to experi-
ence sexual assault.(20)
The most consistent findings among all general population studies of traumatic events
with regard to sex differences is that females are more likely to experience sexual traumatiza-
tion involving sexual assault, rape, or molestation, while males are more likely to experience
combat and assaultive violence such as physical attacks and threats with a weapon. However,
comparing sex differences across studies is challenging because not all studies include the same
qualification for traumatic events.
Prevalence of PTSD
Table 2.1 provides a summary of the lifetime and current (past one month, six months, 12 months)
prevalence rates of PTSD based on several general population samples. As previously mentioned,
differences in PTSD prevalence estimates reported in general population samples may be due to
the method and diagnostic criteria for assessing traumatic events and PTSD symptoms and dif-
ferences in study samples, including year and location of data collection, age of respondents, and
interviewing methods. Regardless of study differences, epidemiologic investigations are able to
provide estimates of how prevalent PTSD is in the general population.
The two earliest studies of PTSD conducted in the early 1980s using general population
samples and DSM-III criteria provided similar estimates of the prevalence of lifetime PTSD.
The first study using ECA data indicated that only 1% of the total sample met full DSM-III
criteria for a lifetime PTSD diagnosis.(9) However, 15% of males and 16% of females had a least
one PTSD symptom after experiencing a traumatic event. Similarly, data from a community
sample from North Carolina reported that 1.3% of the sample met DSM-III criteria for lifetime
PTSD.(10)
Later general population samples using DSM-III-R criteria produced larger prevalence
estimates for PTSD. The Breslau study (1991), using a sample of young adults from Michigan,
found that 9.2% (95% CI = 7.6% to 11.2%) of the total sample met criteria for lifetime PTSD.(11)
However, 23.6% of individuals exposed to traumatic events developed PTSD. Similarly, the
community sample from four Southeast United States cities found that 5.1% of the sample met
criteria for current PTSD.(12) In a national U.S. sample of females only, the lifetime and past
six-month prevalence of PTSD was 12.3% and 4.6%, respectively.(13) Similarly, results from a
community sample of mothers from southeast Michigan found the prevalence of lifetime PTSD
to be 13.8%.(14) The results from a national U.S. sample of males and females using NCS data
estimated lifetime prevalence of PTSD to be 7.8% (SE = 0.5%).(6) The prevalence of lifetime
PTSD in the representative sample from Chile was 4.4% (SE = 0.5%), slightly lower than figures
from the United States.(15)
Studies using general population samples and DSM-IV criteria also found higher PTSD
prevalence estimates. A Canadian study by Stein et al. found that 2.7% of females and 1.2% of
males met DSM-IV criteria for a past month diagnosis of PTSD.(16) The study also indicated
that an additional 3.4% of females and 0.3% of males had a past month subthreshold PTSD
diagnosis. Subthreshold or partial PTSD has been defined in different ways, but generally
speaking, it is applicable only when an individual lacks one or more specified criteria required
to meet the full DSM diagnosis. Breslau et al. (1998) reported the conditional probability of
PTSD after traumatic event exposure to be 9.2% in a community sample from Detroit.(7) The
community sample from Germany indicated that lifetime, past year, and conditional probabil-
ity of PTSD was 1.4% (SE = 0.18), 0.7% (SE = 0.13%), and 6.9% (SE = 0.89), respectively (17). The
national sample from Australia reported that 1.3% (SE = 0.12%) of the sample met criteria for
past 12-month diagnosis of PTSD.(18) A representative sample from the Netherlands reported
that 0.9% (95% CI = 0.7–1.1) of the older adult sample met criteria for a past six-month PTSD
diagnosis, while 13.1% (95% CI = 12.7–13.6) met criteria for subthreshold PTSD.(19) The preva-
lence of lifetime PTSD was 11.2% (SE = 0.6) in the community sample from Mexico.(20) Results
from the National Comorbidity Survey Replication (NCS-R), a nationally representative study
from the United States, indicated that past year and lifetime prevalence of PTSD was 3.5% (SE =
0.3%) and 6.8% (SE =0.4%), respectively.(22, 23) Findings from the study of six European coun-
tries reported a much lower prevalence of lifetime PTSD of only 1.9% (95% CI = 1.7–2.1).(24)
Collectively, studies dated from the early 1980s to the present indicate that the lifetime
prevalence of PTSD in general population samples of males and females ranges from 1% to 11%.
Factors decreasing comparability of studies, such as selected DSM criteria and study methods,
have already been mentioned. However, it should be noted that the large range of PTSD preva-
lence estimates may be partly explained by the studies being conducted in different cities and
in different countries. The prevalence of traumatic events, and thereby PTSD, may depend on
crime, poverty, politics, violence and other factors, which differ in different parts of the world.
For example, Zlonick et al. (2006) speculate that differences in the prevalence of PTSD found in
Mexico and Chile may in part be due to greater crime and poverty rates in Mexico compared to
18 Afifi, Asmundson, AND Sareen
Chile.(15) Regardless of the range in PTSD prevalence reported in general population samples,
findings from these epidemiologic studies have determined that PTSD is prevalent in the gen-
eral population and is considered an important public health concern.
males; however, females were more likely to experience full or subthreshold PTSD after expe-
riencing any trauma and nonsexual assaultive violence.(37)
It is noteworthy that sex differences have not been found in all epidemiological studies.
Results from the national sample in Australia indicated that the past 12-month prevalence of
PTSD among males and females was similar (1.2% versus 1.4%).(18) Also, data from the com-
munity sample from Germany indicated that the female gender was not an independent risk
factor for PTSD.(17) The authors suggest that the increased risk of PTSD among females may
be due to their greater likelihood of experiencing trauma events most associated with PTSD
(i.e., rape and sexual abuse) and having preexisting disorders associated with increased risk of
PTSD, compared to males. Generally speaking, however, females do not have a greater vulner-
ability to PTSD.
A review of 25 years of research does confirm the increased likelihood of females devel-
oping PTSD, compared to males, but indicates that females’ higher prevalence of PTSD is not
solely a result of higher exposure to sexual trauma.(38) The current literature seems to indi-
cate that the type of traumatic events, preexisting psychiatric disorders, and childhood events
may also account for some of the variance in the relationship between sex and PTSD. Further
research in this area is warranted.
Research has identified numerous traumatic events that are highly associated with
increased prevalence of PTSD. Arguably, the most consistent finding in the literature on expo-
sure to traumatic events and PTSD is the relationship between sexual violence leading to PTSD
among females and combat exposure leading to PTSD among males.
Mental Health
Comorbidity of other psychiatric disorders is common among individuals with PTSD. Helzer
et al. (1987) found that individuals with PTSD were twice as likely to have a comorbid psy-
chiatric disorder, with obsessive-compulsive disorder (OCD), dysthymia, and manic-depres-
sive disorder being the most prevalent comorbid diagnoses.(9) Davidson et al. (1991) found
that when compared to individuals without PTSD individuals with PTSD were more likely to
have somatization disorder, schizophrenia, panic disorder, social phobia, OCD, drug abuse or
dependence, major depression, agoraphobia, simple phobia, and generalized anxiety disorder
(GAD).(10) Breslau et al. (1991) found in the general population sample of young adults that
82.8% of those with PTSD had one or more comorbid psychiatric disorders, including OCD,
agoraphobia, dysthymia, mania, panic, major depression, GAD, drug abuse or dependence,
and alcohol abuse or dependence.(11) Similarly, results from the NCS indicated that 88.3% of
males and 79% of females with PTSD had at least one other comorbid psychiatric diagnosis.
(6) The prevalence of comorbid lifetime mental disorders was equally as high in the Chilean
sample with 90.4% of individuals with PTSD reporting a comorbid mental health disorder.(15)
Results from the national Australian sample also found comorbidity of PTSD and other Axis I
disorder to be prevalent, with 85.2% of males and 79.7% of females with PTSD meeting criteria
Epidemiology of Traumatic Events and Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 21
for at least one other Axis I disorder.(18) Another study using the same data found that 34.4% of
individuals with PTSD also met criteria for a substance use disorder.(46) In a nationally repre-
sentative Canadian sample, PTSD (assessed using a single item asking whether the respondent
had been given a diagnosis of PTSD from a health care professional) was associated with major
depression, mania, panic attacks, agoraphobia, social phobia, alcohol dependence, and drug
dependence.(47) These data indicated that major depression was the comorbid disorder with
the largest effects.
Many PTSD studies do not assess order of onset of psychiatric disorders, either due to the
cross-sectional design of the study or the lack of data on age of onset of each disorder. However, in
a sample of mothers from southeast Michigan, it was determined that PTSD increased the risk of
first onset major depression and alcohol abuse/dependence and that preexisting major depression
increased the risk of experiencing trauma and vulnerability to PTSD following traumatic events.(14)
In addition, a survival analysis using NCS data indicated that individuals with a current diagnosis
of PTSD were more likely to develop secondary other anxiety, mood, and substance use disorder
compared to those without PTSD.(48) This increased risk was not found when PTSD was in remis-
sion. A review of the comorbidity literature indicates that PTSD may have a causal role in the onset
of some secondary psychiatric diagnoses, while preexisting psychiatric disorders may also increase
vulnerability of PTSD after exposure to a traumatic event.(49) Prospective studies on the PTSD and
comorbidity are necessary to further understand the temporal sequence of disorder onset and the
causal relationship among commonly comorbid psychiatric disorders.
Suicidal Behavior
Research has found a significant relationship between PTSD and suicidal ideation and attempts
using general population samples. An earlier study found that individuals with PTSD were
14.9 times (95% CI = 5.10–43.66) more likely to attempt suicide compared to individuals with-
out PTSD.(10) The odds ratios were attenuated when comorbidity of major depression was
controlled, yet the relationship between PTSD and suicide attempts remained statistically sig-
nificant (Adjusted odds ratio = 8.2, 95% CI = 5.49–12.21). Results from the NCS indicated that
PTSD was associated with increased odds of subsequent suicidal ideation (odds ratio = 5.1,
95% CI = 3.9–6.8) and suicide attempts (odd ratio = 6.0, 95% CI = 3.4–10.7) after controlling for
person–year and sociodemographic variables.(50) In another investigation of females using the
NCS data, PTSD was associated with 2.5 times greater odds of suicidal ideation after adjusting
for the effects of sociodemographic variables, sexual assault history, psychosocial characteris-
tics, alcohol symptoms, and depression.(51) Using a national Canadian sample, those with cur-
rent self-reported, physician-diagnosed PTSD were 2.35 times more likely to have attempted
suicide in the past year, even after controlling for sociodemographic variables, numerous
psychiatric disorders, and medical morbidity.(47) The current body of literature supports the
relationship between PTSD and increased likelihood of suicidal ideation and attempts, which
highlights the possible utility of screening those with PTSD for suicidal behavior.
metabolic/autoimmune conditions, and bone and joint conditions, after adjusting for socio-
demographic variables, major depression, dysthymia, bipolar disorder, alcohol use disorder,
substance use disorder, and other anxiety disorders.(53) Another study using NCS data found
that individuals with PTSD were more likely to report having a physical condition after adjust-
ing for sex, health perceptions, stress, health-related behaviors, insurance coverage, number
of trauma exposures, number of psychiatric disorders, and neuroticism.(54) In a national
Canadian sample, individuals with current self-reported, physician-diagnosed PTSD were
more likely to have a higher prevalence of all physical health problems assessed in the survey
compared to those reporting no PTSD diagnosis.(47) These data also indicated that PTSD was
associated with increased odds of respiratory diseases, cardiovascular diseases, chronic pain
conditions, gastrointestinal illnesses, cancer, chronic fatigue syndrome, and multiple chemical
sensitivities after adjusting for sociodemographic variables and psychiatric disorders. Research
has also indicated that PTSD commonly co-occurs with chronic pain, which may be due to
factors that predispose individuals to both conditions (shared vulnerability) and/or aspects of
chronic pain maintaining or complicating PTSD and vise versa (mutual maintenance).(55)
The relationship between PTSD and physical health has also been reported in military sam-
ples. In an American sample of Iraq war veterans, numerous physical health symptoms (i.e., pain
symptoms, dizziness, fainting, indigestion problems) were found to be more prevalent among
those with PTSD compared to those without PTSD one year after serving in Iraq.(56) In a sample
of female veterans, medical conditions were more prevalent in females with a history of PTSD
compared to females with depression or females reporting neither depression nor PTSD.(57)
Similarly, in a Canadian sample of male veterans, PTSD symptoms directly influenced diagnos-
able physical symptoms when controlling for the effects of depression and alcohol dependence
and indirectly influenced physical health symptoms through depression only.(58) In a popula-
tion-based survey of Gulf War veterans, those who screened positive for a PTSD diagnosis were
more likely to have more self-reported physical health symptoms and medical conditions com-
pared to those without PTSD.(59) More information on PTSD and the military can be found in a
later chapter of this book. Using several general population and military samples, research has
confirmed that a significantly association between PTSD and physical health problems exists.
Conclusions
Traumatic events and PTSD are prevalent in the general population. Research has identified
certain factors that increase the risk of exposure to traumatic events and vulnerability to PTSD.
PTSD is an important public health problem not only due to the high prevalence found in the
general population but also because of its morbidity and the significant relationships found
between PTSD and other psychiatric disorders, suicidal behavior, and physical health prob-
lems. Knowledge of the epidemiology of traumatic events and PTSD will help inform preven-
tion efforts and increased ability to screen for PTSD and its associated conditions in populations
that have been exposed to its known risk factors.
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3 Diagnostic dilemmas in assessing post
traumatic stress disorder
Berthold PR Gersons and Miranda Olff
Introduction
The introduction of the Third Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-III (1)), International
Classification of Diseases of the World Health Organization version 10 (ICD-10) (2) and Fourth
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual (DSM-IV (3)) has helped psychiatrists to become more precise
in assessing psychiatric disorders. In DSM-III the posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) has been
introduced for the first time in psychiatry as a coherent profile of signs and symptoms related
to the experience of a traumatic incident. Large epidemiological studies have contributed to the
validity of this disorder.(4, 5, 6) In the assessment of PTSD two flaws however can interfere with
the correct establishing of the diagnosis of PTSD. The first flaw is people do not tell easily about
their traumatic experiences and doctors do not like to hear the terrible details. The accuracy of the
information generated during the psychiatric interview concerning trauma depends on the level
of skills used to establish a trustful relationship with the patient and a willingness to listen to
horrifying details. Also, the patient is often unaware of any relationship between the symptoms
of PTSD and the experience of the trauma. As we know in psychiatry the accuracy of the informa-
tion that we get during the interview depends strongly on our willingness to listen. A nonjudg-
mental attitude in the interview is a necessary prerequisite. The second flaw in assessing PTSD
is the overwhelming affect that accompanies the report of someone who experienced trauma.
For the listener, therefore, it sometimes seems self-evident traumatic experiences must result in
some kind of disorder, especially PTSD. Asking about symptoms after listening to the details of a
traumatic incident can look like an unneeded burden. Here the epidemiology of PTSD (4, 5) helps
us enormously to understand the limited relationship between the experience of trauma and the
development of PTSD. While between 50% and 90% of the general population experience trauma
at least once during lifetime, the lifetime prevalence of PTSD lies between seven and eight (6, 7),
which still means a huge burden on society. Men and women differ in terms of risk to develop
PTSD after trauma; for men it is between 8% and 13%, and for women, between 20% and 30%.(6,
7) Differences in appraisal and coping mechanisms as well as psychobiological response patterns
have been related to these differences.(8)
The initial response to a trauma can be characterized as a “normal reaction” toward an
“abnormal” event that relates to sleep, nightmares, concentration, emotionality, and flashbacks.
“Watchful waiting” is recommended when symptoms are mild and have been present for less
than four weeks after the trauma. Early psychological intervention, often called debriefing, has
no effect in preventing PTSD (9)—despite the high satisfaction. Instead, public information on
psychological reactions and crisis intervention combined with practical support is useful for
people to regain control over their situation.
Treatment is needed when severe early posttraumatic symptoms arise or when the dis-
order of PTSD is diagnosed. It should be noted that other disorders like depression, anxiety,
or addictive disorders may also occur and are also often comorbid to PTSD. Before starting
treatment, it is essential first to assess the diagnosis of PTSD. It is equally necessary to evalu-
ate the effectiveness of the intervention after the treatment as well; here comes a dilemma: For
patients it is often already very satisfactory to have experienced the intense emotions related
to the trauma in the trusted setting with the therapist. The patient rarely judges the result
of the treatment by evaluating the disappearance of symptoms. Whereas, for the therapist,
sometimes the cathartic expression of emotions by the patient is often taken as proof of a well-
established working through the traumatic experience. Also therapists do not always evaluate
the treatment in a more objective fashion. Studies of debriefing after traumatic experiences,
for instance, have shown a high satisfaction by the debriefed patients and by the therapist
26 Gersons AND Olff
themselves (10, 11, 12, 13), and those who were debriefed showed higher symptom profiles
in the follow up compared to the nondebriefed.(14, 15) Therefore, the precise assessment of
symptoms is important for the assessment of PTSD. It also helps the patient to understand that
he or she is not only suffering from traumatic experiences but also from symptoms resulting
from the experience.
The assessment skill sets for PTSD consist of the skills to assess trauma in all its grue-
some details and to assess symptoms resulting from the traumatic incident(s). In this chap-
ter, we will first pay attention to the assessment of trauma and its pre- and post-treatment
dilemmas. Then we will continue with the symptoms of PTSD. There are specific structured
interviews and self-report instruments developed for the assessment of PTSD. The chapter
will only highlight these instruments but not discuss them in detail. There are also other
techniques to help to establish the diagnosis of PTSD with psychophysiologic measures and
neuroimaging and neurohormonal measures. These techniques will not be discussed here,
however. Then we will discuss the issue of the trauma-spectrum disorders and comorbidity
in PTSD.
What follows from the definition is the distinction between the actual traumatic event and the
person’s reaction.
Traumatic event
The definition does not describe exactly what a traumatic event means. There are characteris-
tics concerning the actual role of the person involved in the event:
· The person must be exposed to an event.
· The event can be an experience of the person him or herself.
· The event can be an experience of others in which the person is a witness.
The conditions that result from the definition, for instance, give the following examples. A
person who has been a victim of an automobile accident and who lost consciousness for the
incident itself did not consciously experience the traumatic incident. However, for instance,
when the same person later on learns that her husband died in the incident and, as was the
case in our hospital, also experienced her leg was broken has to cope with two traumatic
events following the incident. This is important to understand because the reexperienced
symptoms of the event can only evolve when someone consciously went through the inci-
dent. Another example was a police officer who could not work because of illness at a spe-
cific day, and another officer who worked in her place for that day was killed in the police
car. She developed quite similar symptoms to PTSD and she tried to reconstruct the event.
She felt guilty because she thought she should have been the one to be killed and not her fel-
low police officer. This assessment of the actual involvement in the incident is important in
treatment when this implies imaginal exposure. It is another question if such exposure can
be helpful in such situations, but the nature of reexperiencing is essentially different. For the
assessment, it is important to analyze very precisely the actual involvement in the traumatic
situation with the patient.
1
Because DSM-IV favors a more precise description of symptoms compared to ICD-10 we will quote from the
DSM-IV definition of PTSD.
Diagnostic dilemmas in assessing post traumatic stress disorder 27
sexual abuse in childhood, and torture of any kind. Rape is always accompanied by threat
and some kind of violence. Here also the reminders give a clue to the traumatic aspects of the
experience, like the use of a knife or the threat, “I will kill you when you tell someone else.”
Here fear also plays an important role in the aftermath of the event. Though not mentioned for
all traumatic events, shame is one factor that is usually very strongly felt in the three types of
events. Here the assessment skills are important. Questioning about trauma not only involves
facts but also extreme emotions associated with the incident. The traumatized person tries
often to suppress the intense emotional reminders. The victim also protects the interviewer
from being confronted with the repulsive details and the extreme emotions. For instance, a
woman who has been raped by a group of youngsters had lots of difficulties telling all the
terrible details of the experience. There had been moments that one of the boys had put the
gun into her vagina and at other moments to her head. It is extremely difficult to not only tell
these horrid details but also listen to them. These elements are most important in treatment.
However, for the patient, it is important that the therapist listens without hesitation to these
details. So one has to ask questions, for example, as given below:
Abuse in childhood is also often connected with violence and neglect. Here also shame and
helplessness play an important role in the traumatization of the person. A critical factor in the
assessment of sexual���������������������������������������������������������������������������
���������������������������������������������������������������������������������
traumas is the trust to be established between the patient and the thera-
pist. This is of course not self-evident. Judith Herman (19) calls our attention for a “stabilization
phase” in which the patient can test the therapist about the safety of the treatment situation. It
is good to realize the assessment phase can be complicated by the need for safety. The trauma-
tized person not only suffers from the event that resulted in his or her trauma but also from the
disappearance of trust he or she had in other human beings before the event. This is also the
case with torture victims, whereas the safety of the consulting room for other trauma victims
can resemble too much the torture room, disconnected from the outside world, sitting in the
consulting room. Basoglu et al. (20) has paid attention to the development of psychological
preparedness for torture. This office of the therapist can repeat this experience as well.
Horror is also an emotion that is often difficult to share. An example of such horror is
the following example: In 1992, in Amsterdam, a plane crashed on a neighborhood.(21) This
caused a fire as high as the apartment buildings that were struck by the plane. Eyewitnesses
not only experienced this unbelievable scene but also heard the shouting and crying of burning
people, some of them jumping off the balconies; thus, these details are horrible and difficult
to tell. Such extreme emotions are characteristic of traumatic experiences. Fear is often pre-
sented this way, “I felt the adrenaline flow through my body.” One remembers fear as a somatic
experience of increased heartbeat, the trembling of the legs, being rooted to the ground, being
unable to speak, cold hands, and so on.
For the therapist, there are risks connected to the listening about the events, especially
when confronted with having to observe the extreme emotions of the patient in session. This is
called secondary traumatization or vicarious traumatization.(22) It is well known in psychiatry,
and it is also essential for a good interview that an empathic, understanding relationship with
the patient is developed . The patient tells his or her story and details of symptoms only when
he or she can trust the therapist. The right attitude, therefore, is one of willingness to listen and
of acceptance. Such attitudes stimulate the patient to continue to tell; however, with trauma
histories, this is much more complicated. The patient might worry that the interviewer will
not take his or her story and the complaints serious or be afraid that the disclosure of grue-
some details of the traumatic incident could scare the therapist him or herself. For instance,
after listening to the story of burning people jumping from the balconies, even the therapist
might be prone to dreaming about it. Treatment of a survivor of a plane crash can make the
Diagnostic dilemmas in assessing post traumatic stress disorder 29
therapist fearful of flying. Secondary traumatizing refers to a sort of ‘infectious’ effect of listen-
ing to trauma stories. One feels saddened and helpless. Especially the listening to the details
can cause the interviewer to develop nightmares of such incidents. So PTSD can endanger the
mental health of the interviewer. It is, therefore, advised to limit the number of trauma patients
one has to interview or to treat. Also regular intervision between trauma-therapists is highly
recommended to limit their risk of secondary traumatisation.
Another dilemma lies in the discussion on whether the emotional response (A2 criterion)
to trauma should get more weight than the type of event (A1).(23)
While some have argued that this definition is too narrowly defined and should be
broadened to even include experiences that are distressing, but not necessarily directly associ-
ated with physical threat or injury (23, 24), others have been critical, stating that this definition
is too inclusive.(25) The “conceptual bracket creep” (25) refers to the broadening of the stressor
criterion in DSM-IV, especially to the inclusion of “second-hand exposure,” such as learning
about the unexpected death of a close friend/relative or watching atrocities on television .
This seems to increase the eligible events by about 20%.(26) However, what is more important
in this case is the question addressed in DSM-IV, that is, “whether or not to include reactions
to the numerous stressors that are upsetting, but not life threatening or even to eliminate the
stressor criterion altogether.” The fear that more inclusive definitions will vastly increase the
frequency of the diagnosis seems to be unrealistic. More minor stressors simply will not result
in the other diagnostic criteria for PTSD.
Symptoms assessment
A variety of common symptoms are already covered in the assessment of the traumatic event.
The symptom profile of PTSD has been divided into three sections:
1 Reexperiencing symptoms
2 Avoidance symptoms
3 Hyperarousal symptoms.
In the interview, a person often realizes the reexperience symptoms are related to the traumatic
event. So they are more easily reported. The other two groups of symptoms are less well known
to the sufferer and, therefore, are connected to the experience of the event. In the context of
DSM-IV guidelines, a clear problem the therapist is faced with while asking about the different
symptoms is a lack of frequency and intensity of the symptom mentioned. In the structured
interviews for PTSD this is mostly better defined.
Reexperience symptoms
These are as follows:
B. The traumatic event is persistently reexperienced in one (or more) of the following
ways:
1 Recurrent and intrusive distressing recollections of the event, including images, thoughts,
or perceptions;
2 Recurrent distressing dreams of the event;
3 Acting or feeling as if the traumatic event were recurring (includes a sense of reliving the
experience, illusions, hallucinations, and dissociative flashback episodes, including those
that occur on awakening or when intoxicated);
4 Intense psychological distress during exposure to internal or external cues that symbolize
or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event;
5 Physiological reactivity on exposure to internal or external cues that symbolize or resemble
an aspect of the traumatic event.
In the reexperience symptoms there are some important characteristics:
· The person involved does not have control over the occurrence of the symptoms.
· The reexperience is a perceptional one that resemble actual experience.
· The perceptional quality of the remembrance is essentially different from telling a story.
30 Gersons AND Olff
When a symptom is regarded persistent it means that nearly every week it occurs, and it is quite
typical that the symptoms reoccur. Mostly specific episodes of the traumatic scene come back
again and again. At moments of rest, for example, before sleep, when someone is most relaxed,
he or she can be taken by surprise in reliving and seeing the terrible happening. They also come
back in dreams. For instance, the partner can tell the bedclothes were wet and disordered or
the person was talking and behaving in his sleep. The confrontations of cues that symbolize
or resemble an aspect of the traumatic event are characteristic. Someone who survived an air
crash bends down every time when a plane crosses the sky. After a rape by a colored person
every time a woman sees a colored person she feels frightened even when knowing there is no
real danger. Every element of the traumatic incident, such as sound, color, scene, and so on,
can act as the trigger of the conditioned fear response, which is accompanied by some kind of
reminder or reliving. It is hypothesized that this impaired extinction of fear conditioning may
lie at the core of the development of PTSD and other anxiety disorders.(27)
The physiological reactivity means that the confrontation with cues result in increased
heartbeat, transpiration, feeling cold, trembling, and so on. In psychobiological research trauma
scripts are often used to examine, for instance, the heart rate response or changes in brain acti-
vation in response to the patient’s own trauma story.(28, 29)
Avoidance symptoms
These are as follows:
C. Persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma and numbing of gen-
eral responsiveness (not present before the trauma) as indicated by three (or more) of the
following:
Here two kinds of reactions are described: actual avoidance or numbing of general responsive-
ness. These symptoms strongly relate to the general fight–flight response to stress. The numb-
ing seems related to a third kind of response, which is known from animals: acting as if one is
dead. In the interview one has to rigorously pursue and probe for avoidance behavior. Often a
patient is so used to the avoidance that it is not perceived as an active strategy. In fact much of
the normal activities before the traumatic events are not taking place anymore. Certain neigh-
borhoods will not be visited anymore. Those who suffered war and camps avoid the scenes
of endless streams of refugees on television. So in assessing avoidance symptoms one has to
understand that the traumatic cue brings back the perceptual remembrances of the trauma.
Also, the intense pain, grief, and helplessness are felt again. It feels like “an open wound.” The
wound will never completely close. Also fear is intense again, and behind it often extreme feel-
ings of aggression are hiding. The avoidance can also involve (like in C1) social withdrawal.
Here the following question helps: “Do others perceive you as being changed after the inci-
dent?” The answer is often this: “Yes, I was always actively involved but now I do not like to go
out.” An example of how complicated this can be is the following. An officer who shot a person
was complemented after returning to the police station. He was seen as a hero. However, he felt
terrible because he did not want to kill anybody. He felt guilty not withstanding the rightness
of the act in the terrible situation. He realized his colleagues had no idea about how lousy he
felt. They could not understand his withdrawal and in a certain way they did not like to see
their hero withdrawn. For the assessment of the inability to recall an important aspect of the
trauma one has to investigate very carefully the traumatic incident. The traumatized person
is not always aware of this symptom. A woman survived a killing in daylight while sitting
in good weather with friends outside a cafe. She could only remember seeing coming near a
group of men and then she remembers being in the hospital crying. She was not hurt herself.
Diagnostic dilemmas in assessing post traumatic stress disorder 31
But the actual traumatic moment has been lost because of dissociation. Another well-known
aspect of the remembrance of traumatic incidents is the fact the one involved feels very con-
vinced of the details of the happening. For instance I treated three persons who survived the
same crash; each presented a different version in terms of recounting the incident and present-
ing the details of the incident. But they felt threatened after being faced with the probability
their memory was not totally accurate. In the face of danger one must rely on few cues, which
activates the stress response. From the work of le Doux (30) we know our brains work to per-
ceive these threatening cues after which our fight–flight behavior becomes activated. Certain
details are not taken into consideration or are lost. This is also defined by what is called “tunnel
vision.” The perception is restricted to endangering elements.
The symptoms listed under C4, 5, 6, and 7 overlap strongly with symptoms of depres-
sion. The interest in initiating activities or participation in something can be lost. The world
that seemed normal and safe before the incident is no longer perceived that way and seems
far less important after the incident. Here we see that the appreciation of the world, of what is
important, can have changed tremendously. A UN military officer went to Bosnia to identify
the corpses of killed inhabitants. In one month he saw a 300 bodily remains of the dead in a
devastated surrounding complete with burned and destroyed houses. Before this, in his home-
land, the solder was an active participant in local activities in the area where he was living
with his family. After this trip, he felt everything was unimportant. He also felt detached from
his partner and even his children, which is a terrible feeling. In the treatment it became clear
as to what was the reason for this detachment; he felt he is no longer capable of safeguarding
his family and he internally anticipated the possibility of losing them. Also, this symptom of
detachment is difficult to express because the person involved feels very guilty about it. The
restricted range of affect also becomes clear from the fact that the “shine” of normal experience
has been lost. The sense of a foreshortened future relates to the loss of control over one’s life
and over the lives one feels responsible for.
A dilemma within the DSM IV classification is that research indicates that the avoidance
cluster may need to be split into two distinct factors.(31) The first factor consists of actively
avoiding thoughts or feelings about the event or doing things that remind the person of the
event. The second factor describes emotional numbing as in having difficulty enjoying things
or having sad or loving feelings, feeling distant from other people, or finding it hard to imagine
fulfilling future goals. Foa et al. (32) already suggested that avoidance and numbing represent
two separate factors reflecting different mechanisms. Previous models attempted to character-
ize PTSD based on the theoretical position that the clinical manifestations of PTSD follow a
pattern of oscillations.(32, 33) Avoidance would be an effortful and strategic process following
distress associated with intrusive thoughts or episodes of reexperiencing the traumatic event,
whereas numbing, that is, a lack of emotional responsiveness and social withdrawal, is a con-
sequence of uncontrollable arousal as in hypervigilance and anger.
Hyperarousal symptoms
These are as follows:
D. Persistent symptoms of increased arousal (not present before the trauma) as indicated
by two (or more) of the following:
1 Difficulty falling or staying asleep;
2 Irritability or outburst of anger;
3 Difficulty concentrating:
4 Hypervigilance;
5 Exaggerated, startled response.
These symptoms are more easy to assess. The sleeping problem can relate to the fear that the
traumatic incident can happen again. After the air crash in Amsterdam, we saw people who
could only sleep with the light and TV on. Here the stimuli came in place of the increased need
to scan the environment for endangering cues. Also waking up after two hours is common, as
it seems dangerous to be not awake. To have no control over one’s reactions becomes clear in
the symptom irritability or outburst of anger. A shopkeeper was robbed at gun point just before
closing time. He developed PTSD. One of the symptoms was his hypervigilance. He was afraid
the robbery would happen again. He had much difficulty in being patient with his clients. His
32 Gersons AND Olff
normal humor had faded away. People no longer liked to visit his cheese shop. This change
affected the family front as well; he became quite irritable toward his wife and children. He
changed, so partners often told us. Children suffered because of the irritability of their par-
ent. One can easily understand this irritability. The traumatized person seems to be constantly
distinguishing dangerous stimuli from “unimportant” stimuli. This is in fact the description of
hypervigilence. Also one sees this in the behavior. A person has taken the chair as close to the
wall as possible that his back was against the wall and to feel safe that no one can between him
and the wall. A person who had been attacked very violently constantly slowed down when
bicycling because he feared the persons bicycling behind him. Also normal stimuli like the clos-
ing of a door can startle the person extremely. The difficulty in concentrating corresponds also
to this “scanning behavior.” For example, recalling and describing the danger experienced is
not difficult; on the contrary, a person might actively recall all sorts of details associated with
the danger experienced. But if the same person were to read two pages of a book, he will likely
forget the contents and start all over again. One might forget to what to buy during shopping.
One needs to write down at home a list before going to the shop.
The hyperarousal symptoms are quite invalidating. Normal relations and normal activi-
ties become disordered. We see the person involved to cope with it in less adaptive ways by
avoiding and withdrawal.
Dissociative symptoms
Apart from the symptoms B3, “dissociative flashback episodes,” and C3, “inability to recall
an important aspect of the trauma,” dissociative symptoms are not very well specified in the
DSM-IV description of PTSD. Spiegel and others (34) have argued that PTSD is a disorder
of memory. From this viewpoint, more symptoms similar to the two mentioned above can
be seen as distorting normal memory functions like encoding, storage, and retrieval of trau-
matic memories. Bremner et al. (35) have argued that dissociation is the main mechanism in
the development of PTSD; an example is the lack of emotions while remembering traumatic
events. Without such accompanying emotions, the incident according to the definition is not
a traumatic one. Here we have a problem; dissociation could have negated such emotions.
Thus, the person remembers the incident but cannot remember the intense emotions he felt
while it happened. Brewin (36) has described different forms of memory: (1) verbally accessible
memory (VAM) involving explicit, conscious, and hippocampally dependent memories, such
as ordinary autobiographical memories, and (2) situational assessable memory systems (SAM),
which involve implicit, image-based, cue-dependent, and nonhippocampally dependent mem-
ories at the amygdala level as when sensory memories of the traumatic event are reexperienced
after being triggered by external cues. One of the aims of treatment is integrating the memories
of the trauma into the totality of a person’s memory system.
A specific accompanying symptom is often the depersonalization or derealization, which
are dissociative symptoms. Especially from sexual child abuse, it is well known that the trau-
matic incident can be forgotten. This is part of a heavy debate, especially because some accuse
that therapists “implant such memories.” One has to be very careful in the interview not to
suggest such experiences. But one cannot leave them out, particularly because when the thera-
pist detects long periods of amnesia during childhood phase, as becomes evident during the
session, the possibility that that there was a childhood trauma must indeed be taken seriously.
Marmar et al (37) has described a set of specific dissociative features of the traumatic
experience that are quite common. These symptoms are called peritraumatic dissociation.
These symptoms are part of the traumatic experience of a person and come back while remem-
bering the event. For instance, a traumatic situation feels “endless” in time, whereas it could
have lasted only for a short moment. Also the incident can be experienced as a “slow-motion”
scene in which the sound associated with the actual event can change or even be absent.
Peritraumatic dissociation describes the changes in perception, especially in time–space rela-
tion. A police officer who was sitting in his car shot through the windscreen at a man who took
a woman as the hostage. The window-screen splintered into thousand particles. He, however,
saw them falling down slowly, as if they were water drops. It sounded like “Christmas bells.”
The traumatic value of an incident can, therefore, change the perception; thus, the perception
concerning time, sound, place of the incident may not only vary but may instead regard the
incident as unreal, as if it never happened.
Diagnostic dilemmas in assessing post traumatic stress disorder 33
Structured Instruments
Structured interviews and self-report instruments have a definite advantage because they
don’t need much clinical skills while using them, as outlined before. Also they make the valid-
ity of assessment between groups better. Many instruments have been developed for epide-
miological purposes and for research on PTSD. We will summarize a few here. The Impact
of Events Scale (IES) of Horowitz et al (38) is not only well known but is also the oldest one
in its category. It is more often used because it gives a fine presentation of the reexperience
and avoidance characteristics. However, the disadvantage is it has been developed far before
the formulation of PTSD in DSM-III and IV and may not cover many of the symptoms as
presented in DSM-III and IV; for example, the hyperarousal symptoms are not part of this
scale. The revised version now includes these hyperarousal symptoms (IES-R), though. The
Structured Clinical Interview for DSM-IV (39)) is also available with a PTSD part. Furthermore,
in current research, the Clinician Administered PTSD Scale for DSM-IV (CAPS-DX) is also very
often used. (40) For epidemiological research with trained lay interviewers (not clinicians), the
Composite International Diagnostic Interview (41) is available for PTSD assessment. Breslau
et al. (42) reported about a 7-item symptom list to discover PTSD in the community and later
Brewin et al. (43) developed a 10-item instrument to screen for the presence of PTSD. Also,
self-report instruments have been used in research and are sometimes recommended for use in
clinical practice as well. These are the Davidson Trauma Scale (DTS) (44), the Self-Rating Scale
for PTSD (SRS-PTSD) (45), the Self-Rating Inventory for Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (SID)
(46) and the Posttraumatic Diagnostic Scale (PDS) (47). Most of the self-report instruments
have been developed for special trauma populations, like Vietnam veterans (CAPS), police and
disaster victims (46) and rape victims (47).
The ICD-10 classification (2) mentions that PTSD is often accompanied by anxiety, depres-
sion, or even obsessive–compulsive disorder. The consequence is that when a patient comes for
assessment, one should not restrict assessment to only focus on PTSD but must instead look
for other accompanying symptoms described previously. Comorbidity of PTSD with other
disorders, including the dissociative ones, is quite common. Therefore, some have argued for
the need of a so-called trauma spectrum of disorders (48, 49, 50). There are important over-
laps with depression, other anxiety disorders and with dissociative disorders. Also, PTSD can
become complicated by addiction. Acute stress disorder (ASD) has been recognized in DSM-IV
(3). There is also much interest in subtreshold manifestations of PTSD-symptoms described as
partial PTSD (51). Herman (52) and van der Kolk (53) have pleaded for adding complex PTSD
to DSM-IV items of measure. Much attention has been given to a partial relationship between
the borderline personality disorder and early trauma. Complex PTSD has been developed to
describe the long-term effect of PTSD on the personality.
For future research, it will be necessary to pay more attention to trauma spectrum disor-
ders, which, in the meantime, should not, however, stop clinicians from assessing PTSD alone.
Conclusion
In the assessment of the diagnosis of PTSD many dilemmas have been mentioned. Psychiatrists
are mostly familiar with the difficulty of assessing, for instance, psychotic symptoms because
having such skills is usually associated with one’s bearing a professionally accomplished
persona and professional pride, whereas for other doctors such assessment turns out to be
extremely difficult. The disorders like PTSD that are related to traumatic events may at first
seem more easy to detect. The improved classification of disorders in DSM and ICD over time
has tremendously increased the in between reliability of making diagnosis of different disor-
ders. However, behind the short descriptions, definitions, and sentences, much clinical exper-
tise is hidden, which helps with precise diagnosis of PTSD and other disorder. A special aspect
in the skills for assessing PTSD is the impact of any unpleasant stories divulged during the
34 Gersons AND Olff
diagnosis. It is important to understand that the patient often does not want to share his or her
terrible experiences with the therapist, which he or she feels acts sometimes as a protection
so that the therapist does not get bogged down with such details and extreme emotions. For
the clinician, it is, therefore, necessary to realize how one should be prepared with knowledge
and skills to start assessing PTSD. Those who argue for seeing PTSD as a dissociative disorder
help us to understand the symptoms from the view of a memory disorder. The use of struc-
tured instruments and self-rating inventories can be helpful, but to what extent is not yet well
known. The risk of secondary traumatization has to be taken very seriously.
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4 Neuroimaging and posttraumatic stress
disorder
Sarah N Garfinkel and Israel Liberzon
Introduction
Neuroimaging provides a powerful way to investigate the structural and functional abnor-
malities associated with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and PTSD vulnerability. It can be
used to identify mechanisms that mediate emotional processing in healthy individuals as well
as the dysregulation of these processes in posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Reviewed are
neuroimaging findings in PTSD, with a focus on studies utilizing symptom provocation, cog-
nitive activation, and functional connectivity. These studies identify neurocircuitry associated
with PTSD, highlighting the role of the medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC), insula, amygdala,
sublenticular extended amygdala (SLEA), and hippocampus, in mediating symptom formation
in PTSD. In addition, psychological processes presently emerging as new foci in neuroimaging
research relevant to PTSD, such as fear conditioning, habituation, extinction recall; cognitive–
emotional interactions are also discussed. Findings linking neurocircuitry subserving these
processes to the abnormalities associated with PTSD are highlighted, suggesting that mPFC is
implicated in a number of these processes. Finally, a section on receptor imaging will discuss
the differences in functional neurochemistry associated with PTSD.
The last decade saw the emergence of neurocircuitry models of PTSD, (1–3), which were
inspired by both basic animal research and a growing number of human neuroimaging studies. These
models conceptualize PTSD as a state of heightened responsivity to threatening stimuli and/or a state
of insufficient inhibitory control over exaggerated threat sensitivity. They emphasize the centrality of
threat-related processing in the pathophysiology of PTSD and hence account for the “hypersensitiv-
ity to threat” that is highly characteristic of PTSD (such as hypervigilence and hyperarousal). It is
becoming increasingly apparent, however, that the “hypersensitivity to threat” models do not fully
capture the full complexity of PTSD or the complexity of changes associated with, trauma exposure
and PTSD development. For instance, important phenomena associated with PTSD, such as intrusive
thoughts and memories, avoidance and numbing, generalization, vulnerability, and resilience factors,
all need to be further understood in terms of underlying psychological mechanisms and their neu-
robiological substrates. There is presently a growing appreciation that additional mechanisms, other
than hyperresponsivity to threat, must be involved in PTSD pathophysiology. Lines of research have
begun exploring neurobiological and psychological processes seemingly relevant to the develop-
ment, maintenance and/or recovery of PTSD, including conditioning, habituation, stimulus general-
ization, extinction resistance, and (impaired) extinction recall. In addition, processes (and underlying
neurocircuitry) involving higher order cognitive–emotional interactions, appraisal, reappraisal, and
metaawareness may also play an important role in PTSD vulnerability, pathophysiology, and resil-
ience. In recent years, a growing body of literature has examined these processes both in healthy
and PTSD subjects. This chapter will first review what is currently known on the basis of functional
neuroimaging in PTSD, with a particular emphasis on symptom provocation studies, cognitive acti-
vation studies and functional connectivity analyses. The second part of the chapter focuses on specific
psychological processes that have been implicated in PTSD symptom generation or pathophysiology.
These include neuroimaging studies of fear-conditioning phenomena (with a particular emphasis on
extinction and extinction recall) and also cognitive–emotional interactions. Finally, potential future
directions for PTSD research are discussed.
all been used in conjunction with PTSD research. This chapter will incorporate many of these
modalities, with a particular emphasis on fMRI.
that are trauma related (PP vs. NC and CC vs. NC) and PTSD specific (PTSD vs. CC). While
all subjects deactivated the mPFC and activated the insula for traumatic scripts, the PP deacti-
vated the rostral anterior cingulate cortex (rACC) more than both control groups (CC and NC)
but did not demonstrate ventromedial PFC (vmPFC) deactivation observed in controls. The
findings observed only in the PTSD group (deactivation of the rACC and higher vMPFC activ-
ity) may reflect neural substrates specific to PTSD.(13)
Neural activation in response to symptom provocation in PTSD has been shown to differ, in
part, as a function of comorbid depression.(14) In one recent study, 15 traumatized subjects with
PTSD and major depression (MDD), 11 traumatized subjects with PTSD and no MDD, and 16 sub-
jects who met criterion A for PTSD but did not reach full diagnosis, were subjected to script-driven
imagery (both traumatic and neutral scripts). Commonalities in brain activation between PTSD
subjects with and without MDD were revealed in the dorsal and ventral ACC, where reduced
activation was observed in response to traumatic scripts relative to traumatized control subjects.
In addition, reduced blood flow, relative to healthy controls, was also observed in the two PTSD
groups in the ventrolateral prefrontal cortex. After controlling for differences in PTSD severity,
the PTSD group with MDD displayed less activity than the PTSD group without MDD in the left
anterior insula (BA 13). PTSD group with MDD had increased activation in the anterior and poste-
rior cingulated gyri relative to the PTSD without MDD subjects. Given the frequent occurrence of
comorbidites, such as MDD, with PTSD, these latter findings highlight the necessity to delineate
what activation variations are a function of PTSD and what are attributable to comorbidities.(14)
To date, though the vast majority of studies have been performed in adult PTSD popula-
tions, only limited studies have been performed in children and/or adolescents with PTSD to
investigate the neural correlates induced by symptom provocation. One small study examined
brain responses during visual perception and imaginary recollection of traumatic reminders in
adolescents (aged 12–14 years) who developed PTSD versus those who did not after experienc-
ing an earthquake.(15) Sample size was limited (five with PTSD vs. six trauma exposed PTSD
negative individuals). During earthquake imagery (as compared with neural imagery), the
PTSD group was found to have activation in the bilateral visual cortex, bilarteral cerebellum,
and left parahippocampal gyrus, relative to the control group. During earthquake perception
relative to neutral perception, the control group showed activation of the ACC, but the PTSD
group did not. Additional analyses demonstrated that intergroup differences were significant,
providing preliminary evidence that neurobiological alternation of PTSD in adolescence are
similar to those occurring in adult PTSD populations.(15)
Hypoactive mPFC
(e.g. reduced mPFC responses
to overt fear vs. happy faces).
Impaired ACC
(e.g. reduced activation during
counting Stroop).
Hyperactive amygdala
(e.g. in response to subliminal fear faces).
Figure 4.1 A summary of key functional neuroanatomical impairments associated with PTSD and examples of
cognitive activation paradigms that expose these deficits.
rCBF in the ACC (BA 24 and 32) in both groups.(20) Shin et al. (2001) also investigated ACC
functioning in 16 Vietnam combat veterans (eight with PTSD) using fMRI and an emotional
counting Stroop paradigm. Subjects were asked to count the number of combat-related, gener-
ally negative, and neutral words while being scanned. In the comparison of combat-related
words with generally negative words, the non-PTSD group showed significant BOLD signal
increases in rACC but the PTSD group did not.(21) In addition, to assess interference process-
ing and inhibitory control, tasks commonly associated with ACC function, a version of the
counting Stroop task incorporating only affectively neutral words also demonstrated hypoac-
tivation of the ACC in patients with PTSD. This task requires participants to count the num-
ber of identical words presented on the screen and to press a button corresponding to the
correct number. In the interference condition, the presented word—a numerical value, is an
“incorrect” response (e.g., four words on the screen all read “two”); in the neutral condition,
the words do not include numbers (e.g., four words on the screen all read “cat”). This task was
performed in 26 trauma-exposed men, 13 of whom met diagnosis for PTSD. The PTSD group
exhibited less deactivation in subgenual ACC and more deactivation in the insula as compared
to controls during the interference minus neutral task.(22)
The amygdala is integral to the generation and maintenance of emotional responses,
and this has been shown in both animal and human studies.(23–25) The amygdala is a region
implicated in rapidly assessing the salience of emotional and especially threat-related stimuli.
(26) A number of studies have presented fearful faces to individuals with PTSD, using vari-
ous exposure durations, and these have converged upon increased amygdala responsivity
in PTSD (especially when stimulus presentation is rapid (27–29)). Rauch et al. (2000) com-
pared amygdala responses in nine PTSD subjects versus eight combat-exposed, non-PTSD
subjects using a previously validated masked emotional faces paradigm. Contrasting fearful
versus happy masked faces revealed exaggerated amygdala responses in the PTSD subjects.
Furthermore, the magnitude of these responses distinguished PTSD subjects with 75% sensi-
tivity and 100% specificity.(29) These findings suggest that PTSD is associated with increased
amygdala responsivity to threat-related (but not necessarily trauma-related) stimuli. Another
group used a similar masked emotional faces paradigm to examine 13 subjects with acute,
rather than chronic PTSD.(27) There was a positive correlation between the severity of PTSD
and the difference in amygdala responses between masked fearful and happy faces. These find-
ings suggest that functional abnormalities in brain responses to emotional stimuli observed in
chronic PTSD might be apparent already in the acute phase. In a recent study, Bryant et al.,
(2008) exposed 15 patients with PTSD and 15 age and sex-matched nontraumatized controls to
fearful stimuli (16.7 ms), followed by a 163.3 ms neutral mask. They found significantly greater
left amygdala activity in the PTSD relative to the control group.(30)
Regarding overt presentation of fearful faces, heightened amygdala activity does not
appear to be particularly robust during this type of processing of fear stimuli, though dif-
ferences have been obtained in some studies.(28) In one study, Shin et al. (2005) used overtly
presented emotional facial expressions and fMRI to compare BOLD responses in 13 men
with PTSD and 13 trauma-exposed men without PTSD. The PTSD group showed increased
amygdala responses and decreased mPFC responses to overt fearful (vs. happy) facial expres-
sions.(31) The amygdala is known to be involved with the rapid assessment of threat, and
hence it appears amydgala-related hypoactivation associated with PTSD is more sensitive to
subliminal exposure durations in the region of 12 to 30 ms. Overt, longer duration exposure
might lead to signal that integrates repeated stimulation and the habituation processes, and
thus it might be less sensitive in picking up changes involving a specific process.
Another region implicated in PTSD is the hippocampus, which plays a role in explicit mem-
ory processes as well as contextual learning.(32, 33) Individuals with PTSD perform poorly on
neuropsychological memory tasks.(34, 35) A number of structural MRI studies reported decreased
hippocampal volumes in individuals with PTSD (34, 36–39), and Magnetic resonance spectros-
copy (MRS) studies have reported decreased N-acetylaspartate (NAA) levels in the hippocam-
pus, interpreted as reflecting decreased neuronal integrity.(40, 41) Reductions in hippocampal
volumes have ranged from 5% to 26% and have tended to be found bilaterally across studies.(42)
It should be noted, however, that a number of studies have not replicated the finding of decreased
hippocampal volumes in PTSD.(43–45) These discrepancies suggests that smaller hippocampi
may be restricted to subgroups of PTSD, may be secondary to comorbid conditions, or that
Neuroimaging and posttraumatic stress disorder 41
hippocampal pathology may be subtle and not always detectable using standard morpho-
metric MRI procedures.(42) Furthermore, it has not been clear whether reported hippocampal
changes are acquired signs of PTSD or potential predisposing factors.
Work done in twin studies helps to clarify what are the predisposing factors relative
to acquired signs of PTSD. Gilbertson et al. (2002) studied monozygotic twins discordant for
trauma exposure, with and without PTSD, and found that both twins with PTSD and their
trauma-unexposed twin had smaller hippocampi relative to trauma-exposed, non-PTSD twins
and their cotwin.(46) Moreover, the same group, both PTSD and trauma–nonexposed cotwin,
showed impaired hippocampus-mediated spatial processing, using a cue configuration task.
(47) These findings offer compelling evidence for reduced hippocampal size and function serv-
ing as a vulnerability or predisposing factor for PTSD.
To investigate impaired hippocampal functioning associated with PTSD, Shin et al.
(2004) used PET in 16 firefighters (eight with PTSD) using a word stem completion task.
Subjects completed a three-letter word stem with deeply encoded/high-recall and shallow
encoded/low-recall words learned during a preceding training session. Somewhat surpris-
ingly the PTSD group demonstrated greater rCBF in the hippocampi (bilateral) across con-
ditions, and symptom severity was positively associated with rCBF in hippocampus and
parahippocampal gyrus. In the comparison of high- versus low-recall conditions, however,
PTSD showed smaller rCBF increases in the left hippocampus. This was interpreted as poten-
tially reflecting reduced efficiency of hippocampus during the performance of an explicit
memory task.(42)
fMRI
Imaging MRS
techniques
PET
Receptor imaging
(baseline)
SPECT
Symptom provocation
Paradigms
Cognitive activation
Analysis
Functional connectivity
techniques
Figure 4.2 A summary of key imaging techniques, paradigms and analysis techniques discussed with in the
chapter that are used to study the functional neuroanatomy associated with PTSD.
PET, and SPECT) [See Figure 4.2 for examples of imaging techniques]. Taken together, they
lend tentative support to a neurocircuitry model that emphasizes the role of dysregulation in
threat-related processing in PTSD. According to this model, trauma exposure sets off a cascade
of neural changes that culminates in a state of amygdala hyperresponsivity to trauma-reminis-
cent and other threat-related stimuli that mediates symptoms of hyperarousal and vigilance
associated with PTSD. The model also proposes associated inadequate top-down control by
the mPFC that maintains and perpetuates the state of amygdala hyperresponsivity and also
helps mediates the failure to suppress attention to trauma-related stimuli. Consistent with this
model, several studies have demonstrated reduced activation of the mPFC (BA 10 and 11) and
ACC (BA 32) in PTSD subjects compared to traumatized controls.(8–10, 21, 52) Other studies
have reported increased responsivity of the amygdaloid region (4, 24, 29), though some have
not (8, 10, 52). While the conceptualization of PTSD-related pathophysiology that emphasizes
the role of threat-related processing has some empirical support, there is clearly a need for a
broader conceptualization of the processes implicated in the disorder. This is because deficits
in threat-related processing explain only some aspects of PTSD, and other significant mani-
festations of PTSD remain unexplained by this model. These include intrusive thoughts and
memories, emotional numbing, vulnerability and resilience factors, and generalization of vigi-
lance and avoidance from the initial traumatic event to other less closely related events. Thus
to understand these complex phenomena, additional relevant mechanisms that may assist in
understanding the complex phenomenology of PTSD need to be explored. The following sec-
tion includes a selective review of emerging neuroimaging research that focuses on a number
of mechanisms that are potentially relevant to the pathophysiology of PTSD, including fear
conditioning and cognitive–emotional interactions.
Neuroimaging and posttraumatic stress disorder 43
and premotor cortex and the right amygdala. The left dlPFC showed increased habituation to
happy rather than fearful faces, the right amygdala exhibited greater habituation to emotionally
valenced stimuli, and the left amygdala responded significantly more to negatively versus posi-
tively valenced stimuli (relative to the right).(61) Our laboratory has also demonstrated rACC
habituation with repeated emotional picture (aversive minus neutral/ blank) presentation.(62)
These studies provide evidence for habituation in the dlPFC, ACC, and the amygdala, with
potentially differential habituation in prefrontal versus subcortical regions, or lateralized special-
ization. Interestingly, the only study that has specifically addressed the time course of amygdala
responses to trauma cues (trauma-relevant words) in PP and healthy controls found an increased
left amygdala response to trauma-relevant negative versus neutral stimuli in the first two but not
last two runs. This response correlated with the symptom severity (CAPS total score). However,
while sensitization to nontrauma negative words was seen in the PTSD group, failure of habitu-
ation to trauma-related words was not seen.(18)
The process of extinction has also been the subject of recent neuroimaging studies and it has
been suggested that a failure to adequately extinguish fear responses is the mechanism underlying
the maintenance of pathological fear in PTSD.(63) Phelps et al. (2004) used a simple discrimina-
tion, partial reinforcement, fear-conditioning paradigm with an event-related fMRI design. Colored
squares were used for conditioned Stimulus (CS) (+) and conditioned Stimulus (CS) (–) (blue and
yellow) and unconditioned stimulus (US) was a mild wrist shock. The study was conducted in
three phases, an acquisition phase in which subjects were exposed to reinforced presentations of
the CS, followed by Day 1 extinction and Day 2 extinction, in which subjects were exposed to unre-
inforced presentations of the CS. The authors reported that right amygdala activation predicted the
CR in the early acquisition (positive correlation) and Day 1 extinction phase (negative correlation).
The vmPFC (the subgenual anterior cingulate region of interest) response positively correlated with
the CR magnitude during Day 2 extinction.(64) Milad et al. (2007) studied recall of fear extinction
in healthy adults (N = 17). Context was manipulated, separating acquisition and extinction context,
and extinction recall took place the next day, in the extinction context. Significant bilateral activa-
tions in the vmPFC and left amygdala were identified during fear extinction and two distinct loci
within the vmPFC and bilateral hippocampi during extinction recall.(65)
Together, these findings appear to be consistent with those of animal research that impli-
cate the amygdala in acquisition and extinction and the vmPFC in the retention and recall
of the extinction learning process.(25, 64, 66–68) They are also intriguing in light of evidence
reviewed earlier from human neuroimaging studies of altered connectivity between medial
frontal regions and amygdala in PTSD. Thus, the evidence from human neuroimaging studies
implicates subregions of the mPFC and OFC; subdivisions of the ACC; the extended amygdala;
the hippocampus; and nuclei of the thalamus in the processes of fear conditioning, habitua-
tion, and extinction. The neuroimaging studies of these processes in healthy humans and also
extending these studies to patients with PTSD are needed to better understand the roles of fear
conditioning, habituation, and extinction in PTSD pathophysiology and symptom generation.
Emotion regulation refers to the set of mental processes by which people amplify, attenuate, or
otherwise modulate emotion states.(69) Key features of PTSD include emotional numbing and
heightened and prolonged experience of fear, anxiety, and other negative affective states. While
it is possible that abnormal threat-processing drives some of these symptoms, it is also possible
that poor emotion regulation plays a key or complimentary role in this disorder and contrib-
utes significantly to behavioral dysfunction. If threat detection is a “bottom-up” process cogni-
tive–emotional interaction can be seen as “top-down” regulation. Abnormalities in either one
or in both of these processing streams can lead to similar outcomes, and in the case of PTSD, to
similar psychopathology. For the purposes of this discussion, emotion regulation is understood
in terms of a number of component processes that operate over different time scales. Appraisal
refers to the cognitive interpretation of emotion-relevant stimuli by higher cortical centers. An
increasing number of neuroimaging studies are providing evidence that cognitive appraisal
can modulate emotional responses, which is reflected in changes in the activity of emotion
Neuroimaging and posttraumatic stress disorder 45
processing areas. Cognitive reappraisal is a form of emotion regulation that involves volition-
ally reinterpreting the meaning of a stimulus to change one’s emotional response to it.
A number of studies have manipulated the extent to which subjects cognitively attend to
aspects of emotion-relevant stimuli. These studies suggest that even the simple process of apprais-
ing an emotion via labeling or rating can reduce the activity in structures that are responsive when
the emotional stimulus is passively viewed or experienced. Hariri and colleagues examined the
cognitive modulation of emotions by comparing the BOLD response in healthy subjects as they
performed three different tasks (match, label, and control). In the match task, subjects were asked to
match the affect of one of two faces to that of a simultaneously presented target face (angry or fear-
ful) whereas in the label task, they were asked to assign one of two simultaneously presented lin-
guistic labels (angry or afraid) to a target face. Matching was associated with increased activation in
both the right and left amygdale, whereas linguistically labeling the expression was associated with
a decreased activation in the amygdala. In addition, right PFC activity was inversely correlated
with left amygdala activity, interpreted as it being the neural substrate for the cognitive modulation
of emotion.(70) This finding has been replicated using threatening and fearful pictures as well.(71)
In our laboratory, we examined rCBF response in healthy subjects comparing a rating to a
passive viewing condition.(72) Subjects saw aversive and neutral pictures while they performed
a passive viewing and rating task. During passive viewing, subjects activated right amygdala/
insula and left insula, and rating was associated with increased activation of the dorsomedial
prefrontal cortex (dmPFC) and the ACC, and with reduced sadness and reduced activation of
the right amygdala/insula and left insula. These findings demonstrate the involvement of the
dmPFC and ACC in the cognitive rating task and suggest modulating effects of these structures
on emotion-related structures, such as the amygdala and insula. These results extend findings
from animal studies that have demonstrated the inhibitory influence of the mPFC over the
amygdale.(73) If indeed dmPFC/ACC dysfunction is present in PTSD, these findings could
suggest one explanation for exaggerated emotional responses of PTSD patients, as they are less
effectively modulated by cognitive appraisal.
The ability to cognitively modulate emotions refers to the efficacy of individuals to effort-
fully change their emotional reaction to a stimulus. Recently, several groups of researchers have
begun to investigate this empirically using imaging, adopting different strategies to induce cog-
nitive modulation. Cognitive reappraisal is one strategy, and this refers to volitional reinterpre-
tion of the meaning of a stimulus to modify one’s emotional response. This line of work is likely
very relevant to PTSD, where an inability to reinterpret the meaning of ambiguous stimuli might
contribute to emotional dysregulation. It is also of much interest in the investigation of brain
mechanisms of cognitive behavioral therapy, an effective treatment for some patients with PTSD.
Ochsner and colleagues used an event-related fMRI design and aversive pictures to study cogni-
tive reappraisal in healthy women. These women were asked to attend (be aware of feelings elic-
ited by the picture) or to reappraise (reinterpret the picture so that it no longer elicits a negative
emotional response) while being scanned.(74) Reappraising (vs. attending) was associated with
increased activation of the dorsal and ventral left lateral prefronal cortex, dmPFC, left temporal
pole, right supramarginal gyrus (SMG), and left lateral occipital cortex. Greater activation in the
right ACC and SMG correlated with greater decreases in negative affect (greater reappraisal suc-
cess); left ventral PFC activation during reappraisal was inversely correlated with activity in the
amygdala. Effective reappraisal resulted in increased activation in lateral PFC and mPFC regions
and in decreased activation of medial OFC and amygdala. Using a similar paradigm, Phan et al.
(2005) showed highly aversive and arousing pictures to healthy subjects, who were instructed
to either ‘‘maintain’’ (feel naturally) or ‘‘suppress’’ (by positive reframing or rationalizing) nega-
tive affect. Successful reduction of negative affect was associated with increasing activation of
dmPFC, dorsal ACC, dlPFC, lateral OFC, and ventrolateral PFC/inferior frontal gyrus, and with
decreasing activity in the left nucleus accumbens, left lateral PFC, and left extended amygdala. In
addition, right dorsal ACC, right anterior insula, bilateral dlPFC, and bilateral ventrolateral PFC
activity inversely correlated with the intensity of negative affect.(75)
These studies provide evidence for the emotion regulatory role of lateral PFC, dmPFC,
SMG, and ACC.(75) The observed difficulty among patients with PTSD to cognitively regulate
their emotions can be hypothesized to be a result of dysfunctional cognitive–emotional pro-
cesses (such as cognitive appraisal and reappraisal) subserved by some of these regions. The
therapeutic mechanisms of cognitive behavioral therapy in PTSD may also be related to these
46 Garfinkel AND Liberzon
processes and structures. There is, therefore, a need to extend these innovative paradigms to
the study of PTSD.
Receptor imaging
Insight into which regions differ in activity as a function of PTSD can be gauged with fMRI, as
the BOLD signal, a measure of the ratio of oxygenated to deoxygenated hemoglobin in the blood
across regions of the brain, is likely to reflect changes in neuronal firing or postsynaptic activity.
In contrast, differences that may exist in functional neurochemistry between those with and with-
out PTSD can be directly gauged with receptor imaging. To date, only a few studies have used
receptor imaging to investigate neurotransmitter abnormalities associated with PTSD. Previous
research in both animals and humans has implicated gamma-Aminobutyric acid (GABA), the
principle inhibitory neurotransmitter within the brain, to be involved in both the pathogenesis
and pathophysiology of PTSD.(76, 77) In a recent study, Geuze et al. (2008) used [11C]flumazenil
and PET to assess differences in the benzodiazepine–GABAA receptor complex in veterans with
and without PTSD.(78) They found reduced binding potential of [11C]flumazenil in veterans with
PTSD relative to control veterans without PTSD, specifically in the hippocampus, thalamus, and
throughout the cortex, including the frontal, temporal, parietal, and occipital cortex.(78) This
suggests that these specific regions may be associated with premorbid differences in the compo-
sition/expression of GABAA –benzodiazepines receptors in PTSD patients or a disease-induced
modulation and/or downregulation of the GABAA receptor complex. Consistent with this study
is a previous [123I]iomazenil SPECT study in Vietnam veterans that also found decreased volume
of distribution of [123I]iomazenil in the medial prefrontal cortex in Vietnam veterans with PTSD
relative to healthy controls.(79) It should be noted, however, that another study also using [123I]
iomazenil and SPECT was unable to find any differences in volume distribution of [123I]iomazenil
between Gulf War veterans with and without PTSD.(80)
In a recent study, our group investigated µ-opioid receptor binding in PTSD, using PET
and the selective µ-opioid radiotracer [11C] carfentanil.(81) We had previously demonstrated
endogenous opioids to be involved in inhibiting and modulating emotional responses in
healthy humans (82), and this was the first study to provide direct evidence of alterations
in µ-opioid receptor in vivo availability in PTSD. We demonstrated significant regional dif-
ferences in the binding of µ-opioid receptor between both the trauma-exposed groups and
normal controls, as well as between PTSD patients and trauma-exposed individuals who did
not develop PTSD. These differences between the groups indicate µ-opioid receptor alterations
arising from trauma that can be differentiated from those specifically associated with PTSD.
Changes were principally located in limbic forebrain and cortical regions known to be involved
in emotion regulation, which likely reflect adaptive changes resulting from trauma exposure or
stress, as well as maladaptive alterations associated with PTSD pathophysiology.(81)
Despite both receptor imaging and fMRI approaches implicating similar brain regions in the
pathophysiology of PTSD (e.g., prefrontal cortex and hippocampus), reconciling the findings of
these two methodologies poses a challenge. The receptor imaging data suggest decreased GABAA
receptor binding potential in prefrontal regions in PTSD, suggesting potentially lower inhibitory
tone, and therefore, enhanced reactivity. In contrast, the fMRI data indicate hypoactivation of cor-
tical regions (specifically mPFC) associated with PTSD. However, if the decreased GABA binding
potential reflects a decreased number of GABAA receptors on the inhibitory interneurons, this
could explain overall higher inhibitory tone in the mPFC. Furthermore, while BOLD activity
likely reflects overall neuronal activity within a particular region, changes both in inhibitory and
excitatory neurotransmission can contribute to the overall BOLD output. Thus, the changes in
one particular neurotransmitter system should not be interpreted as defining the overall changes
in BOLD signal. Moreover, given the complex interconnectivity of the PFC, its heterogeneity, and
its broad functionality, it is possible that PTSD is associated with both increased and decreased
activity within distinct regions of the PFC. To date, receptor imaging in PTSD has focused on
inhibitory systems (GABA and Opioids) and a focus for future research on glutamatergic (excit-
atory) systems, as well as other neurotransmitters/neuromodulators implicated in PTSD, such
as serotonin (83), central catecholamines (84), and corticotrophin-releasing hormone (85), will
further help elucidate the molecular basis of altered brain function associated with PTSD.
Neuroimaging and posttraumatic stress disorder 47
Neuroimaging studies of PTSD over the past decade have been based on a model that concep-
tualizes the disorder as a state of heightened responsivity to threatening stimuli and/or a state
of insufficient inhibitory control over exaggerated threat-sensitivity. Consistent with this model,
several studies have demonstrated reduced activation of the mPFC (BA 10 and 11) and ACC (BA
32) in PTSD subjects compared to traumatized controls. Other studies have reported increased
responsivity of the amygdaloid region, although these findings are not always consistent. Results
may be influenced by several methodological issues, such as small samples, heterogeneous pop-
ulations, presence or absence of comorbidities, and varying imaging methods that limit broad
generalization. More importantly, it is still not known what are acquired signs of the disorder
and what are its predisposing factors. Innovative imaging work in twins discordant for PTSD is
beginning to elucidate this issue, suggesting that reduced hippocampus size and function may
be a predisposing factor. Prospective neuroimaging studies are costly and challenging to employ,
though they are essential for the identification of endophenotypes indicative of PTSD vulner-
ability, as well as to effectively delineate what are the causes and consequence of PTSD in terms
of brain morphology and function. PTSD is a complex disorder, and despite the progress made,
existing models and findings are unable to fully capture the complexity of PTSD. Innovative par-
adigms being developed in cognitive and social neuroscience suggest novel directions for future
work that can broaden our understanding of a range of pathophysiological processes in PTSD.
Future directions of research include neuroimaging studies of fear conditioning, habitu-
ation, extinction, and extinction recall, as well as studies investigating emotion regulation pro-
cesses in PTSD. Complicated emotional and cognitive processes rely not only on the activation
of discrete brain regions but also upon the strength and nature of distributed brain networks.
Consequently, increased use of connectivity analyses will help illuminate how the relationship
between different neuronal regions is also impaired in PTSD. There is also a need for prospec-
tive studies, as well as studies that integrate different lines of inquiry, including genetic, neu-
roendocrine (HPA axis, catecholamines, etc.) and neurochemical receptor studies, and blood
flow parameters in PTSD. This research holds the exciting promise of helping to identify neu-
robiological factors that may confer vulnerability or resilience to PTSD and offer meaningful
clues to the pathophysiology of PTSD. This progress will be essential for the future develop-
ment of effective prevention and treatment strategies for this disorder.
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5 Brain circuits in posttraumatic stress
disorder
Eric Vermetten and Ruth Lanius
Introduction
With the notion that the primary goal in research in the clinical neuroscience of stress-related disor-
ders is to apply findings related to the effects of stress on the brain in animals to patients with stress-
related disorders (e.g., posttraumatic stress disorder [PTSD]), a variety of different methods have
contributed to the working model of the neural circuitry of PTSD that is presented here. In addi-
tion to preclinical studies that look at brain tissue specificity to stress, in human studies the neural
circuitry can be studied by measuring volumes of key brain structures with structural neuroimag-
ing; the brain metabolic response to provocation of disease-specific symptoms in conjunction with
functional neuroimaging, using neuroimaging to measure neuroreceptors; or neurotransmitters
and hormone levels in blood, urine, and saliva, as well as assessing behavioral and biochemical
responses to pharmacological challenge to specific neurochemical systems. The composite of these
methods enables a definition of the circuitry that is involved in the pathophysiology of PTSD. As
such the circuitry is mediating symptoms of the wider trauma-related disorders (e.g., acute stress
disorders, dissociative disorders, pathological grief) [see also Liberman chapter].
Only since the last 10 years a model of PTSD could start to be validated with the newer
neuroimaging methods. The imaging facilities and also the studies that have contributed to the
model have improved over the past decade, mostly due to technical and software enhancements.
Spatial and temporal resolution of neuroimaging methods have improved much (Dickerson,
2007) that promise to reveal novel insights into the function of fine-scale neural circuitry of the
stress response. However, the findings of the various studies, research designs, methodologies,
and techniques that will be discussed in this chapter vary to a great extent, show incoherence,
or sometimes opposite results. Repeated studies across centers are an important prerequisite
to generate consensus for a model. The lack of coherency of findings between studies may
be accounted for by a large variety of parameters, among which standardization of the study
protocol, and imaging parameters are of key importance. This review first focuses on the basic
structures involved in the stress response and then moves on to discussing the compromised
neural circuits in PTSD that were revealed through functional neuroimaging research. It covers
various techniques (single positron emitted tomography (SPECT), positron emission tomogra-
phy (PET), and functional neuroimaging (fMRI) that use different paradigms (resting, active
tasks, stimulus presentation) and provides a global overview of the current findings of these
studies. New developments in the field are also discussed briefly in the last section.
Based on studies of the effects of stress on animals and emerging work in clinical neuroscience of
PTSD, a working model for a neural circuitry of fear that is also applicable to PTSD can be described
(see Vermetten and Bremner, 2002). This model is based on work of Charney and Bremner (Bremner
et al. 1995, Charney et al. 1993). This work is ongoing and the models proposed may be subject to
modification and revision as our knowledge base in this area continues to expand.
The brain structures that constitute a neurological working model for traumatic stress
should have several features:
1 Sufficient afferent input should be provided to permit assessment of the fear-producing
nature of the event;
2 The neuronal interactions between the brain structures must be capable of incorporation of
a person’s prior experience into the cognitive appraisal of stimuli;
52 Vermetten AND Lanius
3 The ability to effectively lay down memory traces related to a potential threat;
4 Efferent projections from the brain that are able to mediate an individual’s neuroendo-
crine, autonomic, and motor responses.
Critical brain structures involved in mediating fear behavior resulting from traumatic stress are
locus coeruleus (LC), hippocampus, amygdala, prefrontal cortex, thalamus and hypothalamus,
and periaqueductal grey (PAG), which contribute to neural mechanisms of fear conditioning,
extinction, and behavioral sensitization in case of persistent symptoms of traumatic stress.
The model provides the neural circuitry that plays a role in describing how information
related to a threatening stimulus (e.g., being threatened by someone at gunpoint or witnessing a
deadly car accident) enters the primary senses (smell, sight, touch, hearing); is integrated into a
coherent image that is grounded in space and time; activates memory traces of prior similar expe-
riences with the appropriate emotional valence (necessary in order to evaluate the true threat
potential of the stimulus); triggers a stress response and subsequently triggers appropriate and
adaptive behavioral response, like defending yourself, running away, or calling for help.
Afferent sensory input enters through the eyes, ears, smell, touch, the body’s own visceral
information, or any combination of these. These sensory inputs are relayed through the dorsal thal-
amus to cortical brain areas, such as primary visual (occipital), auditory (temporal), or tactile (post-
central gyrus) cortical areas. Olfactory sensory input, however, has direct inputs to the amygdala
and entorhinal cortex (Turner et al. 1978). Input from peripheral visceral organs is relayed in the
brainstem to the LC, site of the majority of the brain’s noradrenergic neurons (see companion
paper), and from here to central brain areas. These brain areas have projections to multiple areas,
including amygdala, hippocampus, entorhinal cortex, orbitofrontal cortex, and cingulate, which
are involved in mediating memory and emotion (Van Hoesen et al. 1972) (Vogt & Miller 1983).
Cognitive appraisal of potential threat, which involves placing the threatening object in
space and time, is an important aspect of the stress response. Specific brain areas are involved
in these functions (like localizing objects in space, visuospatial processing, memory, cognition,
action, and planning). The anterior cingulate gyrus (Brodmann Area 32) is involved in selection
of responses for action as well as emotion (Devinsky et al. 1995). This area and other medial
portions of the prefrontal cortex, including Brodman’s Area 25 and orbitofrontal cortex (OFC),
modulate emotional and physiological responses to stress. If one is approached in a potentially
threatening situation, it will be important to determine whether the face of the person you see
is someone known to you or is a stranger who may be more threatening. Also, it is important
to place the situation in time and place. Entering a dark alleyway may trigger prior memories
of being robbed, with associated negative emotions and physiological arousal. These memo-
ries may have survival value in that the individual will avoid the situation where the previous
negative event took place, with arousal stimulated and eventual flight prepared. Retrieval of
prior memories of traumatic events has survival value for a true threatening situation; how-
ever, if retrieval occurs repeatedly in nonthreatening situations situation it can be maladaptive
and so lead to symptoms of PTSD.
It is critical to effectively lay down memory traces related to a potential threat in order to
prevent, defend against, or avoid types of threat in the future. The hippocampus and adjacent cor-
tex mediate declarative memory function (e.g., recall of facts and lists) and play an important role
in integration of memory elements at the time of retrieval and in assigning significance for events
within space and time (Squire & Zola-Morgan 1991). The hippocampus also regulates the neuroen-
docrine response to the stress by its role in glucocorticoid negative feedback. The function of the
amygdala in the processing of fear involves conditioning and addition of an emotional valence to
the situation. The amygdala also has direct connections that initiate motor responses to fear (Sarter
& Markowitsch 1985). It is most likely that fearful experiences will be stored in long-term memory.
However, (dissociative) amnesia for traumatic events, a widely debated issue regarding memories
for childhood abuse, is not an uncommon phenomenon in patients with trauma-related disorders
(Bremner et al. 1996) (Chu et al. 1999) (van der Hart et al. 2005) (Vermetten and Bremner, 2000).
With long-term storage, memories are felt to be shifted through hippocampal synaptic plasticity
by protein synthesis, from hippocampus to the neocortical areas where also the sensory impres-
sions are stored (Neves et al. 2008) (Bekinschtein et al. 2007).
In situations of extreme fear, a special category of memory is involved, which entails
the implicit (probably unconscious) learning and storage of information about the emotional
Brain Circuits in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 53
significance of events. The neural system underlying emotional memory involves the amygdala
and structures with which it is connected. Afferent inputs from sensory processing areas of the
thalamus and cortex mediate emotional learning in situations involving specific sensory cues,
whereas learning about the emotional significance of more general, contextual cues involves
projections to the amygdala from the hippocampal formation (LeDoux 1993). Associative pro-
cesses can occur during the process of fear conditioning, and these may underlie the long-
term associative plasticity that constitutes memory of the conditioning experience (Rogan et
al. 1997). Fear conditioning to explicit and contextual cues has been proposed as a model for
intrusive memories that in a kindling-like process, are reactivated by trauma-related stimuli
and hyperarousal, respectively (Grillon et al. 1996). Clinicians often report that ‘traumatic cues’
such as a particular sight or sound reminiscent of the original traumatic event can trigger a cas-
cade of anxiety- and fear-related symptoms in a patient, not uncommonly without conscious
recall of the original traumatic event (Vermetten & Bremner 2003).
Frontal cortical areas modulate emotional responsiveness through inhibition of amygdala
function, and it has been hypothesized that dysfunction in these regions may underlie path-
ological emotional responses in patients with PTSD, and possibly other anxiety disorders.
Medial prefrontal cortex (mPFC) (area 24, 25 and 32) (incl. subcallosal gyrus) has projections
to the amygdala (Buchanan et al. 1994), which are involved in the suppression of amygdala
responsiveness to fearful cues. Dysfunction of this area may be responsible for the failure of
extinction to fearful cues, which is an important part of the anxiety response (Morgan et al.
1993) (Anderson & Insel 2006). In animal models of extinction, the aversive association in the
amygdala seems to be inhibited rather than removed; fear can be rapidly reinstated even long
after extinction either by the presentation of the conditioned stimulus in a different context
or by a single stimulus-shock pairing (Myers & Davis 2007). medial prefrontal cortex (MPF)
is involved in regulation of peripheral responses to stress, including heart rate, blood pres-
sure, and cortisol response (Roth et al. 1988). Finally, case studies of humans with brain lesions
(e.g., the famous case of Phineas Gage) have implicated mPFC (including orbitofrontal cortex,
Area 25, and anterior cingulate, Area 32) in “emotion” and socially appropriate interactions
(Damasio et al. 1994). Auditory association areas (temporal lobe) have also been implicated in
animal studies as mediating extinction to fear responses (Quirk et al. 1997). As reviewed later,
in PTSD patients, dysfunction of medial prefrontal cortex and auditory cortex during exposure
to traumatic reminders has been reported in several studies (Bremner et al. 1999, Bremner et al.
1999, Liberzon & Sripada 2008, Shin et al. 1997b).
A final component of the traumatic stress response involves preparation for a response to
potential threat. Preparation for responding to threat requires integration between brain areas
involved in assessing and interpreting the potentially threatening stimulus, and brain areas
involved in response. For instance, prefrontal cortex and anterior cingulate play an important
role in the planning of action and in holding multiple pieces of information in ‘working memory’
during the execution of a response (Goldman-Rakic 1988). Parietal cortex and posterior cingu-
late cortex are involved in visuospatial processing that is an important component of the stress
response. Motor cortex may represent the neural substrate of planning for action. The cerebellum
has a well-known role in motor movement, which would suggest that this region is involved in
planning for action; however, recent imaging studies are consistent with a role in cognition as
well (Katz & Steinmetz 2002). Connections between parietal and prefrontal cortex are required
in order to permit the organism to rapidly and efficiently execute motor responses to threat. It
is, therefore, not surprising that these areas have important innervations to precentral (motor)
cortex, which is responsible for skeletal motor responses to threat, which facilitate survival. The
striatum (caudate and putamen) modulates motor responses to stress. The dense innervation of
the striatum and prefrontal cortex by the amygdala indicates that the amygdala can regulate both
of these systems. These interactions between the amygdala and the extrapyramidal motor system
may be very important for generating motor responses to threatening stimuli, especially those
related to prior adverse experiences (Berretta 2005) (Charney & Deutch 1996).
The organism must also rapidly effect peripheral responses to threat, which are medi-
ated by the stress hormones, cortisol, and arganine vasopressine (AVP), and the sympathetic
and parasympathetic systems. Stimulation of the lateral hypothalamus results in sympathetic
system activation producing increases in blood pressure and heart rate, sweating, piloerec-
tion, and pupil dilatation. Stress stimulates the release of corticotropin reseasing factor (CRF)
54 Vermetten AND Lanius
from the hypothalamic periventricular nucleus (PVN), which in turn increases peripheral
adrenocorticotrophic hormone (ACTH) and cortisol levels. The medial prefrontal cortex, as
mentioned above, also mediates increased blood pressure and pulse as well as elevations in
cortisol in response to stress. Striatum, amygdala, and bed nucleus of the stria terminalis also
affect peripheral responses to threat through inputs to the lateral nucleus of the hypothamalus
(Walker et al. 2003) (Grillon 2008). The vagus and splanchnic nerves are major projections of
the parasympathetic nervous system. Afferents to the vagus include the lateral hypothalamus,
PVN, LC, and the amygdala. Efferent connections to the splanchnic nerves have been described
occurring from the LC (Clark & Proudfit 1991).
The molecular basis and brain locations of certain memories are also now becoming better under-
stood. Storage of memories of stressful life events appears to involve changes in gene expression in
response to a traumatic stimulus. Genes can be in a state of active transcription in open chromatin
or kept in a silent state in condensed chromatin. Chromatin remodeling to allow gene transcription
is a crucial early step in the memory encoding process. N methyl D aspartase (NMDA) receptor
activation will lead to such chromatin modifications in a small subset of neurons in the dentate
gyrus of the hippocampus (less than 10,000 neurons for each memory-inducing stress event) (see
Chandramohan et al. 2008). These dentate neurons have a prominent role in the encoding of sen-
sory information for the formation of memory and possibly also thus further downstream struc-
tures. This could explain why stress memories can stay so very prominent for an extended period,
and at the same time it would open the possibility for intervention therapies, for example, NMDA
antagonists or glutamate depressing drugs initiated soon after trauma (Reul and Nutt, 2008).
Thus, the pathophysiology of PTSD can be linked to several neurobiological mechanisms
related to traumatic stress. Preclinical studies that investigated the effects of stress on neural
processes such as learning and memory retention were initially used to model PTSD as humans
experience it. These studies suggested that an altered fear response mechanism, behavioral
sensitization, and failure of the extinction of fear play an important role in the pathophysiology
of PTSD (Charney et al. 1993) (see Figure 5.1). These neuro- or psycho-biological mechanisms
will be briefly described below:
sensory
ce
sensory and cognitive associations re
x
r te
Bz to orginal trauma mo
br
Orbito p e-frontal co
tor
mediate fear conditioning
al
l
DA
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nguli
ro
c
serotonin
cy
o. f
or
s
/ r
DA
Gyru
tex
amygdala hippocampus
subsequent
m
PF
stress
C
thalamus
orbitoformal sensitisizes the
ento
inhabition rhin response
al c
of the amygdala or te hypothalamus
x
cereb
mediates
extinction CRF
LC
pituitary
el
NPG
lum
peripheral receptor cells of
exteroceptive, auditory, visual,
TRAUMA-STRESS somesthetic sensory systems, PAG
olfactory systems and visceral
afferent systems
Figure 5.1 A schematic model for the neural circuits involved in the afferent input of fear and anxiety-inducing
stimuli and the processing of the stimuli. The amygdala plays a pivotal role in the assessment of danger and the
response. The LC is a critical component in both afferent and efferent systems, mainly through the NE release.
The amygdala receives input from PAG, LC, thalamus, hippocampus, association cortices, entorhinal cortex,
and visceral pathways. Input form mPFC is involved in determining the significance of fear producing sen-
sory events, the choice and implementation and the type of behavior, and the extinction of conditioned fear
responses. States of stress and fear result in a rapid increase in firing of neurons in the LC, with release of
NE transmitter in different target sites in the brain. This results in an increase in attention and vigilance, as
well as enhancement of memory recall, which can be life saving in threatening situations. Patients with anxiety
disorder, however, develop long-term alterations in function of this system. The fear response is dependent on
previous experience, sensitization, fear conditioning and extinction of previous fear responses. (from Vermetten
and Bremner, 2002).
Fear Conditioning
Among the most characteristic feature of PTSD is that ‘anxiogenic’ memories (e.g., of the trau-
matic experience) can remain seemingly indelible for years or decades without causing prob-
lems and then can be reawakened by various sorts of stimuli and stressors. The strength of
traumatic memories relates, in part, to the degree to which certain neuromodulatory systems,
particularly catecholamines and glucocorticoids, are activated by the traumatic experience.
Release of these stress hormones promotes the encoding of memories of the stressful event.
Long-term alterations in these catecholaminergic and glucocorticoid systems may not only be
responsible for symptoms of fragmentation of memories but also for hypermnesia, amnesia,
deficits in declarative memory, delayed recall, and other aspects of the wide range of memory
distortions in anxiety- and traumatic stress–related disorders. Experimental and clinical inves-
tigations provide evidence that memory processes remain susceptible to modulating influences
after information has been acquired. The brain mechanisms by which sensory representations
(such as colors, objects, or individuals) are selected for episodic encoding are not fully under-
stood. It is thought that with long-term storage, memories are shifted from hippocampus to
the neocortical areas, as the neocortex gradually comes to support stable, long-term storage
(Murray et al. 2001; Wang et al. 2008). The shift in memory storage to the cortex may repre-
sent a shift from conscious representational memory to unconscious memory processes that
indirectly affect behavior. “Traumatic cues” such as a particular sight or sound reminiscent of
the original traumatic event will trigger a cascade of anxiety and fear-related symptoms will
ensue, often without conscious recall of the original traumatic event. In patients with PTSD,
56 Vermetten AND Lanius
Failure of Extinction
The process of fear extinction is closely linked to the conditioning of fear. When a person is
exposed to a normally dangerous situation from which no aversive events result, this situ-
ation elicits a smaller fear response than before—a process which repeated leads to smaller
and smaller responses called extinction. In patients with PTSD, this process does not occur
efficiently, and fear of certain situations fails to extinguish. In military veterans this may be
identified by persistent, fearful responses to large, noisy crowds, fireworks, and doors slam-
ming, among other forms of traumatic recall. Therefore, some permanence in fear conditioning
in patients is due to a dysfunction in the extinction of fear. Ultimately, this can be the cause of
the persistence of the traumatic memories. The neural mechanisms involved in the extinction
of fear greatly overlap with those involved in fear acquisition, as just described.
The main structures involved in the extinction of fear are the medial prefrontal cortex and
the amygdalae (Quirk et al. 2006). NMDA receptors and voltage-gated calcium channels are
essential to extinction processes (Charney 2004). Other systems include the neurotransmitters
gamma-amino-butyric acid (GABA) (Berlau & McGaugh 2006), norepinephrine (Southwick
et al. 1999), and dopamine (Pezze & Feldon 2004). During a fearful response of the amygdala,
the mPFC is activated and attempts to regulate the initial response to the threat so that fear
is contained and managed appropriately. If this prefrontal activation is absent or occurs to a
lesser extent, the amygdala does not receive sufficient inhibitory feedback, resulting in higher
Brain Circuits in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 57
autonomic arousal and exaggerated responses as we see in patients with PTSD. The amygdala–
mPFC connection (feedback process) is thought to be mediated by GABA interneurons, which
may be malfunctioning in PTSD (Berkowitz et al. 2007, Gilboa et al. 2004) as evidenced by a
reduction in GABA-A receptor binding in mPFC (Bremner et al. 2000; Geuze et al. 2007).
A symptom that is common in PTSD patients that is negatively contributing to social and occupa-
tional function is forgetfulness (Geuze et al. 2008a). Patients with PTSD have showed significant defi-
cits in hippocampal-mediated declarative memory (Bremner et al. 1995, Bremner et al. 1993) (Golier
et al. 2002, Vasterling et al. 2002; see review Brewin et al. 2007). A large number of clinical studies have
reported alterations in learning and memory in patients with PTSD, which are consistent with both
deficits in encoding on explicit memory tasks, deficits in retrieval, as well as enhanced encoding or
retrieval for specific trauma-related material (Pitman 1989; Wolfe and Schlesinger 1997; Vasterling
et al. 1998; Bremner and Narayan 1998; Andrews et al. 2000; Buckley et al. 2000; Gilbertson et al.
2001; Roca and Freeman 2001). The majority of these studies found deficits in verbal memory, with a
relative absence of deficits in tasks of attention or visuospatial memory. The alterations varied from
self-reported difficulties in memory (Thygesen, 1970), to impairments of verbal declarative memory
(Sutker et al. 1991; Uddo, 1993; Bremner et al. 1993a; Yehuda et al. 1995; Bremner et al. 1995; Jenkins
et al. 1998; Moradi et al. 1999; Gilbertson et al. 2001). These studies, which involved heterogeneous
groups of trauma populations and comorbidity status, all reported specific deficits in explicit memory
function in PTSD (with no change in IQ). The memory impairments were not accounted for by atten-
tional disturbances or intellectual functioning (Gilbertson et al. 2001; Vasterling et al. 2002). While
attention and immediate memory is also associated with PTSD, some studies did not report verbal
declarative memory deficits (Dalton et al. 1989; Zalewski et al. 1994).
Alterations in memory are correlated with specific brain structures and functional path-
ways that may be altered and are, therefore, possibly dysfunctional in patients with PTSD
(Geuze et al. 2008c). Studies that look into the memory deficiencies in PTSD have found sig-
nificant associations with reductions in hippocampal volume (Geuze et al. 2005b). The hip-
pocampus has been linked to spatial and episodic memory, stress and emotional regulation,
and novelty processing. Lesions of the hippocampus have been found to result in deficiencies
of hippocampus-based learning and memory (Scoville & Milner 2000), 2000]. In conjunction
with the clinical observation that patients with PTSD have been found to perform significantly
more poorly on neuropsychological memory tasks, studies that have examined hippocampal
structure in this population have found smaller hippocampal volumes in patients who have
experienced combat trauma, physical and sexual abuse, and childhood sexual abuse. However,
the findings for hippocampal reductions vary greatly (5–26%) and are found in different areas
within this structure, depending on the methodology, (Geuze et al. 2005a) and are not specific
for PTSD (Geuze et al. 2005b). Moreover, in some studies, trauma-exposed persons without
PTSD also showed significantly smaller bilateral hippocampal compared to nonexposed con-
trols. A recent meta-analyses also found significantly smaller left amygdala volumes in adults
with PTSD compared with both healthy and trauma-exposed controls and significantly smaller
anterior cingulate cortex compared with trauma-exposed controls (Karl et al. 2006).
Although changes in hippocampal volume have been attributed to PTSD, a causal rela-
tionship between a traumatic stressor and hippocampal volume reductions is difficult to prove.
There are two current hypotheses about smaller hippocampal volume. One explanation for a
reduced hippocampal volume in PTSD is the neurotoxicity caused by elevated glucocorticoids,
reduced brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF), and the inhibition of the regeneration of
damaged brain tissue (Vermetten et al. 2003, who also found that treatment for 9 months with
the selective serotonergic reuptake inhibitor (SSRI) paroxetine restored both the hippocampal
volume and memory function ). The second hypothesis is that people who have a smaller hip-
pocampus by birth are (genetically) more at risk to develop PTSD. A twin study that provided
some evidence for the latter hypothesis indicated that there is a negative correlation between
PTSD severity and hippocampal volume in both the patients and their healthy, trauma-unex-
posed twin’s hippocampi (Gilbertson et al. 2002). Furthermore, several studies suggested that
childhood abuse may be a significant contributor to disturbances in hippocampal volume in
58 Vermetten AND Lanius
patients with PTSD during a later stage in their lives. Ultimately, longitudinal studies in popu-
lations regularly exposed to traumatic events may provide evidence of whether hippocampal
volume reduces over time or is initially lower in people who get PTSD.
The advent of modern, structural, and functional imaging techniques has opened a great window
of opportunity for conducting neurological research in human patients. In the past years, such
techniques have been used to reveal whether the hypotheses about changes in the brain in PTSD,
made in the 1990s by Charney et al. (1993) and Bremner et al. (1995), were accurate. In more
recent publications by the same authors, hypotheses supported by preclinical data are discussed
in relation to research findings in human subjects (Bremner 2003, Charney 2004). These updates
include neural structures, circuits, and functions that are altered in patients with PTSD. Although
there is no definitive pathophysiology for PTSD and its biological cause, many theories that have
been developed remain closely tied to the mechanisms from the preclinical findings.
Functional neuroimaging techniques are a relatively recent development in the field of
neurological research. There are various ways to measure the activity that takes place in the
brain, all based on different principles. Such techniques include SPECT, PET, and fMRI. These
three techniques derive brain function indirectly from physiological measures such as cerebral
blood flow, blood oxygen levels, and energy consumption. The assumption related to these
techniques is that glucose metabolism and blood flow, among other parameters, alter when
certain brain areas become activated or inhibited. When neural cells fire, their increase in activ-
ity requires a restoration of the energy they used. It is thought that the metabolic demands by
such neurons result in an increased blood flow to these areas (Jueptner & Weiller 1995). Hence,
these methods interpret physiological measures to deduce brain activity. Both SPECT and PET
make use of regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) and neuroreceptor concentration, whereas
fMRI makes use of the blood oxygen level–dependent (BOLD) signal to show patterns of activ-
ity in the brain.
There are various types of strategies used in measuring functional activity of the brain. The
most straightforward way of measuring brain activity is by observing a subject at rest. In PTSD,
researchers have used both PET and SPECT to measure rCBF (Bonne et al. 2003) (Mirzaei et al.
2001) (Seedat et al. 2004), glucose metabolism (Bremner et al. 1997), and the binding potentials
for both benzodiazepine (Bremner et al. 2000, Fujita et al. 2004, Geuze et al. 2008) and serotonin
1A (Bonne et al. 2005) receptors. Cerebral blood flow, and both receptor availability and affin-
ity, are all indirect measures of activity, or potential activity, in the brain. Differences of these
variables in persons with PTSD may be helpful in describing the pathophysiology of the disor-
der. Activity in the brain can also be observed by having subjects participate in an active task
or by exposing them to certain stimuli. When a paradigm includes active tasks, subjects are
asked to perform certain activities that elicit a predicted brain response. These tasks are usually
designed so that they change neural activities in regions hypothesized to be dysfunctional in
PTSD. Such tasks include emotional recall tasks (Pavic et al. 2003), memory recall tasks (Shin
et al. 2004), memory encoding tasks (Bremner et al. 2003c), the counting Stroop task (Shin et
al. 2001b), the emotional Stroop task (Bremner et al. 2004), and the auditory continuous per-
formance task [auditory continuous performance task (ACPT); (Semple et al. 1996b, Semple
et al. 2000a)]. Each of these methods measures variables of how well a subject performs a task
and what actual neural activity is involved during these tasks. Ideally these two variables show
some kind of correlation so the brain activity can explain the performance of a task (Vermetten &
Bremner 2004). In the functional neuroimaging studies of PTSD, paradigms frequently consist
of exposure to visual or auditory stimuli related to a specific type of trauma. In this way, neural
activity can be studied when subjects are exposed to stimuli reminiscent of their traumatic past.
Studies of Vietnam combat veterans have used combat sounds (Bremner et al. 1999, Liberzon
et al. 1999, Pissiota et al. 2002, Zubieta et al. 1999) and combat slides (Bremner et al. 1999,
Brain Circuits in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 59
Hendler et al. 2003) as well as olfactory cues (Vermetten et al. 2007) to induce trauma-related
stress by symptom provocation. Other studies that include victims of sexual assault or abuse
have used personal traumatic scripts (Britton et al. 2005, Gilboa et al. 2004, Lanius et al. 2002,
Lanius et al. 2003, Liberzon et al. 2003b, Rauch et al. 1996, Shin et al. 2004) to elicit an emotional
response. Although it is interesting to observe these patients during a state of traumatic recall,
it is important to have a baseline with which to compare this activity. This can be done intrap-
ersonally by also measuring activity during a neutral activity or stimulus, or interpersonally,
by having a healthy or trauma control group, or a combination of both.
Although there is significant agreement about the connection of mPFC and amygdalar activity
among the functional imaging studies, some findings point in different directions. Gilboa et al.
(Gilboa et al. 2004) reported a parallel increase in mPFC and amygdalar activity, for example.
Conversely, another study reported parallel hypoactivation of these structures in a group of
combat veterans with PTSD (Liberzon et al. 2003a). Other PTSD studies report no changes in
amygdalar (Bremner et al. 1999, Bremner et al. 1999, Britton et al. 2005, Lanius et al. 2007, Lanius
et al. 2003a, Lanius et al. 2002, Lanius et al. 2001, Yang et al. 2004b) or mPFC (Bonne et al. 2005,
Semple et al. 1996b) activity. One possible explanation for the lack of amygdalar activation in
two of these studies (Britton et al. 2005, Lanius et al. 2001) is the use of traumatic scripts (inter-
nally generated stimuli as opposed to externally generated sounds or images). Yang et al. (Yang
et al. 2004a) attributed their lack of amygdalar activation to paradigm design and small sample
size (n = 11). The fact that Rauch et al. (2000) did not observe any mPFC changes is difficult
to explain. In a more recent symptom provocation study using the presentation of emotional
faces, activity in the mPFC was significantly reduced in patients with PTSD (Shin et al. 2005).
Furthermore, studies using combat pictures (Bremner et al. 1999) and slides related to natural
disaster (Yang et al. 2004a) found significantly reduced activation of the mPFC. One possibility
for the lack of results in the study by Rauch et al. (Rauch et al. 2000) could be the presentation of
masked emotional faces, a practice not employed by studies showing reduced mPFC activity.
Semple et al. (Semple et al. 1996a) also failed to find a difference in mPFC activity, yet they did
manage to do so in a more recent study using a similar auditory continuous performance task
paradigm. Finally, Lanius et al. (Lanius et al. 2002) found an increase in mPFC/ACC region,
as opposed to the decreased activation trend. A possible explanation for this is the exclusive
participation of subjects with dissociative responses to fearful stimuli, as we discuss further on.
In a SPECT study, Zubieta et al. (Zubieta et al. 1999) also reported an increased mPFC activity
and hypothesized hyperactive dysfunction of the mPFC.
Thalamus
A less documented finding in functional neuroimaging studies is the involvement of the thala-
mus in patients with PTSD even though thalamic dysfunction in PTSD has previously been
shown by several groups (Bremner et al. 1999; Liberzon et al. (1996/7); Lanius et al. 2001; 2003).
The thalamus has also been suggested to be involved in mediating the interaction between
attention and arousal (Portas et al. 1998), both of which are clearly relevant to the phenomenol-
ogy of traumatic stress syndromes. Moreover, the thalamus is an important relay station for
the transmission of external sensory information to different areas of the cerebral cortex and
limbic system where this information is processed. Target regions include the frontal cortex,
cingulated gyrus, amygdala, and hippocampus, all of which are closely related to the neural
networks hypothesized to be active in PTSD. Two studies by Lanius et al. (Lanius et al. 2001,
Lanius et al. 2004) using traumatic script-driven imagery and another using traumatic memory
recall (Lanius et al. 2003a) reported decreased thalamic activity. The disruption in thalamic
activity could lead to several of the traits displayed by the clinical presentation of PTSD. Due
to its functional nature, a disruption in activity of the thalamus could lead to the misinterpre-
tation of external stimuli. It is important to note, however, that the only research group that
found altered activity in PTSD with regard to the thalamus, used MRI as opposed to SPECT
or PET. Furthermore, this particular group uses a 4 Tesla MRI scanner as proposed to the more
conventional (and lower resolution) 1.5 and 3 Tesla scanners. Due to the importance of the
thalamus in relaying sensory information to higher cortical regions, it is a region of interest in
PTSD research that deserves and requires further investigation.
Precuneus
The role of the precuneus has been neglected in PTSD research. When male veterans with
and without PTSD (n = 12 per group) were subjected to fMRI during encoding of 12 neutral,
non–trauma-related word pairs, the precuneus was less activated in veterans with PTSD,
which correlated significantly with the severity of PTSD. Like frontotemporal regions the
precuneus is differentially activated during memory formation in veterans with PTSD (Geuze
et al. 2008b).
62 Vermetten AND Lanius
Default network
The notion that the brain has an intrinsic mode of functioning has received increasing atten-
tion over the past years, an idea that stems from observations that even when no explicit task
is performed a consistent network of brain areas shows high levels of activity—the “default”
network (Bruckner et al. 2008). In these studies the default network appeared to be more
active at rest than in a range of explicit tasks. Two opposing brain systems have been identi-
fied with opposing functions, dorsal attention, and hippocampal-cortical memory systems,
which are positioned anatomically to integrate information from the external world versus
internally directed mentation that involves long-term memory (Vincent et al. 2008). Bluhm
et al. have recently reported that at rest, spontaneous low-frequency activity in the posterior
cingulate/precuneus was more strongly correlated with activity in other areas of the default
network in healthy comparison subjects than in subjects with PTSD related to chronic child-
hood abuse. Direct comparison of the two groups showed that posterior cingulate/precu-
neus connectivity was also greater in healthy comparison subjects than in patients with PTSD
in a number of areas previously associated with PTSD, including the right amygdala and
the hippocampus/parahippocampal gyrus. In this patient population, the observed altera-
tions may be associated with the disturbances in self-referential processing often observed in
PTSD (Bluhm et al. 2008).
An emerging literature in PTSD has begun to examine the heterogeneity of response to trau-
matic reminders. Due to the different type of traumas that cause the onset of PTSD, the clinical
presentation of symptoms can vary between patients. Recently, it has been hypothesized that
there are two main categories of PTSD symptoms closely related to the criteria that make up the
disorder. Whereas some patients tend to be hyperaroused, others show numbing in response
to fearful situations. This latter often have moments of dissociation, as opposed to the former,
who tend to be hypervigilant and experience flashbacks of their trauma (Bremner, 1996). In a
study performed by Lanius et al. (Lanius et al. 2005), functional connectivity was measured
using fMRI in both dissociated and flashback PTSD groups. The findings indicate a different
neural connectivity between the two groups, with the dissociated group showing greater con-
nectivity in the left inferior frontal gyrus, an area previously found to be related to the determi-
nation of self-relevance of emotional statements (Lanius et al. 2006). Moreover, in a case report
of a married couple involved in a motor vehicle accident, Lanius et al. (Lanius et al. 2003a)
clearly presented a case for different types of PTSD. The husband responded to a traumatic
script about the accident in a state of hyperarousal, whereas his wife became numb and frozen.
Because there is a possible difference in brain activation patterns between the flashback and
dissociated PTSD groups, comparing these two groups of patients may lead to distortions in
the outcome of a study. We recently reviewed evidence that dissociation reflects frontal inhibi-
tion of limbic and other temporal lobe structures. Moreover, these dissociative response states
have been shown to be triggered by several classes of neurochemicals, including serotonergic
hallucinogens, NMDA antagonists, and opioid agonists, acting through the hippocampus and
other brain areas involved in memory and emotion.
The model of PTSD has focused on a model of hyperactivation of the noradrenergic sys-
tem, for example, the locus coeruleus. Irritability; increased heart rate; and ����������������������
blood�����������������
pressure associ-
ated with trauma reminders, flashbacks, and nightmares have been key symptoms targeted for
treatments such as exposure, cognitive restructuring, and coping skills training. However, the
neurobiology of these dissociative responses is a rapidly developing field as well. Different types
of dissociation, involving somatoform, cognitive, and affective cognitive components have been
identified, and brain mechanisms linking frontal cortical inhibition to amygdala and other limbic
hypoactivation have been identified (see Vermetten et al. 2008; Lanius et al. in review; Vermetten,
Dorahy, & Spiegel, 2007, Felmingham et al. 2008) as well. Thus, there is also potential to recog-
nize in DSM-V the dissociative component of trauma response in peritraumatic, acute, and post-
traumatic periods and symptomatology. A better integration of related disciplines may help to
provide a more coherent nosology regarding trauma response and its treatment.
Brain Circuits in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 63
During the past decade, more than 60 studies were published that specifically used functional neu-
roimaging techniques in PTSD research. These studies make use of a wide range of methodologies:
measuring resting brain activity, presenting a wide range of stimuli, and using active tasks per-
formed by a subject. Within these main groupings, there are further distinctions to be made, such
as the type of stimulus (auditory, visual, trauma script, personal script), type of task (active recall,
counting Stroop task, auditory continuous performance task), and type of tracer used in PET or
SPECT studies. Due to this variation, difficulties arise when comparing data across different studies.
Another issue that confounds comparison is a wide array of subjects in specific studies and when
comparing different studies, including patients with a broad trauma spectrum and of different
sexes. It is important to distinguish between trauma types, such as trauma caused by motor vehicle
accident (MVAs), sexual assault, combat situations, natural disasters, and so on. This could be one
reason behind the inconsistency in hippocampal activation. Furthermore, studies have shown sig-
nificant differences in properties between the male and female brain (Goldstein et al. 2001). PTSD is
a complex disorder with foundations in an extensive neural circuitry (Rauch et al. 2006). By examin-
ing patients with a common traumatic history and sex, it is possible to analyze neural activity with
higher precision, and potential differences between the groups can be brought to light.
An interesting observation can also be drawn from the discrepancy in abnormalities
between functional versus structural neuroimaging. Although functional neuroimaging dem-
onstrates abnormalities in the mPFC (including ACC) and amygdalar circuit, structural MRI
studies have almost exclusively focused on the hippocampus and have only recently started to
examine the amygdale factor. Functional neuroimaging studies suggest that there are clear dif-
ferences in metabolic acticity in the mPFC–amygdale circuit; therefore, it would be interesting
to investigate further whether patients with PTSD show structural differences with respect to
their amygdalae (Karl et al. 2006) (Vermetten et al. 2006). As reported before, an important issue
that needs to be raised is that one may wonder whether the abnormalities found in structural
and functional neuroimaging studies are specific to PTSD. Similar findings have also been
reported in other studies, targeting other anxiety disorders, such as obsessive–compulsive dis-
order (Nakao et al. 2005), panic disorder (van den Heuvel et al. 2005), and generalized social
phobia (Phan et al. 2006). We must be careful, however, in assuming similarity with these other
anxiety disorders due to the specificity of the experimental designs. Studies that target patients
with PTSD use different experimental designs, with content specific to the disorder. For exam-
ple, script-driven imagery for patients with PTSD differs from that used for patients with other
anxiety disorders. In turn, this may elicit different, disease-specific brain activation patterns.
In conclusion, functional neuroimaging studies that use SPECT, PET, and fMRI have opened up a
new window to uncover the biobehavioral mechanisms in PTSD. The most consistent finding in many
research studies to date is a relative decrease in mPFC activity, in conjunction with an increased amygda-
lar activation. Although no conclusive evidence exists, a functional relationship between the two regions
is hypothesized, which is altered in PTSD. The role of the hippocampus and parahippocampal gyrus in
PTSD is ambiguous, despite several studies that support the involvement both in structural and func-
tional studies. The numerous variations between the studies discussed and the complexity of PTSD
symptomatology are potential causes for the inconsistent findings to date. More comprehensive meta-
analyses of the findings across functional imaging studies in PTSD could be benefited by paradigm
conformation. With a standard set of guidelines for subject inclusion, scanning procedures, stimulus
presentation, tasks and other variables, results may become more comparable. Correspondingly, setting
guidelines risks limiting novel methods and ultimately novel results, potentially impeding progress
in uncovering the neural mechanisms underlying PTSD. As the research base deepens, the number
of studies increases, facilitating comparison. Ultimately this may lead to more consistent trends. Even
though the increase in the number of neuroimaging studies has contributed much to the insight in the
neural circuits of PTSD, further research is imperative to fine-tune this model to better understand this
complex and diverse disorder.
List of abbreviations
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6 The genetics of posttraumatic stress
disorder
Eduard Maron and Jakov Shlik
The diagnostic definition of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) postulates its onset in response
to external terrifying events. While an exposure to traumatic conditions is likely to cause
serious distress in almost any individual, only a proportion of them develop clinical features
of PTSD (1). Epidemiological studies estimate that 40% to 90% of the general population may
experience traumatic events during their life, but that only 15% to 24% develop PTSD (2-4).
Thus, the exposure to a traumatic event is necessary, but not sufficient factor in the etiology of
PTSD. Among various factors underlying the individual vulnerability to PTSD, the genetics
may have an important role in the onset and course of this disease. The genetics of PTSD
are often overlooked, with only few recent reviews drawing attention to this intriguing topic
(5-8). Relatively scarce genetic research is in contrast with growing need to understand the
predisposition and risks for PTSD. This chapter summarizes available studies and findings,
which contribute to a better recognition of the genetic mechanisms of PTSD, keeping in mind
limitations and problems accompanying this type of research. In addition, we discuss novel
genetic approaches and directions to stimulate further investigations in this area.
Family studies explore the heritability of disease by estimation of its occurrence among first
degree relatives of affected subjects. Generally these studies provide evidence of an increased
rate of familial psychiatric morbidity among PTSD patients, whereas the stronger association
was revealed for major depression with less consistent support for anxiety or PTSD. One family
interview–based study involving 127 female probands and 639 first-degree relatives reported
that PTSD following rape was associated with familial vulnerability to major depression that
serves as a risk factor for developing PTSD (9). Several other studies demonstrated the two- to
four-fold increased risk of developing PTSD in subjects with a family history of depression,
anxiety disorders, psychosis, or personality disorders (2, 3, 10). Dierker and Merikangas (11)
examined familial psychopathology in 263 probands and 1,206 adult first-degree relatives
showing associations between PTSD in probands and affective disorders among female
relatives or drug abuse among male relatives. However, no specific elevation in PTSD risk was
detected in the relatives of probands with PTSD in their study. The familial relationship between
PTSD and major depression was confirmed in a study by Sautter et al. (12), demonstrating
that relatives of PTSD probands show higher levels of familial depression than the relatives
of healthy comparison subjects. Although they found that the prevalence of both anxiety and
PTSD appeared to be higher in the relatives of probands with PTSD, no statistically significant
differences were shown when compared to controls. Their last finding was conflicting with a
family study of Sack et al. (13), who reported that parental PTSD was associated with a five
fold increased risk of PTSD in offspring of Cambodian refugees living in the Western United
States.
Kozaric-Kovacic et al. (14) have found that familial psychopathology is reasonably
stronger in case of comorbid PTSD. Specifically, the rate of family history of psychiatric illness
was more frequent in Croatian combat veterans with comorbid depression and PTSD than in
those with PTSD alone (35% vs. 6%, respectively). Previously Yehuda et al. (15) demonstrated
a significantly higher prevalence of both current and lifetime PTSD and other psychiatric
disorders in the offspring of Holocaust survivors than in the comparison subjects, even though
these offspring as a group did not have greater exposure to life-threatening events. Several
The genetics of posttraumatic stress disorder 71
studies have shown that family history of affective disorders may predict exposure to traumatic
stressors independently from the risk of developing PTSD (10, 16). The distinct hereditary
aspects of exposure to trauma and PTSD may confound genetic research on traumatic stress.
Furthermore, the PTSD symptoms in probands with familial PTSD could not be fully explained
only by genetic transmission. It was found that children in close contact with traumatized first
responders may develop posttraumatic symptoms through secondary traumatization. For example,
one factor associated with probable emotional disturbance in children throughout New York City 6
months after the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack on the World Trade Center was having a family
member exposed to the attack (17, 18). The examination of mental health problems in New York
City public school children (N = 8,236) 6 months after the World Trade Center attack revealed that
children with emergency medical technician in the family had nearly 19% prevalence of probable
PTSD (19). The role of genetic factors in these findings is not known.
Twin studies
Twin studies compare resemblance for a condition between members of a twin pair, using
the fact that identical (monozygotic, MZ) twins share 100% of their genes while nonidentical
(dizygotic, DZ) twins share on average 50% of their genes. Interpretation of twin studies is
limited by the fact that MZ twins tend to share similar environment more than DZ twins. In
a small Norwegian sample of 81 adult twins with anxiety disorders, PTSD was only found in
cotwins of anxiety probands and was twice as prevalent in MZ (20%) versus DZ (7%) twins (20).
The most compelling evidence for a genetic predisposition to PTSD came from the Vietnam Era
Twin (VET) Registry data, including 4,042 male veteran twin (2,224 MZ and 1,818 DZ) pairs.
True et al. (21) explored in this sample the effects of heredity, shared environment, and unique
environment on the liability for 15 self-reported symptoms of PTSD from symptom clusters
of reexperiencing, avoidance, and hyperarousal. They found that the MZ twin correlations
were higher than the DZ correlations for all of the symptoms and heritability estimates were
in the range of 30% to 35% for most of the individual symptoms after controlling for the
effects of trauma exposure. There was no evidence that environment shared by twin siblings
have contributed to the development of PTSD symptoms. Their parallel VET Registry study
examined the relationship of genetic influences on the extent of trauma exposure by analyzing
specific events, like volunteering for service in Vietnam, time served in Southeast Asia, combat
experiences, and combat decoration awards (22). In this study, the correlation within MZ and
DZ twin pairs for volunteering for service in Vietnam were 0.40 and 0.22, respectively; for
actual service in Southeast Asia, the MZ correlation was 0.41 and the DZ correlation was 0.24.
Analysis of twin pairs in which both siblings served in Southeast Asia (n = 820) demonstrated
a correlation for self-reported combat experiences within MZ and DZ pairs of 0.53 and 0.30,
respectively. Genetic factors accounted for 36% of the variance in service in Southeast Asia,
47% of the variance in combat exposure, and 54% of the variance in the likelihood of receiving
a combat medal. The family environment did not have a significant effect on any of these
variables. Another smaller study by Stein et al. (1) in a sample of 291 female–female, 75 male–
male, and 40 opposite-sex twin pairs from the Vancouver area in Canada showed that for pairs
with both twins exposed to trauma, MZ pairs were more concordant for all clusters of PTSD
than DZ pairs with heritability estimates similar to those in the VET Registry study.
In the research on the heritability of psychiatric disorders, linkage and association studies
aim to clarify the molecular basis of epidemiological genetic findings. Linkage studies point
to a chromosomal location of the gene or genes associated with a familial transmission of a
phenotype of interest, estimating the likelihood of two gene loci to be inherited together. This
model is difficult to apply to genetic research on PTSD because the essential condition for PTSD
onset, exposure to trauma, is a variable that cannot be influenced (6). No linkage studies in
72 Maron AND Shlik
PTSD have been published. Main research efforts so far focus on candidate genes inferred from
the knowledge on pathophysiology and drug action substrates in PTSD as well as relevant
findings in other psychiatric disorders. This approach aims to link the illness to common
variations in DNA sequence, such as sequence repeats or single nucleotide polymorphisms
(SNPs) and patterns of their proximate occurrence (haplotypes). These studies employ the
association method with case control design and/or family-based analyses. In contrast to other
anxiety disorders, such as panic disorder or obsessive–compulsive disorder, fewer genetic
association studies in PTSD have been published. All of them compared the allelic or genotype
frequencies of candidate genes between cases and controls and only few explored haplotypes.
Overall, these findings reviewed below are still preliminary to confirm the involvement of any
specific genetic loci in the development of PTSD, but several of them deserve closer inspection
(data summarized in Table 6.1).
Dopamine-related genes
Dopamine D2 receptor (DRD2) gene was the first candidate in PTSD association studies.
Comings et al. (23, 24) implicated this gene in PTSD based on the association between this gene
and alcohol abuse, the condition highly prevalent among individuals with PTSD. They reported
significantly increased frequency of DRD2 TaqI “A1” alleles in the veterans who developed PTSD
as compared to those who did not. Interpretation of these findings was limited by small sample
size and comorbid drug or alcohol abuse. In attempt to replicate these findings, Gelernter et al.
(25) studied DRD2 TaqI “A” allele frequencies in their sample of European–American Vietnam
combat veterans with PTSD. Neither allelic nor haplotype frequencies significantly differed
between the patient and control groups, excluding major role of genetic variation at the DRD2
locus in predisposition to PTSD. Their study was also restricted by small sample size and high
comorbidity rates. A study of Young et al. (26) aimed to determine the effect of alcohol use on
the possible association between PTSD and DRD2 A1 allele. In line with previous observations
they found significantly higher frequency of the A1 allele in the Vietnam combat veterans of
the Australian armed forces with PTSD than in the matched control group. However, further
analysis revealed that A1 allelic frequency was about twice higher in PTSD subgroup of harmful
drinkers then in nonharmful drinkers, whereas frequency of A1 allele in the latter subgroup did
not significantly differ from control subjects. Moreover, daily amount and hourly rate of alcohol
consumed were markedly higher in PTSD carriers of A1 allele than in those with A2 allele. In a
subsequent study they extended the role of DRD2 locus on the four psychopathological factors,
including somatic concerns, anxiety/insomnia, social dysfunction, and depression in untreated
veterans with PTSD (27, 28). They found that the carriers of A1 allele were showing significantly
higher anxiety, depression, and social dysfunction scores than A2 allele carriers. Interestingly, they
also demonstrated that A1 allele is associated with greater improvements in social functioning in
PTSD patients following 8-week treatment with paroxetine when compared to those without this
allele. These findings indicate that DRD2 A1 allele may be implicated in expression of general
psychopathological symptoms, such as depression, anxiety, or social dysfunction as well as
alcohol use rather than associated with PTSD diagnosis. Pertinently, postmortem and positron
emission tomography studies have demonstrated that A1 allele is associated with decreased
density of DRD2 in human brain (29, 30). In another study, lower density of brain DRD2 was
correlated with higher level of craving for alcohol (31). In the context of these findings, the nature
of association between DRD2 A1 allele and PTSD remains unclear.
The gene of dopamine transporter (DAT), a key protein regulating synaptic reuptake
of dopamine, is another marker recently associated with PTSD. Investigating a polymorphic
variable number tandem repeats (VNTR) region in the SLC6A3 3’ untranslated region,
Segman et al. (32) found a significant association between nine repeat allele and nine repeat
homozygous genotype, and the susceptibility to chronic PTSD. Notably, the PTSD association
studies may be at risk for false negative results because of including potential unexposed
cases as controls. More important, Segman et al. (32) diminished this risk by limiting their
control group only to subjects who were exposed to similar traumatic events as patients, but
Table 6.1 Association studies in Posttraumatic Stress Disorder.
DRD2 TaqI “A1” 37 cases non-Hispanic Alcohol or drug Significantly more “A1” allele carriers among PTSD subjects as
Whites dependence compared to non-PTSD (59% versus 5% p=0.0001) [Comings et al.
19 controls 1996]
TaqI “A1” 52 cases European- Alcohol or drug No difference in A1 allele frequencies between PTSD sample (0.15) and
87 controls American dependence controls (0.19) [Gelernter et al. 1999]
TaqI “A1” 57 cases Caucasian Excluded PSYH, BD, Significantly higher scores on GHQ 2 (anxiety/insomnia), GHQ 3 (social
OCD, DEM dysfunction) and GHQ 4 (depression) in A1 allele carriers [Lawford
et al. 2006]
TaqI “A1” 63 cases Caucasian Excluded PSYH, BD, Greater improvement in GHQ 3 (social dysfunction) in A1 allele carriers
OCD, DEM with paroxetine treatment [Lawford et al. 2003]
TaqI “A1” 91 cases Caucasian Alcohol problems Significantly higher frequency of A1 allele in PTSD harmful drinkers
The genetics of posttraumatic stress disorder
51 (18) controls (28%) than in nonharmful drinkers (14%) or in controls (7%) [Young
et al. 2002]
DAT SLC6A3 3´ VNTR 102 (57) cases Jewish Anxiety disorders, Association with 9 repeat allele (p=0.012, OR=1.72) and 9 repeat
104 (49) controls depression homozygous genotype (p=0.047) [Segman et al., 2002]
DBH -1021C/T 133 cases Croatian Excluded Significantly lower plasma DBH activity in PTSD combat veterans
34 controls Caucasian with CC genotype as compared to veterans without PTSD (p<0.001)
[Mustapic et al., 2007]
5-HTT 5-HTTLPR 100 (43) cases Korean Mostly excluded Higher frequency of S-allele in PTSD patients than in controls (0.87
197 (76) controls versus 0.81; p=0.044, OR=1.65) [Lee et al. 2005]
5-HTTLPR 19 (6) cases American, Depression Significant association between low-expression variant and PTSD in
mostly White adults with low social support and exposed to hurricane [Kilpatrick
570 (211) controls et al. 2007]
MAO-B G/A substitution in 106 cases Croatian Depression, GAD, No significant difference in either the allelic (p=0.25-0.89) or genotype
intron 13 242 controls Caucasian alcoholism (p=0.24-1.00) frequencies [Pivac et al. 2007]
73
74
Investigated
genes polymorphisms Sample (males) Ethnicity Comorbidity Main findings [reference]
APOE €2, €3 and € 4 54 cases Caucasian Depression, PD, Significantly higher CAPS reexperiencing scores and poorer memory on
isoforms Alcohol problems the WMS-III in €2 allele carriers [Freeman et al. 2005]
BDNF G-712A, C270T, 96 (73) cases European- Unspecified No significant difference in either the allelic, genotype or haplotype
Val66Met 250 (103) controls American frequencies (p=0.23-0.84) [Zhang et al. 2006]
Val66Met 107 (45) cases Korean Mostly excluded No significant difference in either the allelic (p=0.57) or genotype
161 (52) controls (p=0.81) frequencies [Lee et al. 2006]
GABRB3 CA repeat alleles 86 cases Caucasian Not excluded Higher total scores on GHQ in the G1 non-G1 hetero-zygotes than in
(G1-G11) homozygotes (p=0.002) [Feusner et al. 2001]
GCR N363S, BclI 118 cases Unspecified Excluded active No significant difference in either N363S allelic (p=0.46) or BclI
42 controls comorbidity genotype (p=0.40) frequencies [Bachmann et al. 2005]
FKBP5 rs3800373 rs992105 900 (384) > 95% Black- Significant interaction of 4 SNPs (rs9296158, rs3800373, rs1360780,
nonpsychiatric clinic American and rs9470080; minimum p=0.0004) with the severity of child abuse to
rs9296158 patients predict level of adult PTSD symptoms [Binder et al. 2008]
rs737054
rs1360780
rs1334894
rs9470080
rs4713916
NPY Leu7Pro 77 cases European- Alcohol dependence No difference in Pro 7 allele frequencies between PTSD sample (3.9)
202 controls American and controls (2.0) [Lappalainen et al. 2002]
ApoE – apolipoprotein E, BDNF – brain-derived neurotrophic factor, DAT – dopamine transporter, DBN – dopamine beta-hydroxylase, DRD – dopamine receptor, FKBP5 – FK506 binding protein 5, GABA –
gamma-amino-butyric acid, GABRB3 – gamma-amino-butyric acid type A receptor ß3 subunit, GCR – glucocorticoid receptor, MAO-B – monoamine oxidases B, NPY – neuropeptide Y, 5-HTT – serotonin
transporter, VNTR – variable number tandem repeat, CAPS – Clinician Administered PTSD Scale, GHQ – General Health Questionnaire-28 (comprises the somatic symptoms, depression, anxiety/insomnia and
social dysfunction subscales), WMS-III – Weschler Memory Scale-Third Edition, BD – bipolar disorder, GAD – generalized anxiety disorder, DEM – dementia, OCD – obsessive-compulsive disorder, PD – panic
disorder, PSYH – psychosis.
Maron AND Shlik
The genetics of posttraumatic stress disorder 75
did not develop PTSD. Neuroimaging studies in various samples showed lack of a functional
effect of SLC6A3 polymorphism on the availability of DAT in human brain (33-36). However,
a recent study examining the effect of SLC6A3 genotype on brain DAT availability in a large
sample of healthy subjects has revealed significantly higher striatal DAT density with mean
increase about 9% in nine repeat allele carriers as compared to 10 repeat allele homozygotes
(37). Whether increased removal of dopamine from synaptic cleft, as determined by nine repeat
allele, is one of the pathogenetic factors in PTSD needs confirmation. Other disturbances in
genetic regulation of catecholamine metabolism could be also related to PTSD. Similarly to
patients with paranoid schizophrenia and psychotic depression (38), the war veterans with
current and chronic PTSD have significantly lower plasma dopamine beta-hydroxylase (DBH)
activity, in contrast to normal level of DBH activity in combat-exposed war veterans without
PTSD (39). Furthermore, plasma DBH activity was significantly lower in veterans with PTSD
carrying CC genotype of 1021C/T SNP in the five flanking region of DBH as compared to
veterans without PTSD. However, neither genotypes nor allelic frequencies significantly
differed between the two groups of war veterans. Notably, this polymorphism accounts for 35–
52% of the interindividual variations in plasma DBH activity (40), whereas association between
plasma DBH activity and CC genotype has been also reported in alcoholic subjects (41).
Monoamine oxidase (MAO), existing in two isoforms (MAO-A and MAO-B), catalyzes the
oxidative deamination of several biogenic amines, including serotonin. Decreased platelet
MAO-B activity was demonstrated in patients with PTSD in some studies, indicating possible
involvement of this enzyme in PTSD (51-53). However, no difference in MAO-B enzymatic
levels was found between patients and control subjects by Pivac et al. (54), who also evaluated
the relationship between platelet MAO-B activity and G/A substitution polymorphism in
76 Maron AND Shlik
intron 13 of MAO-B gene in combatrelated PTSD veterans with or without psychotic features,
combat-exposed veterans without PTSD and healthy control male subjects. Higher platelet
MAO-B activity was found only in PTSD patients with psychotic symptoms, whereas G/A
polymorphism was unrelated to platelet MAO-B activity and was not associated with PTSD (55).
The transcriptionally more active longer alleles or genotypes of the functional polymorphism
of the MAO-A gene, uVNTR, were significantly associated with panic phenotypes in female
but not male patients (56-58). Considering the high comorbidity rate between panic disorder
and PTSD, this polymorphism deserves more attention in further association studies.
Apolipoprotein E gene
The possible involvement of brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) gene in the regulation
of stress-related behaviors seems very intriguing due to its important role in the maintenance
of neuronal plasticity (65). Rasmusson et al. (66) observed downregulated BDNF mRNA levels
in the hippocampal dentate gyrus of rats exposed to footshock or reexposed to cues previously
paired with footshock. Based on this finding, Zhang et al. (67) suggested that stress condition
may inhibit hippocampal BDNF expression, which could be relevant to the pathogenesis of
stress-related disorders, including PTSD. They screened a newly identified SNP, G-712A,
and two previously reported SNPs—C270T and Val66Met—in the patients with Alzheimer’s
disease, affective disorders, schizophrenia, substance dependence, and PTSD. No significant
differences in allele, genotype, or haplotype frequencies of the three BDNF SNPs were found
between the patients with PTSD and normal controls. In addition, neither genotype nor allele
frequencies of Val66Met polymorphism significantly differed between the patients with PTSD
and unrelated healthy controls in Korean population (68). These studies have excluded a
major role of BDNF gene in predisposition to PTSD what is in line with the findings on lack of
associations between BDNF gene and panic disorder (69, 70).
symptoms, anxiety/insomnia, depression and social dysfunction were higher in PTSD subjects
heterozygous for the G1 microsatellite polymorphism than in homozygous groups.Although
the nature of this effect is not clear, these findings, similar to their above-mentioned consequent
studies (27, 28) implicated the candidate genes in the expression of general psychopathology
rather than in PTSD. The studies in other disorders frequently comorbid with PTSD have found
that 485 G>A polymorphism in peripheral benzodiazepine receptor gene was significantly
associated with panic disorder in Japanese sample (75); however, exonic sequence variants
of the GABA-B receptor 1 gene were not implicated in susceptibility to panic disorder (76).
Additionally, no associations were detected between depressive symptomatology and GABA-A
receptor alpha-1 subunit gene in patients with mood disorders (77) or between two missense
variations in peripheral benzodiazepine receptor gene and mood disturbances (78).
FKBP5 is a cochaperone regulating GR signaling (88, 89). Several studies had served FKBP5
gene as an intriguing candidate gene for psychiatric disorders. The polymorphisms in FKBP5
were associated with recurrence or disease status of major depression and treatment response
to antidepressants (90, 91). In addition, the positive association between FKBP5 variations and
peritraumatic dissociation, which is considered to be a risk factor for PTSD, was demonstrated
by Koenen et al. (92) in medically injured children. Binder et al. (93) have explored the
interaction between genetic and environmental risk factors in the development of PTSD,
including exposure to child abuse, non–child-abuse trauma, and genetic polymorphisms of the
FKBP5 gene. In their cross-sectional study consisting of 762 genotyped, nonpsychiatric, mainly
Black (>95%) male and female patients, several FKBP5 SNPs did not directly predict PTSD
symptom outcome or interact with level of non–child-abuse trauma to predict PTSD symptom
severity. However, four SNPs of the FKBP5 gene interacted with severity of child abuse as a
predictor of adult PTSD symptoms, suggesting an interaction between this gene and childhood
environment in the development of PTSD. They also observed significant interactions between
FKBP5 risk allele carrier status, PTSD, and cortisol response to dexamethasone suppression test
in a subgroup of this sample, demonstrating that the majority of patients with risk alleles and
78 Maron AND Shlik
Neuropeptide Y gene
Investigation of gene expression patterns has a potential to expand the knowledge about genetic
substrates of psychiatric disorders on transcriptional levels. Microarray studies of peripheral
gene transcription signatures have suggested a shared expression of the majority of genes
in brain and peripheral blood (99) and showed promising results in somatic and psychiatric
disorders (100-104). To date, two studies exploring peripheral gene expression in PTSD have
been published.
Segman et al. (94) were first to hypothesize that transcriptional response of peripheral
blood mononuclear cell may correlate with the development of PTSD among trauma survivors.
To examine this, the gene expression patterns of subjects exposed to traumatic event, mostly
to motor vehicle accident, were screened using oligonucleotide microarrays, immediately
following trauma at the emergency and four months later. This study provided initial evidence
that peripheral transcriptional signatures at both time points distinguished survivors who had
developed acute or chronic PTSD from those who were well at follow-up and correlated with
the severity of PTSD symptom clusters. From the 4,512 active transcripts identified in their
set, they found 656 transcripts that were differentially expressed between PTSD-affected and
nonaffected subjects. A general reduction in expression of transcription activators in PTSD
affected survivors was detected, whereas several differentiating genes were encoding for
proteins that are known to be involved in stress response, transcriptional activation, cell cycle
and proliferation, immune activation, signal transduction, and apoptosis. On the other hand,
the subjects with PTSD demonstrated significantly increased representations of genes involved
in RNA or nucleotide metabolism and processing as well as significantly enriched signatures for
genes that encode for neural and endocrine proteins. More important, 533 from 656 differentially
expressed transcripts were known to be expressed in pertinent brain and neuroendocrine
The genetics of posttraumatic stress disorder 79
regions. For example, gene transcripts expressed in the amygdala, hippocampus, and HPA axis
were particularly abundant among the genes distinguishing the subjects with PTSD.
Another data set on peripheral gene expression signatures in PTSD was recently presented
by Zieker et al. (105). Their study assessed the transcriptional activity of gene expression in
whole blood of eight patients who developed PTSD after Ramstein air show catastrophe (1989)
and eight control subjects. The authors hypothesized that PTSD results from a failure of the
body to reverse the acute stress response; therefore, genes involved in stress and immune
responses could be differentially transcribed in PTSD patients. Using customized “stress/
immune chips” for selected genes related to inflammation, apoptosis, stress response, and
related pathways, they found that four upregulated and 14 downregulated genes, with 5% of
total valid transcripts compared, differentiated the patients from controls. Most downregulated
transcripts were associated with immune functions or with reactive oxygen species. The
additional polymerase chain reaction confirmed downregulation of the following genes:
coding endothelial differentiation sphingolipid, interleukin-18 and 16, superoxide dismutase
1, and thioredoxin reductase 1. Notably, the assessment of peripheral gene expression profiles
was conducted in patients 16 years after the traumatic event. Despite this long interval,
authors argued that patients maintained the specific features of PTSD. However, patients did
not differ from controls on metabolic level, where comparable levels of cortisol, adrenaline,
noradrenaline, vanillylmandelic acid, homovanillic acid, and cytokines were detected in both
groups. Taken together, the transcripts identified in this investigation indicate that a number of
genes related to oxidative pathway and immune system could be good candidates for further
genetic association studies and treatment targets in PTSD.
The studies above warrant replications in larger controlled and more homogenous
samples. The indications of altered gene expression in PTSD challenge whole-genome
association studies to explore novel polymorphisms in the genes demonstrating different
transcriptional activity.
High comorbidity between PTSD and other psychiatric disorders indicate that PTSD and comorbid
conditions may share genetic components. This is not surprising considering the universal pathogenic
role of stress in mental illness. As mentioned above, the S allele of 5-HTTLPR polymorphism is
probably one of the important genetic modifiers, which contributes to development of both
major depression and PTSD via interaction with adverse life events or traumas. Unfortunately, no
consistent confirmation from molecular studies exploring this aspect exists today; however, twin
studies lend indirect support for shared or common genetic vulnerability.
Several recent studies have estimated the degree to which a common genetic vulnerability
can explain the nature of associations between PTSD and various psychiatric conditions
based on the data from 6,744 male veterans of VET Registry. Koenen et al. (106) found that
common genetic liability explained 62.5% of PTSD and major depression comorbidity, whereas
genetic influences common to major depression explained 15% of the total variance in risk
for PTSD and 58% of the genetic variance in PTSD. In addition, they showed that individual-
specific environmental influences common to major depression explained only 11% of the
individual-specific environmental variance in PTSD, indicating that environmental influences
on both disorders appear to be largely disorder specific. Subsequent analysis demonstrated
that the magnitude of covariance (genetic plus individual-specific environmental) between
major depression and PTSD was about twice as large as that of the covariance (shared plus
individual-specific environmental) between conduct disorder and PTSD (107). This suggests
that the etiology of PTSD is more closely related to major depression than to conduct disorder.
In contrast, the shared genetic effects explained 63% of the association between PTSD and
nicotine dependence, whereas the remaining covariance was explained by individual-specific
environmental effects (108). These studies underscore a substantial genetic overlap between
PTSD and major depression and nicotine dependence, making the genes implicated in the
etiology of comorbid disorders strong candidates for PTSD and vice versa.
80 Maron AND Shlik
The animal studies applying stress models are largely used in exploring various PTSD- related
aspects, including neuroendocrine status or reactivity of autonomic nervous system and
behavioral changes in response to stress (reviewed in next chapter). These models are also
useful in the genetic research. Two strategies are used to establish the nature of interactions
between stress and genes. One direction is to study the effects of gene knockout or transgenic
overexpression on stress-related behavior. Another approach investigates the effect of exposure
to stress on changes in gene expression profiles or their transcriptional activity.
Despite the advantages of knockout models in research on anxiety, the relevance of these
studies to PTSD remains uncertain. For example, several animal studies demonstrated that
knockout mice lacking 5-HTT or 5-HT1A receptor exhibit increased anxiety-related behaviors
in conflict tests, including the open-field, elevated-plus maze, elevated-zero maze, and novelty-
suppressed feeding paradigms (110-116). The 5-HT1A receptor knockout mice also showed
increased behavioral inhibition when faced with complex and ambiguous threatening cues (117).
Although the generalization of fearful behavior to contextual fear conditioning may serve as a
model of PTSD and thus implicate 5-HT1A receptor in this anxiety disorder, it should be noted that
5-HT1A density was not altered in the brain of patients with PTSD (118). Other knockout studies
found a decrease in anxiety-like behavior associated with elevated baseline and poststress exposure
levels of corticosterone in mice lacking the beta3 nicotinic receptor subunit (119) and less anxiety-
related responses and less freezing to a tone after auditory fear conditioning and stress sensitization
in transient receptor potential vanilloid type 1 channel knock-out mice (120). Moreover, significantly
decreased anxiety response was observed after acute stress in mice with knockout of cellular prion
protein (121), whereas anxiety- and stress-related responses were lowered in mice lacking melanin-
concentrating hormone 1 receptor (122) or interleukin 6 (123). On the other hand, anxiety-like
behaviors and/or sensitivity to stress responses increased in mice deficient in corticotropin-releasing
hormone receptor type 1 and 2 (124-126) and in galanin GAL-R1 receptor subtype (127). However,
anxious behavior and stress hormone levels remained unaffected during stress exposure in the
mice deficient in both the GABAB(1) receptor isoforms (128) and neuromedin U central receptor
(129) or were not clearly related to stress exposure in 5-HT3A receptor knockout mice (130).
The stress paradigms are also used in exploring the effect of behavioral and hormonal
responses to stress exposure on the transcriptional levels of relevant genes. In particular,
expression of mRNA for GR was significantly reduced across all hippocampal subfields
in the animals after single prolonged stress, whereas mRNA level of mineralocorticoid
receptor (MR), but not GR, remained persistently downregulated during following 2 weeks.
Furthermore, the animals exhibited hypersensitive glucocorticoid fast feedback induced by
The genetics of posttraumatic stress disorder 81
the stress exposure, demonstrating a decreased MR/GR ratio; by contrast, chronically stressed
animals with normal fast feedback demonstrated normalization in their glucocorticoid
receptor mRNA levels (131). These findings may confirm that hypersensitive glucocorticoid
fast feedback induced by specific stress paradigm may serve as an animal model of PTSD-
specific neuroendocrine abnormality. Interestingly, the mice with transgenic overexpression of
forebrain MR demonstrated diminished anxiety-like behavior accompanying by decrease in
the hippocampal GR and increase in 5HT1A expressions, whereas female mice also exhibited
moderate suppression of the corticosterone response to restraint stress (132). The rats exposed
to restraint stress in the water demonstrated initial downregulation of mRNA for growth
hormone receptor (GHR) in the dentate gyms, which level rapidly enhanced up to 4 hours
after stress. This biphasic enhancement of GHR mRNA expression followed the elevation of
plasma glucocorticoid levels and paralleled with biphasic expressions of mRNAs for MR and
GR in the same region, suggesting that glucocorticoids may interact with GHR in modulation
of hippocampal reactions to stress (134). The other recent study demonstrated that animals
subjected to single prolonged stress exhibited increase in hippocampal levels of both glycine
transporter 1 and vesicle-associated membrane protein 2 mRNA in response to contextual fear
(135). In addition, animals with stronger changes of both behavior and corticosterone levels
in response to predator-scent stress displayed a lack of upregulation in hippocampal mRNA
expression for activity-regulated, cytoskeletal-associated protein (Arc), in contrast to those
with the partial and minimal stress responses (136). On the other hand, the animals showing
extreme behavioral response selectively displayed persistent downregulation of mRNA for
BDNF and upregulation of mRNA for its intracellular kinaseactivating receptor, TrkB, in the CA1
subregion of the hippocampus, compared to animals with partial or minimal responses or to
unexposed controls (137). Since both BDNF and Arc seem to be involved in the longer phases of
long-term potentiation and consequently memory formation (138, 139), their persistently reduced
expression in animals with extreme behavioral response might reflect or mediate changes in
neural plasticity and synaptic functioning underlying chronic stress-induced psychopathologic
processes (136). Earlier findings revealed that exposure to stress has lead to increased expression
of messenger RNA encoding the early immediate transcription factor c-Fos (140), and those
for acetylcholinesterase, but to decreased levels for the acetylcholine-synthesizing enzyme
choline acetyltransferase and the vesicular acetylcholine transporter (141). These data may
indicate that stress-induced changes in cholinergic gene expression could result in a reduction
of available acetylcholine and decline in cholinergic neurotransmission. Preliminary microarray
tests showed that the gene expression profiles in the hippocampus region in clusters of cell
signaling, metabolism, cytoskeleton, and apoptosis, differentiated the stressed maladapted rats
from stressed, well-adapted rats. In addition, the two pathways (mainly with immunoactivity),
cell growth and cycle, and proliferation and apoptosis functionality, were upregulated, while
one, namely, calcium-signaling pathway was downregulated in the amygdala of stressed rats
(142). These findings are of particular interest considering above-mentioned human microarray
findings in PTSD; however, direct parallels can not yet be drown.
Recently, the concept of epigenetic regulatory mechanisms, and specifically, modifications
of chromatin remodelling has been applied in animal models investigating stress-related
behaviors. Most attention has been given to the effects of stress on histone H3 phosphorylation,
which modifies transcriptional activation of silent genes in distinct neuronal populations (143).
Chandramohan et al. (144) have found that exposure to novelty enhanced phosphorylation and
phosphoacetylation of histone H3 in the dentate gyrus throughout the rostrocaudal axis of the
hippocampus, suggesting that selected population of mature dentate neurons is recruited to
allow transcriptional induction of genes necessary for the cellular adaptation to stress. These
studies indicate a high potential of epigenetic approach in advancing genetic research on PTSD.
Conclusions
Similar to other multifactorial and complex diseases, the genetic studies in PTSD face critical
scrutiny and methodological challenges. To date, the genetic research on PTSD has made
82 Maron AND Shlik
modest progress, whereas interpretation of available findings is often complicated and cannot
clearly explain the vulnerability to PTSD. Most of the data are obtained from small samples
and ethnically heterogeneous comorbid populations mainly consisting of males with combat
PTSD, suggesting that the findings may not apply to females, children, or individuals exposed
to other types of trauma. Possible impact of personality traits or individual characteristics on
the vulnerability to traumatic experience has not been well delineated, and only few genetic
studies recognized the necessity to compare PTSD patients to non-PTSD subjects exposed
to the same or similar stressor. PTSD offers a unique opportunity to study interactions
between the genes and the environment. The hypothesis-driven approach to association
studies in PTSD, based on findings in other psychiatric disorders or animal studies, may
be significantly augmented by genomewide association and gene expression studies using
advanced biotechnology and informatics. The emerging research on imaging genomics (145)
may further broaden the understanding of interplay between genetic and neurobiological
bases of anxiety regulation, including PTSD. More transaltional research is warranted to link
the findings on genetic basis of anxiety and stress response in animal and human subjects.
The recognition of genetic factors influencing vulnerability to stressors and PTSD may help
to develop more effective prevention and remediation efforts in this increasingly important
area of public health.
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7 Setting apart the affected—a novel animal
model for posttraumatic stress disorder and its
translational perspective
Joseph Zohar, Michael Matar, and Hagit Cohen
INTRODUCTION
Although animal models of psychiatric disorders are limited to the assessment of measurable
and observable behavioral parameters and cannot assess complex psychological symptoms
such as thought, meaning, and dreams, they are still useful. Valid and reliable animal models
may provide a means for researching biomolecular, pathophysiological, and pharmacological
features of the disorder in ways which are not feasible in human studies. They are not only
relatively cheap but also enable an intervention with compounds and methods that would not
be allowed in humans. Animal models also enable a prospective follow-up design, in which
the disorder is triggered at a specified time and in a uniform manner, in controllable and sta-
tistically sound population samples (in terms of size and composition, including genetically
manipulated and inbred strains), and enable the assessment of behavioral and gross physi-
ological parameters. Moreover, and unlike studies in human subjects, they enable the assess-
ment of concomitant biomolecular changes in dissected brain areas.
Certain criteria must be fulfilled in order to achieve a satisfactory degree of reliability
and validity in modeling the complexities of psychiatric disorders. For example, the behavioral
responses must be clearly observable and measurable, must reliably reflect clinical symptoma-
tology, and pharmacological agents known to affect symptoms in human subjects should cor-
rect the parameters that model symptoms with equal efficacy.
However, many animal models for psychiatric disorders are from their onset subject to a
hypothetical paradigm, for example, bulbectomy or inescapable shock for an animal model of
depression, and so on. In posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) the situation is entirely different; the
trigger is well-known and universal—exposure to a traumatic event, and hence the center of grav-
ity shifts from how to induce it to how to “diagnose” those animals who develop PTSD vs. those
who do not. The behavioral cutoff criteria were introduced, based on this concept—setting apart
the affected—isolates and studies those animals who developed “PTSD-like behavior,” comparing
them to those who did not develop PTSD (although they were exposed to trauma) and to those
who were not exposed.
Researchers who work with animals have long been aware that individual study subjects tend
to display a varying range of responses to stimuli, certainly where stress paradigms are concerned.
This heterogeneity in responses was accepted for many years, regarded as unavoidable, and mostly
swept under the carpet. The hallmark of PTSD is the differential response to trauma, and the main
issue is why the majority of those exposed to trauma do not develop PTSD (the resilience issue),
and only a minority do. Hence, in an animal model of PTSD, the heterogeneity in animal responses
might be regarded the heart of the model as it presents face validity rather than a problem. It stands
to reason that an animal model that includes “diagnostic criteria” may augment the validity of the
disorder studied. However, the criteria for classification should be clearly defined, reliably repro-
ducible, and yield results that conform to findings in human subjects.
This chapter will present findings from a series of studies in an animal model of PTSD
employing individual behavioral response classification. A brief introduction to the standard
stress paradigm, the standard behavioral methods, and the definition of the cutoff behavioral
criteria (CBC) employed for classification will precede this.
The standard stressor in the following studies consists of exposure of rodents to the scent
of the urine of their prime predator—the cat. Blanchard et al. (2–7), Adamec et al. (8–13), and oth-
ers (14–16) have established the validity of this paradigm, in which adult rodents are inescapably
exposed to urine-soiled substrate (cat litter) for 5–10 minutes in a closed environment, where both
“fight” and “flight” options are ineffective. Predator stress has ecological validity in that it mimics
brief, intense threatening experiences inducing the expected range of behavioral and physiological
responses. The potency of predator scent stress (PSS) is comparable to that of paradigms in which
the threat is more tangible and immediate, as compared to paradigms based on induction of other
stressors such as inescapable pain, electric shock, or direct (protected) proximity to a kitten or a
cat. Exposure to unsoiled cat litter serves as the standard trauma-cue paradigm, and immediate
response to the cue is assessed by freezing behavior recorded on an overhead camera.
Behavioral Assessments
A variety of mazes and open environments have been employed to assess changes in exploratory
behavior resulting from stress exposure and to reflect the response amplitude. These test envi-
ronments assess behaviors that indicate anxiety-like fearful behaviors and behaviors reflecting
avoidance. Various learning and memory tasks are employed in which both exploration and
learned task performance can be assessed. Some studies have investigated social behavior in
home cages and in challenge situations. The startle response that characterizes many PTSD
patients has also been employed as one of the more definitively measurable parameters for the
hypervigilant/hyperalert component of the behavioral responses.(8, 15) In the following stud-
ies, exploratory behavior on the elevated plus maze (EPM) serves as the main platform for the
assessment of overall behavior, and the acoustic startle response (ASR) paradigm provides a
precise quantification of hyperalertness, in terms of magnitude of response and habituation to
the stimulus. For details regarding these tests, see Cohen et al.(17–23)
As to the timing of behavioral assessments, a large number of studies performed in a
range of research centers indicate quite clearly that behavioral changes that are observed in
rodents at Day 7 after stress exposure are unlikely to change significantly over the next 30
days.(23) The average life expectancy for the domestic rat is between 2.5 and 3 years. Hence,
behavioral patterns observed at Day 7 can reliably be taken to represent PTSD-like responses
(i.e., “translating” a week for a rat to a month for a human).
2000
Star Amplitude
1500
1000
500 100
75
n
atio
50
25
bitu
0 0
Ha
1 –2 5
2
rtle
Time sp 3 –5 0
ent in th 4
Sta
e open a 5
rms (min
)
Figure 7.1 The effect of single PSS-exposure vs. unexposed control on rat anxiety-like behavior and acoustic
startle response & habituation. The graphic representation of the data from both paradigms (EPM and ASR)
reveals two obvious and rather distinct features. Firstly, it is clear that PSS-exposure alters the response of the
majority of individuals to at least some degree. Secondly the cluster of individuals that forms in the upper left hand
corner of the graph (i.e. more extreme responses to exposure) is quite distinct from the majority of individuals and
could therefore be interpreted as representing “PTSD-like” behavior.
A No
Yes
EPM: Five munites (entire session) spent in closed arms with Extreme
B no oper-arm entries Behavioral
& Yes Response
ASR: Mean startle amplitude > 800 units (at 110 Db) with no
Application of the CBC’s to if habituation over time. ((EBR)
the data:
No
EPM: 0–1 minute spent in closed arms and ≥ open arm Minimal
entries Behavioral
if & Yes Response
ASR: Mean amplitudes ≤ 700 units (at 110Db) and
habituation is demonstrated. ((MBR)
No
Partial
Behavioral
Neither EBR nor MBR Neither EBR nor MBR Yes
Response
((PBR)
80.01% 50%
MBR PBR
MBR
PBR EBR EBR
24.7%
1.33%
18.66%
25.3%
Figure 7.3 Re-analysis of data applying Cut-off Behavioral Criteria A) Unexposed populations B) PSS-exposed
animals.
cross the threshold for EBR. These are labeled partial behavioral responders (PBR) and have as
yet not been further subclassified.(19, 22, 23)
The pooled behavioral data for entire exposed populations were reexamined according
to the CBCs, revealing that the overall prevalence rate for EBR rats was approximately 25%
(Figure 7.3A), as compared to 1.3% in unexposed control populations (Figure 7.3B). The preva-
lence of MBR rats in the PSS-exposed groups was 24.7% (Figure 7.3A) as compared to 80.0% in
the control groups (Figure 7.2B).
The implication of this initial finding was that all prior study analyses must have included
a significant proportion of animals whose behavior had not been affected by the stressor (MBR)
and many animals whose response was of uncertain significance (PBR), alongside those whose
response was unequivocally one of severely disrupted behavioral patterns (EBR). Hence, the
method offered a feasible means for classifying animal response patterns to trauma, thereby
increasing the conceptual accuracy of the data.
It is interesting to note that the proportion of the entire exposed population fulfilling
criteria for extreme responses (EBR) was also compatible with epidemiological data for PTSD
among trauma-exposed human populations (24), which report that between 15% and 35% ful-
fill criteria for PTSD and that approximately 20% to 30% display partial or subsymptomatic
clinical pictures.(24–26) This compatibility further supported the concept of criterion-based
classification in terms of face validity.
Physiological correlates
Physiological data were correlated with behavioral classification in a series of studies, includ-
ing the HPA axis (circulating corticosterone, dehydroepiandrosterone (DHEA), and its sulphate
derivative DHEA-S levels), autonomic nervous system (heart rate and heart rate variability) (19,
27), and immune system.(28) Although the gross population data had shown that the parameters
92 Zohar, Matar, and Cohen
100
90
Figure 7.4 Prevalence of EBR rats after single PSS-exposure as a function of time.
in each study displayed significant responses to the stressor, CBC classification revealed that
animals whose behavior conformed to EBR criteria were characterized by significantly more dis-
turbances on all measures, whereas MBR rats displayed almost none.
Strain/genetic studies
The CBC classification model was applied to genetically manipulated rodent strains in order to
examine two aspects of PTSD. One study assessed the HPA-axis response in rat strains inbred
to have either deficient or excessive HPA-axis responsiveness, compared to outbred rats.
The other examined the heritability of vulnerability vs. resilience factors using inbred (near-
isogenic) mouse strains exposed to PSS and classified according to the CBC method.
a) HPA-axis response Lewis and Fischer rats: PTSD has been associated with disordered
levels of circulating cortisol, an integral component of the stress response (increased levels
according to some studies, and decreased in others).(29–45) Naturalistic clinical observations
in intensive care units (46) and treatment of septic shock (47, 48) show that administration of
cortisol reduces the incidence of cases of PTSD.(46–48)
The animal model provides an opportunity to address questions such as whether low
basal cortisol levels represent a consequence of traumatic exposure (i.e., possible neurotoxic
effects of trauma) or a predisposing trait for pathological stress reactions, by looking at popula-
tions of inbred Lewis and Fischer rats compared to outbred Sprague–Dawley rats. Lewis rats
exhibit a reduced synthesis and secretion of corticotrophin-releasing factor (CRF), leading to
reduced plasma ACTH and reduced CORT release from the adrenal cortex, whereas Fischer
rats possess a hyperresponsive HPA axis. Prevalence rates of EBR individuals were significantly
higher in Lewis (50%) than in Fischer rats (10%), or controls (25%) (49). Moreover, exogenous
administration of cortisol to Lewis rats, before applying the stressor, decreased the prevalence
of EBR significantly (8%).(49) These results suggest that a blunted HPA-axis response to stress
may play a role in the susceptibility to experimentally induced PTSD-like behavioral changes,
especially as these effects were reversed by preexposure administration of corticosterone.
b) Stress-induced behavioral responses in inbred mouse strains: Twin and family studies of
PTSD patients raise questions as to a possible genetic predisposition to PTSD, although the
relative contributions of the genotype and environment to endophenotypic expression are
unclear.
Six inbred strains of mice frequently employed in transgenic research were assessed at
baseline and 7 days after PSS exposure.(50) Inbred strains are expected to demonstrate ∼97.5%
homozygosity of loci as the result of at least 20 generations of sibling matings. The results,
however, revealed an unexpectedly high degree of within-strain individual heterogeneity at
baseline and in the degree of response to stress. This within-strain phenotypic heterogene-
ity might imply that environmental factors play a significant role in characterizing individual
responses, in spite of the significant strain-related, that is, genetic, underpinnings.(51, 52)
Setting Apart the Affected 93
Drug studies
Acute-phase pharmacotherapeutic interventions that effectively alleviate symptoms and
possess potential preventive effects on the development of PTSD founded on large-scale, dou-
ble-blind, controlled, and prospective clinical trails are lacking. The CBC classification model
affords distinct advantages in the prospective study of the therapeutic and preventive potential
of medications. The model enables the prospective study of associations between the behav-
ioral efficacy of the drug in question in a quantifiable manner over specific periods of time, and
the biomolecular and physiological correlates of these behavioral effects. The CBC model was
applied to the study of number of drugs—a selective serotonin reuptake inhibitor (sertraline),
corticosteroids, and a benzodiazepine (alprazolam).
a) Early intervention with an SSRI (Sertraline): Based on the rationale that the acute phase
in rodents is represented by the first 7 days following stress exposure (discussed in “Behavioral
Assessments” in this chapter), rats were randomly allocated to 7 days of treatment either
immediately following exposure or as of day 7, compared to saline treatment. Behavioral and
biomolecular assessments performed at Day 7 (or Day 14) demonstrated the following: Brief,
immediate postexposure intervention with sertraline had an observable short-term effect on
stress-induced behavioral changes that was comparable to the later treatment regimen and
compared to the saline-treated control group.(63) Seven days of treatment with sertraline
immediately after PSS-exposure elicited a statistically significant reduction (14%) in prevalence
rates of EBR and an increase of 5% in prevalence rates of minimal response (MBR) compared
to the placebo-control group. The early treatment group displayed a reduced prevalence of
extreme anxiety-like and avoidant behaviors on the EPM and an attenuation of the exaggerated
94 Zohar, Matar, and Cohen
30 p < 0 .0 0 0 1
20
15
10
0
U n e x p o se d S a lin e S e r tr a lin e
E x p o se d
BDNF
β actin
CON Saline Sertraline
Figure 7.5 Quantitative analysis of BDNF mRNA expression. BDNF mRNA expression levels in the CA1 hip-
pocampal subregion following saline or sertraline treatment.
hyperarousal responses, equivalent to the patterns of behavior of unexposed animals, and a sig-
nificant degree of reversal of the deficit in habituation of the acoustic startle response observed
in controls.(63) These finding suggest that SSRI drugs represent potential agents for secondary
intervention in the acute aftermath of traumatic stress exposure and are thus worthy of further
investigation. Moreover, 7 days of treatment with sertraline immediately after PSS-exposure
normalized long-term changes of BDNF mRNA in PTSD-like animals in parallel with the
improvement in their behavioral responses (Unpublished data - Figure 7.5).
b) Early intervention with corticosterone: As corticosteroid treatment is clinically indi-
cated only in cases in which there is significant physical illness or polytrauma, recurrent
clinical reports of a significant preventive effect in terms of the incidence of concomitant
PTSD are difficult to interpret, despite their relative frequency and impressive results.(46–48,
64–66) The CBC model was employed to examine the effect of a single high-dose interven-
tion with the adrenocorticoid stress hormone CORT given immediately after exposure. This
regimen was compared to lower doses, later treatment, and saline. Stress-induced behavioral
responses were assessed at Day 30 and trauma-cue triggered freezing-response was assessed
on Day 31.
The results clearly showed that a single 25 mg/kg dose of CORT administered immedi-
ately after exposure to the scent of predator urine resulted in a statistically significant reduction
of 13.2% in the prevalence rates of EBR individuals at 30 days, with a concomitant increase of
12.4% in the prevalence of MBR individuals, as compared to saline , that is, a significant shift
toward less extreme behavioral disruption ensuing from traumatic stress.(67) Rats in the high-
dose CORT group responded markedly less extremely to exposure to the trauma cue (24% of
time freezing) than the saline-control group (80% of time freezing). This pattern of response
suggests that the single high-dose CORT treatment had conferred some degree of resilience to
future trauma-related stress exposure.(67) Lower doses of CORT (0.1–5.0 mg/kg) were ineffec-
tive in attenuating behavioral disruptions and significantly increased the prevalence of EBR (at
Day 30) and the vulnerability to the trauma cue as compared to placebo.
The marked attenuation of the response of treated individuals to the trauma cue 31 days
after exposure is of significance. The time frame in which CORT was administered (1 hour after
stress exposure) conforms to the time frame within which the memory consolidation process
takes place at the cellular level (3–6 hours after initiation of data acquisition). The time at which
the effect was assessed was sufficiently distant from the initial exposure, which goes to show
that the effect was mediated by memory-related processes. Furthermore, the same pattern was
Setting Apart the Affected 95
observed in another study, where the protein synthesis inhibitor Anisomycin was effective
when administrated within an hour after exposure, but not when administered later on (after
reactivation of the trauma by a trauma cue).(68) This may suggest that the single high-dose
CORT treatment interfered similarly, by disrupting consolidation of the short-term memory to
long-term memory.(67)
c) Early intervention with benzodiazepine (Alprazolam): Benzodiazepines are commonly
used to relieve distress. Because it has been claimed that early administration of BNZ may be
associated with a less favorable outcome (69) and because there is a possibility that BNZ may
impede adequate processing of acute grief (70), their effects vis-à-vis exposure to stress were
examined in the CBC model.
In this placebo-controlled study, the short-term efficacy and the long-term sequelae of brief
early postexposure administration of a commonly prescribed benzodiazepine (Alprazolam) for the
prevention of subsequent PTSD-like behavioral changes were examined. The results demonstrated
that rats treated immediately after the initial exposure were rendered significantly more vulnerable
to the trauma cue and by far more vulnerable to reexposure to PSS than the placebo control groups.
However, when the treatment was initiated after 1 week, it did not affect vulnerability.(71) It will
be important to establish whether this finding is replicable and whether it is related to specific ben-
zodiazepines and/or a certain time frame, both in animal and in clinical studies. How could this
finding be explained? What might be the mechanism? One possible mechanism might be related
to the effect of Alprazolam on cortisol secretion. The marked suppression of corticosterone activity
during alprazolam treatment and the sharp rebound after its cessation may well be key factors in
the pathogenesis of some behavioral responses observed in this study when BNZ treatment was
initiated. As was mentioned above, the protective effect of cortisol secretion being entirely abol-
ished by early administration of BNZ coupled with polarity of plasma corticosterone levels may be
of great pathogenetic significance, especially in the consolidation phase.(71)
Conclusions
Animal models might complement clinical research and enable modalities that are difficult
to attain in clinical studies. However, it is difficult to come up with an adequate animal
model for psychiatric disorders. Because it is possible, in PTSD, to accurately mimic the main
etiological factor, that is, exposure to trauma, an animal model of PTSD may be easier to
defend. The animal model presented, which is a combination of an exposure to predator
and a focus on setting apart the affected based on behavioral cutoff criteria, demonstrated
high face validity, construct validity, and predictive validity. The cumulative results of our
studies indicate that the validity of this contribution can be further enhanced by classifying
individual animal study subjects according to their response patterns. This approach enables
researchers to test interventions that might be impossible (i.e., Anisomycin) or difficult (e.g.,
BNZ, SSRI, Cortisol) to carry out in a clinical setting without any proper preclinical basis. The
animal model also enables the researcher to go one step further and correlate specific ana-
tomic biomolecular and physiological parameters with the degree and pattern of individual
behavioral response.
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8 Psychosocial treatments of posttraumatic
stress disorder
Kerry J Ressler and Barbara O Rothbaum
Introduction
Impressive advances in treating posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) have been made in the
past decade with respect to group psychotherapy, individual psychodynamically oriented
therapy, and cognitive–behavioral therapy. Notably the Institute of Medicine (1) has recently
confirmed the efficacy for exposure-based psychotherapy treatment for PTSD while finding
that the current data are inadequate to determine the efficacy of medication treatment for
PTSD.(1)
During this same period of time, the neuroscience that underlies the psychotherapy for
treating fear-based disorders is rapidly progressing and is being translated to the clinic in the
form of pharmacological augmentation of emotional learning.
This chapter summarizes the literature on psychosocial interventions for PTSD, begin-
ning with a brief review of traditional therapies. We then examine the larger literature on the
efficacy of cognitive–behavioral procedures with PTSD, along with exciting experimental
approaches such as virtual reality–based treatment for PTSD and pharmacological augmenta-
tion of emotional learning combined with psychotherapy.
Traditional interventions
Hypnotherapy
Hypnosis has been advocated in the treatment of trauma since it was introduced by Freud to attain
the abreaction and catharsis he deemed necessary to resolve a psychic conflict (see (2) for a review)
and continues to be used to treat trauma survivors. Spiegel noted that hypnosis may be useful
in treating PTSD because hypnotic phenomena such as dissociation are common in coping with
trauma as it occurs and in its sequelae, and hypnosis may facilitate the recall of traumatic events that
were encoded in a dissociative state and that, therefore, are not available to conscious recollection.
A number of case studies have reported that hypnosis was useful in treating posttrauma
disturbances following a variety of traumas, but most of these lack methodological rigor and
thus cannot allow strong conclusions to be drawn. In the one controlled study (3) of 112 trauma
victims, the relative efficacies of hypnosis, desensitization, and psychodynamic psychotherapy
were compared against a waiting list control group. The participants were victims of a variety
of traumas who all met symptom criteria for PTSD; the majority did not directly experience the
trauma but had lost a loved one. The results indicated that participants in all three treatment
conditions were more improved than those in the waiting list condition, but no differences
across the three treatments were observed. Inspection of the pre- and post-treatment means
indicated 29% improvement on the Impact of Event Scale (IES) (4) for those in psychodynamic
therapy, 34% for hypnotherapy, and 41% for desensitization, compared to about 10% improve-
ment in the waiting list condition. The results suggest that hypnotherapy, as well as desensiti-
zation and psychodynamic therapy, may offer some help for posttrauma suffering.
Since these earlier studies, few other sufficiently powered comparative studies of hyp-
notherapy have been performed. The most recent large review of psychosocial therapy for
PTSD from the Institute of Medicine (IOM) (1) and Cochrane Database review (5) found that
hypnosis remains understudied, and that, therefore, based on this extremely limited body
of evidence (little empirical support, as there are few randomized clinical trials [RCTs]), the
IOM committee stated that it would be inappropriate to reach a conclusion regarding the
efficacy of hypnotherapy.(1)
100 Ressler and Rothbaum
Psychodynamic treatments
Treatment by dynamic psychotherapy has often been advocated as a final component of crisis
intervention.(6–8) However, empirical investigations of their efficacy are scarce, and those that
do exist are not usually well controlled. In an attempt to account for posttrauma reactions,
psychodynamic theorists, for example, (9) emphasize concepts such as denial, abreaction,
catharsis, and stages of recovery from trauma. The target of Horowitz’s brief psychodynamic
therapy is the resolution of intrapsychic conflict arising from a traumatic experience rather
than specific symptom reduction. Other psychodynamic theorists focus largely on group pro-
cess.(10) Several studies have suggested that psychodynamic treatments may be useful in the
treatment of PTSD, while others have not found them effective. Psychodynamic psychotherapy
was not found useful in the treatment of a traumatized Vietnam veteran.(11) After 19 months
of no progress with psychodynamic psychotherapy, therapy by imagery was introduced. The
therapist presented a trauma-related scene and allowed the client to develop it spontaneously
through associations rather than by plan. The use of the imagery technique was not planned
in advance, but rather it was introduced at appropriate times in the context of a session. The
client moved onto other trauma-related scenes when he was ready. Avoidance was addressed
through psychodynamic techniques of dealing with transference and resistance. Ten sessions
of this imagery therapy were effective in ameliorating the client’s PTSD as observed by the
therapist and reported by the client. Although constrained by the limitations of a single case
report and unsystematic measures, this report suggests that traditional “talking” therapy was
not helpful for PTSD, whereas behaviorally oriented techniques appeared to be effective.
Using psychoanalytic-oriented therapy, Bart (12) reported that trauma victims worsened
following treatment. On the other hand, short-term dynamic group therapy for nine rape vic-
tims was determined to be somewhat helpful. Fear and hostility decreased significantly from
pre- to post-treatment, but three of the seven victims who completed the study reported only
slight change in their overall level of distress. Unfortunately, no control group was included
and the content of the therapy sessions was not specified.
Twenty-eight victims of the Beverly Hills Supper Club fire were treated with individual
short-term (6–12 sessions) psychodynamic psychotherapy.(13) Diagnoses included PTSD, com-
plicated bereavement, major depressive disorder, and adjustment disorder. Patients who com-
pleted treatment showed more improvement than patients with interrupted treatment. Lindy
et al. (13) subsequently observed that all treated patients “improved to a subclinical level two
years after the fire” (p. 602).
As mentioned above in the section on hypnotherapy, Brom et al. (3) conducted a con-
trolled study of Horowitz’s brief psychodynamic therapy, comparing this treatment with
hypnosis, desensitization, and a waiting list control group. Although the authors found no
differences among the three active treatment conditions, inspection of the means on the IES
suggested that psychodynamic therapy in this study yielded inferior outcome compared to
desensitization (29% vs. 41% mean pre–post reduction).
The efficacy of a brief psychodynamic treatment based upon Horowitz’s (9) model for
bereavement was investigated in 61 women who had lost their husbands.(14) Patients were ran-
domly assigned either to 12 weekly sessions of brief dynamic therapy or to a mutual help group
led by a nonclinician. Although many of the participants in this study reported symptoms of PTSD,
death of a husband does not necessarily qualify as a DSM criterion A trauma. Results indicated that
patients in both conditions improved slightly on both interview and self-report ratings of PTSD
symptoms, but there were no group differences. Using a quasiexperimental design, interpersonal
process group therapy (IPGT) was compared with a naturally occurring waiting list control in 43
female childhood sexual abuse survivors.(15) The IPGT treatment was based on the treatment
guidelines established by Courtois (16) and Yalom.(10) History of abuse was the only specified
inclusion criterion. Results indicated that IPGT patients improved on several measures including
PTSD diagnostic status. At pretreatment, 91% of the IPGT group and 85% of the control group met
DSM criteria for PTSD; at posttreatment, only 39% of the IPGT group vs. 83% of the control group
met criteria for PTSD. The IPGT group showed greater symptom reduction than did the control
group on some measures (e.g., self-report measure of intrusion), whereas both groups evidenced
similar symptom reduction on other measures (e.g., depression, dissociation).
In summary, most studies of psychodynamic psychotherapy were plagued by method-
ological flaws, including lack of controls, lack of adequate assessment of outcome, and vaguely
Psychosocial treatments of posttraumatic stress disorder 101
described treatments. Similar to the data with hypnotherapy, The Institute of Medicine (1) and
Cochrane Database review (5) found that psychodynamic psychotherapy approaches to PTSD
remains understudied, and therefore, that based on this extremely limited body of evidence (little
empirical support; there are few randomized clinical trials [RCTs]), the IOM committee stated that
it would be inappropriate to reach a conclusion regarding the efficacy of psychodynamic psycho-
therapy.(1) Thus, the information about the efficacy of traditional interventions with PTSD from
these studies is quite limited and is open to various interpretations. Clearly controlled studies
need to be performed for these approaches to become more broadly validated.
Cognitive–behavioral therapy
Exposure therapy
The efficacy of exposure treatment for PTSD was first demonstrated with several case reports
on war veterans.(28–30) Both flooding in imagination (31) and flooding in vivo to trauma-
related events (29) appeared to be therapeutic. Most of these treatments also included addi-
tional techniques, such as anger control or relaxation training.
102 Ressler and Rothbaum
Prolonged exposure (PE) has been found to be highly effective in the treatment of women with
PTSD following physical and sexual assault compared to waiting list or minimal attention-control
conditions in five studies.(32–36) The percentage of treatment completers who no longer met criteria
for PTSD ranged between 40% and 95% for PE, compared to 0% and 12% in the control conditions.
The first controlled study of the treatment of PTSD in rape survivors randomly assigned PTSD rape
survivors to one of four conditions: stress inoculation training (SIT), prolonged exposure (PE), sup-
portive counseling (SC), or waiting list control (WL). Exposure treatment consisted of nine biweekly
individual sessions. The first two sessions were devoted to information gathering, explaining the treat-
ment rationale, and treatment planning including the construction of a hierarchy of feared situations
for in vivo exposure. During the remaining sessions, survivors were instructed to relive in imagination
their traumatic experiences and describe it aloud “as if it were happening now.” Exposure continued
for about 60 minutes and was tape-recorded so that survivors could practice imaginal exposure as
homework by listening to the tape. Also for homework, survivors were instructed to approach feared
situations or objects that were realistically safe. Detailed instructions for conducting exposure therapy
with PTSD patients can be found in Foa and Rothbaum.(23)
SIT began with information regarding the assault and the survivor’s history gathered in
Session 1, followed by brief breathing retraining to alleviate anxiety aroused by the discussion
of the assault. The rationale for treatment was explained in Session 2, and coping skills were
taught in Sessions 3 to 9. Skills were applied first to a non-assault–related example, and then
to an assault-related example. Supportive counseling focused on assisting patients in solving
daily problems that may or may not be assault related. Discussion of the assault itself was
largely avoided because such discussions were viewed as a form of exposure. Patients were
redirected to “here and now” issues when they began discussing the assault. Patients were
taught problem solving, and therapists engaged in active listening and support. Survivors in
the waiting list condition were assessed at the same 5-week intervals as the treated survivors
and were contacted by phone in between to maintain contact. Treatments were delivered in
nine biweekly 90-minute individual sessions. All conditions produced improvement on all
measures immediately posttreatment and at follow-up.
SIT produced significantly more improvement on PTSD symptoms than WL immedi-
ately following treatment. At follow-up, PE produced superior outcome on PTSD symptoms.
Patients who received PE continued to improve after treatment termination, whereas patients
in the SIT and SC conditions evidenced no change between posttreatment and follow-up.(37)
The exposure technique studied has proven successful even in cases complicated by other
diagnoses such as conversion mutism.(38)
A second study compared PE, SIT, the combination of SIT and PE, and a waiting list
control group.(33) All three active treatments showed significant improvement in PTSD symp-
toms and depressive symptoms at posttest, and the waiting list group did not improve. These
treatment effects were maintained at 6-month follow-up. On most outcome measures, PE was
more effective than the other two treatments, although this difference did not always reach
significance. An examination of patients who achieved good end-state functioning showed
that 21% of patients in SIT, 46% of patients in PE, and 32% of patients in SIT/PE achieved this
goal at posttreatment. At 6-month follow-up, 75% of patients in PE, 68% of patients in SIT, and
50% of patients in SIT/PE lost the PTSD diagnosis, whereas all waiting list patients retained the
diagnosis. The hypothesis that the combined treatment would be superior was not supported.
The authors suggested that these results may be due to the fact the patients in that condition
actually received less prolonged imaginal exposure and SIT training than participants in the
individual treatments, as treatment sessions were all equal in length. Versions of the PE pro-
gram have been helpful in preventing the development of chronic PTSD following rape (39)
and in treating PTSD in abused children.(40)
Additional studies also provide support for the efficacy of exposure treatment for PTSD
in samples heterogeneous with regard to their traumas. Richards et al. (41) treated 14 partici-
pants with PTSD with either four sessions of imaginal exposure followed by four sessions of
in vivo exposure, or in vivo followed by imaginal exposure. Patients in both treatment condi-
tions improved considerably. The authors noted that the percentage of symptom reduction of
65% to 80% seen in this study is much higher than those of most treatment studies for other
anxiety disorders. Also, at posttreatment and at 1-year follow-up, no patients met criteria for
PTSD. The only notable difference between the two exposure types was in the area of phobic
Psychosocial treatments of posttraumatic stress disorder 103
avoidance, on which in vivo exposure appeared to be more effective regardless of the order in
which it was presented. In another study of outpatients with PTSD resulting from a variety of
traumas, (42) exposure, cognitive therapy, and exposure plus cognitive therapy combination
were all equally successful in reducing PTSD at posttreatment and 6-month follow-up. All
three treatments were more effective than relaxation.
Exposure treatment was efficacious in an open trial of eight weekly sessions of imaginal
and in vivo exposure with 23 traumatized individuals with PTSD.(43) Participants improved
significantly on a variety of measures at posttreatment, with reductions of 42% on the IES, 61%
on a measure of general health (General Health Questionnaire), 38% on a general symptom
checklist (the Symptom Checklist-90, or SCL-90), and 35% on the Clinician-Administered PTSD
Scale (CAPS).
Exposure therapy was compared to cognitive therapy in a mixed sample of trauma sur-
vivors.(44) Type of trauma included crime (52%), accident (34%), and other (15%). There was a
significant improvement on all measures at posttreatment, which was maintained at follow-up
for both treatments, with no significant differences between the two treatments.
Similar exposure therapy programs have been successful with different trauma popula-
tions.(45–50) In all these studies, exposure therapy programs included both imaginal and in
vivo exposure. However, three studies have demonstrated that imaginal exposure to the trau-
matic memory in the absence of in vivo exposure produce quite good outcome. Bryant and col-
leagues (51) found imaginal exposure to be more effective than supportive therapy and Tarrier
et. al (52) found this program to be as effective as cognitive therapy.
There are several published reports of successful treatment of PTSD in veterans with expo-
sure therapy. In the largest and best controlled study to date of exposure therapy with veterans
(53), 277 female veterans and active-duty personnel (n = 7) with PTSD were randomly assigned
to receive 10 weekly sessions of PE or present-centered therapy (PCT). Women who received PE
experienced greater reduction in PTSD symptoms and were more likely to no longer meet PTSD
criteria and to achieve total remission than those who received PCT. It is also notable that PE was
delivered by VA therapists, not CBT experts. In a controlled study, Keane, Fairbank, Caddell,
and Zimering (54) compared the progress of 11 male veterans in an exposure therapy with 13
waiting list controls. Participants demonstrated significantly greater improvement in reexperi-
encing symptoms as well as trauma-related depression and anxiety than waiting list controls by
the end of treatment and these gains were maintained at 6-month follow-up. In another study,
Cooper and Clum (55) compared two groups of seven veterans treated for PTSD. Both groups
received individual and group treatment ordinarily offered by VA psychologists at their veterans
facilities. The experimental group also received nine sessions of imaginal exposure, along with
several more sessions to build rapport and prepare for the exposure sessions. At 3-month follow-
up, scores on measures of trait anxiety and depression were similar in both groups, but symp-
toms of reexperiencing, hyperarousal, and avoidance were significantly better in the exposure
group. In a similar vein, Boudewyns and colleagues (56) treated 19 members of an inpatient unit
with direct therapeutic exposure while 19 other patients on the same unit served as controls. At
8-month follow-up, the researchers found that there were no differences between the two groups
on psychophysiological measures, but improvement in overall functioning was better in patients
who had received exposure therapy. Glynn et al. (57) found that veterans who received exposure
treatment, whether followed with 16 sessions of behavioral family therapy or alone, showed a
significant reduction in PTSD symptoms over waiting list controls. Pitman et al. (58) found sig-
nificant reductions in levels of chronic PTSD in a sample of 20 Vietnam veterans participating in
6 to 12 sessions of exposure therapy. However, no control group was available for comparison.
Likewise, Frueh, Turner, Beidel, Mirabella, and Jones (59) studied the effectiveness of a 29-session
treatment, held over 17 weeks, which included imaginal exposure. Overall, the study provided
evidence of significant reduction in anxiety in 11 veterans who completed treatment but again the
findings were limited by the absence of a control group. Finally, Bisson and Jones (60) report that
18 Gulf War veterans with PTSD showed significant reductions symptoms of PTSD, depression,
and general psychiatric distress. Reductions in symptoms were maintained at 3-month follow-
up, but again no comparison to a control group was made.
Exposure therapy has not been as consistently effective when delivered in a group format
in a VA setting. In a large VA cooperative study of male Vietnam veterans (n = 360), trauma-
focused group psychotherapy was not significantly more effective than a present-centered
104 Ressler and Rothbaum
comparison group treatment that avoided trauma focus.(61) However, recent uncontrolled pilot
trials at Atlanta, VA, of exposure therapy delivered in a combination of group and individual
sessions have been more effective. An open trial of 102 veterans treated with Group-Based
Exposure Therapy (GBET) found clinically significant and lasting reductions in the symptoms
of war-related PTSD with large effect sizes on treating clinicians’ assessments and moderate
to large effect sizes on self-report PTSD scales.(62) Another pilot study with 37 participants
using a hybrid treatment model combining individually recorded audiotapes of three trau-
matic memories and daily exposure practice nested in a 10-week behavioral group therapy
format has been effective in treating OEF/OIF and Persian Gulf combat veterans. There were
no significant differences between those with (30%) and without traumatic brain injury (TBI)
on pretreatment measures nor was TBI status a predictor of significantly different treatment
response.(63)
Note that the most recent large meta-analytic reviews have concluded that among all
types of psychosocial therapies, the best and largest RCTs exist for exposure-based models. The
recent Cochrane Database review concluded that both individual and group trauma-focused
CBT/Exposure therapy were effective in the treatment of PTSD.(5) In addition, the Institute of
Medicine concluded that “The committee finds that the evidence is sufficient to conclude the
efficacy of exposure therapies in the treatment of PTSD.”(1)
the treatment of PTSD following September 11, 2001.(69) This pilot study examined thirteen VR
treatment subjects compared to eight waiting list control subjects, and determined that the VR
group showed a significant decline on Clinician-Administered PTSD Scale (CAPS) scores com-
pared to waiting list. A case study of the first Iraq veteran with PTSD treated with the Virtual
Iraq indicated a 56% decrease in CAPS scores with four sessions of VRE.(70)
The results from the studies discussed above consistently support the efficacy of imagi-
nal and in vivo exposure for the treatment of PTSD resulting from a variety of traumas. These
results are even more impressive, given the methodological precision that was applied to
many of these studies. Notably, there are now very good VR environments for the Iraq war,
the Vietnam War, the World Trade Center bombings, Terrorist attacks in Israel, and a variety
of other non–trauma-based environments. However, despite the fact that almost 100 papers
discussing virtual reality exposure therapy for anxiety-related disorders are now in the lit-
erature, many are not optimally designed.(71) Additional randomized clinical controlled trials
and trials of increased size will likely lead to exciting new uses and validation for virtual reality
approaches in the future.
Systematic desensitization
Some of the earliest studies of behavioral treatments for PTSD adopted the SD technique
pioneered by Wolpe.(78) Although participants in these studies showed improvement in post-
trauma symptoms, methodological problems plagued each of these studies, rendering the
results inconclusive. An exception was the Brom et al. (3) study described in detail in the section
on hypnotherapy and psychodynamic therapy. In this study, patients in the desensitization
condition showed a mean improvement of 41% on the IES, which was higher than the other
treatments examined, although the difference did not reach statistical significance. In light of the
106 Ressler and Rothbaum
methodological problems with the resulting lack of strong conclusions to be drawn, SD will be
reviewed very briefly below.
The successful outcome of SD compared to a no-treatment control group was demon-
strated in two studies with war veterans using psychophysiological measures (electromyo-
graphy and heart rate), (79, 80) but the treatment required a large number of sessions over
an extended period of time and PTSD was not assessed. Thirteen to eighteen sessions of SD
with the last two sessions spent in in vivo exposure were used successfully with three automo-
bile accident survivors.(81) Several uncontrolled studies demonstrated that SD was effective
with rape survivors in reducing fear, anxiety, depression, and social maladjustment.(76, 82, 83)
However, SD alone was not successful in one case study of a rape survivor.(84)
In summary, several studies examined the effects of SD with a variety of trauma survivors,
most showing some beneficial results. However, the lack of adequate control conditions and/or
the absence of PTSD diagnoses and measures in some of the studies limit the conclusions that can
be drawn from them. With the empirical finding that relaxation during confrontation with feared
material was not necessary, and with evidence for the inferiority of SD to flooding in most anxiety
disorders, the use of SD for anxiety disorders, including PTSD, was largely abandoned. In its place,
researchers and clinicians have used a variety of imaginal and in vivo exposure techniques.
met criteria for PTSD. Using a sample of 36 survivors of heterogeneous traumas, Vaughan
et al. (93) compared EMDR with imagery habituation training (IHT), a procedure that involved
repeated presentation of traumatic stimuli in the form of an oral scenario, and applied muscle
relaxation training. The authors concluded that all three groups were equally improved on
the independent assessors’ rating of PTSD. Wilson et al. (94) compared EMDR to a delayed-
treatment condition in a mixed sample of traumatized individuals about half of whom had
PTSD. Overall, patients in the EMDR group reported decreases in presenting complaints and
in anxiety, and increases in positive cognitions at posttreatment, whereas the waiting list group
reported no improvement.
A well-controlled study on the efficacy of EMDR was conducted by Rothbaum (95), who
randomized 21 female survivors of rape to either EMDR or a waiting list control group. Measures
consisted of standardized self-report and interview instruments, with the interviews conducted
by a blind evaluator. Treatment consisted of four weekly sessions conducted by a well-trained
clinician, and treatment adherence was monitored and deemed acceptable by an independent
evaluator designated by EMDR’s originator. EMDR led to improvement on PTSD symptoms on
both interview (57% reduction in symptom severity) and IES (74% reduction), and gains were
maintained at a 3-month follow-up. These reductions were significantly different from the con-
trol group, who evidenced no change in symptoms. In a comparison study, participants were ran-
domly assigned to either routine clinical care, 12 sessions of biofeedback-assisted relaxation, or 12
sessions of EMDR.(96) At posttreatment and at a 3-month follow-up, the EMDR-treated partici-
pants were more improved on self-report, psychometric, and standardized measures. However,
there were no differences on psychophysiological measures. EMDR was compared to general
outpatient treatment in a managed care organization (HMO).(97) On measures of PTSD, depres-
sion, and anxiety, EMDR was superior. In a well-controlled study involving EMDR, a course of
nine sessions of EMDR was compared to nine sessions of a CBT treatment consisting of prolonged
imaginal exposure, stress inoculation training, and cognitive therapy.(98) The results indicated
that CBT was superior to EMDR at posttreatment and 1-year follow-up. Another well-controlled
study evaluated the relative efficacy of Prolonged Exposure (PE) and EMDR compared to a no-
treatment waiting list control (WAIT) in the treatment of PTSD in adult female rape victims (n
= 74). Improvement in PTSD, as assessed by blind independent assessors, and depression, dis-
sociation, and state anxiety was significantly greater in both PE and EMDR group than the WAIT
group (20 completers per group). PE and EMDR did not differ significantly for change from base-
line to either posttreatment or 6-month follow-up measurement for any quantitative scale (36),
but on a measure of good end-state functioning at 6 months posttreatment, participants who had
received PE were doing better than participants who had received EMDR.
In summary, several studies report beneficial effects of EMDR, although other studies
report equivocal findings with EMDR not resulting in significant improvements over control
conditions or comparison treatments, especially on blind, standardized PTSD measures. The
recent Cochrane Database review concluded that EMDR was more effective than traditional
therapies or no therapy but not different from CBT and stress management.(5) The Institute of
Medicine, however, found that “the overall body of evidence for EMDR to be low quality to
inform conclusion regarding treatment efficacy. Four studies, three of medium and one of small
sample size, had no major limitations, but only two showed positive effect for EMDR.” The
committee judged that the overall evidence is inadequate to determine efficacy and that future
well-designed studies are critical.(1)
emotional rehabilitation (SER). SER was conducted in a group format and consisted of social
skills training, anger management, and veterans’ issues management. Fifteen male Vietnam
combat veterans with PTSD were entered, and 11 completed 29 treatment sessions over 17
weeks. Results indicated significant improvements from pre- to post-treatment on the Clinical
Global Impressions (CGI), Hamilton Rating Scale for Anxiety, heart rate reactivity to trau-
matic cues, total hours of sleep, number of social activities, frequency of nightmares, and
trends toward significant improvement on the CAPS and flashbacks. There was no significant
improvement noted on self-report measures, including the Beck Depression Inventory, Social
Phobia, and Anxiety Inventory, or the Spielberger Anger Expression Inventory.
A quasiexperimental design tested a combination therapy for rape survivors with PTSD.
(101) Nineteen female sexual assault survivors received cognitive processing therapy (CPT)
over 12 weekly sessions in a group format. CPT includes education, exposure via writing about
the assault and sharing it in a group, and cognitive restructuring components. Treated partici-
pants were not randomly assigned but rather were compared to a naturally occurring waiting
list control group. Results were very encouraging for the efficacy of CPT in this population.
CPT subjects improved significantly from pre- to post-treatment on PTSD and depression rat-
ings and maintained their improvement throughout the 6-month follow-up period. The wait-
ing list subjects evidenced no change during a comparable 12-week period.
In a later report with a larger sample, Resick (102) reported that of the 66 women who
completed CPT, 97% met full criteria for PTSD at pretreatment, and of these only 12% met cri-
teria for PTSD at posttreatment. Fifty-three women completed a 6-month follow-up and only
11% met criteria for PTSD. At pretreatment, 52% met criteria for major depression. At post-
treatment, only 12.5% were still depressed. At the 6-month follow-up, 8% were depressed. In a
controlled trial comparing CPT, PE, and waiting list control groups, Resick et al. (103) reported
that female sexual assault survivors who received CPT or PE were significantly more improved
than the waiting list control group from pre- to post-treatment on PTSD and depressive symp-
tomatology. CPT and PE were equally effective in reducing PTSD. CPT has been found effec-
tive in a group and individual format for adult survivors of child sexual abuse compared to a
waiting list control (104), in a randomized trial with military veterans (105), with incarcerated
adolescents (106) and refugees, even when delivered through an interpreter.(107)
Another study testing a combination treatment approach compared self-exposure plus
cognitive restructuring to progressive relaxation training in 20 female sexual assault survivors.
(108) Results indicated superiority at posttreatment and follow-up for the participants treated
with exposure plus cognitive restructuring.
In two randomized, controlled dismantling studies, a writing-only component for PTSD
patients has fared well. In a dismantling study of CPT, the full protocol was compared to its com-
ponents, cognitive therapy and written accounts, in 150 adult women with PTSD. Each treatment
was delivered for 6 weeks, with 2 hours of therapy per week. Results indicated that patients in all
three conditions improved substantially and equivalently on PTSD and related measures.(109) A
randomized controlled trial (n = 125) was conducted at a Dutch outpatient clinic to evaluate the
efficacy of a structured writing therapy or CBT as compared to a waiting list control condition.
Treatment consisted of five 1.5-hour sessions of CBT or writing for participants with ASD or acute
PTSD and ten 1.5-hour sessions for participants with chronic PTSD. Results indicated improve-
ments with both active treatments with no differences between the two treatments.(110)
An recent meta-analytic review by Bradley and colleagues (17) examined all studies
between 1980 and 2003 examining psychotherapy for PTSD. They found that across CBT,
exposure therapy, EMDR, and combined treatment studies from this period, “The majority of
patients treated with psychotherapy for PTSD in randomized trials recover or improve, render-
ing these approaches some of the most effective psychosocial treatments to date.” One of the
main caveats they note, however, was that polysymptomatic presentations render generaliz-
ability to the population indeterminate.
In one of the only studies to combine antidepressant medication with CBT for PTSD, out-
patient men and women with chronic PTSD completed 10 weeks of open-label sertraline and
then were randomly assigned to five additional weeks of sertraline alone (n = 31) or sertraline
plus 10 sessions of twice-weekly PE (n = 34). Results indicated that sertraline led to a signifi-
cant reduction in PTSD severity after 10 weeks but was associated with no further reductions
after 5 more weeks. Participants who received PE showed further reduction in PTSD severity.
This augmentation effect was observed only for participants who showed a partial response to
medication. Thus, the addition of PE to sertraline for PTSD improves outcome for individuals
experiencing a less than full response to the medication.(115)
An alternative approach to both standard chronic pharmacological treatments that tend
to target symptom clusters but not necessarily the root cause of the disorder, is the possibility
of enhancing the specific new learning that occurs with psychotherapy. The pathways medi-
ating this learning are on the one hand very complex, but on the other hand, specific learn-
ing processes that utilize brain regions such as the amygdala and PFC that are involved with
extinction of fear are well understood. The sections below will discuss evidence that those with
disorders of aversive emotion respond to behavioral therapy and utilize new emotional learn-
ing to compete with or inhibit the aversive memories, a process known as extinction that may
be enhanced with specific pharmacotherapy. Together these approaches offer tantalizing future
ways in which fear, aversive, and traumatic memories may be modulated to alleviate suffering
due to negative memories.
The inhibition of fear acquired by associative learning has been studied in both animals
and humans. Following the pairing of an aversive unconditioned stimulus (UCS) to a neutral
conditioned stimulus (CS), a conditioned fear response is established. If the neutral CS is then
repeatedly presented in the absence of the UCS, a procedure known as extinction training, the
result is an inhibition of the conditioned fear response to the neutral CS. From an operational
perspective, extinction may thus be defined as “a reduction in the strength or probability of a
conditioned fear response as a consequence of repeated presentation of the CS in the absence
of the UCS.”(116)
A variety of behavioral observations support the hypothesis that extinction is a form of
learning and not “unlearning” or the forgetting of a conditioned association reviewed in.(117)
Thus, Davis and colleagues tested the hypothesis that enhancing neurotransmission at NMDA
receptors would facilitate extinction.(118) D-cycloserine (DCS) is a partial NMDA agonist, act-
ing at the strychnine-insensitive glycine recognition site of the NMDA receptor complex to
enhance NMDA receptor activity.(119, 120) The central findings of this study were that both
systemic and amygdala-specific administration of DCS dose-dependently enhanced extinction
of previously conditioned fear but did not influence fear in rats that had not received extinc-
tion training. The general findings of this study have been replicated by numerous groups
with extinction of fear with startle and freezing and with extinction of appetitive cues, such as
cocaine-conditioned place preference.(121–128) Collectively, data from rodent studies suggest
that DCS, a drug already shown to be safe for use in humans for treating tuberculosis, may have
potential use in the facilitation of extinction-based therapies for human anxiety disorders.
From a therapeutic standpoint, the behavior therapies for different anxiety disorders gen-
erally involve some form of extinction training.(116) This involves graded exposure to the feared
object or event in the absence of actual harm. This exposure may be imaginal or in vivo where
the feared stimulus is directly encountered by the patient, or in virtual reality. Considering the
similarity between extinction training in rodents and exposure therapy for anxiety disorders
in humans, novel ways to integrate pharmacotherapy with psychotherapy seemed plausible.
Historically, there has been hope to combine these two approaches into a treatment more effec-
tive than either alone, but unfortunately this has not generally been achieved.(112, 129) In fact,
sometimes, combining pharmacotherapy with psychotherapy can make a bad situation worse.
(111, 130) However, extinction-based therapies for anxiety may be an exception to this trend.
To determine whether DCS would also improve extinction of fear in human patients
with fear-related disorders, a double-blind, placebo-controlled trial in a controlled exposure
paradigm was performed.(131) Twenty-eight subjects with fear of heights (acrophobia) were
treated with two sessions of behavioral exposure therapy using virtual reality exposure to
heights within a virtual glass elevator. Single doses of placebo or DCS were taken prior to
each of the two sessions of virtual reality exposure therapy. Exposure therapy combined with
DCS resulted in significantly larger reductions of acrophobia symptoms on all main outcome
110 Ressler and Rothbaum
measures, including fear within the virtual environment, acrophobia symptoms outside of
the environment, and acrophobia-related anxiety. In addition, subjects receiving DCS showed
significantly greater decreases in a physiological measure of anxiety during the Behavioral
Avoidance Test (BAT). These preliminary data provided initial support for the use of acute
dosing of DCS as an adjunct to exposure-based psychotherapy to accelerate the associative
learning processes that contribute to correcting psychopathology.
Since that experiment, DCS has also been used in a double-blind, placebo-controlled trial
for the treatment of social anxiety disorder, utilizing exposure therapy as well. In this study, 27
subjects received 4 exposure therapy sessions combined with DCS or placebo. Those receiving
DCS in addition to exposure therapy reported significantly less social anxiety compared with
patients receiving exposure therapy plus placebo. Controlled effect sizes were in the medium
to large range.(132, 133) An additional recent study has also examined using DCS to acceler-
ate obsession-related distress reduction in patients with obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD)
undergoing extinction-based exposure therapy. DCS given prior to the therapy was found to
decrease both the number of exposure sessions required to achieve clinical milestones and the
rate of therapy dropout. After four exposure sessions, patients in the DCS group reported sig-
nificantly greater decreases in obsession-related distress compared to the placebo group.(134)
There are currently two negative findings of DCS use in the augmentation of extinction in
humans. However, in both studies, one utilizing exposure therapy for the treatment of spider
phobia (135) and the second utilizing extinction for a conditioned cue in healthy human subjects
(136), the placebo-controlled groups had good recovery as well. This suggests, as has been found
in the animal studies, that if a “floor effect” of complete extinction is accomplished, then DCS may
not augment extinction any further. Rather it appears that DCS may be most useful in disorders
in which either a large number of therapy sessions is normally needed for a response or in which
the nature of the disorder is quite refractory to normal exposure-based therapy approaches.
At least four randomized clinical trials of DCS augmentation of treatment for PTSD are
currently ongoing but none yet published. There is a great deal of excitement as to whether
these new approaches will lead to advances in psychosocial treatment methodologies. It is
hoped that, with progress in the neurobiology and neuropharmacology of extinction of fear,
previously undiscovered approaches to pharmacotherapy will significantly enhance treatment
for refractory mood and anxiety disorders, including PTSD.
Overall, the most controlled studies of psychosocial treatments for PTSD have been conducted
on cognitive–behavioral treatments. These studies demonstrate that techniques such as pro-
longed exposure procedures, stress inoculation training, and cognitive processing therapy are
effective in reducing symptoms of PTSD. Systematic desensitization has largely been aban-
doned in favor of pure exposure techniques. Relaxation and cognitive therapy are best viewed
as treatment components rather than standalone treatments. Contrary to clinical intuition,
there is no evidence indicating the superiority of programs that combine different cognitive–
behavioral techniques.
Many of the studies examining EMDR have methodological flaws and the results are
mixed. Reports on the efficacy of psychodynamic interventions on posttrauma problems are
equivocal: some report negative results, and others are more optimistic, but the majority of the
reports are not well controlled. Because these interventions are widely employed with trauma
survivors, it is imperative that their efficacy be examined in well-controlled studies.
New approaches combining the neuroscience of exposure/extinction therapy with phar-
macotherapy aimed at specifically enhancing the emotional learning process that occurs with
psychotherapy are also quite promising and very exciting.
In summary, results suggest that psychotherapy for PTSD leads to large improvements
from baseline and that these are among the most powerful types of approaches for treating
psychiatric disorders. Notably, the Institute of Medicine (1) report states that “evidence is suf-
ficient to conclude the efficacy of exposure therapy in the treatment of PTSD” in contrast to
current medication approaches for PTSD where “the committee found the evidence for all
classes of drugs reviewed inadequate to determine efficacy for patients with PTSD.” (1) Thus,
Psychosocial treatments of posttraumatic stress disorder 111
psychosocial treatment approaches, particularly exposure therapy, is the most validated form
of treatment for PTSD. The importance of future randomized clinical trials for different types of
treatment and combinations of pharmacotherapy and psychotherapy are of utmost importance
going forward.
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9 Pharmacotherapy of posttraumatic stress
disorder
Lakshmi N Ravindran and Murray B Stein
Introduction
With vivid descriptions dating back to ancient Greece, the battlefield phenomenon, known in
its various incarnations as “soldier’s heart,” “shell shock,” and “combat fatigue,” is not just
limited to military populations. Studies on the more recent construct of “posttraumatic stress
disorder” (PTSD), initially accepted by the psychiatric community in 1980, (1) now suggest a
lifetime prevalence of 6.8% in the general U.S. population.(2) With recent world events and
media coverage bringing increased awareness to this disabling disorder, the drive to find effec-
tive treatments for this condition is even greater.
This goal of this chapter is to review the evidence base of pharmacological interven-
tions for PTSD. Wherever possible, the review is reliant on randomized, double-blind, placebo-
controlled trials to provide the most meaningful information. However, in cases where this is
not feasible, other evidence (e.g., open-label or active-control trials) may be mentioned. The
use of pharmacotherapy to prevent development of PTSD following trauma is discussed in a
subsequent chapter (see the chapter by Bisson and Zohar, this volume). Effective psychothera-
peutic interventions for PTSD also exist and are commonly used either as monotherapy or in
conjunction with pharmacological agents. Details substantiating these management strategies
are also discussed in another chapter (see chapter by Ressler and Rothbaum, this volume)
Antidepressants
Following the early reports of successful use of SSRIs for this disorder, several other large
placebo-controlled trials have since been conducted with a number serving as the basis for
regulatory approval of two particular SSRIs, sertraline and paroxetine. Two large multicenter
trials comparing placebo and sertraline treatment over 12 weeks found moderate effects for
active drug (effect sizes ≈0.5) (9, 10), with the former study also noting particular effects for
sertraline on the hyperarousal and numbing/avoidance clusters of symptoms. Similarly, two
large trials found that paroxetine significantly decreased PTSD symptoms in all three symp-
toms clusters, following 12 weeks of treatment compared to placebo.(11, 12) More recently,
Marshall et al. (13) provided additional support for the efficacy of paroxetine when they stud-
ied an urban population with a high minority quotient. They noted that paroxetine appeared to
be helpful for treatment of core PTSD symptoms along with associated features of PTSD, which
included significant dissociative symptoms and interpersonal issues.
Currently, there is only one double-blind study involving the use of citalopram that com-
pares it to sertraline and placebo; (14) however, although citalopram was able to demonstrate
an overall improvement in the PTSD symptoms by the end of this study, the results failed to
demonstrate significant differences in efficacy between the three treatment arms. Nevertheless,
open-label trials have suggested a role for citalopram in the treatment of PTSD, in adults as
well as children and adolescents.(15–18) Similarly, open-label trials have also demonstrated
moderate success using escitalopram (19) and fluvoxamine.(20–23).
While the findings from the above trials support specific PTSD symptom reduction with
SSRIs, evidence in the literature also suggests that SSRIs may be useful in improving and sus-
taining amelioration in quality of life for this population, with the majority of the recovery
occurring during the acute treatment phase.(24)
At this time, SSRIs represent the most extensively investigated class of medications in
PTSD research. A recent report from the Institute of Medicine (IOM) concluded that evidence
for SSRI efficacy in PTSD was inconclusive, citing the less-than-robust effect overall effect sizes.
(25) Nonetheless, many studies, as cited above, suggest a beneficial role for SSRIs in the treat-
ment of PTSD—though the magnitude of benefits varies widely among individuals and, gen-
erally, is less than would be desired of a first-line treatment. Among the SSRIs, there is every
reason to believe that efficacy is shared by the entire class. As such, the use of a particular SSRI
for PTSD should take into consideration factors such as side effects, prior response, and per-
haps family history of response. Dosages of SSRIs for the treatment of PTSD are in the same
range as those recommended for major depressive disorder. Because many patients with PTSD
suffer from comorbid MDD, (26) the use of SSRIs is expected to benefit both conditions.
This collection of studies highlights the importance of providing extended treatment for PTSD
in order to elicit maximal improvement of symptoms, maintain recovery, and prevent relapse. The
noteworthy finding from Londberg et al. (27) regarding conversion of nonresponders to responders
only after the acute-phase treatment also serves to underline the necessity for patience when treat-
ing this population (although this may be clinically feasible only when there is at least some initial
response to SSRI treatment). At present, guidelines for duration of pharmacotherapy treatment rec-
ommend continuing medications for 6 to 12 months in cases of acute PTSD or 12 to 24 months for
chronic PTSD; under certain circumstances, such as persistent residual symptoms or poor psycho-
social functioning, an even longer treatment period may be of benefit.(30, 31)
Tricyclic Antidepressants
The tricyclic antidepressants (TCAs) represent one of the earliest classes of antidepressant to
be used in a widespread fashion. They are still commonly used and quite effective (for depres-
sion), although they have largely been relegated to second- or third-line agents as a result of
their adverse-effect profile, which includes a number of anticholinergic effects.
In one of the earliest controlled trials investigating antidepressant efficacy in PTSD, 18
hospitalized male veterans completed a double-blind, crossover trial consisting of two 4-week
treatment periods with an intervening 4-day switchover period.(38) The trial, which employed
desipramine (up to 200 mg daily) did not find significant differences in PTSD symptom change
between the two treatments, although there did seem to be an improvement in observer-rated
depression symptoms with desipramine. Of note is that the period of active treatment was quite
short (only 4 weeks) and the investigators did not utilize observer-rated scales for PTSD but
rather employed substitute items chosen post hoc from more general depression and anxiety
scales. A larger trial, comparing amitriptyline and placebo in 46 veterans with chronic PTSD,
was conducted by Davidson and colleagues in 1990.(39) In this case, amitriptyline showed
Pharmacotherapy of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 119
some benefit over placebo on certain measures but not on the structured interview for PTSD.
One notable result from this trial was the overall relative lack of response in both treatment
groups, even after 12 weeks of treatment, with 64% of the amitriptyline-treated group and 72%
of the placebo group still meeting criteria for PTSD. This finding highlights the common situ-
ation of persistent residual symptoms, with significant clinical impact, even in patients who
may have had a degree of response to treatment. Two other placebo-controlled trials using
TCAs have also been conducted. These are discussed below in the section of the chapter enti-
tled “Monoamine Oxidase Inhibitors.”
Bupropion
The proposed mechanism of action for the antidepressant bupropion involves dual reuptake
inhibition of both norepinephrine and dopamine, although with negligible serotonergic activity.
(45) Due to its nicotinic antagonist activity, it is also commonly used as a smoking cessation aid.
In the only placebo-controlled trial investigating change in PTSD symptoms as a primary out-
come measure, subjects treated with bupropion sustained release (SR) could not be distinguished
from the placebo group.(46) An earlier study that compared bupropion SR to placebo for smok-
ing cessation in veterans with chronic PTSD found the active drug helpful for this purpose, but
no differences were found between groups on the secondary measures of PTSD outcome.(47)
Mirtazapine
In 1994, mirtazapine was introduced to the psychiatric pharmacopoeia. It is thought to enhance
both serotonin and norepinephrine release via blockade of presynaptic α2-adrenergic receptors.
At the same time, mirtazapine also exerts a significant blocking effect at the both the 5-HT2 and
120 Ravindran and Stein
5-HT3 serotonergic receptors and notably at the H1 histaminic receptor.(48) At this time, only a
single 8-week, placebo-controlled pilot trial exists to study the use of mirtazapine in PTSD.(49)
In the sample of 29 patients, the authors claimed mirtazapine (up to 45 mg daily) produced a
significant treatment effect on the global improvement item of their primary outcome measure,
as well as amelioration on a number of secondary measures. For patients on mirtazapine, sta-
tistical analyses showed moderate (0.42) to strong (1.06) effect sizes with respect to change in
PTSD symptoms. However, the conclusions of the study were limited by the small sample size,
and unfortunately, there have been no subsequent larger trials to substantiate the findings.
Nefazodone
Nefazodone is an antidepressant that works via antagonist activity at the postsynaptic 5-HT2A
receptor and inhibition of presynaptic serotonin and norepinephrine reuptake, as well as dis-
playing relatively potent antagonism of the alpha-1-adrenergic receptor.(50)
Although a number of open trials have suggested a utility for nefazodone in PTSD,
there is a dearth of randomized clinical trials to support this. In the only published placebo-con-
trolled trial (51), there was a significant decline in PTSD symptom scores in nefazodone-treated
subjects compared to those receiving placebo, but the population studied was relatively small.
Another double-blind, head-to-head comparison of nefazodone to sertraline demonstrated effi-
cacious reduction of PTSD symptoms over time in both treatment arms, with no differences
between groups.(52) The lack of larger published trials is most likely due to the recent with-
drawal of nefazodone from the market in Europe, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand, follow-
ing reports of its association with hepatotoxicity in a number of patients. Given these concerns,
the use of nefazodone is effectively a more academic consideration rather than a practical one.
Anticonvulsants
of PTSD (p = 0.038), although there was no statistically significant difference between treatment
groups in overall PTSD scores.(60) Nevertheless, the authors suggested that the results war-
ranted further investigation in larger trials.
At best the results of these limited numbers of trials are mixed and no definitive conclu-
sions on the utility of anticonvulsants for PTSD can be drawn. As such, the role of anticonvul-
sants for the treatment of PTSD remains uncertain, and only future controlled trials with larger
and more diverse study populations will help in illuminating their function for this disorder.
Antipsychotics
The use of adjunctive antipsychotic use, particularly atypical antipsychotics, for PTSD is becom-
ing increasingly common in clinical practice. Multiple rationales for this practice can be found
in the literature. Among individuals suffering from PTSD, it has been estimated that up to 40%
may experience psychotic symptoms, typically positive symptoms such as hallucinations and
delusions (64), and the presence of these symptoms is not entirely explained by the presence of
comorbid psychotic disorders or medical problems. (65) In addition, it has been hypothesized
that dopamine dysfunction may not only trigger the production of these psychotic symptoms
but may also play a role in mediation of hyperarousal symptoms, such as hypervigilance, exag-
gerated startle, and irritability.(66, 67) Together these lines of thought suggest an initial rational
neurochemical basis for the use of atypical antipsychotics in PTSD. These medications have
also been shown to have anxiolytic properties themselves, thought to be based in part in the
enhanced noradrenergic transmission that results from antagonism of the 5-HT2A receptors.
Additional anxiolytic activity has been attributed to antagonism of the α2-adrenergic recep-
tor and partial agonism at the 5-HT1A receptor.(68) Finally, the sedating effects of the atypical
antipsychotics, mainly ascribed to histaminic H1 receptor blockade, are often used to target the
sleep difficulties so characteristic of PTSD. Given the multitude of effects, it is not surprising
that atypical use is so widespread for this disorder. Although not reviewed here, there certainly
appears to be both theoretical and substantial evidentiary bases to support the use of atypicals
as adjunctive therapy in certain subpopulations suffering from PTSD (69–71); however, the
question remains as to whether there is evidence to substantiate their use as a monotherapy
treatment in this disorder.
Despite the availability of 6 different atypical antipsychotics (olanzapine, risperidone,
quetiapine, ziprasidone, clozapine, and aripiprazole) currently available on the market,
there are only two published double-blind, placebo-controlled trials of atypical antipsychotic
monotherapy for PTSD. In the first, Butterfield et al. (72) conducted a 10-week, placebo-con-
trolled trial of olanzapine (up to 20 mg daily) and found that although both treatment groups
improved over time, there were no notable differences in outcome between groups. Potential
122 Ravindran and Stein
shortcomings suggested to explain this included the small sample size (N = 15) with unusually
elevated placebo response rate, shorter than customary treatment duration that may have missed
delayed responders, a primarily female population (gender may affect treatment response),
diverse trauma types included, and the presence of comorbidity in all but one subject. A more
recent 12-week pilot study (73) compared flexibly dosed risperidone monotherapy (mean daily
dose = 2.62 mg) to placebo. In this case, low-dose risperidone appeared to confer a significant
therapeutic benefit in treatment of PTSD symptoms relative to placebo, as well as being reason-
ably well tolerated. Once again, however, limited conclusions can be drawn because of the small
sample size (N = 20).
These trials notwithstanding, there does seem to be a role for atypical antipsychotics in
the treatment of PTSD and their use in clinical practice is likely to continue. However, that does
not mitigate the need for larger research trials exploring the use of olanzapine, risperidone,
and the other atypicals to validate these practices. The main limitations to their current use
include the presence of significant metabolic effects, such as glucose and lipid dysregulation.
As such, these side effects should be carefully and routinely monitored, even when these drugs
are administered in low doses.
Adrenergic Agents
A number of brief reports in the literature have suggested a utility for adrenergic agents in the
treatment of PTSD (74–77), particularly for the symptoms of hyperarousal. One of these, cloni-
dine, works as an agonist at the postsynaptic α2-adrenergic receptor, most commonly used as
an antihypertensive, but it has also been reported, when used in conjunction with impramine,
to have a role in decreasing nightmares.(78) However, at this time there are no placebo-
controlled trials to substantiate this. Guanfacine is another centrally acting alpha adrenergic
agent that works in much the same way as clonidine. In the case of guanfacine, there is a single
placebo-controlled trial for its use in veterans with chronic PTSD, but the results of the trial did
not support a positive effect on posttraumatic symptoms, sleep disturbance, or general mood
disturbance.(79) In contrast, the antihypertensive agent, prazosin, a centrally acting selective
α1-antagonist, has shown more promise. Raskind et al. (80) carried out a 20-week, placebo-
controlled, crossover trial with prazosin in 10 veterans with chronic PTSD and severe night-
mares. The superiority of prazosin was seen on all primary outcome measures that included
change in levels of distressing dreams and overall PTSD severity. These findings were subse-
quently replicated using a larger sample of veterans (N = 40) and a parallel group design over 8
weeks.(81) Most recently, Taylor et al. (82) noted similar results in a smaller outpatient sample
(N = 13) of civilians with chronic PTSD, nightmares, and sleep disturbance who underwent a
7-week crossover trial (each treatment period was 3 weeks). Noteworthy findings during pra-
zosin treatment included a substantial increase in total sleep time (94 minutes), shorter REM
latency with increased REM sleep time, and a change toward normal dream content. Hopefully,
additional studies of longer duration will continue to substantiate these results.
Novel Agents
The quest to discover and develop novel pharmacological agents to treat PTSD is an ongoing
pursuit. Although several agents are under investigation, two agents that may be promising
include d-cycloserine and hydrocortisone.
D-cycloserine, a partial agonist of the n-methyl-d-aspartate (NMDA) receptor, has been
of interest in certain anxiety disorders, including social anxiety disorder (83, 84) and obsessive–
compulsive disorder (85). A single pilot study (86) of 11 outpatients with chronic PTSD compared
d-cycloserine to placebo in a 12-week, double-blind, crossover design (each treatment period
was 4 weeks). The active treatment did appear to cause improvement of numbing/avoidance
symptoms of PTSD, although placebo patients also registered improvement of these symptoms.
D-cycloserine also appeared to improve certain neurocognitive measures compared to placebo.
Larger, parallel group design studies may help to further elucidate the utility of this medication
for PTSD.
Pharmacotherapy of Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 123
Conclusions
Pharmacological agents represent an important and effective tool in the clinician’s armamen-
tarium for treatment of PTSD. Although the evidence base to support the success of different
medication classes to treat this illness continues to expand and develop, there are always addi-
tional areas of research that remain to be explored. In particular, there is a need to develop better
predictors of response to specific drug classes or psychotherapy, as well as a better understand-
ing of situations in which combination treatment with medication and psychotherapy might
be most appropriate. Also helpful would be improved strategies to enhance compliance and
tolerability of pharmacological interventions, as well as developing more definitive guidelines
around the necessity for continuation and maintenance treatment over more extended periods.
Although there is certainly a preliminary evidence base to support the use of many medica-
tions for PTSD, it is equally evident that there is a relative dearth of well-powered, definitive,
randomized controlled trials and consequent need to conduct such trials, of both acute and
long-term outcomes and in a variety of populations (e.g., recent combat veterans and persons
exposed to childhood trauma) to substantiate and validate many of the findings, including
their generalizability. And finally there is a pressing need to develop well-tolerated pharmaco-
logical treatments that work better, that is, those that have a more profound impact on symp-
tom reduction and restoration of functioning.
Establishing successful treatment strategies for PTSD remains a crucial and active area
of research with psychotherapy and pharmacotherapy representing the twin cornerstones of
intervention for this disorder. Deciding on which technique is the most appropriate for a given
patient depends on many factors, including but not limited to illness severity, comorbidity, pre-
vious response to treatment, and preference of both patient and clinician. Regardless of what
type of treatment is eventually chosen, the ultimate goals of intervention should be symptom
reduction, and ideally, resolution, as well as a full return of optimal psychosocial functioning.
Acknowledgments
Several authoritative reviews (88, 89) provided invaluable assistance during the compilation
and synthesis of the literature for this chapter. We are grateful to the authors of those reviews
for making their work available as extremely useful sources of reference.
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10 Early interventions following traumatic
events
Jonathan I Bisson, Arieh Y Shalev, and Joseph Zohar
It is well recognized that traumatic events can cause significant psychological reactions.
However, research published in recent years has suggested that individual responses vary
greatly and range from a very limited or absent psychological reaction through to marked dis-
tress.(1, 2) Such work has convincingly challenged the notion that most individuals involved
in traumatic events experience significant distress initially that gradually reduces over time.
This trajectory appears to be one of several that can occur. Four distinct types of response
have been described (2, 3): a resilient response in which no psychological symptoms are present
shortly after the event or subsequently, a delayed response in which psychological symptoms
gradually develop over time, a prolonged response in which psychological symptoms manifest
immediately and do not reduce over time, and a recovery response in which individuals experi-
ence psychological symptoms initially that then gradually reduce over time.
Creamer et al. (2) found that around a third of individuals admitted to hospital in
Australia as a result of traumatic injury described a resilient response, a third a prolonged response,
with a sixth reporting a delayed response, and a sixth a recovery response. Creamer et al’s. results
are not entirely consistent with other studies that have found a trend for reduction of psycho-
logical symptoms over time if mean symptom levels are tracked.(4, 5) However, the Galea et
al. study concerned an entire cohort of survivors and would still accommodate Creamer’s four
subgroups, and Foa and Rothbaum (5) mainly reported on survivors with a significant initial
response, essentially limiting the possible responses to prolonged or recovery types.
There appears to be no indication to intervene with individuals who have a resilient
response but a strong indication to intervene effectively with those with prolonged responses. The
decision as to whether and when to intervene with those with a delayed or recovery response is
more challenging. If effective preventative interventions exist, these would be ideal for those
with delayed responses, if effective interventions are available that speed up recovery in the
recovery group these would be indicated. Sadly these decisions are further complicated by our
current inability to accurately predict who will follow which trajectory (6, 7, 8) and everyone
would have to be monitored longitudinally to determine this.
The development of an intervention effective at preventing the development of post-
traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other psychological difficulties following traumatic
events has become something of a holy grail for researchers and clinicians. Sadly the task is
proving to be difficult. Multiple attempts to develop effective interventions have now proved
unsuccessful, despite many having had excellent face validity and several being grounded in
a sound theoretical base.(9) One of the problems in many early intervention studies has been
lack of initial diagnosis and measurement of severity of symptoms, resulting in the treatment
of a mixed bag of subjects with both high and low risk of developing PTSD. Thankfully there
remains considerable energy to develop effective early interventions and more recent attempts
appear to have been helpfully informed by previous work.
Early interventions following traumatic events now represent a heterogeneous group of
approaches, delivered at a variety of different time points to various populations. They include
pharmacological interventions commenced within a few hours of the traumatic event (10),
single session psychological interventions for everybody involved within one month of a trau-
matic events (11, 12), responses directed at whole communities (13), brief psychological inter-
ventions for those with marked symptoms within one month of the traumatic event (14), and
longer psychological interventions for individuals suffering from acute PTSD between 1 and 3
months after a traumatic event.(15)
There is no single widely accepted definition of early intervention, a limited number
of identifiable candidate interventions, and an absence of information regarding the optimal
128 Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
timing of early intervention. We have, therefore, considered the term early intervention to
include any intervention delivered within three months of a traumatic event and limited our focus
to early interventions that primarily aim to prevent or treat symptoms of acute stress disorder or post-
traumatic stress disorder.
Theoretical Models
Social, psychological, and biological models have been developed to explain the responses of
individuals following traumatic events. Early interventions address factors considered impor-
tant in all three models although, to date, the best researched interventions have primarily
focused on the psychological and biological models. The three models described below are
helpful, although when considered in isolation they may inhibit the development of more
holistic approaches to early intervention. It seems likely to us that an optimal response would
encompass social, psychological, and biological factors. Social factors such as lack of social
support and subsequent stressors may have a role as markers of those with little early response
who require follow-up or targeted social interventions.(7)
Social Models
The social model of emotional response to a traumatic event considers mental distress to repre-
sent the best coping strategy available to an individual at that time. It does not view responses
as pathological but rather as a reflection of an individual’s own coping in the context of their
situation. Social models regard the wider influence of social forces as more important than
other influences as causes or precipitants of mental illness (16) and assert that the abilities of
individuals with distress are constrained by barriers set up by others, for example, responses
to disability. The social model would consider important factors to include self-management,
advocacy, human rights, self-defined needs, community development, nonmedicalization,
education, employment, and employment support.
Treating emerging mental disorders, including PTSD, is not an inherent goal of social
models of responses to traumatic events. However, social models do address putative media-
tors of PTSD symptom trajectories following traumatic exposure. Their main thrust is to provide
individuals who were exposed to a potentially traumatic event with the kind of interpersonal
and social responses that might increase the likelihood of better adaptation, better use of social
resources, and thereby sustain the recovery in those with initial symptoms and reduce the like-
lihood of delayed responses.
Psychological Models
Unfortunately most of the current psychological models are concerned within individual fac-
tors (as opposed to between individual factors) and among those mainly ones that explain
the occurrence of PTSD, but not the occurrence of recovery. Consequently, most of the inter-
ventions that have been derived from these models address individuals (rather than groups,
families, confidants, or attachment networks), who already have symptoms, and follow the
general therapeutic model of an encounter between a professional (usually highly skilled) and
a “patient” or a “client.” Within that kind of “psychology” the following knowledge has been
gained.
The earliest psychological models were based on PTSD being a fear-based condition,
characterized by excessive response elements such as avoidance, physiological reactivity,
and a resistance to modification, for example (17). Foa and Kozak (18) built on this work to
develop a respected theory that argued for a breakdown in emotional processing following
traumatic events. Cognitive-based theories consider the importance of preexisting beliefs and
models of the world and the difficulty assimilating the information provided by a traumatic
experience into them. For example, Janoff Bullman (19) described PTSD sufferers as having
their assumptions shattered about the world being a meaningful and benevolent place.
Early Interventions Following Traumatic Events 129
Brewin et al. (20) developed the dual representation theory of PTSD, proposing that
various factors affect the outcome of emotional processing, including severity and length of
trauma, its meaning to the person, accompanying emotions such as shame and guilt, and the
availability of appropriate emotional support. The theory distinguishes between memories
that are easily verbally recalled and give rise to emotions related to the trauma and memories
that cannot be deliberately accessed and give rise to symptoms such as dreams and flashbacks.
It has received some support from recent replicated findings of reduced verbal declarative
memory in PTSD sufferers.(21) Ehlers and Clark (22) subsequently proposed a cognitive model
of PTSD in which the trauma memory has not been integrated into the context of preceding
and subsequent experience. Problematic appraisals of the trauma and/or its aftermath have
occurred with the development of dysfunctional behavior and cognitive strategies, prevent-
ing memory elaboration, exacerbating symptoms, and hindering reassessment of problematic
appraisals. They argue that PTSD develops when the traumatic memory induces a sense of
current threat promoted by excessive negative reappraisals of what happened.
Psychological models addressing interaction between individuals are badly missing, as
are those that combine the effect of traumatic fear responses with those of the often experienced
traumatic loss or grief.
Biological Models
Our understanding of the neurobiology of PTSD has undoubtedly advanced in recent years,
although many findings require further replication to confirm them. The amygdala is believed
to play a key role in the development and maintenance of PTSD. It receives information about
external stimuli and determines their emotional relevance.(23) The amygdala triggers emo-
tional responses, including the fight, flight, or freezing response, and alterations in stress hor-
mones and catacholemines. The hippocampus and medial prefrontal cortex are believed to
influence the response of the amygdala by exerting an inhibitory control over the initial alarm
responses (e.g., (24)). Hippocampal lesions have been associated with a stronger fear response,
and smaller hippocampal volumes have been associated with PTSD (25), possibly as a vulner-
ability factor for developing the disorder.(26) Decreased activity in medial prefrontal and ante-
rior cingulate areas has been found to be correlated with increased activity in the amygdala,
leading to the suggestion that PTSD represents a failure of these areas to regulate the activity of
the amygdala, which results in hyperreactivity to threat.(27) Several studies have found altera-
tion of the cortisol responses in people with posttraumatic stress disorder and an enhanced
response to the dexamethasone suppression test.(28) Increased adrenergic response to the trau-
matic event has arguably been associated with PTSD, for example (29, 30), with the suggestion
that an initial adrenergic surge may be associated with the consolidation of traumatic memo-
ries.(31) Altered cortisol levels may promote the development and symptomatology of PTSD
by disinhibiting traumatic memory retrieval and also failing to contain a sympathetic stress
response.(32) Pitman (33) suggested that a positive feedback cycle is formed with overconsoli-
dation of memories as a result of this (see Figure 10.1).
Another biological model focuses on memory and speculates about what would have
happened had we interfered with either the consolidation of traumatic emotional memory or
with the maintenance of those memories. An elegant work by Cohen, Zohar et al. (34) look-
ing at Lewis rats and comparing them to Fischer rats, looked at this more closely, providing
support for this notion (see chapter 7). They used an animal model looking at anisomycin, the
protein inhibiting consolidation, and found that, if given right after the exposure, it is associ-
ated with a reduction in the rates of PTSD-like symptoms.(34) Moreover, other interventions
that also interfere with memory consolidation were found to be effective, including galanin
administration and exploring the effect of increased cortisol secretion (intact HPA axis plastic-
ity) as an effective way to decrease the impact of memory consolidation. The potential role of
PKMzeta is being explored in a preliminary study as well.
All of the data converge to probably support the potential role in regard to early inter-
vention or manipulation of memory consolidation process (i.e., trying to prevent the consoli-
dation) as a potential tool for future early intervention in the first few hours or weeks after
trauma, assuming that it might have a potential preventive effect.
130 Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
XS initial (UCR) or
Trauma (UCS)/
later (CR) stress
Reminders (CS)
hormone release
Overconsolidation
of memories Figure 10.1 Positive Feed
back Cycle (after Pitman,
Too much significance leads to too much remembrance 1989).
Various early interventions have been developed as described above. The exact nature of the
intervention depends on several factors, not least the nature of the traumatic event. If the event
is a disaster then interventions at an organizational and community level are required, with a
focus on immediate practical and pragmatic support, the reinstatement of normal roles within
communities, and the move toward restoration of a normal social structure. Hobfoll et al. (13)
have recently published an authoritative paper in this area reviewing the limited evidence
for specific approaches but concluding that there are five empirically supported intervention
principles. These are promoting sense of safety, sense of self- and community-efficacy, con-
nectedness, calming, and hope. Other important work in this area has been produced by the
Inter-Agency Standing Committee.(35)
Early interventions that have focused on individuals or small groups of people affected by
traumatic events have been subjected to better designed trials to determine their efficacy. During
the 1980s there was a growth in attempts to offer everybody involved in traumatic events a group
or individual intervention to reduce the risk of later psychological sequelae. The most widely
quoted intervention has been that of psychological debriefing, although this term has been used to
cover such a wide range of different interventions that, without description of the actual nature of
the intervention being described, it is impossible to determine from the term psychological debrief-
ing alone what is actually meant. Since the early 1980s such interventions have been used with
groups and individuals, the majority being based either loosely or more strictly on a process origi-
nally described for use in groups of ambulance personnel called Critical Incident Stress Debriefing
(CISD).(36) This involved a seven-stage approach in which individuals were guided through a
vivid description of what actually happened; their emotional reactions at the time; and then edu-
cated about the possible consequences, how to deal with them, and where to seek further support
if necessary. It was later argued that CISD should be given as one component of a more complex
package of interventions, known as critical incident stress management (CISM).(37)
In the last decade the focus has moved from single-session interventions to more com-
plex approaches designed for all individuals involved, including CISM, trauma risk man-
agement (38), and psychological first aid.(39) These interventions have potential but have
not yet been subjected to randomized controlled trials to determine their true efficacy. More
efficacy research has been done with multiple-session psychological treatments ranging
from supportive counseling and education approaches to more formal cognitive behavioral
Early Interventions Following Traumatic Events 131
Given the limited space available in a single chapter, we have restricted our assessment of the efficacy
of early interventions to randomized controlled trial research. That is not to say that some interven-
tions not described may be shown to be effective in the future or to claim that the evidence available
from randomized controlled trials is beyond criticism. Indeed much of it can be criticized when
scrutinized closely, and it is important to be cautious when scrutinizing the results, particularly with
regard to the generalizability of them across different populations than those considered.
Given the differences between the interventions and populations included in randomized
controlled trials, we have separated them into seven groups based on the categories adopted by the
United Kingdom’s National Institute of Health and Clinical Excellence Guidelines on PTSD (9):
1. Single session interventions provided to any individual exposed to a traumatic event with
the aim of preventing PTSD
Systematic reviews and meta-analyses of this data have been conducted by various groups
(41, 12) and have consistently shown that there is no convincing evidence to suggest that pro-
viding a single-session individual psychological intervention, following traumatic events, is
useful for most people. Indeed some studies have found that individual psychological debrief-
ing may exacerbate traumatic stress symptoms in some people (42), particularly those who are
most distressed.(43) Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) of group psychological debriefing
have not produced convincing evidence of its effectiveness (44, 45) but have not suggested the
possibility of a harmful effect. Indeed, a post hoc analysis found that soldiers exposed to a large
number of traumatic events may experience some benefit from group debriefing.(45) Table 10.1
summarizes the trials included in a recent systematic review.(46) A subsequent RCT that con-
sidered the distribution of an educational pamphlet shortly after attendance at an emergency
unit (47) failed to demonstrate superiority over no intervention.
2. Multiple session interventions provided to any individual exposed to a traumatic event
with the aim of preventing PTSD
Tables 10.2 and 10.3 summarize the RCTs included in the recent Cochrane Systematic
Review.(48) The only statistically significant differences found were in favor of the wait list
control group over adapted critical incident stress debriefing for self-reported PTSD symptoms
immediately postintervention, and for preventive counseling over monitoring/usual care for
self-reported PTSD symptoms immediately postintervention.
3. Multiple-session interventions begun in the first month with the aim of preventing PTSD or
ongoing distress in individuals with acute stress disorder
Tables 10.2 and 10.3 summarize the RCTs included in a recent Systematic Review. (49)
Statistically significant differences were found in favor of TFCBT over wait list and supportive
counseling, TFCBT plus anxiety management over supportive counseling, TFCBT plus hypno-
sis over supportive counseling, and TFCBT over cognitive restructuring.
4. Multiple-session interventions begun in the first month with the aim of preventing PTSD or
ongoing distress based on other risk factors
Tables 10.2 and 10.3 summarize the RCTS included in a recent Systematic Review. (49) No
statistically significant differences were found between the interventions and controls.
Table 10.1 Summary of randomized controlled trials of one-off early psychological interventions (need permission to reproduce from Guildford).
132
Main
Target Comparison Time post- Duration Outcome Effect Size Follow-up
Authors (Year) Treatment Tested Population Group Sample (n) trauma (mins) Measure Outcome (Hedges’s unbiased g) Period
Bordow & Immediate Review MVA victims Standard 70 < 1 week 60 Traumatic Social Worker Unable to 3–4 months
Porritt (1979) 3 month Social Care neurosis input fared calculate
(53) Worker input symptoms best followed
by immediate
review
Bunn & Clarke Individual Relatives of Standard 30 <12 hours 20 Composite Intervention Unable to 5 minutes
(1979) (54) Counselling seriously ill/ Care of anxiety group fared calculate
injured scores better
Hobbs et al Debriefing MVA victims Standard 106 24–48 hours 60 IES Intervention 0.21 4 months
(1996) (55) / Care group fared
Mayou et al worse
(2000) (56)
Lee et al Debriefing Miscarriage Standard 39 14 days 60 IES No significant -0.12 4 months
(1996) (57) Care difference
Stevens & Individual MVA, Assault Standard 42 <24 hours 60 IES No significant Unable to 3 months
Adshead Counselling or Dog Bite Care difference calculate
(1996) (58)
Bisson et al Debriefing Acute Burn 103 2–19 days 30–120 IES Intervention 0.22 3 months
(1997) (42) Trauma Victims group fared
worse
Conlon et al Debriefing MVA victims Advice and 40 < 14 days 30 IES No significant -0.02 3 months
(unpublished) Leaflet difference
(59)
Dolan et al Debriefing Accident and Standard 69 < 14 days 45–120 IES No significant 0.04 1 month
(unpublished) Emergency Care difference
(60) Attenders
Rose et al Debriefing Victims of Standard 105 < 1 month 60 PSS No significant Psychological 6 months
(1999) (61) Education violence Care difference debriefing vs.
standard care - 0.06.
Psychological
debriefing vs.
education – 0.24
(Continued)
Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
Table 10.1 (Continued)
Main
Target Comparison Time Duration Outcome Effect Size Follow-up
Authors (Year) Treatment Tested Population Group Sample (n) post-trauma (mins) Measure Outcome (Hedges’s unbiased g) Period
Campfield & Individual or small Victims of Delayed 77 < 10 hours or 60–120 PDS < 10 hours -2.56 2 weeks
Hills (2001) group debriefing robbery debriefing > 48 hours group fared
(62) better
Litz et al Group CISD Soldiers No 1,050 In Kosovopre 48–148 mins PCL No significant Unable to 9 months
(unpublished) Stress Education deployed on a Intervention redeployment Mean = 88.1 difference calculate
(44) class peacekeeping (sd 25.2)
Early Interventions Following Traumatic Events
mission mins
Sijbrandij et al Emotional Civilian No 236 11–19 days 45–60 SI-PTSD No significant Emotional 6 weeks
(in press) (63) debriefing survivors intervention (median = 15) differences. Debriefing – 0.18
Psychoeducational of various Some Educational
debriefing traumatic evidence debriefing - 0.03
events worse outcome
in emotional
debriefing
Marchand et al Ind’l debriefing Victims of an No 75 First session ? duration IES No significant Completers - 0.5 Post Rx
(2006) (64) over two sessions armed robbery intervention 2 – 22 days difference Intention to 3 months
a week apart (mean 11.21, Treat (ITT) - 0.48
sd = 6.75)
133
Table 10.2 Summary of randomized controlled trials of multiple session early psychological interventions (need permission to reproduce from Journal).
134
Time since
Intervention and trauma at start Severity T Stress Randomized (n) : Follow-up Significant
Source control conditions Population of intervention Criterion outcomes completers (n) period differences
Andre (1997) (65) Up to 6 sessions of Assaulted bus drivers At least 14 days None IES 132 : 6 months Insufficient data
CBT vs. usual care
Bisson (2003) (66) Four 60 min. sessions Physical injury from 5–10 weeks Acute psychol’l CAPS, IES 152 : 124 3 and 13 TFCBT better than
of exposure based civilian trauma distress completed to 3 months standard care at
CBT vs. standard care months 13 months only
Brom (1993) (67) Up to six sessions of Outpatient victims of Not reported None IES, TSI 738 randomized, 3 months Neutral
individual preventative MVA 151 agreed to
counselling vs. enter study : 121
monitoring group completed
Bryant (1998) (14) Five 90 min. weekly Outpatients following Mean 9.9 days Acute Stress IES, CIDI 24: 24 completed 6 months TFCBT better than
sessions of exposure MVA or industrial (CBT); 10.3 Disorder PTSD and 4 years SC
based CBT vs accident days SC module
supportive counselling
Bryant (1999) (68) Five 90 min. weekly Outpatients following Mean 10.3 days Acute Stress CAPS, IES 56: 45 completed 6 months TFCBT and TFCBT
sessions of prolonged MVA or non- sexual (exposure plus Disorder and 4 years plus AM better than
exposure or prlonged assault anx mgmt), 10.0 SC
exposure plus anxiety days (PE), 10.6
management vs. days (SC)
supportive counselling
Bryant (2003) (69) Five 90 min. weekly Outpatients with mild 2 weeks Acute Stress CAPS, IES 24: 24 completed 6 months TFCBT better than
sessions of eposure trauamatic brain injury Disorder SC
based CBT vs. om MVA or non-sexual
supportive counselling assault
Bryant (2005) (70) Six 90 min. sessions of Outpatients following Mean 15.8 days Acute Stress CAPS, IES 87: 69 completed 6 months TFCBT and TFCBT
exposure based CBT MVA or non-sexual (CBT); 13.5 Disorder and 3 years plus hypnosis better
or CBT plus hypnosis assault days (CBT- than SC.
vs. supportive hypnosis); 14.0
counselling days (SC)
Bryant (2008) (71) Five 90 min sessions Outpatient victims of Mean 22.8 days Acute Stress CAPS, IES 69 completed 6 months Exposure therapy
of exposure therapy or civilian trauma Disorder and Cognitive
cognitive restructuring restructuring better
vs. waiting list than WL. ET better
than CR
Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
(Continued)
Table 10.2 (Continued)
Time since
Intervention and trauma at start Severity T Stress Randomized (n) : Follow-up Significant
Source control conditions Population of intervention Criterion outcomes completers (n) period differences
Bugg (submitted)(72) One face to face Outpatient victims of 5–6 weeks Acute Stress PDS 148 randomized: 3 and 6 Neutral
and two telephone MVA, occupational Disorder 67 available to months post
sessions with a writing injury or assault initial follow-up trauma
task and information
intervention vs
information only
Echeburua (1996) (73) Five 60 min. session Female victims of 1.4 months Acute PTSD Scale of 20: 20 completed 3, 6 and 12 TFCBT better than
of exposure based rape or sexual Severity months relaxation at 12
CBT vs. relaxation assault of PTSD month f’up only
Symptoms
Ehlers (2003) (74) Twelve plus three Outpatient victims 4 months Acute and CAPS, PDS 85: 80 completed 3 and 9 TFCBT better than
90 min. sessions of of MVA chronic 12 participants months self help booklet
trauma focused CBT PTSD met criteria for and WL
or self help booklet acute PTSD and
Early Interventions Following Traumatic Events
(Continued)
136
Time since
Intervention and trauma at start Severity T Stress Randomized (n) : Follow-up Significant
Source control conditions Population of intervention Criterion outcomes completers (n) period differences
Gidron (2007) (78) Two sessions of Outpatient victims of Within 48 hours Heart rate PDS Number 3 months Neutral
Memory structuring an MVA. greater than randomized
intervention vs. 95 beats per unclear: 34
supportive listening minute in completed
emergency
room.
Kazak (2005) (79) Three 45min sessions 38 caregivers and Median 6 days, None IES-R 38: 31 completed 2 months Neutral
of adapted CBT parents of children range 0–10 available to
and family therapy newly diagnosed days follow-up
intervention vs with cancer.
treatment as usual
Marchand (2006) (80) Two 1 hour sessions Outpatient victims 11.21 days Meet criterion SCID, IES 75: 61 available 3 months No intervention
of adapted critical of armed robbery. A1 and A2 for at 1 month better than adapted
incident stress PTSD follow-up CISD initially only
debriefing vs a no
intervention control
group
Öst unpublished (81) Sixteen 60 min. Outpatient victims of 6.8 weeks Acute PTSD CAPS, 43: 41 completed Follow-up TFCBT better
sessions of exposure violent crime. IES-R data not yet than wait list
based CBT vs. waiting available
list
Ryding (1998) (82) Two group sessions Women following Not clearly None IES 106: 100 6 months Neutral
of counselling and emergency stated, a few completed post partum
education vs caesarean section. days after
treatment as usual. giving birth
Ryding (2004) (83) Two group sessions Women following 2 months None IES 162: 147 available 6 months Neutral
of counselling and emergency at initial follow-up post partum
education vs caesarean section.
treatment as usual.
(Continued)
Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
Table 10.2 (Continued)
Time since
Intervention and trauma at start Severity T Stress Randomized (n) : Follow-up Significant
Source control conditions Population of intervention Criterion outcomes completers (n) period differences
Sijbrandij (2007) (43) Four 2 hour weekly Outpatient victims 40 days Acute PTSD, SI-PTSD 143: 117 4 months Neutral
sessions of exposure of civilian traumatic (some completed
based CBT vs. waiting events. participants did
list not meet the
onset criterion)
Setting Apart the Affected
Shalev et al. Twelve weekly 1.5 Adult survivors of 29.5±5.5 days Full or partial CAPS, PSS- Randomized Five (early PE and CT better
(in press) (49) hour sessions of traumatic events ASD (partial = SR PE: 72 interventions) than other groups
prolonged exposure, admitted to a ASD without CT: 52 Eight (Early
cognitive therapy, general hospital ER dissociation or WL: 120 and delayed
SSRI, Placebo, and (83% motor vehicle ASD without SSRI/PBO: 52 interventions)
waitlist accidents; 11% avoidance Completers: and fourteen
terrorist attacks; 6% criterion) PE: 53 months.
work accidents and CT: 46
other events) WL: 103
SSRI/PBO: 44
Van Emmerick Five 90 minute Outpatients following Mean of 119.40 ASD, acute IES 125: 85 No consistent TFCBT and writing
(2008) (84) sessions of exposure civilian trauma days PTSD completed point of long intervention better
based CBT, or a 66 eligible for term follow- than wait list
writing intervention vs. Or chronic this review: 47 up
waiting list condition. PTSD completed
Wagner (2007) (85) Up to six 90 Inpatients following > 4 weeks Acute PTSD PCL 8: 8 completed 3 months Neutral
min. sessions of civilian trauma post-trauma
behavioural activation
and treatment as usual
vs. treatment as usual.
Zatzick (2001) (86) Collaborative care Physically injured Within 1 month All hospitalized PCL 34: 26 completed 3 months Neutral
intervention, including hospitalized MVA & individuals
assignment to trauma assault victims.
support specialist vs
usual care
Zatzick (2004) (87) Multifaceted Physically injured Not clearly Significant PCL 121: 106 retained 1, 3, 6 and 12 Neutral
collaborative care for hospitalized MVA & stated but soon symptoms of at 1 month, 99 months
PTSD and alcohol assault victims. after admission PTSD and/or retained at 12
abuse depression months
137
138 Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
Table 10.3 Summary of outcomes for randomized controlled trials of multiple session early psychological interventions (need
permission to reproduce from Journal).
Comparison Follow-up Trials (n) Sample (n) RR, SMD or WMD (95% CI)
(Continued)
Setting Apart the Affected 139
(Continued)
140 Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
Trauma Focused CBT vs Waitlist (PTSD Post treatment 6 455 0.81 (0.56, 1.18)
diagnosis) – ITT 3-5 months 2 141 0.64 (0.42, 0.99)*
post trauma
9–11 months 2 54 0.42 (0.03, 5.23)
post trauma
13 months 1 115 0.74 (0.36, 1.51)
post trauma
Trauma Focused CBT vs Supportive Post treatment 1 60 -1.65 (-8.36, 5.06)
Counselling (PTSD symptoms clinician 3–5 months 1 60 -2.01 (-9.17, 5.15)
rated) – ITT post trauma
9–11 months 1 60 2.51 (-4.79, 9.81)
post trauma
Trauma Focused CBT vs Supportive Post treatment 1 60 1.16 (0.78, 1.71)
Counselling (PTSD diagnosis) – ITT
Supportive Counselling vs Waitlist Post treatment 1 59 1.17 (-5.70, 8.04)
(PTSD symptoms clinician rated) – ITT 3–5 months 1 59 0.79 (-6.27, 7.85)
post trauma
9–11 months 1 59 -4.67 (-11.93, 2.59)
post trauma
Supportive Counselling vs Waitlist Post treatment 1 59 0.93 (0.61, 1.39)
(PTSD diagnosis) – ITT
Stepped collaborative care vs usual 1 month post 1 101 0.85 (0.42, 1.69)
care for an inpatient service (PTSD trauma
diagnosis) 3 months post 1 101 0.90 (0.44, 1.85)
trauma
6 months post 1 102 0.64 (0.33, 1.23)
trauma
12 months 1 95 0.73 (0.34, 1.60)
post trauma
Interventions for individuals with acute post traumatic stress disorder
Behavioural activation vs treatment as Post treatment 1 8 -18.70 (-43.41, 6.01)
usual (PTSD symptoms self-report) – ITT
Trauma Focused CBT vs Waitlist (PTSD Post treatment 3 150 -0.86 (-1.60, -0.12)*
symptoms clinician rated) – ITT 3–5 months 1 95 -0.88 (-6.52, 4.76)
post trauma
9–11 months 1 12 -33.67 (-52.77, -14.57)*
post trauma
Trauma Focused CBT vs Waitlist (PTSD Post treatment 4 193 0.56 (0.27, 1.18)
diagnosis) – ITT 3–5 months 1 95 0.85 (0.50, 1.44)
post trauma
9–11 months 1 12 0.09 (0.01, 1.35)
post trauma
Structured writing therapy vs waitlist Post treatment 1 42 -14.22 (-25.48, -2.96)*
(PTSD symptoms self-report) – ITT
Structured writing therapy vs waitlist Post treatment 1 42 0.61 (0.25, 1.47)
(PTSD diagnosis) – ITT
Trauma Focused CBT vs Relaxation Post treatment 1 20 -6.70 (-13.84, 0.44)
(PTSD symptoms clinician 6 months post 1 20 -4.30 (-9.02, 0.42)
administered) – ITT trauma
12 months 1 20 -5.50 (-10.20, -0.80)*
post trauma
Trauma Focused CBT vs Relaxation Post treatment 1 20 0.40 (0.10, 1.60)
(PTSD diagnosis) – ITT 6 months post 1 20 0.33 (0.02, 7.32)
trauma
12 months 1 20 0.20 (0.01, 3.70)
post trauma
Setting Apart the Affected 141
With the information available at present, there is no good evidence to suggest that any for-
mal intervention should be recommended or made available on a routine basis to everybody
involved in a traumatic event. This has led to the majority of guidelines to be cautious in their
recommendations. They largely advise against individual psychological debriefing (9, 13), but
caution against doing nothing, and argue for the delivery of supportive practical and prag-
matic input. This will often involve basic needs such as housing, finances, food, and nutrition
in the first instance and follow a hierarchy of needs. The only good evidence for the effective-
ness for early interventions at present concerns multiple-session cognitive–behavioral therapy
interventions for acute stress disorder and acute PTSD. However, methodological issues, such
as comparing to waiting list vs. placebo and being single-blind, hamper the interpretation and
generalizability of those studies.
A pragmatic approach to early intervention grounded in the research evidence avail-
able would develop social care systems that provide basic pragmatic, practical support in a
142
Main Outcome
Authors (Year) Treatment Tested Population Sample (n) Time post-trauma Duration Measure Outcome
Schelling et al (2001) (40) Intravenous hydrocortisone Septic shock victims on 20 < 24 hours 12 days PTSS-10 HC group better than placebo
vs. placebo ITU at 31 months
Pitman et al (2002) (10) Propranolol 40mg qds vs. Emergency Unit trauma 31 <6 hours 19 days CAPS No significant dfifference at 1
placebo victims and 3 months
Mellman et al (2002) (88) Temazepam 30 mg 5 days, MVA, Assault, Industrial 22 14 days 7 days PTSD No significant difference at
15mg 2 days vs. placebo accident 6 weeks, trend in favour of
placebo
Shalev et al., in press (49) Twelve weeks of Adult survivors of traumatic SSRI: 26 29.5+/-5.5 days 12 weeks CAPS No significant differences
escitalopram (SSRI; up to events admitted to a PBO: 26 between any group at 5
20mg) placebo (PBO) and general hospital ER with WL: 120 months
waitlist (WL) control full or partial ASD
Stein et al (2007) (89) Propranolol 40mg tds vs. Physically injured 48 < 48 hours 14 days PCL-C No significant differences at 8
Gabapentin 400mg tds vs. months
placebo
Bisson, Shalev, and Zohar
Early Interventions Following Traumatic Events 143
sympathetic and empathic manner and allows follow-up and identification of trauma survivors
who need further care. Despite the absence of conclusive research, easily accessible, accurate infor-
mation that identifies normal reactions seems likely to be reassuring, encourages self-support and
social support, and attempts to identify individuals who are developing difficulties. Individuals
who are developing difficulties should be monitored and, if their symptoms do not resolve within
1 month of the traumatic event, should be offered trauma-focused cognitive-behavioral therapy.
This would usually comprise up to 12 sessions, with some sessions at 90 minutes. If individuals
do not respond to this, they should be reassessed and alternative interventions planned. By this
time an individual will probably be suffering from chronic PTSD. There is no evidence for the use
of medication as an early intervention to prevent or treat traumatic stress symptoms. However, in
cases of marked depressive responses, antidepressants can be justified.(9)
Service/Organization Implications
There is a clear need to develop services with a focus on ensuring all first responders have an
understanding of normal reactions to traumatic events; how to deal with distressed people in
a sympathetic, empathic manner; and to acknowledge the importance of practical, pragmatic
support and the lack of need for formal interventions for everybody. This means that mental
health professionals’ key role in the immediate aftermath of disaster is to prepare and provide
ongoing support and supervision to those individuals providing the immediate support. As
time goes on services need staff who are able to fully assess traumatized individuals to deter-
mine their needs and then deliver evidence-based interventions (trauma-focused cognitive-
behavioral therapy interventions with the current evidence).
There is an urgent need for further research into this area. Of particular importance is research
into early biological changes and the development of pharmacological approaches based on
these. Likewise, other trauma-focused interventions that have been shown to be effective in
chronic PTSD, in particular eye movement desensitization and reprocessing, should be sub-
jected to formal evaluation as an early intervention, particularly for symptomatic individuals.
There is also a need to develop better systems and community responses, as it appears that a
comprehensive community response and public health approach offers the best hope of reduc-
ing the overall impact of traumatic events on society.
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11 Traumatic stress disorders in children
Soraya Seedat
Introduction
Pediatric posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is unique among disorders of childhood and
adolescence in its requirement of an etiopathogenic agent with enduring sequelae.(1) As in
adults it is characterized by a cluster of symptoms that develop in the aftermath of traumatic
events that involve actual or threatened death or injury or threat to the physical integrity of
one’s self or others. Traumatic events include physical or sexual abuse or maltreatment, road
traffic injuries, violence, war-related trauma, severe burns, and natural disasters, among oth-
ers.(1) These events are considered trauma-tic because they overwhelm a child or adolescent’s
perceived ability to cope. During the traumatic event, there is recruitment of adaptive, stress-
mediating neural systems (e.g., hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal axis and sympathetic nervous
system) that, in turn, produces adaptive physiological, behavioral, emotional, and cognitive
responses necessary for survival.(2) By definition and according to the DSM-IV-TR, traumatic
events should evoke acute subjective reactions of intense fear, horror, or helplessness.(1, 3)
However, the DSM-IV-TR includes a qualifier for children and adolescents who may
instead show responses of disorganized or agitated behavior.(3) The DSM-IV-TR requirement
of a subjective response acknowledges that individual traumatic reactions play a crucial role in
determining the development of PTSD.
At the time that the diagnosis was first formulated more than 25 years ago(4), the ques-
tion of whether PTSD could manifest in children and adolescents was hotly debated. Since then
the multitude of studies that have emerged in parallel with subsequent iterations of the DSM
have consistently have found that the disorder can be reliably detected in preschool and school-
going children and adolescents, and that youth with chronic PTSD may have a more unremit-
ting course than adults with the disorder.(5–10) While the DSM-IV-TR has made progress in
recognizing that children and adolescents with PTSD may have different symptom patterns
compared with adults,(3) more recent studies using alternative PTSD criteria have suggested
the need for optimal diagnostic algorithms that are more developmentally sensitive, valid, and
stable for making the diagnosis in preschool children.(10, 11) This chapter provides a concep-
tual overview of PTSD in childhood—its diagnosis, epidemiology, phenomenology, psychobi-
ology, as well as current psychotherapeutic and psychopharmacologic treatment approaches.
Epidemiology
In community surveys of PTSD, prevalence rates using DSM-III-R criteria range from 0.1%
among preschool children (age range: 2–5 years)(12) to 3%–6% in older adolescents (age range:
16–22 years).(6, 13) Estimates of PTSD prevalence in children and adolescents who have expe-
rienced trauma are considerably higher with most reported rates in the order of 30% to 40%.
(1, 14–16) Consistent with this, a meta-analysis by Fletcher (16) (2003) of 34 studies of 2,697
children and adolescents found that, overall, across a wide range of trauma, 36% of children
met criteria for PTSD. Of note, the rate of PTSD did not differ markedly across age and devel-
opmental level (<7 years: 39%, 6–12 years: 33%, >12 years: 27%).
The majority of studies of PTSD have been conducted following motor accidents, sexual
abuse, natural disasters, criminal violence, burns, and war. Rates of PTSD in children and young
people (based on studies that have used DSM-III and DSM-III-R criteria) show a similar pat-
tern to those in adults. They are high following sexual abuse (48%–90%), (17, 18) violent crime
(27%–33%),(19, 20) and war (27%–33%).(21, 22) In contrast, natural disasters give rise to consid-
erably lower rates of PTSD (0%–5%).(23–26) In addition to the type of trauma, prevalence rates
148 Seedat
by a variety of other factors are to be considered, including the severity and chronicity of the
trauma; the child’s proximity to the trauma; the personal impact on the child; time lapsed since
the event; and the presence of parental psychopathology, especially parental PTSD.(1, 16)
An important and challenging issue in the trauma field involves early identification of
individuals who will later develop PTSD. Although it was initially thought that a diagnosis of
acute stress disorder (ASD) would address this challenge, studies in adults have found that
approximately three quarters of trauma survivors who meet diagnostic criteria for ASD go on
to develop PTSD; it is also true that only a minority of individuals who develop PTSD after
trauma meet criteria initially for ASD (for review).(27) Several studies have now investigated
the relationship between acute stress disorder (ASD) and longer-term PTSD in children and
adolescents. Similarly, a number of prospective studies of the predictive validity of ASD in chil-
dren and adolescents suggest that current ASD diagnostic criteria are not optimal for identifying
younger children at high risk for the development of PTSD. (10, 28–30) Bryant et al. (31) indexed
the relationship between ASD and subsequent PTSD in injured children aged 7–13 years. At
6 months posttrauma, PTSD was diagnosed in 25% of children who were diagnosed with ASD.
In terms of those children with full ASD, 33% met criteria for PTSD and 50% met criteria for
subsyndromal PTSD, while 11% of those without ASD developed PTSD. Acute stress reactions
that did not include dissociation provided better prediction of PTSD than full ASD criteria.
Similarly, a study in preschool children in the age group of 2 to 6 years and 7 to 10 years
(N = 60) exposed to motor vehicle accidents where assessments for ASD and PTSD, respec-
tively, were conducted at 2 to 4 weeks and again at 6 months using both DSM-IV criteria and
alternative criteria (i.e., reduction in the requisite number of endorsed avoidance symptoms
from 3 to 1 and removal of the DSM-IV criterion A2 concerning emotional responsiveness to
the event), found that the rate of PTSD was 10% using the alternative criteria compared with
1.7% using standard DSM-IV criteria.(10) The alternative criteria also showed better predic-
tive validity and stability over time with 69% of children diagnosed with ASD after trauma
retaining a diagnosis of PTSD at 6 months. Dalgeish et al.,(30) in a large sample of child and
adolescent road-accident survivors who were homogeneous for trauma type, found that the
acute stress disorder dissociation criterion did not have a unique role in predicting later PTSD,
indicating that the significant association between acute stress disorder and later PTSD “may
therefore simply reflect persistence or chronicity in the symptom clusters that acute stress dis-
order and PTSD have in common.” Of note, subacute stress disorder (acute stress disorder
minus dissociation) was approximately three times more sensitive in predicting PTSD than the
full acute stress disorder syndrome in the study, while the full syndrome did not incrementally
increase the ability to predict PTSD in children and adolescents.
The core symptoms of PTSD span three clusters: intrusion/reexperiencing, avoidance and
numbing, and hyperarousal (3). For each of these clusters, the DSM-IV-TR includes qualifiers
for children and adolescents although the overall number of qualifiers are few. It is noteworthy
that 8 of the 17 criteria require verbal descriptions of symptoms and feeling states.(8) Moreover,
evidence suggests that children with subthreshold symptoms who do not meet full criteria
for PTSD may experience significant levels of disability.(7) Debate, therefore, continues about
whether more distinct criteria should be applied considering that youth’s understanding and
recall of their traumatic experiences may differ substantially from adults and be colored by
developmental aspects. For example, reexperiencing symptoms (recurrent, intrusive recollec-
tions, memories, nightmares, or other senses of reliving the traumatic experience) in young
children, for which at least one symptom must be present, may comprise distressing dreams in
young children that may progress to nightmares of monsters, of rescuing others, or of threats
to the self or others, or there may be frightening dreams without recognizable content. Young
children, rather than reliving the trauma through repeated intrusive memories may reexperi-
ence the trauma through repetitive play (e.g., a child who was involved in a shooting may
repeatedly reenact shootings with a toy gun).(3) Reminders of the trauma (people, places,
activities, or situations that remind the child of the original traumatic event) may also lead to
intense psychological or physiological distress that a child may struggle to verbalize.
Traumatic Stress Disorders in Children 149
To make the diagnosis, at least three symptoms are required from the avoidance clus-
ter (efforts to avoid trauma reminders, including talking about the traumatic event or other
trauma reminders; inability to recall an important aspect of the trauma; decreased inter-
est or participation in previously enjoyed activities; detachment or estrangement from oth-
ers; restricted affect; and sense of a foreshortened future). While there is a recognition in
the DSM-IV-TR that young children may have difficulty verbalizing their internal thoughts
and feelings, the Task Force on Research Diagnostic Criteria has recommended lowering the
requirement in this cluster from three symptoms to one.(32) In addition, there may be omen
formation (i.e., a belief in the ability to foresee future untoward events) and a diminished
ability to report on psychosocial impairment (especially in younger children), and this needs
to be borne in mind during evaluation.(3)
The last cluster, hyperarousal, requires at least two symptoms (difficulty falling or staying
asleep, irritability or angry outbursts, difficulty concentrating, hypervigilance, and increased
startle reactions). Hyperarousal may present with a variety of physical symptoms in young
children, including headaches and stomachaches.(3)
All of the aforementioned symptoms cause marked distress and impairment (in at least one
important life domain) and persist for at least 1 month following trauma. In the initial month after
trauma, a diagnosis of acute stress disorder (ASD) should be considered. The major distinction
between PTSD and ASD is the latter’s emphasis on dissociative symptoms, with the DSM-IV-TR
requiring the presence of at least three of five dissociative symptoms (reduced awareness of the
surroundings, derealization, depersonalization, dissociative amnesia, and emotional numbing).
(3) Several authors have proposed the concept of subthreshold or partial PTSD, which consid-
ers that a child/adolescent may present a number of symptoms below threshold for avoidance
or hyperarousal criteria (subthreshold syndrome), or may even present without any symptom
for one or more of the reexperiencing, avoidance, or hyperarousal criteria (partial syndrome).
(33) In an investigation of children aged 7 to 19, with severe burns, who were compared with 30
nonburned subjects matched for age, sex, SES (socioeconomic status), and parents’ marital status
according to DSM-III criteria, Stoddard et al. (1989) documented that 6.7% of youth met criteria
for PTSD,(34) with children almost three times that number meeting criteria for partial PTSD;(34)
found that 50% of children exposed to community violence in an inner-city community met cri-
teria for PTSD and another 21% met criteria for partial PTSD.
In addition to PTSD and ASD, studies among traumatized children and adolescents
describe associations with a broad range of other psychopathological outcomes, in particular
mood disorders, other anxiety disorders (e.g., generalized anxiety disorder, separation anxiety
disorder), behavioral disorders (e.g., attention-deficit hyperactivity disorder, conduct disorder),
and substance use disorders.(35) For example, in a 10–year longitudinal study using a represen-
tative population sample of children aged 9, 11, and 13 years, exposure to at least one traumatic
event by age 16 was reported by 68% of youth, with 13.4% developing some posttraumatic
stress symptoms.(36) Lifetime occurrence of other mood (12.1%), anxiety (9.8%), and disruptive
behavior disorders (19.2% of youth who were exposed to trauma) was also high.(36)
Comorbidity
Adolescents with PTSD have a substantially higher risk of co-occurring disorders, both in their
lifetime and during the past year.(36, 37) Giaconia and colleagues in a community study of older
adolescents reported that four of five adolescents with PTSD met criteria for at least one addi-
tional disorder and more than two-fifths had two or more other lifetime disorders. Also, more
than 40% of adolescents with PTSD, compared with fewer than 8% of their peers, met criteria for
major depression by age 18, with PTSD usually preceding or occurring at the same age as depres-
sion for those adolescents with both disorders. In contrast, onset of alcohol dependence preceded
onset of PTSD in about a half of cases.
Developmental mental health histories of adults with PTSD were documented across the
first three decades of life in the longitudinal Dunedin Multidisciplinary Health and Development
Study: 100% of those diagnosed with past-year PTSD and 93.5% of those with lifetime PTSD
at age 26 had met criteria for another mental disorder between ages 11 and 21,(38) suggesting
that as PTSD almost always develops in the context of other mental disorders, it is crucial that
150 Seedat
research examining the etiology of the disorder take into account lifetime developmental patterns
of comorbidity. Adolescents with PTSD also face social, academic, cognitive, and emotional dif-
ficulties and are at an increased risk of suicidal thoughts and attempts.(36, 37)
Neurobiology
Developmental differences in the neurobiological underpinnings of PTSD across the life cycle have
also raised questions about whether PTSD is the same or different disorder in children compared
with adults. The disorder is thought to be associated with a range of complex psychobiological
disturbances, involving multiple neurotransmitter and neuroendocrine systems(see other chap-
ters in this volume). Both the hypothalamic–pituitary–adrenal (HPA) axis and locus ceruleus/
norepinephrine/ sympathetic nervous system are critical in the physiological response to trauma.
Neuroendocrine investigations in adults have yielded findings of low-, normal-, and even high-
circulating plasma levels of cortisol and both high and low urinary cortisol levels.(39) A recent sys-
tematic review and meta-analysis of basal cortisol levels in adults with PTSD found no systematic
difference in basal cortisol levels between people with PTSD and controls.(40) However, in sub-
group analyses assessing plasma or serum, significantly lower levels were observed in people with
PTSD than in controls not exposed to trauma. Lower levels were also found in people with PTSD
when females were included, in studies on physical or sexual abuse, and in afternoon samples. The
results of this meta-analysis suggest that low cortisol levels do not relate to PTSD in general but
rather seem to mirror trauma exposure and PTSD subgroups. Similar to the findings in adults, stud-
ies of the psychobiological profile of PTSD in youth have produced mixed results. Methodological
differences across studies, including differences in assessment of PTSD, differences in the age range
and gender ratio, the length of time lapsed since the trauma, and timing and source (plasma versus
urine) of cortisol measurement, may be contributory to these discrepancies.(39)
One of the best replicated neuroanatomical abnormalities in adults with PTSD is hip-
pocampal volume reduction. The hippocampus, a structural component of the limbic system,
has a key role in memory processing, and a growing body of work suggests that the secretion
of glucocorticoids during traumatic stress can have neurotoxic effects on the hippocampus.(41,
42) Increased level of glucocorticoids have also been documented in children with histories of
maltreatment and PTSD.(43, 44) Further, it has been hypothesized that the putative neurotoxic
effects of glucocorticoids may vary according to a number of factors, namely, (i) the develop-
mental stage of the hippocampus, (ii) the amount and sustainability of cortisol released, and
(iii) the severity and/or the chronicity of the trauma/s.(45) However, pediatric studies have
failed to document hippocampal volume reductions in children and adolescents (46–48) and
have instead found either no differences in hippocampal volume between PTSD and controls
or larger hippocampal volumes. This suggests that smaller hippocampal volumes may be the
result of longstanding neurodevelopmental experiences of traumatic stress, such that chronic
and/or cumulative exposure of stress during childhood may be necessary for hippocampal
damage. This is in keeping with the developmental model of PTSD that De Bellis has pro-
posed, namely, that childhood trauma may result in perturbations of biological stress response
systems resulting initially in elevated corticotrophin-releasing hormone (CRH) release and
increased secretion of cortisol. Over time, elevated levels of cortisol in the central nervous sys-
tem can exert neurotoxic effects on the developing brain and possibly explain the hippocampal
and other brain structural and functional abnormalities that occur in PTSD.(43) With enhanced
negative feedback inhibition of the HPA axis, there is eventually a lowering of basal cortisol.
Thus, the clinical features characteristic of PTSD may be attributed to cortisol dysregulation
that, in turn, fails to shut down the catecholaminergic response in limbic structures. Resulting
prolonged increases in noradrenergic activity could, in turn, lead to an overconsolidation of
traumatic memories that underlie the intrusive and avoidance symptoms seen in PTSD.(49)
Consistent with the theory that volumetric abnormalities of the hippocampus may rep-
resent a biological marker of chronic stress, a small pilot longitudinal study of children with
a history of maltreatment (N = 15) found that PTSD symptoms and cortisol levels at baseline
were associated with changes in hippocampal volume over a 12–18-month period.(45) Several
studies in children have also noted reductions in cerebellar (50) and corpus callosal (46, 47)
volumes. Consistent with this finding, Jackowski et al. (51), using diffusion tensor imaging
Traumatic Stress Disorders in Children 151
(DTI; a relatively new technique that provides information on white matter coherence and
myelination) in maltreated children with PTSD, found reduced fractional anisotropy (a mea-
sure of water diffusion) in medial and posterior corpus callosal regions. However, whether
the corpus callosal disturbances are a function of the disorder (PTSD) or of the trauma per se
(maltreatment) is questionable, as the study did not include matched trauma-exposed chil-
dren without PTSD. Further investigation of the effects of trauma on corpus callosal and corti-
colimbic circuit abnormalities appears to be a promising avenue for better understanding the
etiopathophysiology of pediatric PTSD.(51)
Relatively few studies in children have examined posttraumatic catecholamine secretion.
In one prospective study of children and adolescents hospitalized for motor vehicle accidents,
significantly elevated plasma noradrenaline concentrations were demonstrated in children with
PTSD at 1 and 6 months after the accident compared to non-PTSD and control groups. In contrast,
evening salivary cortisol concentrations normalized at 6 months, although these concentrations
were elevated at the 1-month time point.(52) Moreover, the higher noradrenaline concentrations
at 6 months were independent of severity in the PTSD group. The authors hypothesized that
elevations in nordadrenaline at 6 months may reflect a persistence of PTSD rather than be a
marker of severity. De Bellis et al. (43) in an investigation of catecholamine and cortisol levels in
prepubertal children with PTSD secondary to past child maltreatment experiences found that
children with PTSD had higher levels of urinary norepinephrine and dopamine levels than both
children with overanxious disorder and controls, higher urinary epinephrine levels than children
with overanxious disorder and higher cortisol levels than normal controls.
Of note, the majority of children with PTSD had comorbid psychopathology, including
mood, anxiety, behavioral, and dissociative symptoms. The confounding biological effects
of comorbidity in PTSD have, to date, received little attention and warrants further study.
Preliminary investigations in adults have reported higher evening salivary cortisol levels in
adults with PTSD comorbid with depression compared with those with only PTSD and only
depression,(53) and higher norepinephrine levels in patients with PTSD and depression than
in patients with only PTSD or normal controls.(54)
As not all children who are trauma-exposed develop PTSD, there has been considerable empha-
sis in recent years on identifying mediating and moderating variables that interact in the onset
and persistence of the disorder. Major questions in the field are, “What characteristics determine
which children/adolescents will thrive in the face of trauma?” “What are the inherent charac-
teristics that underpin the ability to cope with trauma?” The term resilience is widely used as an
“umbrella” term in the trauma context and, in general, typifies those children and adolescents
who experience trauma but who do not go on to develop PTSD. It is not possible to talk about
resilience without talking about vulnerability or risk. Resilience is multidimensional and modifi-
able and is determined by a variety of neurobiologic, genetic, temperamental, and environmen-
tal factors that confer protection in the face of risk.(55) The first community-based prospective
study to follow up children into adulthood and to examine the extent to which potentially mal-
leable individual-level factors measured in childhood could account for the risk of exposure to
traumatic events and the risk of PTSD development after exposure (56) found that youth with
high levels of depressive and anxious feelings in first grade were 1.5 times more likely to expe-
rience PTSD once exposed to trauma, while those with high teacher ratings of aggressive/dis-
ruptive problems soon after entry into the first grade were more likely to experience traumatic
events involving assaultive violence but not after other types of traumatic events.
A number of risk factors for childhood PTSD following trauma exposure have been iden-
tified. These include female gender, previous trauma exposure, the presence of a preexisting
psychiatric disorder (particularly an anxiety disorder), parental psychopathology, and the lack
of social support.(35) Girls have consistently been found to report more PTSD symptoms than
boys following exposure to a wide variety of traumas and may, in fact, be up to six times
more likely to meet criteria for PTSD than boys after major trauma.(6, 37, 57) It has been sug-
gested that girls’ higher risk of trauma exposure may, in part, be explained by the age at which
trauma occurs, in that females have higher rates of PTSD after trauma exposure in childhood
152 Seedat
compared with exposure after the age of 15 years.(58) Other factors that may be contributory
to females’ higher risk for PTSD are the type of trauma (particularly sexual violence), differ-
ences in neuroendocrine responses to stress, and heightened peritrauma perceptions of threat
or uncontrollability.(58) In terms of the traumatic event itself, level of exposure to dangerous
events predicts risk for later PTSD, with this association found for almost all types of trauma.
However, the nature and severity of injury have most often been found to be unrelated to
both acute and persistent PTSD.(59) Heightened arousal (and increased noradrenergic activity)
in the immediate aftermath of trauma, in the form of elevated heart rate, also appears to be
related to later PTSD outcome in injured children.(58) In a study that investigated the extent to
which heart rate levels soon after a traumatic event (as measured during emergency medical
services transport) predicted PTSD symptom severity assessed at 6 weeks and 6 months later
in child trauma victims, Nugent et al. (60) found that heart rate had the strongest relationship,
among other factors, to subsequent PTSD symptoms.
Children who live in social situations characterized by a high degree of social disruption
are at higher risk of developing PTSD. In contrast, “protective” factors such as social sup-
port, low levels of parental PTSD, and low levels of parental trauma-related distress have been
shown to predict lower levels of PTSD symptoms in children. There is mounting evidence that
parental PTSD is a risk factor for childhood PTSD. Children of Holocaust survivors with PTSD
have a higher prevalence of PTSD and lower cortisol excretion than demographically matched
control subjects.(61) A study that examined how parental responses following pediatric injury
might influence children’s posttraumatic stress responses found that parental posttraumatic
stress symptoms (PTSS) significantly predicted symptomatology in the child.(60) Furthermore,
there was an interaction between the child’s initial physiological reactivity and parental symp-
toms of posttraumatic stress. High levels of parental PTSS were especially deleterious for
children who excreted low levels of cortisol soon after their accident, whereas parental PTSS
were less relevant for children with high levels of initial cortisol. Similarly, high parental PTSS
were associated with greater child PTSS in children with low in-hospital heart rate (HR). Thus,
these results suggest that children who are not identified on the basis of their initial biological
responses as being at increased risk for developing PTSS may still develop PTSS, on the basis
of their parents’ response to the traumatic event. There is some indication that the effects of
parental PTSD may stem from early in utero effects and fetal programming of the HPA axis in
that data from a group of mothers and babies exposed to the September 11 attacks showed that
both mothers and babies of mothers who developed PTSD in response to September 11 had
lower cortisol levels compared with mothers and their babies who did not develop PTSD.(62)
Converging evidence from mainly twin and family studies supports the role of genetic influ-
ences in the vulnerability to PTSD. Molecular studies in adults, namely, candidate gene association
studies, have now identified associations with genes involved in various neurotransmitter pathways,
including dopamine (dopamine receptor -2 gene [DRD2], dopamine transporter gene [DAT]) and
serotonin (serotonin transporter gene [SLC6A4]). However, these studies are limited by their cross-
sectional nature and the relative paucity of information they yield regarding the underlying biologi-
cal dysregulations in PTSD.(63) Of interest is a study in medically injured children that examined
genetic polymorphisms in the FKBP5 gene, an HPA axis gene that regulates glucocorticoid receptor
gene activity. The authors noted a significant association between two polymorphisms of FKBP5 and
peritraumatic dissociation.(64) Very recently, four polymorphism of the same gene were found to
interact with the severity of child abuse in a sample of adults as a predictor of adult PTSD symptoms.
(65) Another promising approach to the identification of the genetic underpinnings of PTSD is gene
expression profiling of peripheral blood mononuclear cells.(66) Preliminary findings in adults indi-
cate that signature patterns of gene expression may enable early identification of trauma survivors
who go on to develop PTSD. These results are encouraging and pave the way for further investigation
of the predictive value of gene expression signatures in child trauma survivors.
Assessment
Accurate and thorough assessment of traumatized children and adolescents with PTSD is cru-
cial for the implementation of any appropriate intervention. However, information relating to
trauma exposure may not be spontaneously volunteered, and consequently, PTSD symptoms
Traumatic Stress Disorders in Children 153
may easily be missed. Moreover, youth with PTSD often carry other diagnoses (e.g., major
depression), making it difficult for clinicians to distinguish PTSD from overlapping symptoms.
Distinguishing youth with exposure to single discrete traumatic events from those with expo-
sure to chronic or pervasive trauma is also important, as youth with the former tend to present
with less complex symptomatology and are usually more responsive to treatment. Exposure
to repeated and pervasive trauma, also known as complex or developmental trauma, refers to
the cumulative effect of simultaneous or sequential occurrence of different forms of abuse and/
or maltreatment (e.g., physical abuse, sexual abuse, emotional abuse and neglect, witnessing
domestic violence).
Historically, measures and interviews designed for adults have been adapted for youth
by simplifying language and concepts.(67) While many of these are in existence, few are
based on DSM-IV criteria, standardized, and well validated. Arguably, with the exception of
the Clinician-Administered PTSD Scale for Children and Adolescents (CAPS-CA), there is no
widely accepted “gold” standard measure for making the diagnosis and/or assessing treat-
ment effects. The American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry (1) advocates for a
multiinformant approach to assessment. The level of agreement between child and parent (or
guardian) may be poor for PTSD and for ASD;(68) however, informants other than the child
may yield potentially valuable sources of information. In fact, Scheeringa et al. (69) found that
combined parent–child reports yielded significantly more symptoms and higher rates for reex-
periencing, avoidance, and hyperarousal criteria (almost a twofold increase) and for the overall
diagnosis of PTSD (37.5%) than parent report alone (4.2%). The almost ninefold increase in
diagnosis from combined reports suggests that the diagnostic rates for children who are unable
to endorse symptoms themselves may greatly underestimate the true numbers.
In addition to enquiring about the presence of PTSD symptoms, both child and parent
should be asked about symptom severity and functional impairment. Assessment should fur-
ther focus on family factors, in particular the response of the parents to the trauma and the
ability of the parents to communicate with the child and support and enhance coping, and the
impact of the trauma on the functioning of the family unit.(70) There are several challenges to
the assessment of PTSD in youth and these include the following:
(i) Assessment of multiple trauma—many measures require the child/adolescent to report on
a variety of traumatic events but only one traumatic event (either the most bothersome or
the most recent) is used as a basis for assessing current PTSD symptoms;
(ii) Difficulty in determining the nature and extent of certain traumatic experiences (e.g., expo-
sure to domestic violence);
(iii) Uncertainty about the suitability and utility of many of the assessment instruments across
multinational and multiethnic settings;
(iv) Optimal integration of information from multiple informants (e.g., self-report measures
may do well to capture internalizing symptoms; however, parents are often more reliable
informants about behavior and externalizing symptomatology) and optimal integration of
multimodal data points, namely, emotional, behavioral, physiological, genetics data.(67)
Measures for the assessment of trauma currently in use can be divided into four main
domains:
(i) Child/adolescent self-report measures that screen for a history of trauma exposure only
(e.g., Childhood Trauma Questionnaire, Survey of Exposure to Community Violence);
(ii) Child/adolescent self-report measures that screen for PTSD symptoms (Children’s Impact
of Traumatic Events-Revised [IES-R]),(71) Trauma Symptom Checklist for Children (72),
Child PTSD Symptom Scale (CPSS; 73), Child Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder Reaction
Index (CPTSD-RI; 74);
(iii) Child and adolescent clinician-administered diagnostic interviews that screen for both
trauma exposure and PTSD (Clinician-Administered PTSD Scale for Children and
Adolescents [CAPS-CA]; (75)), Kiddie Schedule for Affective Disorders and Schizophrenia
(K-SADS; (76)), Diagnostic Interview for Children and Adolescents- Revised (DICA-R;
(77)). The CAPS-CA is a semistructured comprehensive clinical interview intended for
children/adolescents aged 8 to 18 years . It is modeled on the adult CAPS, comprises 32
items, and evaluates trauma exposure, makes diagnoses of current and lifetime PTSD,
154 Seedat
and assesses symptom severity. The K-SADS is similarly a semistructured interview for
children/adolescents aged 6 to 18 years that, in addition to assessing for present and life-
time PTSD, provides diagnoses on a range of other psychiatric disorders;
(iv) Child/adolescent self-report measures that screen for associated symptoms, for example,
dissociation and resilience (e.g., Adolescent Dissociative Experiences Scale [A-DES], (78);
Connor-Davidson Resilience Scale [CD-RISC], (79)). The A-DES is a 30-item self-report
measure of a variety of dissociative experiences for youths aged 12 to 18 years that may
be useful in examining dissociative experiences and psychopathological dissociation in
clinical and nonclinical samples of adolescents.(80) The CD-RISC, a 25-item self-report
measure with sound psychometric properties may also be useful in clinical and research
settings, as well as in investigations of the neurobiology of resilience and in the assessment
of interventions to enhance resilience. However, there is limited data on its use in children
and adolescents and on its use across different cultures.(55, 81)
No single measure is ideally suited to every child and situation. Self-report measures usu-
ally take a shorter time to administer than clinician-administered instruments. Instruments also
differ with respect to the PTSD symptom “time frame” that they measure (i.e., 1 week, 1 month).
Ultimately, the choice of instrument will depend on the context and the purpose for which it is
being used (whether research or clinical), its psychometric properties and user friendliness, the
age of the child being assessed, its validation across cultural settings, and cost and accessibility
(for comprehensive reviews see (79, 82)). In very young children, elicitation of information could
also be aided by a variety of verbal and nonverbal strategies, including storytelling, drawing,
play, and the use of dolls and toys.(70)
Other psychiatric and medical conditions may mimic the symptoms of PTSD and these
need to be ruled out. For example, avoidant symptoms (social withdrawal and emotional
numbing) and hyperarousal symptoms (sleep difficulties, irritability) may mimic major depres-
sive disorder. Similarly, PTSD can be mistaken for another anxiety disorder, including general-
ized anxiety disorder, social anxiety disorder, or obsessive compulsive disorder, because of the
overlap of symptoms such as irritability, physiological and psychological hyperarousal upon
reexposure to feared stimuli, sleep problems, hypervigilance, increased startle reaction, and
avoidance. PTSD can be misdiagnosed as an alcohol or drug use disorder, as alcohol and/or
drugs may be used by youth as self-medication to produce affective dulling and as a means
of avoiding trauma reminders. PTSD should also be differentiated from a psychotic disorder,
which it can mimic through symptoms such as flashbacks, hypervigilance, paranoia, sleep
difficulties, restricted affect, and/or social withdrawal. Lastly, a number of general medical
conditions (e.g., asthma, epilepsy, migraine, hyperthyroidism) and medications (e.g., steroids,
antiasthmatics, diet pills, antihistamines) may mimic some of the symptoms of PTSD.
Treatment
Practice parameters developed by the American Academy of Child and Adolescent Psychiatry
(1), which are in the process of being revised, advocate for a multimodal prevention–intervention
approach. This encompasses triage for trauma-exposed children by strengthening coping skills
for any anticipated trauma responses and grief reactions and treatment of acute and chronic
PTSD and other disorders that may develop in the aftermath of trauma. One of the first steps
in management is education of the child and parent/s about the disorder. This should be done
in consultation with the relevant primary care physician/s and school personnel. Inclusion of
parents in treatment is important for symptom resolution and allows parents to monitor their
child’s symptoms, learn behavior management techniques, and work with their own emotional
distress related to the trauma. The choice of treatment modality for a given child will depend on
(i) symptom severity and associated impairment, (ii) presence of comorbid conditions and asso-
ciated risk factors, (iii) developmental age and cognitive functioning of the child, (iv) treatment
preference of the child/parents, and (v) availability and affordability issues. In the main, inter-
ventions comprising psychotherapy (including trauma-focused cognitive–behavior therapy and
family therapy) and pharmacotherapy are widely used. The AACAP guidelines (1) recommend
that treatment of mild PTSD should begin with psychotherapy.
Traumatic Stress Disorders in Children 155
1. Psychotherapies
Trauma-Focused Cognitive–Behavior Therapy (CBT) and CBT
There are now several validated models of psychotherapy in use for childhood PTSD. Individual
trauma-focused cognitive–behavior therapy (TF-CBT) has the best empirical evidence as a benefi-
cial treatment for child and adolescent PTSD. Several rigorous controlled trials of TF-CBT and CBT
have examined efficacy in children 3 to 17 years of age, in various trauma contexts (particularly in
sexually abused children), with symptoms ranging from PTSD to other anxiety, mood, and behav-
ioral disorders.(35) In general, TF-CBT interventions include the following components: psychoe-
ducation, parenting skills, relaxation (e.g., progressive muscle relaxation, focused breathing), affect
awareness and regulation (e.g., identification of emotions, positive self-talk), cognitive restructur-
ing (recognizing the relationship between thoughts, feelings, and behaviors, correcting irrational
thoughts), trauma narrative (developing a narrative of the traumatic events), in vivo graded expo-
sure, conjoint child–parent sessions, and planning for future safety and development.
In a large multisite study, Cohen et al. (83) compared TF-CBT with child-centered therapy
(CCT). Children aged 8 to 14 years and their primary caretakers were randomly assigned to
either of the aforementioned treatments, which consisted of 12 weekly sessions of 45 minutes
for the child individually and 45 minutes for the parent, although 3 of the weekly sessions
involved 30 minutes of joint parent–child therapy. All of the children had significant symptoms
of PTSD, with 89% meeting full PTSD criteria. Specific elements of TF-CBT included skills in
emotional expression, training in coping skills, gradual exposure, cognitive processing of the
trauma, some psychoeducation, joint parent–child sessions, and parent management skills.(83)
CCT was supportive in nature, allowing the child or parent to guide the structure and content
of their own treatment, whereby children were encouraged to formulate their own personal
strategies for change. At treatment follow-up, children who received TF-CBT exhibited signifi-
cantly greater improvements on measures of PTSD, depression, behavior problems, and associ-
ated symptoms (abuse-related attributions and shame) than those who received CCT.
King et al. (84) randomly assigned 36 sexually abused children and adolescents to indi-
vidual CBT, family CBT, or a wait-list control condition and found that children in both active
conditions had a significantly superior response in PTSD symptoms and self-reports of fear and
anxiety compared with the wait-list condition. In a study to assess the durability of TF-CBT,
82 sexually abused children aged 8 to 15 years who were assigned to TF-CBT or nondirective
supportive therapy (NST) delivered over 12 sessions were followed up over 12 months. Among
the 49 treatment completers, children in the TF-CBT group had significantly greater improve-
ment in PTSD, dissociative symptoms, depression, and social competence than children who
received NST.(85) Similarly, Kolko (86) randomly assigned 55 physically abused or physically
maltreated youth to one of three conditions: individual child and parent CBT, family therapy
(FT), or routine community services (RCS). CBT was similar in format to TF-CBT used in other
studies. CBT and FT were composed of twelve 1-hour sessions per week, while the total dura-
tion of RCS varied but involved more weekly therapist contact hours than the other two condi-
tions. CBT produced significantly greater improvement than both FT and RCS on measures of
externalizing symptoms, conflict, and global assessment of functioning.
At least two studies provide support for the efficacy of school-based CBT for children who
are similarly exposed to traumatic events.(87, 88) In one of these, Stein et al. (2003) randomized
sixth-grade students who were exposed to community violence and experiencing posttraumatic
stress symptoms to either Group Cognitive-Behavioral Intervention (CBITS) or a 3-month wait-list
control condition. Components of CBITS included psychoeducation, graded exposure (e.g., writing,
drawing), cognitive and coping skills training (e.g., thought stopping, relaxation), and social skills
training, with 10 weekly group session (5–8 students). CBITS compared with wait listing produced
significant improvements in PTSD symptoms, depression, and psychosocial function. Treatment
gains on all measures were maintained at the 6-month follow-up in CBITS-treated youth. In the first
cluster randomized trial of a school-based intervention for children exposed to armed conflict in a
low-income setting in Indonesia, 15 sessions of a manualized group intervention administered by
paraprofessionals was compared with a wait-listed condition.(89) The intervention, over 5 weeks,
integrated CBT techniques (trauma-processing activities) with cooperative play and creative-
expressive exercises (drama, dance and music). Girls benefited more from the intervention than
boys, with reductions in PTSD symptoms and improvements in hope and functioning.
156 Seedat
Although data are few, there is some emerging evidence that TF-CBT may be efficacious
in youth exposed to complex trauma. Feather and Ronan (90) assessed a manualized, 16-
session TF-CBT in four youth aged 9 to13 years who were multiply traumatized (exposed to
childhood physical abuse, childhood sexual abuse, emotional abuse, interpersonal violence,
and domestic violence). All four children reported a decrease in PTSD symptoms and an
increase in coping posttreatment.
In a meta-analysis of 21 psychosocial treatment studies for pediatric PTSD, TF-CBT met well-
established criteria for efficacy; school-based CBT met criteria for probably efficacious, and other treat-
ments (including CBT, EMDR, family therapy, and child–parent psychotherapy) met criteria for
possibly efficacious.(91) Specifically cognitive–behavior grounded therapies were superior to non-
cognitive behavior therapies in reducing posttraumatic stress symptoms, depression anxiety, and
externalizing behavior problems. However, studies of the relative efficacy of different modalities
(i.e., individual vs. group) and dismantling studies of the critical components of treatment (e.g.,
exposure vs. cognitive restructuring) are needed.(92) Treatment studies suggest that 12 sessions
of TF-CBT is acceptable in children and adolescents with uncomplicated PTSD, although a small
number of children and adolescents may require longer-term treatment. The child/adolescent’s
response to therapy will determine the timing and pacing of sessions. As far as possible, an integrated
approach should be adopted in the treatment of any comorbid conditions (e.g., major depression,
substance abuse).
tool that was developed for use in acute care settings to alert clinicians to injured children and
their parents who are at high risk of posttraumatic stress. Its brevity (4 dichotomous questions
asked each of the child and parent and 4 readily available pieces of information from medi-
cal records), simple scoring rule, and excellent psychometric properties make it suitable for
administration in acute care settings.(97, 98)
2. Pharmacotherapies
Currently, little is known about the effectiveness of pharmacotherapeutic agents in pediatric
PTSD, and there are few controlled studies to make firm pharmacological treatment recommen-
dations. The NICE guidelines state that drug treatments should not be routinely prescribed for
children and adolescents with PTSD as “at present there is too little evidence from RCTs (ran-
domized controlled trials), open-label studies or case-control studies to recommend the use of
any psychotropic medication to treat PTSD in children and young adults”.(99) Many experts
would agree that there is a lack of data to support the use of medication alone, in the absence of
psychotherapy. Early open trials in children and adolescents with PTSD have reported benefits
with propranolol,(100) clonidine,(101) guanfacine,(102) carbamazepine,(103) tricyclics (e.g.,
imipramine), novel antipsychotics (e.g., risperidone, olanzapine), opiates (e.g., morphine; 104),
and citalopram,(105) among others. In a prospective double-blind, pilot study of acute stress
disorder (ASD), 25 children (aged 2 to 19 years) who had sustained serious burns were ran-
domly assigned to imipramine or chloral hydrate treatment.(106) Imipramine was significantly
more effective than chloral hydrate in treating ASD symptoms. Saxe et al. (104, 107) conducted
a naturalistic study to investigate the relationship between the dose of morphine administered
during a child’s hospitalization for acute burns and the course of posttraumatic stress disorder
(PTSD) symptoms over the 6-month period following discharge from the hospital. Children
who received higher doses of morphine had a greater reduction in PTSD symptoms over 6
months. The authors conducted pathway analyses to test the potential mediating roles of pain
reduction, noradrenergic attenuation, and separation anxiety on the association between mor-
phine and PTSD. Their results suggested that a reduction in separation anxiety may medi-
ate the association between morphine administration and PTSD symptom reduction at the
3-month follow-up.(107) The first controlled trial of divalproex sodium (an antikindling agent
with potential usefulness in reducing aggression in PTSD) in conduct-disordered youth with
PTSD provides preliminary evidence for its short-term efficacy in PTSD.(108) Twelve partici-
pants were randomized into either a high-dose (500–1,500 mg per day or therapeutic plasma
levels for seizure control between 50–120 ng/ml) or low dose (up to 250 mg/day) condition. At
the end of 8 weeks of treatment, patients in the high-dose condition had significantly greater
improvement and fewer core PTSD symptoms.
Clinicians have tended to rely on clinical experience and extrapolation of data from adult
populations to inform their choice of medications in this population.(109) Based on an earlier
survey of child psychiatrists by Cohen et al.(110), 95% of psychiatrists said that they had used
pharmacotherapy to treat childhood and adolescent PTSD. Medications most frequently used
were selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors and α-adrenergic agonists. Selective serotonin
reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs) were rated by respondents as being most effective for treating over-
all PTSD symptoms, including reexperiencing symptoms and avoidance numbing symptoms.
Alpha-adrenergic agonists were rated as most effective for hyperarousal symptoms. Seedat
et al. (105) compared improvement in 24 child and adolescent subjects to 14 adult subjects pro-
vided with 20–40 mg/day of citalopram in an open-label study and demonstrated equivalent
improvements between the groups. A Turkish open trial of fluoxetine also showed effective-
ness in improving PTSD symptoms (earthquake-related) among 26 participants aged 7 to 17
years.(111) One study assessed the potential benefits of adding an SSRI, sertraline, versus pla-
cebo, to TF-CBT in a double-blind design to 10-to-17-year-olds (N-24) who had PTSD second-
ary to sexual abuse.(112) Both groups experienced significant improvement, but there was little
benefit to adding sertraline to TF-CBT.
Selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors have been shown to be effective for children and
adolescents with other anxiety disorders (e.g., social phobia, generalized anxiety disorder, sep-
aration anxiety disorder; 113) and a review of nine randomized double-blind studies on the
efficacy of pharmacotherapy for generalized anxiety disorder, separation anxiety disorder, and
158 Seedat
social phobia found strong evidence for the efficacy of SSRIs for the treatment of these anxiety
disorders with standardized effect sizes varying between medium and large.(114) Children
and adolescents with PTSD who also have comorbid mood and anxiety disorders are likely to
benefit from an SSRI.
Recently the use of the SSRIs in children and adolescents has come under scrutiny owing
to concerns about the increased risk of suicidal ideation and behavior in youth treated for
depression.(115, 116) This led to a reanalysis of published and unpublished studies by the US
Food and Drug Administration and the UK’s Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory
Agency (MHRA). A systematic review by Hetrick et al. (116) concluded that “it is unclear what
the effect of SSRIs is on suicide completion. While untreated depression is associated with
the risk of completed suicide and impacts on functioning, it is unclear whether SSRIs modify
this risk in a clinically meaningful way.” However, other data suggest that the SSRIs (e.g.,
fluoxetine, paroxetine, sertraline, and citalopram) exhibit both safety and efficacy in pediatric
depression, with no evidence for increased suicidality after commencement of treatment.(117)
While concerns regarding the use of SSRIs in pediatric depression may not apply to the treat-
ment of PTSD, it is prudent that children and adolescents with PTSD who are commenced on
SSRIs be carefully monitored, particularly in the initiation phase of treatment.
Conclusions
Pediatric PTSD is a prevalent and disabling disorder that is characterized by complex and
unique neurobiological and developmental alterations. Although findings with respect to the
directions of these alterations have been mixed, studies that have examined early biological
predictors of PTSD in children and adolescents have been relatively consistent. Accurate assess-
ment of PTSD in this population, and early identification of those children at risk, is crucial in
order to target interventions appropriately. Despite the lack of randomized controlled studies
to inform pharmacological management, the field is now in a better position to discriminate
the effectiveness of specific treatment approaches in this age group. At the same time, more
rigorous and larger-scale psychosocial and pharmacological trials that examine both treatment
predictors and mediating and moderating elements are needed. Finally, studies that evaluate
whether psychoeducation, CBT, and pharmacological manipulations (e.g., propranolol) may
be usefully implemented in children and adolescents at very early time points, following expo-
sure to traumatic events, would be of great importance.
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12 Ethnocultural issues
Alexander McFarlane and Devon Hinton
There is an objective truth—which she might call historical fact as opposed to historical
interpretation. And you have to reach for it . . . the most important thing any human
being can do is to be as objective as possible about the past, that is the only thing on
which a secure identity—individual or society—can be based. And linked to this is the
feeling that doing it is a virtual impossibility. Because the moment you try, all the forces
of delusion, self-aggrandizement, guilt, brain-washing by public perceptions, conspire to
distort the past almost as soon as it has happened.
(Interview with Pat Barker, The Guardian, October 1998) (1)
Introduction
Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a unique disorder because it conveys how the envi-
ronment and the process of adjustment to severe traumatic stress can be extremely det-
rimental to an individual’s adaptation. The process of interaction between internal and
social resources brings into focus how individuals’ experience and the meaning that they
assign to an event play a critical role in psychological outcome. The attribution of meaning
involves looking at the individuals’ personal relationships in the context of society and
culture. This embeddedness of experience implies that PTSD is not an illness implicit to the
individual alone as it also involves an interaction with the sociocultural environment over
time.(2) The belief that individuals can control their own destiny is only a relatively recent
notion and is one of the dimensions in which cultural expectations define the impact of
experience on psychological well-being. Religion and the prevailing cultural norms about
restitution and dealing with grief are cultural domains where resources can mitigate the
impact of trauma.(3)
This chapter will discuss these issues while accepting the importance of the role of neu-
robiology and the universality of the psychological stress response.(4) These form the stage on
which ethnic and cultural factors are played out. Perhaps most important to this process is the
dimension of intrusion and avoidance in the traumatic stress response.(5) These axes of reac-
tion are manifest in both individuals’ cognitive and affective domains and the way that society
at large contains and relives trauma.(6) The critical aspect of this process is the subtle manner
in which the past often comes to be played out in the future and moulds the shape and affect of
current reactions and attitudes without the roots being recognized.
The role of culture is easy to lose in the world of objectivity and statistically based research
with the current ascendancy of biological observations. The stated importance of an ethnocul-
tural perspective can be dismissed as platitudinous in the world of reductionism because of
few facts and many assertions. The contributions that it makes do not have the same focused
objective dimensions as does research into changes in specific domains of neurotransmitter
systems, for example. However, there is a great need to look at the relevance of more empiri-
cally based observations about trauma to the lives of traumatized people and the meaning they
ascribe to their suffering.(7, 8)
Definition of Culture
Culture is a phenomenon that has several dimensions: It is the distinctive practices and beliefs
as well as a development or improvement of the intellect or behavior due to education, train-
ing, or experience. The idea that it is a process that involves active development and change
is implicit in the use of the word to describe the act of processing of cultivated land, animals,
164 McFarlane and Hinton
and so on.(9) The definitions of culture are as many and varied as cultures that exist. One of the
primary characteristics of a culture is that it provides a context for survival. Rappaport (10) has
described a complex set of relationships between quite divergent variables in a society compar-
ing it to an ecosystem where the culture is defined as the system which is evolved to ensure the
survival of the population in the context of the resources available. Thus, culture has a regula-
tory function that is experienced as an ideology by the population, whereas its contribution to
survival is latent and unconscious among the members of the culture.(11)
Culture contributes divergent tensions, not the least of which comes from the human
need for dependence; therefore, its loss becomes traumatic.(3) Individuals who are strongly
identified with a culture and its values are protected and buffered by the support and sense
of identity that it provides, particularly at times of trauma.(3) The power of culture lies in
the fact that it is a protector, integrator, and security system.(12) This protection is at a cost
because it limits individuality and freedom of expression and the loss leaves a deep sense of
disorientation.
Culture provides a frame of belief that assists in dealing with illness and traumatic
events as well as their causes. This function has a dimension that persists and does not dis-
appear with treatment or the reconstruction of the damage after a disaster. Traumatic events
do have predictable consequences that are unavoidable, although they can be minimized
through preparation, training, and risk appraisal. Distress, loss, and sickness must, there-
fore, be managed and adapted to by both individuals and groups. Culture is the vehicle that
embodies the values enriching these processes and the rituals contributing to healing.(13, 14)
Suffering and illness are profound personal experiences as well as communications to the
group.(3)
The traumatic stress field is one that is especially influenced by these forces. The nature of
a traumatic experience is partly defined by cultural expectations about risk. Fatalistic cultures are
accepting of the existence of traumatic events because they have external and unmodifiable risks
and that these must be constantly faced. However, this belief system can undermine the potential
for successful mitigation of risk, although it provides a useful set of beliefs and constructs for
dealing with tragedy when it arises. The social system also provides valuable models for how to
adapt once the trauma has arisen.(15) The models of intervention that we propose in the face of
disaster, such as debriefing, are in part social movements that mobilize belief systems and sup-
port networks and give cultural permission to emote and seek help.(16) These belief systems help
overcome the natural resistance to asking for help and the cultural tradition of not showing pain
or distress. The advocacy for particular treatment approaches also comes from subcultural beliefs
about the benefits and superiority of one treatment over another in the context of competing
tribes of therapist. This internecine battle is often disguised with the language of science, which
emphasizes the differences between approaches rather than the nonspecific aspects of treatment
and the common origins of many competing approaches.
There are also often major cultural gulfs between clinicians and their patients. This divide
is summarized in this quote about the inability of the welfare professionals to document and
intervene in child abuse until recent times.
In England, a different factor was at work during those years, and that a mind-set pre-
vailed which allowed damage and abuse to go unrecognized. They were the years of
scrupulous professional regard for what was thought of as “working class culture.” In
their numbing desire to be “non-judgemental,” educated people in the welfare trade did
not “talk down” to the economically disadvantaged nor teach them how to live their
lives. So the dysfunctional became a model, and their expectations for their clients—of
stability and routine in childcare, for example—were low. They had every bit of jargon at
their fingertips, and liberal clichés bubbled on their lips; it was just in practical observa-
tion that they were deficient. (17)
Most discussion of culture and trauma focus on the comparison between different socie
ties and the way that they adapt and create meaning in response to particular types of experi-
ence or the phenomenology of the stress response in culturally distinct groups. Victims’ status
itself creates a distinct cultural group and behavioral expectations. This latter dimension of the
forces and influence of culture is possibly of most significance to clinicians.
Ethnocultural Issues 165
The personal meaning of traumatic experience of the individual is influenced by the social con-
text in which it occurs. Victims and the significant people in their surroundings may have dif-
ferent and fluctuating assessments both of the reality of what has happened and of the extent
of their suffering.(18) As a result, victims and witnesses may have strongly conflicting agendas
in the need for repair: heal, forget, or take revenge. At the individual level, this dynamic can be
seen as one of the forces that is played out in the repressed memory debate, where the accused
have used scientific argument to alienate and deny the traumatic reality of the victims. These
conflicts between a trauma’s meaning to victims and witnesses create an environment for the
trauma to be perpetuated. When it comes to the conflict of nations, soon, not the trauma itself
but the allocation of blame and responsibility may become the central issue.
Many personal testimonies of trauma survivors describe the absence of support by the
people on whom they counted and being blamed for bringing horrendous experiences upon
themselves, which left deeper scars than the actual traumatic events themselves.(19) Similarly,
victims often feel ashamed and disgusted by their own failure to prevent what has happened.
(14) Thus, for many victims a violation of their self and social ideals becomes part of the trau-
matic experience. This is also true for nations who have been beaten in war. This sense of self-
betrayal is particularly acute if a nation was unprepared and did not anticipate the intentions
or strength of their enemy. Members of that nation may find it difficult to respect those who
fought or the leaders who played a part in the loss of national pride. The liberators and the
resistance fighters can become powerful reminders of this shame.
Once the period of a trauma is over there can be a dramatic shift in attitudes. Ironically,
both a victim of PTSD, and the larger society that may be expected to respond with compassion,
forbearance, or financial sacrifices have a stake in believing that the trauma is not really the cause
of the individual’s suffering. Society becomes resentful about having its illusions of safety and
predictability disturbed by people who remind them of how fragile security can be. One of the
reasons for this failure of empathy is the gulf between the experience of the victim and their abil-
ity to express it in language that provokes empathy in those who do not know the experience.
External validation of the reality of a traumatic experience in a safe and supportive context is
a vital aspect of preventing and treating posttraumatic stress. However, the creation of such a
context for recovery can become very complicated when the psychological needs of victims
are in conflict with their social network.(20) When victims’ helplessness persists, as in chronic
PTSD, or when the meaning of the trauma is secret, forbidden, or unacceptable, such as occurs
in intrafamilial abuse, or state violence, the trauma fails to elicit donation of resources, restitu-
tion, or metering out of justice. In the restoration of government at the end of a war, there may
be a conflict between the resistance leadership and the established holders of power who went
into the safety of exile. Validation of bravery of the resistance fighters may threaten a non-
democratic government that was installed at liberation because this enhances their legitimate
political profile. Lack of validation and support is likely to perpetuate the haunting traumatic
memories that evoke a sense of victimization and social alienation.
One of the paradoxes about the predicament of survivors (whether they be soldiers or
civilian victims) is that the larger social group often lacks any realistic understanding of their
predicament. Primo Levi, who was an Italian chemist who survived the death camps of Nazi
Germany, wrote passionately about the changed perception of the victims of this terrible incar-
ceration. In the years immediately following the war he described how: “I encountered peo-
ple who didn’t want to know anything, because the Italians, too, had suffered, after all, even
those who didn’t go to the camps! They used to say, ‘For heaven’s sakes, it’s all over,’ and so
I remained quiet for a long time.”(21)
In 1955 Levi noted that it had become “indelicate” to speak of the camps—“One risks
being accused of setting up as a victim, or of indecent exposure.” Thus was confirmed the ter-
rible, anticipatory dream of the victims, during and after the camps: that no one would listen,
and if they listened they wouldn’t believe. Once people did start to listen, and believe, the other
166 McFarlane and Hinton
obsession of the survivor began to eat away at Levi—the shame, and guilt, of survival itself,
made worse in his case by the embarrassment of fame. Why should he, Levi, have survived?
Had he made compromises that others had refused? Had others died in his place? His only
resource to ward off the enemies of memory was words. But “the trade of clothing facts in
words,” he wrote, “is bound by its very nature to fail.”
The importance of language, that we can communicate and we must communicate, that
language is vital to humanity, and that the deprivation of language is the first step of destruc-
tion of a man, was enforced within the camp (words were replaced by blows—“that was how
we knew we were no longer men”). (22)”
For the victims of individual and hidden traumas such as child abuse and domestic vio-
lence, the recurrence of the victimization and denial by the immediate social network is far
more insidious and hence harder to identify.(23) Due to the social stigma attached to these
forms of trauma, their occurrence is kept hidden, which means that there is very little chance of
any realistic social awareness emerging. This was also the lot of the “comfort women” enslaved
by the Japanese army.(24) The women’s movement has been the voice for these concerns and
has greatly contributed to the breaking down the social dismissal of sexual violence. This col-
lective advocacy has challenged the minimization of the dark and silent world of familial abuse
that shatters the advocated social ideals of modern conservative politicians.
Victims of trauma often become subjects of passionate concern from those around them,
concern that may have no direct reflection on their actual well-being. Often voiceless about
their innermost fears and becoming accustomed to passive acquiesce, victims of trauma are a
means for a variety of political and social ends, both for good and ill; they can be nurtured or
idealized, and just as easily spurned, stigmatized, and rejected. Between 1947 and 1982, Israeli
society moved from the latter to the former position in regards to its attitude toward Holocaust
survivors, without ever resting in the middle of the pendulum by treating them as fellow
human beings who had been exposed to the unspeakable.(25) Bloom (26) has described how
the field of traumatic stress emerged out of a political process advocating compassion for the
Vietnam veterans. They were seen as the victims of government policy and the resultant terror
of collective violence.
The most dramatic achievement of human culture is language. It has no innate or indepen-
dent existence, yet it has driven an enormous amount of human evolution.(27) Language also
defines and binds cultures. It is challenging to consider that before the existence of the gramo-
phone, language could only be understood as a collective social memory. It is a phenomenon
that can only exist between individuals. As the sophistication of societies increases it becomes
the pervasive glue that creates the ties between groups and defines the boundaries that are
more or less permeable between cultures.
The limitation of language becomes apparent when experiences occur so infrequently
between individuals that there is no collective way of expressing the nature and consequences
of that event.(28) By definition these experiences have the capacity to fall outside the world of
the spoken culture. Hence, the expression of traumatic experience is a much more complex task
than appears at first hand. War is the greatest collective human trauma and the need to write
history and develop military tactics has necessitated its exploration. There is a variety of data
that suggest there is an immense difficulty in constructing a true representation of war.
Janet (29) highlighted that another of the critical dimensions of traumatic experience is
the difficulty of creating a representation of it in narrative memory. The event becomes trapped
in the primary sensory memories rather than developing a transformed and more symbolic
structure that has a linguistic base. Hence, the very nature of traumatic experience is its pro-
pensity to bypass linguistic representation.(30) Perhaps one way of conceptualizing this phe-
nomenon is to consider that traumatic experiences are defined by their capacity to disrupt the
use of language. Creative expression does not naturally emerge to convey these events. One of
the most boring jobs for the officers in the world War II was censoring the letters of the men,
who seemed to have enormous difficulty capturing the nature of terror and the chaos of com-
bat.(31) Siegfried Sassoon reflected the social consequences of this problem, conveying their
Ethnocultural Issues 167
experience in his peace statement that was published in The Times and read out in the House
of Commons (32).
I have seen and endured the sufferings of the troops, and I can no longer be a party to
prolong these sufferings for ends which I believe to be evil and unjust. I am not protesting
against the conduct of the War, but against the political errors and insincerities for which
the fighting men are being sacrificed. On behalf of those who are suffering now I make
this protest against the deception which is being practised on them; also I believe that
I may help to destroy the callous complacency with which the majority of those at home
regard the continuance of agonies which they do not share, and which they have not suf-
ficient imagination to realize. (p. 218) (33)
Grasping the nature of the trauma, therefore, requires a great deal of imagination and
empathy if the truth is not to be avoided. The listener or interpreter has to compensate for the
fact that most victims have impaired capacity to translate the intense emotions and perceptions
related to the trauma into communicable language. Not being able to give a coherent account of
the trauma to others, or even to oneself, without feeling traumatized all over again, makes it dif-
ficult for a culture to create representations of these experiences. The combination of the wish of
the bystander not to be disturbed by the raw emotions of injured people and the problems of vic-
tims articulating what they feel and need makes it extremely difficult to stay focused on working
through the impact of the trauma. Instead of clear-cut statements that convey the reality of what
has happened, traumatic memories start leading a life of their own as disturbing symptoms.(33)
When the memories of the trauma remain unprocessed, traumatized individuals tend to
become like Pavlov’s dogs: subtle reminders become conditional stimuli to reexperience fright-
ening feelings and perceptions belonging to the past. Hence social and cultural rituals that do
not process the experience have the capacity to sustain the trauma and inflict pain by touching
the wound that has not healed. This emphasizes that cultures should ideally provide some
symbolic transformation of an experience. To facilitate social healing they should provide hope
in the recall of horror. They must tell the story of suffering while not wounding the bereaved
by adding the dread of their memories of the dead. They must encourage reconciliation rather
than driving retribution and motivating a further cycle of violence by creating a universal
image of suffering where no one is spared the agony of violence. The message is to heal but not
through the romanticization of victors or the humiliation of those who were routed.
The awareness in a society of the memories that drive its values and the roots of its cul-
ture are critical to healthy identifications and preventing an acting out of old wounds in social
prejudices and victimizations. Grossman (34) has highlighted how the increasing distance we
have from birth and death in developed societies means that we have lost the experiences that
teach respect for life and death. Increasingly, Western cultural ideas are subject to distortions
through the media, which feasts on trauma and suffering, and the aggression depicted in the
cinema and video games. This portrays a far more aggressive and ruthless world than reality
demonstrates historically, as there have been tremendous prohibitions to killing even in war.
The identification of youth with this Hollywood culture and its implicit messages may explain
the spate of violent crime being committed by youth across the Western world. Previously,
the importance of submission as a strategy and an understanding that much aggression was a
threatening posture rather than a desire to kill was implicit cultural knowledge. The danger of
living in a media-driven culture is that it both misrepresents long-standing inhibitions against
violence and also destroys the cultural diversity that has been the core of the survival of social
groups.
Cross-cultural Studies
There are a variety of case reports that have examined the trauma response in particular minor-
ity groups.(11) These reports often convey unique and stark cultural comparisons, but the per-
spective of the heightened sensitivity to difference in the outside observer is what drives these
comparisons. When these perceived distinctions are subjected to scientific observation, what
is striking is the relative lack of data suggesting cultural specificity in the trauma response,
168 McFarlane and Hinton
although the healing rituals vary greatly.(35) A sensitivity to this variance is an important
issue for the development of humanitarian aid to Third World disasters and civil wars. The
problems of ethnic conflict and the refugee crisis that often follows are going to be a growing
international problem emphasizing the importance of this body of knowledge.(36) The other
groups who have been of particular interest are refugees who have been resettled in new host
countries (37) and victims of torture (4) and gross human rights violations.(38) A critical step
in studying these populations has been the development of cross-cultural instruments such as
the Harvard trauma questionnaire.(1)
The large epidemiological studies of Vietnam veterans provide a particular insight into
outcome of minorities in response to one category of event. The National Vietnam Veterans’
Readjustment Study (NVVRS) (39) used several minority sample groups and found that in
contrast to the PTSD prevalence rate of 13.7% among Whites, Blacks had a rate of 20.6%, and
Hispanics 27.6%. There was also a suggestion that when they became ill there was a greater
degree of disability and social maladjustment. However, the increased rate of disorder in the
Blacks was accounted for by an increased combat exposure. These were analogous findings
to those of Laufer et al. (40) who similarly found greater impact of combat on Blacks. Similar
observations were made about Maori soldiers in the New Zealand army who served in Vietnam
where combat exposure level, rank, and combat role accounted for the greater morbidity.(41)
These findings are not representative of the general population. In the National Comorbidity
Study, Kessler et al. (42) found that Whites had the higher rates of traumatization and PTSD.
The most important cultural finding in this study was that for the same trauma, women had
double the rate of PTSD of men. The embeddedness of women in their culture and attachments
is one explanation for this vulnerability.(3) Trauma involves the carrying of the pain of those
around one, which is particularly costly if individuals have strong attachments.
Case studies have exemplified some dimensions of war having specific effects on minori-
ties.(43, 44) For example, Asian Americans fighting in the Vietnam War were more closely iden-
tified with the Viet Cong, which created many points of confusion in separating the self from
the victim.(45) This is the reverse of the phenomenon observed in Southeast Asian refugees in
the United States (46, 47), where the lack of social integration was an important stressor. Studies
of refugee populations that make prevalence estimates (7) are difficult to interpret because
the representativeness of the sample is often hard to determine, but they do demonstrate the
extreme traumatization of these people and the need for humanitarian concerns not to be lost
within the walls of cultural and geographical isolation.(48)
Natural disasters created by far the greatest devastation in Third World countries (49)
because of the lack of risk management and the poor quality of building materials and construc-
tion standards (97.5% of disaster victims are in developing countries, (50)). The 2005 Indian Ocean
Tsunami and its devastation are a potent reminder of the capacity of these events for devastation.
Yet these events have been given little attention in epidemiological research because of the imper-
atives of survival in these economies.(51) The prevalence studies that have been conducted are
generally difficult to interpret because of the nonrepresentative samples studied (e.g., the 1989
Mexico earthquake (52); the Amero mudslide (50)). Some important exceptions exist, including
the study of the Armenian earthquake and the Puerto Rico floods and mudslides that had been
previously sampled in the Epidemiological Catchment Area (ECA) study.(53) There are also a
series of more recent events that have been studied but few of the data have found their way
into the Western literature. The Kobe earthquake in Japan that killed thousands of people has
been extensively examined and demonstrated some of the methodological issues about under-
reporting symptoms due to the cultural tradition of bushido where there is great shame associ-
ated with inappropriate displays of emotion.(11) The Iraqi occupation of Kuwait has also been
studied using a strict epidemiological approach and demonstrated the similarities of response in
a Moslem and Western culture and that gender stereotyping seemed to have little impact.(54)
The similarities of the trauma response across cultures presents significant support for
the integrity of PTSD as a distinct diagnosis. A study of Khmer adolescent refugees suggested
that PTSD as a result of war trauma surmounted the barriers of culture and language.(55)
Implicit in PTSD is the notion that relatively independent of the nature of the traumatic stres-
sor, the context, and the culture, there is a similar phenomenology and epidemiology.(2) This
observation supports the idea of trauma as a unifying concept in contrast to the imperative of
focusing on individual groups of victims. What cross-cultural studies have identified is the
Ethnocultural Issues 169
impact of culture on the road to care and the nature of treatment that is acceptable to the
patient. For example, treatment-seeking Iranian torture victims living in Germany had poorer
knowledge of German.(56) A useful strategy is to work in collaboration with traditional healers
who address the health beliefs of the victims.(57) It appears the racial origin does not influence
the response to treatment in a Veterans Affairs system.(58) This is an example that should also
be followed in the context of Western society, where there is often a significant divide between
the health beliefs of the patient and the professional.(59) Studies of the mental health literacy of
populations demonstrates major divergences in the beliefs within a culture about the effective-
ness and appropriateness of different treatments.(60)
The 20th century was marked by major international conflicts and unprecedented loss of life in
war. World War I was a cataclysm that partly occurred because of the failure of military tactics
to deal with the consequences of the new weapons and their destructive power. This conflict
challenged conventional forms of expression and the abstract art movement was strongly influ-
enced by a recognition that realism had failed to prepare people for what transpired.(68) The
uncertainty and the emergence of new forms of disaster such as the atomic bomb, AIDS, and
environmental degradation have left a pall of uncertainty and threat hanging over the world.
(69) The world of art and philosophy has tried to grapple with this new reality of chance. In
this way the threat of loss and the awareness of the brutality of the world have come to change
art and culture in dramatic ways. Perhaps the most dramatic shifts occurred in the social dis-
location and rebellion against authority at the time of the Vietnam War. Trauma is an abiding
theme of the 20th century and has dominated our attempts to find cultural and political iden-
tity. Trauma is the constant concern of the media and, as a major social preoccupation, becomes
170 McFarlane and Hinton
a powerful organizing force. The need remains to develop a cultural narrative for traumatic
situations that allows more effective organization to prevent the cycles of violence that we see
being played out in places such as Yugoslavia. The misrepresentation of conflict and its conse-
quences in romanticism and nationalism are major threats to peace and survival.
This indicates that the effect of trauma on culture is a bidirectional phenomenon. Just as
culture provides a social vehicle for healing, cultures are changed and subcultures arise in an
attempt to accommodate the effects of disasters, perceived social threats, and wars. Culture
represents the need that people have for stories to heal suffering. Scientifically proved treat-
ments are insufficient. There is a need for rituals to assist in healing. The rituals of bereavement
and the narratives that are used to contend with death take on many different forms, all serve
the same purpose—to integrate a person’s experience into the stream of social adaptation.
Thus, there are a series of ways in which culture can assist in the understanding of suffer-
ing and the healing of these wounds.(11)
1. The comparison of different cultures can assist in understanding the nature of trauma and
the ways of dealing with and resolving these traumas.
2. Studying groups who belong to minority cultures embedded in a larger social group can
assist in understanding the impact of belonging to one culture while being embedded in a
different host culture.(70)
3. The impact of a minority culture being overrun by an exogenous group can be a specific
type of trauma in its own right that can disrupt the normal healing rituals of the minority
culture and leave the entire group highly vulnerable to trauma.
To conclude this chapter, we would like to present some of the key questions that need to
be addressed when trying to understand the presentation of trauma-related disorder in cross-
cultural perspective and when attempting to develop culturally sensitive treatments:
1. Do traumatized members of other cultural groups meet the diagnostic criteria for posttraumatic stress
disorder (PTSD) as specified in the most current version of the DSM-IV?
It does seem that DSM-IV-defined PTSD symptoms occur in various cultural groups as
a consequence of trauma, for example, among Cambodian refugees (7) and among Xhosa-
speaking South African political detainees.(8)
2. Across cultural groups, do the salience of DSM-IV-defined PTSD symptoms and symptom clusters
(e.g., hyperarousal symptoms) vary?
Increased salience of DSM-IV-defined PTSD symptoms may result from any or all of the
following three causes: (a) the group’s cultural interpretation of the symptom as being particu-
larly dangerous or as being indicative of serious bodily, psychological, or spiritual problems;
(b) the nature of the trauma, as in prolonged exposure to traumas and situations of stress lead-
ing to prominent hyperarousal; or (c) the fact that the group lacks institutionalized means, as
in healing practices, to decrease those symptoms.
As an example, though two groups may initially have a similar severity of startle fol-
lowing a trauma, the two groups may have radically different interpretation of that symptom:
Among Cambodian refugees, startle is considered to be an indicator of a “weak heart,” (9) and
generates multiple fears––worry that the “soul” may be displaced. Among trauma survivors in
Mozambique, trauma-related dreams receive elaborate cultural explanation and lead to specific
ritual action (10); likewise, among Cambodian survivors of the Pol Pot period, trauma-related
nightmares are given elaborate interpretation, are considered an indicator of the physical and
spiritual strength of the dreamer (11)––a bad dream results in feelings of vulnerability and
increased anxiety and panic.
Studies have shown psychopathological dimensions to vary across cultural groups. For
example, hyperarousal symptoms seem to be more prominent among elderly so-called Whites
than among African Americans (12), and avoidance symptoms seem to be far less prominent
among Kalahari Bushmen compared to previously studied groups.(13) The reasons for these
differences have yet to be investigated.
Ethnocultural Issues 171
3. Are the rates of certain DSM-IV disorders, for instance, major depressive disorder or panic disorder,
greater in certain traumatized groups?
This would seem to be the case: Among Cambodian refugees (14), panic disorder is a very
prominent aspect of the reaction to trauma. Their high rate of panic disorder appears to result
from the severity of catastrophic cognitions about somatic and psychological symptoms, as
well as prominent trauma associations to autonomic arousal.
4. Across cultures, do the symptoms of non-PTSD disorders found in the DSM-IV have varying saliency
among trauma victims, or do differences only emerge when more extensive lists are used that tap those
constructs.
For example, trauma victims in two different cultures may have the same rate and sever-
ity of major depressive disorder, but the frequency of the actual symptoms of major depressive
disorder may vary, for example, there being more weight loss in one group and more negative
affect in another. These differences may only emerge if symptom lists are used that separately
assess symptoms clustered together for one criteria (e.g., insomnia and hypersomnia in the
major depressive disorder criteria). Or differences may only emerge if symptoms characteristic
of that construct, but not assessed in any of the criteria for that disorder, are assessed: tinnitus
among patients with panic-disorder-type panic attacks.
5. In other cultures, do certain symptoms and psychopathological dimensions not assessed in the DSM-IV
attain greater salience in trauma victims?
In various cultures, certain somatic symptoms seem to have more salience among persons
with trauma-related disorder––for example, dizziness among Chinese populations (15), tinnitus
among Cambodian refugees (16), gastrointestinal upset among Rwandan genocide survivors.(17)
Or to give an example of nonsomatic symptom, the rate of sleep paralysis in trauma-related dis-
order appears to be very high among Cambodian refugees.(11)
Yet still, psychopathological dimensions not specifically addressed (or minimally addressed)
in DSM-IV may be more prominent among trauma victims in certain cultural contexts, such as
somatization, panic attacks, low self-esteem, low cultural-esteem, impaired psychological flex-
ibility. To give another example, survival guilt is extremely salient among Rwandan genocide
owing to cultural beliefs about the need to bury the dead in a set period of time according to
traditional rites to assure the deceased’s transformation into a benevolent ancestor.(18, 19)
6. What is the local interpretation of trauma-caused symptoms? Are trauma-caused symptoms attrib-
uted to local cultural syndromes or spiritual causes? Do those cultural syndromes and spiritual explana-
tions of trauma-caused symptoms shape the local experience of trauma-related disorder?
One must investigate the local understanding of trauma-caused symptoms and psycho-
pathological dimensions, that is, how those symptoms and psychopathological dimensions are
thought to be generated in the culture in question. One must investigate local ways of talking
about––and experiencing––trauma-related disorder. As a result of these cultural frames, a patient
will interpret trauma symptoms in certain ways and will survey the body for evidence of having
certain cultural syndromes after being traumatized, of having certain spiritual-based problems.
Among Mozambique war victims, trauma-related disorder is frequently expressed in terms
of spirit possession.(20) In many cultures, certain somatic-type cultural syndromes are an impor-
tant part of trauma-related disorder: Among Spanish-speaking populations of the Caribbean,
ataque de nervios (21, 22); among Central Americans, a feeling of inner heat (23); and among civil
war victims in Sierra Leone, a “hypertension” (haypatεnsi) syndrome.(24) Among Cambodian
and Vietnamese refugees, weak heart is common way of understanding trauma-related symp-
toms. In these two cultures, weak heart is thought to cause a wide spectrum of symptoms: a
feeling of energy depletion, startle, uncontrollable worry. Weak heart also causes fear of death
from bodily dysfunction, especially cardiac arrest.(9, 25, 26) Among Cambodian refugees, vari-
ous culturally specific panic attacks are prominent among trauma victims: orthostatic panic, “hit-
by-the-wind” panic, neck-focused panic.(25–31) These panic attacks arise in large part due to
local catastrophic cognitions and misconceptions about the body’s physiology.
7. Does the factor structure of symptoms resulting from trauma vary across cultures?
In certain cultures, it may be that if you make an extensive list of symptoms––character-
istic of PTSD, somatization, and other disorders––and then run a factor analysis, the clustering
will radically vary across cultures. This clustering may result from the nature of the trauma
and from the cultural interpretation of symptoms. For example, the Cambodian syndrome of
weak heart will tend to cause panic symptoms, palpitations, and startle to be a prominent part
172 McFarlane and Hinton
of one factor. The structure of such factors will be clearer if the cultural syndrome, such as weak
heart, are also listed.
8. How do local cultural traditions aid in the recovery from trauma?
Studies document that certain cultural institutions may play a key role in recovering from
trauma: meditation among Cambodian refugees (32); ritual drumming in central Mozambique
(10); sweat lodge rituals among certain American Indian groups (for a review, see (33)); and the
transformation of iglata talk (drunken and boastful talk with peers) to waktoglaka talk (sober,
sometimes tearful talk about war experiences in ceremonial settings) among Northern Plains
Vietnam veterans, which is considered part of the process of “coming home.”(34)
9. How can state-of-the-art trauma treatments be adapted for patients in other cultural contexts?
For a treatment to be culturally acceptable and effective for a particular cultural group,
it should address prominent PTSD symptoms and dimensions (e.g., hyperarousal), comor-
bid DSM-IV conditions (e.g., panic disorder), psychopathological dimensions (e.g., low self-
esteem), and symptoms (e.g., sleep paralysis). And the treatment should specifically address
cultural syndromes prominent in trauma victims in that context, for example, ataque de nervios
among Puerto Rican groups, “wind overload,” neck-focused panic, and weak heart among
Cambodian refugees. Those syndromes may involve various pyschopathological dimensions:
depression, panic, anger. And for a treatment to be culturally acceptable and effective for a
particular cultural group, it may be that healing traditions of the culture in question should be
incorporated into treatment: Buddhist techniques for certain Asian populations.(32) Such treat-
ments may not only promote acceptability and increase personal and cultural self-esteem but
may also have important effects on specific dimensions of psychopathology.
Conclusion
In considering the effect of culture following traumatic events and describing its impact, there
are a series of potential misinterpretations that can occur. Kleinman (35) uses the term category
fallacy to refer to the mistake of assuming that our diagnostic categories will necessarily apply
to other groups, for instance, that the DSM-IV-defined PTSD adequately depicts the response to
traumatic events in other cultural groups. To avoid a category fallacy when studying trauma-
related disorder in another context, one must consider the questions we outlined above.
We use the term abstraction error to describe the error of assuming that if the members
of a cultural group are diagnosable as having PTSD then the relative prominence of DSM-IV
symptoms and their meaning is the same. Finding that a group is diagnosable as having PTSD
is just the beginning and not the end of the analysis.
We use the term content error to describe the mistake of assuming that the DSM-IV PTSD
symptoms adequately describe the full spectrum of trauma-caused symptoms in a certain cul-
ture. To attain “content validity” (36) in the conceptualization of trauma-related disorder for a
particular group, one needs to describe the full spectrum of trauma-related symptoms—and
syndromes––for that group. For example, dizziness and the cultural syndrome of weak heart
may be very prominent in certain cultural group and should be evaluated when assessing
trauma-related disorder (and treatment outcomes) for that group.
We suggest the term symptom fallacy to refer to the mistake of assuming that the meanings
associated with a certain symptom do not vary across groups, that the symptom meanings for
a person from a particular social, economic, and cultural position will apply exactly to a person
from a different social, economic, and cultural position. The identification of the presence of a
trauma-related symptom, such as anger, is just the beginning of the analysis; in addition, one
must identify the metaphors associated with the symptoms label (in the language in question),
trauma associations, the local understanding of the symptom, associated ethnophysiology, and
specific triggers (e.g., the acting-out behaviors of a gang-involved child).
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13 Posttraumatic stress disorder after disasters
Andrea R Maxwell and Sandro Galea
Introduction
In a national study of the U.S. population, 15% of women and 19% of men reported exposure
to a natural disaster during their lifetime.(1) Although a range of psychopathologies can occur
after these events (2, 3), posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is the most commonly studied
and likely the sentinel psychopathology after exposure to a disaster.(3–6) In this chapter we
present (a) an overview of the current evidence in the field regarding PTSD and disasters,
(b) the challenges of postdisaster research with consideration of how these may influence our
understanding of the consequences of disasters, and (c) future research directions to strengthen
the field of PTSD and disasters. Before we embark on the chapter, we note two limitations.
First, we do not intend this chapter to be a comprehensive review of all current evidence in the
field of PTSD and disasters; instead, we provide a summary of some of this evidence, largely
drawing from previous reviews in the field.(3–6). Second, substantial debate exists in the peer-
reviewed literature as to what constitutes a disaster. We refer the reader to other work that has
considered this question in greater detail.(7) In the context of this chapter, we consider disasters
to be unexpected and acute events that can be human made, technological, or natural.(3, 7)
We first consider the prevalence of PTSD after disasters among specific groups that are largely
defined by their type and intensity of exposure: survivors, rescue workers, the general popula-
tion, and children. This is followed by evidence from the literature regarding various sociode-
mographic covariates of PTSD after disasters—gender, social support, age, socioeconomic status,
and race or ethnicity. We also note—reflecting the predominant analytic mode of most disaster
literature—that we use the term prevalence rather than incidence to document the burden of PTSD
after disasters because very few studies have ensured predisaster PTSD was absent in their par-
ticipants. This convention is consistent with previous reviews in the literature.(4, 5)
results, the percent of rescue workers with PTSD may differ depending on the type of work
performed. A study that assessed the prevalence of PTSD among rescue workers 2 to 3 years
after the September 11 terrorists attacks in New York City found that the overall prevalence of
PTSD was 12.4% but that of unaffiliated volunteers and construction/engineer workers was
especially high—21.2% and 17.8%, respectively.(18)
Studies that have assessed the psychological burden of disasters among the general pop-
ulation have generally found, not surprisingly, a lower prevalence of PTSD than that of sur-
vivors or rescue workers.(4) After the Los Angeles civil disturbances, Hanson and colleagues
estimated that the prevalence of PTSD 6 to 8 months after these disturbances was 4.1% in the
general population.(19) Subsequent work of general populations collected within 12 months
of disasters such as the September 11 terrorist attacks in New York City (20–22), the 1989 Exxon
Valdez oil spill (23), and the 2004 train bombings in Madrid (24), found a similar burden of
PTSD in relevant areas.
Because only a small number of studies have evaluated the prevalence of PTSD among
children, few conclusions can be drawn as to the effect of disasters on them. After the 2001
chemical factory explosion in Toulouse, France, Godeau and colleagues found that 44.6% of
directly exposed children aged 11 to 13 years and 28.5% of directly exposed children aged 15 to
17 years had symptoms consistent with PTSD.(25) In addition, the prevalence of PTSD among
children was documented to be 38.4% 1 month after the 1984 school sniper attack in Los Angeles
(26); 27% 3 months after the 1993 World Trace Center Bombing (27); 11.9% 9 months after the
1991 industrial fire in Hamlet, North Carolina, (28); and 18.4% 6 months after the September 11
attacks in New York City.(29) For a comprehensive review of the literature surrounding chil-
dren and human-made disasters, see a review by Pfefferbuam and colleagues (30).
Although a wide range of correlates of PTSD after disasters have been examined, some fac-
tors have been studied repeatedly in the literature and merit brief comment. First, it is clear from the
body of postdisaster research that the single central predictor of PTSD after disasters is the degree of
exposure to the event.(2) As noted in our above summary of prevalences, the groups with the great-
est direct exposure to disasters are also those that have a greater likelihood of developing PTSD.
Similarly, within each exposure group, those with the most disaster-related traumatic events are the
persons who have the greatest risk of developing PTSD. In terms of sociodemographic correlates,
female gender has consistently been shown to be a risk factor for postdisaster PTSD.(23, 28, 31–34)
In fact, most studies suggest that women have a nearly a twofold greater risk than men of PTSD,
given comparable disaster-related exposure.(4) Some studies have also shown that social support
is protective after disasters.(35, 36) In contrast, the evidence as to the effect of age (37–39), socioeco-
nomic differences, such as the level of education (40–42), and race or ethnicity (20, 28, 43, 44) on the
prevalence of PTSD after disasters has been inconsistent.
A number of studies have assessed the impact of natural disasters on children and have
largely showed a substantial burden of PTSD among this population. Six months after Hurricane
Mitch in 1998, the prevalence of PTSD among adolescents ranged from 14% to 90%, dependent
on the dose of exposure (56); another study found that the prevalence of PTSD ranged from 26%
to 95% in different communities 1.5 years after the 1988 earthquake in Armenia, with the preva-
lence again dependent on the level of exposure.(57) In addition, 56% of school-aged children
had moderate to very severe symptoms of PTSD 3 months after Hurricane Andrew in 1992 (58),
results that were comparable to a study conducted 6 months after Hurricane Floyd.(59)
Analogous to the evidence for technological and human-made disasters, women are
more likely than men to suffer from PTSD after disasters.(46, 60–63) Low social support may
also contribute to greater PTSD symptomatology.(64–66) However, the evidence regarding age
(63, 67), socioeconomic status (67–69), and race or ethnicity (61, 70, 71) remains inconclusive.
The challenges of postdisaster research are many and greatly influence our understanding of
the mental health consequences of disasters. In examining some of these challenges, we start
with a discussion of how the aftermath of a disaster affects development of the research plan
and researchers themselves. We then turn our attention to issues surrounding sampling of the
affected community, defining and finding the population of interest and garnering participation.
This is followed by a consideration of how exposure and PTSD are characterized in individual
studies and the effect of these characterizations on cross-study comparability. We end with a dis-
cussion of the difficulties inherent in measuring and analyzing covariates and health indicators.
the area; as a result, studies that assessed the mental health burden after this event likely under-
counted these persons.(75)
Even after a population is defined and found, the difficulties in enrolling participants
can be considerable. Persons affected by the disaster may be hesitant to enroll in research not
related to service utilization; in some communities this may be compounded by a mistrust of
the medical and research field.(76) However, research has shown that those who do partici-
pate make favorable cost–benefits appraisals of their participation (77), and the majority are
not adversely affected by research participation.(78, 79) Language and cultural barriers may
also limit the ability of researchers to reach a community. For example, after the Marmara
earthquake in Turkey, the refusal rate of potential female participants was higher when the
interviewees were male as opposed to female.(47) All of these factors may limit the ability of
researchers to adequately sample a population and elicit the relevant information from these
communities.
Covariate assessment
The challenges associated with assessing covariates that may influence the central associations
of interest are not unique to postdisaster research but are greatly heightened by the scarcity of
research after any particular disaster. The covariates assessed frequently differ from study to
study, limiting the ability to determine the covariates most important for predicting psychopa-
thology and to compare studies both within disasters and across disasters. Certain covariates
like gender are regularly measured by postdisaster studies (68, 85), but others like perievent
emotional reactions are not.(86) Effects of additional covariates such as socioeconomic status,
social support, racial identity, and other demographical characteristics remain to be illuminated.
In addition, studies frequently use different models to assess the relationship between covariates
and psychopathology; because of this, their association is often obscured.(4, 5, 87) For example,
Weismann and colleagues found that it was not gender itself but rather the underlying social
and economic circumstances that explained the relationship between gender and PTSD observed
in most studies.(88) Clearly, much more work needs to be carried out to aid our understanding
of correlates for PTSD. In nondisaster research, the abundance of studies often overcomes these
limitations, but studies of disasters are limited in number, accentuating these difficulties.
by a disaster, its onset must occur after the event; unfortunately, most disaster studies have
limited access to the timeline of disease onset due to the lack of preexisting data. For a further
discussion of the problems of postonly studies and approaches to address them, we refer the
reader to other resources.(91)
Another challenge to measuring health indicators after disasters is characterizing the full
breadth of psychopathology that may occur. While PTSD is likely the sentinel disaster psycho-
pathology (92) and the focus of most postdisaster research, (3, 6) it may often manifest with con-
current comorbidity.(93) Studies of disasters increasingly need to consider these comorbidities
to fully assess the mental health burden after disasters and the patterns of PTSD manifestation
postdisaster. For example, a number of studies have found a higher prevalence of depression
among those affected by postdisaster PTSD as compared to controls.(10, 47, 57, 94–96) Some
studies have also shown postdisaster PTSD to be associated with anxiety disorders (94–96),
substance abuse (31, 97), somatization (98), and functional impairment.(10, 99, 100) However,
most of this evidence remains inconclusive due to the limited number of comparable studies.
Lastly, postdisaster studies are increasingly incorporating biological measures into their
measurements to elucidate the relationship between mental disorders and the underlying bio-
chemical and genetic factors.(101, 102) Including these measures creates another dimension
of issues for disaster research, such as the reliability of these measures and their feasibility in
postdisaster circumstances. This area of research will likely become increasingly important in
the coming years.
Research directions
We suggest that there are four central directions for future research in the field: (a) compre-
hensive research for comorbid disorders, (b) studies concerned with the nature of disaster
exposure, (c) inquiry about the course of PTSD, and (d) interventional studies and the need to
determine effective treatments of PTSD after disasters.
Comorbid disorders
As shown earlier, PTSD may manifest with concurrent comorbid disorders such as depression,
substance abuse, and anxiety disorder. However, studies have yet to fully characterize what
these comorbid disorders may be and the longitudinal course of them in conjunction with
PTSD. In addition, the long-term physical consequences of PTSD need to be examined to fully
assess the burden of the disease. For example, a recent study showed that PTSD might increase
the risk of cardiovascular disease.(103) Further studies similar to this need to be conducted, to
confirm this finding and explore other potential physical manifestations of PTSD.
Exposure
As we note in this review, overall, evidence from the literature and reviews of this evidence show
that a higher disaster-related exposure is associated with a higher prevalence of PTSD.(4, 5, 21,
22, 25, 47, 55, 80, 104) For instance, those closest to the site of the disaster have been documented
to have a higher prevalence of PTSD than those further away.(22, 25, 47, 80) In addition, as seen
above, the prevalence of PTSD is typically highest among survivors, followed by rescue workers,
with the general population having the lowest prevalence of PTSD. These three types of samples
represent the heterogeneous nature of exposure among the affected population. For example,
survivors directly experienced the attack itself, while rescue workers directly experienced the
aftermath of the attack. In contrast, the exposure for the general population is typically indirect:
Some people may have lost a friend or family member, suffered a poor outcome from the disaster
such as displacement or employment loss, or experienced the disaster through the media.
Whether indirect exposure is sufficient for causing psychopathology in the general popu-
lation is currently in debate in the literature. In a study of primary care patients, Neria and col-
leagues found that indirect exposure was not related to the risk of PTSD.(44) However, studies
of national populations after September 11 (22, 105) and population in an area far from the
Oklahoma City bombing (106) indicate that a relation may exist between the two. Models that
have been suggested to mediate this relation include widespread media exposure to mediums
Posttraumatic stress disorder after disasters 181
such as television (107, 108) and perceived threat and relative risk appraisal.(109) Future work
that examines the relation between PTSD and indirect exposure, as well as potential mecha-
nisms that mediate this relation, is well indicated.
In addition, the concept of indirect exposure raises important considerations about the
burden of PTSD after disasters. Because a greater number of people are indirectly exposed to
disasters rather than directly exposed, the overall health burden may be weighted toward those
who are indirectly exposed and show signs of partial PTSD rather than survivors who have full
PTSD.(4, 5) This may have important implications for public health policies after disasters.
Interventional studies
We address the topic of interventional studies for postdisaster treatment of PTSD briefly, refer-
ring the interested reader to a more complete review of interventional treatments.(116) Most
research to date has considered survivors of traumatic events in general, rather than focusing
on survivors of disasters. Even drawing from this wider arena of research, the evidence is
inconsistent. In fact, a recent meta-analysis showed that single-session critical-incident debrief-
ing—once a commonly used clinical intervention—may actually be harmful.(117) Overall,
cognitive–behavioral therapy (CBT) may currently be the most promising psychosocial inter-
vention, as indicated by research.(116) Studies have shown that CBT initiated within the first
month after a trauma may prevent psychological sequelae as compared to other interventional
methods such as supportive counseling or repeated assessments.(118–120) For pharmacother-
apy, SSRIs are often used as the first-line medications for the treatment of PTSD.(121)
The evidence regarding effective treatments, specifically after disasters, is sparse, as few
studies have been conducted in postdisaster circumstances.(122, 123, 124) Many therapies,
ranging from psychological to pharmacological, have yet to be evaluated in the postdisaster
context, thereby limiting the ability of communities and governments to mitigate the mental
health consequences of disasters.
182 Maxwell and Galea
Conclusion
Many methodological challenges are inherent in the study of postdisaster mental health con-
sequences. Because of these challenges, several aspects of postdisaster PTSD remain largely
underdeveloped in the literature. For example, the prevalence of PTSD after disasters has been
well characterized in some populations; however, in others such as children or those of low
socioeconomic status, further work needs to be conducted. More important, while the course
of PTSD after disasters is still a nascent area of research, more longitudinal studies of represen-
tative populations could greatly assist in the determination of trajectories of PTSD such as the
occurrence of delayed-onset PTSD. Furthermore, the field has yet to fully determine the effect
of comorbid disorders and indirect exposure on the burden of PTSD. Future work also needs
to explore the role of different interventions in mitigating PTSD after disasters. These subjects
represent integral areas of inquiry for the improvement of both the postdisaster research field
and postdisaster public health practice.
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14 Symptom exaggeration in posttraumatic
stress disorder
Alzbeta Juven-Wetzler, Rachel Sonnino, Danit Bar-Ziv, and Joseph Zohar
Introduction
Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is unique among psychiatric disorders as, per definition,
the trigger is known; the critical event is part of the core diagnosis. Because there is an external
event, in many cases PTSD is linked to compensation; for example, in case of car accidents
compensation is sought from the insurance company, while in other cases (such as war-related
PTSD) the address is the Ministry of Defense, and so on.
As in most of the cases the compensation, level of disability, and subsequently the finan-
cial gain, is based on a combination of symptom severity and functioning, the patient might
have an inherent incentive to exacerbate the symptoms. Moreover, as the patients often feel as
though they are a victim, they also feel justified in using this approach (“They are responsible
for this, they need to pay for it”).
The authors are by no means suggesting that PTSD is merely a “compensation neurosis,”
rather they propose to face the uniqueness of PTSD described above and to examine the moni-
toring of PTSD through a prism aimed to illuminate the issue of symptom exacerbation.
Cofactoring with an “exacerbation index” is important not only for getting an accurate
clinical picture of the actual (factual) status of a given patient but it is also important in order to
increase the validity of the diagnosis of PTSD. Mingling intentional exacerbation with genuine
PTSD may prevent proper diagnosis and treatment of patients who really suffer from PTSD
and for whom it may be hard to pass the barriers of disbelief rooted by cases of intentional
exacerbation. If ways can be found to better identify this fraction of patients with symptom
exaggeration, who are often quite vocal and demanding, and to separate them from cases of
genuine PTSD, it would boost the validity and confidence in the diagnosis of PTSD.
Noting the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM), 4th edition defini-
tion of malingering as “the intentional production of false or grossly exaggerated physical or
psychological symptoms, motivated by external incentives” (1, p. 683), we prefer to use the
term exaggerators rather than malingerers, in order to include those whose exaggeration is not
consciously intentional. As we shall see in the following sections, the distinction between
intentional and nonintentional is less pertinent when considering the implications of symptom
exaggeration, although it does come into play when discussing how to recognize cases of
exaggeration and how to deal with them once identified.
The severity of PTSD has been monitored initially for two primary purposes—clinical and
research purposes. Clinical monitoring of severity is intended to quantify the patient’s status
and to help the clinician get a more accurate impression of how a particular patient responds
to a given treatment. For research purposes, a severity score is sometimes used as a stricter
inclusion criterion than the diagnostic threshold, and repeated measures allow statistical com-
parison of different treatment trials and control groups.
However, the severity of PTSD has another, financial, implication—that of disability sup-
port and/or compensation. Monetary benefits available to PTSD patients include various wel-
fare-based disability allowances to compensate for the patient’s inability to function normally in
his or her everyday lives—inability to hold a job, to continue social activities, and so on.(2) These
188 Juven-Wetzler, Sonnino, Bar-Ziv, and Zohar
benefits depend heavily on the severity of the PTSD symptoms as assessed by a psychiatrist.
The monetary implication of the severity of PTSD (as assessed by a clinician) is rooted in the
very characteristic that makes PTSD unique among psychiatric disorders—that the disorder is
triggered by an external event in a defined time. If a certain party can be held responsible for the
traumatic event, and the resulting impaired function can be confirmed by a mental health profes-
sional, litigation is possible for compensation from the relevant organization.
In addition, a further repercussion of a PTSD diagnosis rated at a given severity level
is that of the “social reaction” to the disorder. The social benefits of assuming a sick role may
provide sympathy, care, and attention otherwise not forthcoming from family members and
friends. Depending on the nature of the triggering traumatic event, the associated stigma of
a mental health problem may be outweighed by the accompanying “hero” role that can be
assumed by having survived certain ordeals, especially with growing public awareness and
acceptance of this disorder.
One might assume that for clinical or research purposes patients would have no vested
interest in influencing the severity score of their PTSD symptoms. However, the monetary and
social incentives described above are unfortunately entwined in the process, as the severity of
PTSD as outlined by the clinician or the researcher may be quoted and relied on in applications
for monetary benefits/legal actions.
The desire to have their PTSD assessed as more severe than it actually is may prompt
some individuals to misreport their symptoms in order to portray them as harsher and more
disabling. As the diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), like most but not all psy-
chiatric disorders, is based in large part on the patient’s report of subjective symptoms; this is
possible in a way that would not be the case in some physical diseases, where objective testing
(e.g., EMR for a patient complaining of muscle weakness) would refute unfounded claims of
illness and would help to give a complementary evaluation of the severity of the symptoms.
Determining the prevalence of PTSD is difficult because any baseline sample screened for the
“true” rate of PTSD is itself potentially tainted with exaggerators. However, large epidemio-
logical studies, in which the sample was not chosen following exposure to traumatic events,
and participants were anonymous, (and, therefore, can be expected to have been more honest
about symptoms) are most likely to attain accurate prevalence rates, with the least contamina-
tion from exaggerator data. One such study, the U.S. National Comorbidity Study (3) found
PTSD to have a prevalence of 7.8%.
The financial loss caused by symptom exaggeration in PTSD is perhaps the most prom-
inent of consequences when examined from a public interest point of view, but the effect
exaggeration has on research must also be considered. Patients who expect the severity of
their PTSD as measured in clinical research to serve other purposes, whether monetary or
social, or even those who have a specific reason for wanting to be included in a particu-
lar study (either to access an otherwise unavailable or expensive treatment or to sidestep
a lengthy waiting list in regular treatment clinics), may give inflated descriptions of symp-
toms, and the implications for PTSD research are manifold. First, prevalence rates of PTSD,
if they include exaggerators, may be grossly inflated. Rosen (4) points out high prevalence
of PTSD in studies where malingering was not ruled out, in comparison with epidemiologi-
cal data (where exaggeration can be assumed minimal), and Summerfield (5) points out that
these inflated prevalence rates, if published as accurate, can then mislead others. In fact, a
vicious circle can ensue, whereby an initially exaggeration-tainted sample gives rise to esca-
lated prevalence rates, which in turn lure subsequent researchers into a false sense of security
regarding the purity of their samples (given that the prevalence rate matches the prevalence
found in previous research), and these results, if published, merely serve to strengthen the
notion that finding a prevalence such as this does not require further investigation of the pos-
sibility of exaggeration. In addition to elevated prevalence figures, as most research stipu-
lates a certain level of PTSD severity as an inclusion criterion, exaggeration in the screening
process would result in less severe cases entering the sample, skewing subsequent biological
and clinical measures and analyses (e.g., in a study looking at a biological parameter that is
Symptom Exaggeration in PTSD 189
specific to PTSD, including non-PTSD or mild cases of PTSD might hamper the interpreta-
tion of the biological results). Furthermore, in the majority of studies examining potential or
current treatments for PTSD, severity is used as a measure of the treatment’s success. Any
participant who exaggerates symptoms at the baseline measurement in such a study would
be expected to do the same at the follow-up phase, thus creating a flat effect of no response,
data contamination, and a blurring of the clinical signal.
Since the diagnosis of PTSD was introduced into the DSM (6), concerns have been voiced that
the symptoms of the disorder were relatively easy to simulate.(7–10) Concerns such as these
led to the addition of a note regarding malingering in the discussion of PTSD in DSM-IV (1):
“Malingering should be ruled out in those situations in which financial renumeration, benefit
eligibility, and forensic determinations play a role” (p. 467). A study performed in 2002 dem-
onstrated how difficult it can be to recognize symptom fabrication by professional actors.(11)
This makes the more subtle task of identifying exaggeration, cases in which genuine symptoms
are reported as more severe than truly experienced, seem even more daunting. Not only is the
difference between the experience and presentation more subtle but some cases involve “ama-
teur dramatics” as well, as in the case of survivors of the sinking of the Aleutian Enterprise
(12), who later admitted being advised by their attorneys regarding symptoms they may have,
presumably in an attempt to manipulate diagnosis or severity rating of PTSD. Particularly tell-
ing is the case of one fisherman survivor who wanted to go back to work but was told by his
attorney that it would “look better” if he did not.
In the face of such obstacles, it is not surprising that the possibility of exaggeration (or
malingering, as required by DSM-IV) is at best discussed in general terms with regard to the
entire sample and very rarely examined in detail. This is despite the fact that studies specifically
investigating PTSD in the context of compensation claims and lawyer involvement have found
connections between these and PTSD severity.(13, 14) However, although the findings arouse
suspicion, these studies do not actually imply that the litigation status influences patients to por-
tray their symptoms as more disruptive and disturbing, rather than the symptom severity being
the cause of the litigation. Indeed, several studies have failed to demonstrate an “improvement”
in PTSD symptoms, following finalization of compensation claims.(13, 15, 16) Yet this lack of
improvement does not necessarily mean all cases were genuine and can be interpreted in two
other ways. One possibility is that the patients are still suspicious and refrain from admitting that
they have a deliberate exacerbation. The other possibility is that the process of symptom exag-
geration in itself is not harm free, and the long time that patients present themselves with certain
symptoms might have resulted in “adapting” or “imprinting” of these symptoms (something
along the lines of disuse atrophy—if an arm is not used for several weeks—let alone months or
even years—then it is very difficult, if not impossible, to bring it back to full function). Hence, the
possibility of exaggeration in cases with such large financial rewards at stake needs to be ruled
out carefully and certainly should not be swept under the carpet.
The identification of PTSD patients suspected of exaggerating their symptoms in order to attain
secondary benefits is a difficult task. One interesting study took advantage of changes in Croatian
legislation regarding compensation for veterans in 2001.(17) This group observed a change in
symptom reports of compensation-seeking veterans, following reforms of the national regulations
for compensation criteria in Croatia. Distribution of diagnoses (based on reported symptoms)
changed between the years 2000 and 2002 in a manner tending toward the better compensation
rates awarded to certain PTSD-related diagnoses by the 2001 reform. This would imply some
level of reporting bias on the part of compensation seekers, be it conscious or not.
However, such a method can be applied only in unique circumstances, where changes in
the legislation governing compensation rights offer an opportunity to examine patients before
and after the reform. Furthermore, it gives a picture from a prevalence point of view, but still
190 Juven-Wetzler, Sonnino, Bar-Ziv, and Zohar
no answer regarding individual patients. For specific, everyday purposes, a simpler method is
needed. We will review here techniques examined and proposed for detecting symptom exag-
geration, including the use of clinical interview, psychological scales, cognitive testing, and
physiological measures.
Identifying a suspected malingerer/exaggerator is possible in several ways.(18, 19) Some
of these methods are more suitable for conscious malingerers who are deliberately trying to
pull the wool over the eyes of the clinician, whereas others are appropriate for more subtle
cases, where symptom exaggeration is suspected, and where it is uncertain whether the patient
is even aware himself of embellishing the description of his symptoms.
The exact methods used to identify suspected cases of symptom exaggeration are usually
kept confidential to a great extent, as knowledge of how the techniques work can give deliber-
ate exaggerators an opportunity to prepare in advance and possibly alter their performance so
as to evade detection.
Although we will briefly review psychological, cognitive, and physiological methods for detect-
ing symptom exaggeration in PTSD, one should not overlook the classical basic approach, that
is, comprehensive clinical interview in which inconsistencies and atypical presentation might
direct us to focus and carefully investigate overreporting.
The clinician should not show open signs of suspicion or incredulity (which risks arousing
an exaggerator’s suspicion, thus increasing his efforts to appear sincere), yet symptom reports
should not be taken at face value. Given the high success rates for PTSD-naive subjects in feigning
PTSD symptoms using a symptom checklist (8, 9), the use of open-ended questions, at least ini-
tially, is prudent (18), and the patient’s responses can then be explored in more detail. Examples
of instances in which a particular symptom was manifest should be requested and, where pos-
sible, corroborated with reports from family members and friends or other sources.
The clinical interview can also serve as an opportunity to observe the patient, which
can provide insights as to the veracity of the symptoms reported (e.g., a patient claiming lack
of concentration who does not display any difficulty concentrating during the interview or a
claim of extreme irritability that is not evident in the patient’s behavior). However, given the
subjectivity of both administering and interpreting the clinical interview, it is a good idea to
combine it with more standardized testing for symptom exaggeration for a fuller picture.
There are no specific scales formulated for the detection of malingering or symptom over-
reporting in PTSD alone. General scales attempting to detect symptom exaggeration usu-
ally include questions about both genuine and improbable symptoms, under the premise
that those who are fabricating or overreporting their symptoms will be more suggestible
to the decoy items than patients who respond accurately and according to their actual
experience.(20)
The Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory (MMPI-2) has been used to detect
symptom feigning in a range of disorders, including PTSD. The D and F-K scales are often
used to detect malingering in general, and, less commonly, the PK and PS scales for combat-
PTSD specifically. Detection methods in MMPI-2, as with scales in general, tend to focus on
overendorsement of symptoms, with a suspiciously high number of symptoms overall or of
rare symptoms. An additional focus is on certain more subtle symptoms that may be missed
by an exaggerator not sufficiently knowledgeable about the intricacies of the disorder’s symp-
toms.(21) The advantage of the MMPI-2 scale in identifying symptom overreporting is that the
length (it is estimated to take 1-2 hours to complete) makes it difficult for individuals attempt-
ing to portray an untrue presentation to keep up the pretense in a convincing way. Studies
using the MMPI-2 in PTSD populations have uncovered high rates of symptom exaggera-
tion, particularly in individuals involved in compensation claims/litigation.(22) However, its
immense length is one of the MMPI-2’s downfalls as well. Not every situation is conducive
Symptom Exaggeration in PTSD 191
to administering such a lengthy test, and the results are not easily interpreted (only a trained
individual can score and interpret the results). This kind of investment of time and effort may
be worthwhile in individual cases, perhaps in forensic and legal settings, and although not
foolproof, could contribute to the overall picture of whether a supposed PTSD patient is indeed
such. However, for a clinician with a hunch that something is amiss with a particular patient’s
description of PTSD symptoms, or for use in clinical trials that seek to ensure that all partici-
pants do indeed suffer from the necessary severity of PTSD, more specific as well as shorter
and simpler methods are needed.
The Structured Interview of Reported Symptoms (SIRS, 20) consists of 172 items and looks
at trends such as endorsement of rare or absurd symptoms, or improbable symptom combina-
tions. It also includes items that lean toward detection of feigned cognitive dysfunction.
The SIRS was found to successfully distinguish between simulators and genuine PTSD
patients in a study examining the feigning of a number of disorders.(20) A study looking at the
effectiveness of the SIRS in detecting feigned symptoms in PTSD compensation and disability
claimants also found it effective.(23)
The Miller Forensic Assessment of Symptoms (M-FAST) is relatively short (takes 10 to
15 minutes to administer), measuring endorsement of rare symptom combinations, atypical
symptoms, and excessive reporting. It has been successful at differentiating nonpatients pro-
vided with diagnostic information from a clinical sample of PTSD patients.(24)
The Trauma Symptom Inventory (TSI) was not developed as a tool for detecting malin-
gering but rather as an assessment of the sequelae of traumatic events. However, it comprises
three subscales that point toward possible symptom exaggeration and have been found effec-
tive in detecting coached feigners of PTSD.(25)
There is no conclusive evidence to suggest that PTSD patients demonstrate deficits in most cog-
nitive functions.(26, 27) First, it is unclear whether deficits found reflect a preexisting vulner-
ability to PTSD or a deficit brought about by the disorder itself.(28) In addition, any cognitive
deficits observed could stem not from the PTSD but rather from a comorbid disorder, such as
depression, which is commonly comorbid with PTSD.(29)
Whether or not PTSD patients actually suffer a decline in cognitive function and whether
this is caused directly by PTSD or by a comorbid disorder, cognitive testing can potentially be
used to detect symptom exaggeration in PTSD, particularly in cases where a decline in cognitive
function is reported. No cognitive dysfunction should result in an individual performing worse
than if he were to guess the answers on a particular test. Several cognitive tests have been used
to identify individuals who are “working hard” to appear to have low cognitive abilities. For
instance, in forced choice questions (where the subject is asked to choose the answer to each ques-
tion from two or more options, only one of which is correct), even a patient who is unable to work
out the answer to the question should attain a score comparable to the guess rate, determined by
the number of options for each question. Improbable patterns of performance can also be identi-
fied as a person trying to “fake bad.” The detection of a probable case of symptom exaggeration
by this method was described by Rosen and Powel (30) in their case description of a patient who,
claiming to suffer memory deficits as part of his PTSD symptomatology, completed a forced
choice memory test with an accuracy of only 31%, where the two-choice design set the chance
rate at 50%. Through the use of this test it was apparent that the patient was making a concerted
effort to perform badly rather than that he had genuine memory deficits.
Despite the potential use of cognitive testing in detecting symptom exaggeration for
patients claiming cognitive deficits, a paradoxical finding in a neuropsychological study is
that issuing a warning prior to the test, that they should complete the test honestly because the
testers are able to identify malingering, actually hampers the test’s ability to detect feigning,
as patients seeking to mislead do so in a less pronounced way, making it harder to detect the
effect.(31, 32) This can be expected in PTSD patients as well, implying that attempts to identify
exaggerators should not be made known to the patient.
Other cognitive phenomena can be utilized in detecting patients who are exaggerat-
ing their symptom severity. For instance, the primacy and recency effects observed in intact
192 Juven-Wetzler, Sonnino, Bar-Ziv, and Zohar
memory performance (the tendency to remember more words from the beginning and end of
a list than from the middle) are also present in memory-deficient patients, yet these effects are
hard to emulate by individuals who are reporting less than they truly recall from what they
were asked to remember.(33)
The idea of being able to use physiological measures to confirm a patient’s symptom descrip-
tions is very interesting. Just as a blood test can help us to measure physiological attributes, a
person’s physiological measures might be harnessed to help us to answer as to whether a par-
ticular individual has PTSD. Several studies have attempted to find such a measure, examining
heart rate, blood pressure, skin conductance, and so on, both at baseline and after traumatic
stressors; however, Gerardi et al. (34) found that only diastolic blood pressure differentiated
PTSD from a control group trying to fake PTSD symptoms. Thus, it appears that physiological
measures that were examined so far were not particularly effective in differentiating between
genuine and faked PTSD.
A further issue with the use of some of the physiological measures is related to their
specificity and validity. For instance, in a 6-year follow-up of survivors of the Oklahoma City
bombing, although exposed individuals were found to have a more pronounced autonomic
response to trauma reminders than nonexposed individuals, this pronounced autonomic
response was not correlated to whether or not they had developed PTSD.(35) Thus, it would
appear that physiological measures used here (heart rate and blood pressure) were not dis-
criminative enough to differentiate between trauma survivors with and without PTSD, imply-
ing that the current measures available would not be effective in identifying cases of symptom
exaggeration. Rare cases of individuals claiming to have PTSD when in fact they did not even
experience the trauma they claim to have suffered might perhaps offer a further physiological
measure as a potential additional diagnostic reliner, but the subtlety of overreporting appears
to require a less direct approach.
Conclusion
Because per definition there is an external and known trigger, PTSD is linked to compensation
proportionally more than other psychiatric disorders. Although PTSD should not be reduced
to a compensation neurosis, the issue of symptom exaggeration need not be swept under the
carpet. The search for differentiating individuals with genuine PTSD vs. those who are inten-
tionally or nonintentionally exacerbating their symptoms is important in clinical practice as
well as in clinical research, as the participants who fake PTSD are weakening the validity and
the confidence of the diagnosis in PTSD.
There is a fine line that clinicians should walk when exploring the various ways to iden-
tify symptom overreporting. An individual who is intentionally pretending to have developed
PTSD should be neither diagnosed, treated, nor granted benefits. On the other hand, handling
of overreporters needs to be much more delicate, as it might include a group of genuine PTSD
sufferers who are, for whatever reason, and at different levels of consciousness, exaggerating
or embellishing their symptoms. Even for those who are deliberately doing this, the diagnosis
of PTSD may still be valid based on their genuine symptoms and they have a right to be treated
and to receive compensation in line with the severity of their true symptoms.
Reviewing the current literature suggests three major avenues that were explored in
order to aid the clinician in identifying overreporting. The methods that have been examined
were scales (such as MMPI-2 and SIRS), cognitive tests (such as forced-choice and free-recall
memory tests), and physiological measures (which include heart rate, blood pressure, GSR,
etc.). Unfortunately, all of these methods were not found to have either the specificity or the
validity required from a respected diagnostic test.
As the awareness of PTSD is growing and subsequently there is a parallel growth in the
compensation related to PTSD, the need to find appropriate tools to aid the clinician in differ-
ential diagnosis of symptom exacerbation in PTSD is growing.
Symptom Exaggeration in PTSD 193
The authors believe that modern technologies (like brain imaging) and better cognitive
solutions will be instrumental in developing the appropriate tools to differentiate between
symptom exacerbation and genuine PTSD.
References
1. American Psychiatric Association. Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (4th ed.).
Washington, DC: Author; 1994
2. Kessler RC. Posttraumatic stress disorder: the burden to the individual and to society. J Clin Psychiatry
2000; 61 (5):4–12.
3. Kessler RC, Sonnega A, Bromet E, Hughes M, Nelson CB. Posttraumatic stress disorder in the National
Comorbidity Survey. Arch Gen Psychiatry 1995; 52(12):1048–60.
4. Rosen GM. DSM’s cautionary guideline to rule out malingering can protect the PTSD data base.
Anxiety Disorders 2006; 20: 530–535.
5. Summerfield D. A critique of seven assumptions behind psychological trauma programmes in
war–affected areas. Social Science and Medicine 1999; 48: 1449–1462.
6. American Psychiatric Association. Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (3rd ed.).
Washington, DC: Author; 1980.
7. Eldridge G. Contextual issues in the assessment of posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Traumatic
Stress 1991; 4: 7–23.
8. Lees–Haley P, Dunn J. The ability of naïve subjects to report symptoms of mild brain injury, post–
traumatic stress disorder, major depression, and generalized anxiety disorder. Journal of Clinical
Psychology 1994; 50: 253–256.
9. Burges C, McMillan T. The ability of naïve participants to report symptoms of post–traumatic stress
disorder. British Journal of Clinical Psychology 2001; 40(2): 209–214.
10. McNally R. Progress and controversy in the study of posttraumatic stress disorder. Annual Review of
Psychology 2003; 54:229–252.
11. Hickling EJ, Blanchard EB, Mundy E, Galovski TE. Detection of malingered MVA related posttraumatic
stress disorder: An investigation of the ability to detect professional actors by experienced clinicians,
psychological tests and psychophysiological assessment. Journal of Forensic Psychology Practice
2002; 2: 33–54.
12. Rosen GM. The Aleutian Enterprise sinking and posttraumatic stress disorder: Misdiagnosis in clinical
and forensic settings. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice 1995; 1: 82–87.
13. Blanchard EB, Hickling EJ, Taylor AE et al. Effects of litigation settlements on posttraumatic stress
symptoms in motor vehicle accident victims. Journal of Traumatic Stress 1998; 11(2): 337–354.
14. Ehlers A, Mayou RA, Bryant B. Psychological predictors of chronic posttraumatic stress disorder after
motor vehicle accidents. Journal of Abnormal Psychiatry 1998; 107(3):508–19.
15. Sayer NA, Spoont M, Nelson DB, Clothier B, Murdoch M. Changes in psychiatric status and service
use associated with continued compensation seeking after claim determinations for posttraumatic
stress disorder. Journal of Traumatic Stress 2008; 21(1): 40–48.
16. Fontana A, Rosenheck R. Effects of compensation–seeking on treatment outcomes among veterans
with posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease 1998; 186(4): 223–230.
17. Kozarić-Kovaćić D, Bajs M, Vidošić S et al. Change of diagnosis of posttraumatic stress disorder
related to compensation–seeking. Croatian Medical Journal 2004; 45(4): 427–433.
18. Knoll J, Resnick PJ. The detection of malingered post–traumatic stress disorder. Psychiatric Clinics of
North America 2006; 29: 629–647.
19. Resnick PJ. My favorite tips for detecting malingering and violence risk. Psychiatric Clinics of North
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20. Rogers R, Kropp PR, Bagby RM, Dickens SE. Faking specific disorders: a study of the Structured
Interview of Reported Symptoms (SIRS). Journal of Clinical Psychology 1992; 48(5):643–8.
21. Rogers R, Sewell KW, Martin MA, Vitacco MJ. Detection of feigned mental disorders: A meta–analysis
of the MMPI–2 and malingering. Assessment 2003; 10(2): 160–177.
22. Gold PB, Frueh BC. Compensation–seeking and extreme exaggeration of psychopathology among
combat veterans evaluated for posttraumatic stress disorder. Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease
1999; 187(11):680–684.
23. Rogers R, Payne JW, Berry DTR, Granacher RP Jr. Use of the SIRS in compensation cases: an
examination of its validity and generalizability. Law Hum Behav. 2009; 33(3):213–24.
24. Guy LS, Kwartner PP, Miller HA. Investigating the M–FAST: psychometric properties and utility to
detect diagnostic specific malingering. Behavioral Sciences & the Law 2006; 24(5): 687–702.
25. Guriel J, Yanez T, Fremouw W et al. Impact of coaching on malingered posttraumatic stress symptoms
on the M–FAST and the TSI. Journal of Forensic Psychology Practice 2004; 4(2): 37–56.
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Sophisticated Malingering. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology 1999; 14(6): 511–515.
32. Youngjohn JR. Confirmed attorney coaching prior to neuropsychological evaluation. Assessment
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15 Future directions
Joseph Zohar, Murray B Stein, and David Nutt
This second volume of our posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) book allows us to see how far
we have come over the past 7 years. It is clear that some aspects of knowledge regarding PTSD
have progressed significantly, whereas others have moved on only a little. In this chapter we
pick up some of the critical issues relating to knowledge gaps and future research needs.
One of the major advances in research in PTSD has been in identifying the brain circuits that
underpin the disorder. The Liberzon chapter pulls together a significant body of work that has
defined a circuitry of emotion and its dysregulation in PTSD, showing relevant overlaps with
brain regions involved in other anxiety disorders and in emotional regulation. The emerg-
ing evidence for some dysregulation of cortical function in the medial PFC is potentially very
exciting. What is now needed is to know to what extent this region directs the full panoply of
symptom expression in PTSD, that is, is it linked to the three symptom clusters or preferentially
to one such as memory? Moreover, we need to know the origins of the fMRI abnormalities. One
exciting possibility is that they might reflect alterations in GABA-A receptor function as sug-
gested by the PET imaging data detailed in the chapter also.
A deficiency of GABA-A benzodiazepine receptors could lead to local PFC regulation as
reported in the PET scans. How can we reconcile this with the fact that drugs that might be pre-
dicted to rectify this binding deficit, the benzodiazepines, seem to be ineffective in preventing
PTSD development or in its treatment (see chapter 10). One reason for this might be that the ben-
zodiazepines tend to produce adaptive changes in their binding sites that lead to a reduction in
their function over time, thus undermining any therapeutic actions (see 1). If this is the case then
there are potential ways to investigate such possibilities; in particular, one would predict that
in animals that had been given a course of a benzodiazepine, with the course suspended after a
specific period, the receptors would be in a state that could predispose to PTSD. An effective rat
model of PTSD has now been developed (see chapter 10) so testing this theory is now possible.
Of course, a GABA-A benzodiazepine deficit might be amenable to treatment with other new
agents that do not suffer from the long-term problems that the traditional benzodiazepines cause.
Such new drugs include subtype-selective agonists such for the a2 and a3 subtypes of the recep-
tor.(2) These drugs are being trialed in the treatment of GAD and panic disorder, so exploring
their action in PTSD is a possibility. Moreover, as these two specific subtypes have rather specific
distribution in brain, being particularly located in circuits that regulate emotion and sleep, abnor-
malities of them might well be candidates for the pathogenesis of symptom generation in PTSD;
such studies would again be amenable to investigation in animal models where both whole brain
imaging and localized receptor mapping could be carried out.
The other main neurotransmitter in the cortex is glutamate, which is almost certainly
involved in the learning of traumatic memories. Although imaging glutamate is currently not
possible in humans, there are new tracers in development that may allow this in future years.
Again animal studies might point to the best direction—would a marker of the ion-channel–
linked (ionotropic) receptors be more informative than one for the metabotropic ones? One
can make credible cases for either ionotropic or metabotropic receptors, or indeed both, being
involved in PTSD, and there is some research underway, manipulating each of these in anxiety
as well as other brain disorders. In particular, the work to augment ionotropic glutamate func-
tion with drugs that mimic the cotransmitter glycine (e.g., D-cycloserine) is well established
in both animal and human models of stress learning. It is now established that learning to
overcome stress-related anxiety in animals, for example, extinction of fear-based behavior,
196 Zohar, Stein, and Nutt
requires new learning, and this can be enhanced by D-cycloserine (see chapter by 9). Early
human studies in phobic humans found similar results and so there are ongoing studies now in
patients with PTSD who are engaging in psychotherapy treatment. Results should be available
in a year or two, so watch this space!
It is now generally agreed (see 3) that SSRIs are the preferred first-line treatment of PTSD.
However, they do not work immediately; usually it takes 3 or more weeks for a clear therapeu-
tic action to emerge. The usual explanation for this is that the immediate action of SSRIs is to
increase 5HT levels; this increase in 5HT then stimulates the 5HT1A autoreceptors on the raphe
cell bodies and dendrites. As these are inhibitory receptors, the firing rate of the 5HT neurones
is slowed down, limiting the potential increase of 5HT in the synaptic cleft that reuptake block-
ade can produce. However, over time the 5HT1A autoreceptors desensitize; thus the firing rate
returns to normal and the 5HT released from cell firing cannot be taken up due to the SSRI
effects, which leads to increased postsynaptic 5HT function. Subsequently, there may be adap-
tive changes in postsynaptic processes such as receptors, second messengers, gene products,
and even new neurones (neurogenesis) that may produce the final therapeutic outcome.
In the treatment of depression with SSRIs there is considerable discussion about the
role of synaptic versus postsynaptic mechanisms in the action of antidepressants. Although
postsynaptic changes are well described in rodent models, they are harder to demonstrate
in humans, possibly for technical reasons. One exception is the paroxetine study reported in
chapter 5, which found that long-term treatment of PTSD with paroxetine increased hippocam-
pal volume, suggesting some neurogenerating actions of 5HT. This increase in size was also
associated with improved memory function. In another anxiety disorder, that is, panic disor-
der, clinical recovery on SSRI treatment has been found to restore the deficit in 5HT1A recep-
tors found on PET scanning in untreated patients.(4) Again this suggests some role for 5HT in
restoring normal neuronal function.
However, it may be that persistent elevations of 5HT are necessary for the therapeutic effects
of SSRIs, for if brain 5HT is depleted using the tryptophan depletion paradigm then the antide-
pressant efficacy of SSRIs is undermined (5–7), although the same effect was not seen in OCD.
(8) Recently we have shown that in panic (9) social anxiety disorder (10) tryptophan depletion
produces relapse in patients who recovered using SSRIs suggesting that tonic 5HT function is nec-
essary to maintain wellness in recovery. Since then we have been able to conduct a similar study in
PTSD.(11) A total 10 patients who had made a good recovery on SSRIs (so they were rated fully or
very markedly recovered on the CGI) underwent tryptophan depletion or sham depletion in a ran-
domized crossover design. At the time of peak depletion (5 hours), patients were exposed to their
traumas using autobiographical scripts. These provoked the full range of PTSD anxiety symptoms
with physiological changes in blood pressure and heart rate despite the patients all being recov-
ered. However, on the tryptophan depletion day, all measures of symptoms and physiology were
significantly enhanced compared with the control day. This suggests that 5HT is critical to restrain-
ing the expression of anxiety in PTSD when treated with SSRIs and that there may be commonali-
ties of action of the SSRIs across the range of anxiety disorders. It would be very interesting to see
whether similar reductions in 5HT1A receptors are found in untreated PTSD as found in panic (4)
and social anxiety (12) and whether they recover on successful treatment.
Antistress treatments?
One of the great goals of PTSD medicine is to find preventative mechanisms. Of course, such
agents would be challenging to develop due to the relatively small percentage of exposed indi-
viduals going on to develop PTSD (though in incidents like rape this is the majority) and the
need to ensure that other sequelae of trauma, especially depression, were also remedied or at
least prevented from getting worse than the existing state.
Therefore, what are the processes that underlie the development of PTSD that could be
amenable to early intervention? In essence, they are those relating to memory formation, that
Future Directions 197
Figure 1
Psychological stress
NMDA-R
Corticosterone Dentate gyrus
granule neuron
Cell membrane
Ca2+
Nuclear membrane
Histone tail
Gene
transcription
(e.g. c-Fos)
Figure 15.1 The necessary confluence of cortisol [through GR receptors] and glutamate [through NMDA recep-
tors] in the production of memory.(15)
is, glutamate and GABA, and those related to emotional processing (noradrenaline 5HT) and
those related to stress (cortisol plus related central regulators of this axis, for example, CRF and
ACTH). The potential role of glutamate drugs in “unlearning” PTSD has been discussed briefly
in the chapter on treatment (chapter 9), but even if this is successful, there is still the question
of whether antiglutamate drugs could prevent the acquisition of the traumatic memories in the
first place.(13)
As we have seen in Bisson et al.’s (chapter 10), GABA-A drugs, in particular the benzodiaz-
epines, are not effective as prophylaxis; however, so far only nonselective benzodiazepines have
been used. Given the multiple subtypes of the GABA-A/benzodiazepine receptor and new selec-
tive agents that are now being studied in humans, at some stage, it would be sensible to see whether
these might have utility in PTSD prevention; certainly they seem to have less disadvantages in
terms of tolerance abuse liability and withdrawal than the nonselective benzodiazepines.(2)
As Bisson et al mentioned in chapter 10, antinoradrenaline drugs, especially beta block-
ers and the a1 antagonist prazosin, have already been considered. A very recent paper extends
the studies on b-blockers, describing the finding that a dose of 40 mg propranolol has been
shown to “erase the expression of the fear memory” when given prior to the fear memory
being reactivated.(14) If such an effect could be demonstrated in patients with PTSD then it
could have significant clinical utility.
Another approach is to use established treatments but earlier in the course of the ill-
ness. The potential prophylactic role of the SSRI escitalopram is under investigation in a
major Israeli study led by Shalev that will soon report its findings. But what of anticortisol
agents? The central regulation and actions of cortisol are well understood and provide new
treatment targets. Cortisol release is controlled by CRF (corticotrophin-releasing factor), a
peptide found in a number of brain regions that regulates aspects of behavior such as groom-
ing, eating, sexual drive, and sleep as well as stimulating ACTH release from the hypo-
thalamus. ACTH then stimulates cortisol production and release from the adrenal glands,
sending feedback onto the brain, to the inhibition of both CRF and ACTH release through
two receptors, namely, the mineralocorticoid (MR) and glucocorticoid (GR) receptors. These
198 Zohar, Stein, and Nutt
receptors are highly expressed in limbic brain regions and regulate emotional as well as
endocrine responses to cortisol. In the hippocampus, they are necessary coreceptors with glu-
tamate receptors to regulate stressful memory encoding.(15 – see figure 15.1) Anti-GR drugs
have been developed as potential new treatments of depression (16) that, therefore, could
potentially be explored in the treatment of PTSD.
A complementary approach is to reduce CRF activation using CRF antagonists, several
of which exist and which are being tested in depression also.(17) We have shown that a new
CRF 1 receptor antagonist reduces anxiety in a stress model in normal volunteers involved in
a 20-minute CO2 inhalation procedure.(18) It would be of great interest to test these agents in
PTSD as soon as possible. Given the proviso that the cortisol system in chronic PTSD may be
subfunctioning, the primary target would need to be prophylactic rather than curative.
Following a cerebrovascular accident (CVA), there is a 3-hour “window” from the onset in which
“clot-busting” drugs can be administered to relieve thrombosis. After a myocardial infarction
(“heart attack”), reperfusion of the infarct-related artery in the very first hour significantly reduces
mortality rates. The common denominator is that immediate intervention is given in order to pre-
vent/decrease the impending (usually devastating) sequelae of those events, which often trigger
a chain of pathological processes. The concept is that if the right intervention is given during the
“window of opportunity,” it might dramatically improve the outcome.
Is there a “golden hour” in psychiatry? Can intervention right after exposure to traumatic
events attenuate the pathological response that we refer to as PTSD?
PTSD is unique among other psychiatric disorders in that the trigger is well defined, not
only with regard to time (we can often know exactly when it started) but also with regard to
cause (a “Criterion A” traumatic event). Hence, it would be quite straightforward to develop
an animal model, as one can induce PTSD, for example, by exposure of animal to the predator
(19), and carefully monitoring behavior afterwards. What is unique for PTSD is that most of the
individuals who are exposed to traumatic events eventually recover from it, and only a minor-
ity (10–20%; 20) develop PTSD. An animal model has been developed that involves exposing
the rat to its natural predator (a cat) and also mimics PTSD by setting apart the minority of
those affected (via cutoff behavioral criteria; 21–23 and chapter 7 of this book). This animal
model of PTSD may be unique among animal models of psychiatric disorders because in PTSD
it is feasible to create a situation that might eventually lead to the disorder (this is certainly not
the case for any other psychiatric disorder, in which neither the precipitating event, nor the
timing of the disorder is defined).
The authors submit that use of translational research, in which a valid animal model will
be used, might be able to provide better insight with regard to beneficial versus harmful inter-
ventions in this narrow (albeit as yet poorly defined as to whether it is hours or days) window
of opportunity. We anticipate that the pendulum in PTSD research will shift from treatment
of established (and often very chronic) PTSD to innovative approaches aiming at limiting the
development of PTSD (and other related forms of psychopathology, such as depression) fol-
lowing trauma exposure. Such approaches will focus at administering preventive interven-
tions during these golden hours.
Actually, there are some initial encouraging data pertaining to administration of phar-
macological agents early in the aftermath of traumatic stress, such as cortisol (22), galanin (24),
and oxytocin.(24) There are also some hints regarding the potential benefit of early admin-
istration of SSRIs (25), opiate agonists such as morphine (26), and possibly betaadrenergic
blocking agents such as propranolol (27); the list will probably be expanded. It might be that,
ultimately, PTSD will be the first psychiatric disorder in which the focus could be on preven-
tion as opposed to treatment. This of course will depend on whether the field will be able to
develop effective interventions in the golden hours— the first few hours immediately after the
traumatic event. Animal models suggest that targeting the consolidation or reconsolidation of
the traumatic event will be instrumental for such treatments. If we can manage to interfere with
the consolidation or maintenance of the traumatic memory during the golden hours (28, 29), it
may be possible to prevent the development of PTSD.
Future Directions 199
References
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Index