View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.

uk brought to you by CORE

provided by eScholarShare at Drake University

The Anglo-Indian Community in Contemporary India1

by

ROY DEAN WRIGHT AND SUSAN W. WRIGHT

FROM THE FIFTEENTH CENTURY onward, numerous European powers

attempted to establish colonial footholds throughout the continent of Asia.
Certainly there had been outside contacts and conquests earlier in the history of
this area, but European economic and political dominance on a long-term and
lasting scale was first potent at that time. Shortly after European colonial
representatives arrived in Asia, a biological hybrid, the Eurasian, was sired by
these invaders. This action was so typical that all Asian countries having a
history of European colonial dominance evolved such a minority. The extensive
period of European colonialism in India propagated one such population of
biological hybrids, generally referred to as Anglo-Indians. The Anglo-Indian
Community, as the term is used in contemporary India, has a history that is
traceable to the earliest arrivals in India of European colonials, the Portuguese in
1498, but more significantly to the British in 1600. Between the periods of
dominance perpetrated by these callers other European powers, notably the
French and Dutch, were present in India, but the scope of their dominance was
quite limited. The influence of the Portuguese was, however pervasive,
especially in the southern coastal region. Colonial encouragement, as well as
inevitable social and cultural contacts, soon produced a large number of
individuals having a mixed biological heritage. Within a few decades, this group
of Eurasians expanded substantially and became identified with other
communities of similar origin, especially those having a British heritage; evolving
into what is presently known as the Anglo-Indian Community of India. To legally
designate members of this minority the Constitution of India contains the
following official definition.

An 'Anglo-Indian' means a person whose father or any of whose other male

progenitors in the male line is or was of European descent but who is domiciled
within the territory of India and is or was born within such territory of parents
habitually resident therein and not established there for temporary purposes
only.
1 R. Dean Wright and Susan W. Wright. "The Anglo-Indian Community in Contemporary India."
Midwest Quarterly XII (Winter, 1971)175 - 185.
The historical influence of both the cultural and social patterns of the Anglo-
Indian Community has had an important effect upon the position occupied by this
group in contemporary India Anglo-Indians are English-speaking urban dwellers
who have retained the cultural characteristics of their European ancestors. Much
change has, however, occurred recently within their community. The focus of this
change is indicated by the current need of the Community to develop a self-
identity now that England has abandoned its cause. During colonial rule Anglo-
Indians were usually afforded protected political, economic, and sometimes
social positions by the British, They were often guaranteed jobs in certain
strategic occupations — customs, communication, transportation, and the police.
However, with the coming of national independence in 1947, the reference group
and protector of this Community, the British, were no longer present. It was then
necessary that they stand alone or simply cease to exist as a cultural entity.
Constitutional provisions in 1950 guaranteed all Anglo-Indians certain continued
privileges for a period of ten years so as to assist them in their adjustment to the
new social order that was destined to inevitably develop after independence. At
the end of that protected period they were to be placed in open competition with
the remainder of the indigenous population. As a result of their obvious social
and cultural emulation of Europeans, making them uniquely identified in the
culture of India and their insecure position in a society becoming increasingly
nationalistic, they found themselves occupying a truly marginal status.

The Community now stands in a position outside of the dominant culture of India,
externally and internally limited from membership and acceptance- When it
became obvious that Indian independence was inevitable, a large number of
Anglo-Indians decided to abandon India and migrate rather than face an
uncertain future in an India without British dominance- Even though the number
is smaller than in the past many Anglo-Indians continue to migrate from the land
of their birth, primarily to England, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand,
Because of inadequate records, it is impossible to indicate the number who have
abandoned India, but there have been many. There are also no means of
accurately indicating the number of Anglo-Indians remaining in India. The last
census that enumerated the Community (1931) as a distinct category indicated a
total Anglo-Indian population of 138,895 (including 19,200 in Burma). Many
Anglo-Indians appear to have listed themselves as "European," thus confusing
the issue further. There is, therefore, no way of knowing the actual number of
Anglo-Indians remaining in India, but a rough estimation of between 80,000 and
100,000 is normally used. The President of the All-India Anglo-Indian
Association, in a 1964 interview with the senior author, estimated the number
having departed India at that time to be between 100,000 and 150,000. The
number he cited is undoubtedly too large; however, an estimate that migration
has encompassed upwards to one- half of the original Community is probably
close to being accurate. Those who have departed India appear to have been
Anglo-Indians of higher economic status, whereas most of those still remaining
will be unable to migrate, largely because of the economic problems involved
and migratory restrictions placed upon all persons residing within India.

Being unable to migrate and unwilling to assimilate the Anglo-Indian Community

of India currently occupies a position peripheral to the general society of India.
The on-going efforts at adjustment, whether assimilative, accommodative, or
escapist in nature can, and do, indicate a time of profound social change for the
membership of this group.

With national independence the Anglo-Indian Community entered a new era»

having as its hallmark, except during specific periods; new and increased
anxieties. The old era had been one of relative security, allowing political
bargaining for guarantees — guarantees of governmental protection concerning
their economic and educational livelihoods as well as a guarantee that they
would be left alone to maintain their own heritage. The Anglo-Indians now
feared that without British support they would encounter insurmountable
difficulties- However, the Community, in comparison to its total size, received
rather generous guarantees from the newly independent government.

In almost all spheres of life the Anglo-Indian feels threatened, realizing the
tentative position which he occupies socially and culturally within the new nation.
Competition, and not ascription, is the keystone of the new nation. Although
numerous Anglo-Indians are well-trained;

many members of the indigenous society have better vocational preparation and
more education. As a result Anglo-Indians are being replaced in their traditional
occupational status at a rapid rate. The membership of the Community have the
uninviting choices of becoming better trained, entering a new occupation,
remaining unemployed, or leaving India,

Since 1950, Anglo-Indians have found their employment patterns changing.

There are a few professionals within the Community (teachers, doctors, lawyers,
etc.), but most are in the non-professional occupations. Many Anglo-Indians are
in the services (railways, customs, military, police, etc.), but they no longer
maintain a dominant monopoly as they did in past years. Many men hold jobs in
commercial firms, the military, airlines, and entertainment, while a large number
are employed in occupations requiring mechanical skills, such as for automotive
firms. Numerous Anglo-Indian women are employed, especially in nursing,
secretarial, and clerical fields. Traditionally Anglo-Indian women have enjoyed
employment in the nursing profession, finding lucrative jobs in many of the major
hospitals of India. Today Anglo-Indian women find increasing employment
opportunities as secretaries in the large commercial and business firms of India,
especially those firms owned and operated by European-based companies. With
increased urbanization it has become somewhat easier for Anglo-Indian women
than for men to find lucrative employment. The ramifications of this situation
immense psychologically, socially, and culturally for the Community.

The Anglo-Indians have rejected most of the ancient cultural and social heritage
of India, accepting instead the traditions of England. Their dress and dietary
patterns are British, their language is English, and their religious and marriage
patterns are European. The Anglo-Indian considers the literature, music and
culture of Europe to be his, and is commonly indifferent to the cultural heritage of
his birthland.

The Anglo-Indian of today, as he has always been, is an urban dweller. The

British were interned in the urban areas of India, and owing to the fact that the
Anglo-India Community maintained residence within a close proximity of the
British it was natural that an urban pattern would develop. The jobs secured by
Anglo-Indians were usually located in cities, and the patterns of behavior
indicative of the Anglo-Indian way of life could more easily find acceptance in
urban centers,

Periodically the Anglo-Indian has attempted to develop agricultural schemes, but

in all cases these attempts have failed. Thus Anglo-Indians have been destined
to reside within the confines of an urban area- Today they are primarily found in
Calcutta, Delhi, Bombay, Madras, Hyderabad, Secunderabad, and Bangalore.
There are other urban areas; usually having a population of over 100,000, in
which concentrations of Anglo-Indians are found. Several of the smaller cities
within the country were initially rail centers, and as a result cantonments,
predominantly occupied by Anglo-Indians who managed and operated these rail
systems, developed. However, it should be noted that Anglo-Indians are indeed
scattered throughout the country. Wherever the British concentrated an Anglo-
Indian group was usually fostered. Although they are concentrated in the above
mentioned cities, there is no large city, and certainly no state, from which Anglo-
Indians are absent.
The membership of the Anglo-Indian Community attempts to maintain a Western
standard of living with an Eastern income. Although by European or American
standards such cost is comparatively low, in India the expense involved in
providing a Western style of living is beyond the general income of most Indians.
The socioeconomic problems of the Community are depicted by a 1957-1958
pilot survey made in Calcutta. This survey was composed of 491 families,
representing about 10 percent of the membership of the Calcutta Community.
The average monthly income of Anglo-Indian families was 335 rupees per
month, or about 67 U S. dollars. Only a small minority had a monthly family
income of over 750 rupees (approximately 125 U. S. dollars) while one-fourth of
the families received less than 100 rupees per month (approximately 20 U. S.
dollars). Although these figures are representative only for the Community in
Calcutta, and are additionally somewhat dated, they appear to be fairly indicative
of the situation existent today in Calcutta and in other parts of the country.

The behavior patterns of the membership of the Community could be generally

characterized as expensive. In order to maintain the overt symbols of communal
identification, such as Western dress; domestic help, recreation, home
furnishings, etc. Anglo-Indians often sacrifice many items of necessity. Because
they ignore the future they are usually viewed as being non-realistic in their
approach to life. Many Anglo-Indians attribute this to the uncertainty of the future,
enjoying as much of life as they can, while they can.

In this tradition, Anglo-Indians of today participate in a variety of social activities.

There are several Anglo-Indian clubs, such as Delhi’s Gidney Club and
Calcutta's Rangers Club, located in the major cities of India. These clubs are
expensive, and only the more affluent members of the Community can afford
membership. They offer European food, drink, recreation; entertainment, and
relaxation for their patrons. In many instances they are physically situated in
buildings originally constructed to serve as British clubs during colonial rule.
Since most of the membership of the Community cannot afford the cost of these
clubs, the less affluent rely upon movies, church organizations, supper clubs,
informal neighborhood visits, etc., for their social life. The cost for these
diversions is not especially prohibitive, and the type of entertainment is more in
the European tradition. Individuals holding leadership positions are involved in
many political activities. In most matters, with the general exception of education
and language, the Community officially supports the goals and policies of the
national government. As one of their two members of the national assembly,
Frank Anthony has often been outspoken and critical of many political moves by
both the government and leading political parties. Except for this leadership,
Anglo-Indians do not appear to be especially interested in politics. A federal
emphasis on national integration in India has prompted some negative reactions
from the Community. In respect to these policies, there have been two areas with
which the Community has been vitally concerned during the past few years, the
national policy and community attitudes toward education and toward language.
To the Anglo-Indian both a British type of education and the English language
are vitally important as instruments in the continuation of the Community. During
recent years there have been increased nationalistic demands from many parts
of the country that both the British system of education and English be
discarded. The leadership of the Community have fought numerous legal battles
in an attempt to preserve both. In these contests the Community has thus far
generally been successful.

To illustrate the official Community attitude concerning these problems, in his

1966 Presidential Address to the All-India Anglo-Indian Association, the major
political arm of the Community, Frank Anthony indicated his concern for both the
English schools and language with the following remarks:

Remember this, without our schools and without our language. English, we
cannot be an Anglo-Indian Community. We may be like the Feringis of Kerala
who claim to be originally of Portuguese descent but who have merged into the
lowest stratum of the Indian Christian community, with their mother-tongue as
Malayalam. Without our language, without our schools, we cannot be an Anglo-
Indian Community. We may be anything else. And that is why we have mounted
increasing vigil in respect of our schools and our language-

The All-India Anglo-Indian Association; purporting to be the representative

agency for most Anglo-Indians in India, maintains a large section whose function
it is to supervise and foster British-styled education. This educational body,
administered by A. E. T. Barrow, who with Mr. Anthony is one of the two Anglo-
Indian representatives to the Lok Sabha, the most influential house of the
national parliament. This organization acts as the central supervising agency for
the Anglo-Indian schools of India, including the organization of curriculum and
the administration of Cambridge-styled examinations.

Throughout the colonial history of India, numerous Anglo-Indian schools were

established in India. Most were small, several had religious affiliations, and
almost
all had continuous economic problems- Fearing an eventual banning of English
in all public schools, the All-India Anglo-Indian Association, some ten years ago,
initiated a
program designed to construct several large Anglo-Indian schools. To date,
three of these schools, one each in New Delhi, Calcutta, and Bangalore, have
opened. These schools were designed to be available for Anglo-Indian education
should the government totally restrict the usage of English in the public school
system.

These schools, however, serve only a few members of the Community. Anglo-
Indian enrollment is low, owing to the high cost of attendance. The principal of
the Frank Anthony School, New Delhi, indicated to the senior author in a 1964
interview that the school had an enrollment of between 1,850 and 1,900
students, but of this number only 65 or 70 were Anglo-Indians. Reports are
generally the same for Anglo-Indian schools throughout the country. The same
principal, who has since migrated to Australia, said that he felt the small number
of Anglo-Indians attending these schools was due to the fact that a great number
of Anglo-Indians have abandoned India; leaving behind those of low economic
status who could not afford to migrate. Consequently, many Anglo-Indians still
remaining in India cannot afford to send their children to the official schools of
the Community.

It is difficult to say whether the reason for low Anglo-Indian enrollment is entirely
due to costly but expense is certainly a big factor. Federal law requires that
Anglo-Indian enrollment in these schools, in order for them to receive financial
aid from the national government, cannot exceed forty per cent To date this has
been no problem, Even though Anglo-Indian enrollment is low, the Association
considers continued school construction to be paramount

The language question, i. e,, whether or not English will be retained as a medium
of instruction and communication, continues to be a problem for the Community.
The government has, at numerous times, attempted to replace English and
make Hindi the sole national language. Anglo-Indians have, naturally, been
opposed to such replacement, but their political influence, as indicated
previously, is limited. However, because of regional and linguistic group
opposition, as well as periodic violence, the government has not been able to
establish Hindi as the national language. Thus the Anglo-Indian has temporarily
been spared many of the difficulties of being faced with a new language medium.

Anglo-Indians rarely speak, in a fluent manner, the indigenous languages of

India. Although they must study Hindi and one other regional or national
language in school, they normally utilize these languages only when social
situations make such usage necessary, i. e., in dealing with domestic help, in the
market place, or increasingly in a place of occupation. This rejection, as perhaps
would be expected; has been resented by other Indians.

The Anglo-Indian Community of today's India continues to face many of the

problems familiar to past generations. They continue to exist as a discrete entity
finding themselves threatened by nationalism and rising “All-India” feelings.
Amid these overt threats they retain many, if not most, of the behavior patterns
characteristic of their European ancestors. It appears that most of those
remaining in India will, because of economic reasons; be forced to spend the
duration of their lives within the country. As a result they have often attempted to
adjust to realistic conditions, and find a place for themselves within the society of
India, Some, on the other hand, have not been able to adjust. Consequently the
continued existence of this community within the confines will undoubtedly
manifest serious problems for both Anglo-Indians and other indigenous citizens
of the country.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Brown; W. Norman, The United States and India and Pakistan (Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard University Press; 1963 ).

Census of India (New Delhi: Government of India Press; 1931 ).

Constitution of India (New Delhi: Government of India Press; 1963).

Grimshaw, Alien D.; 'The Anglo-Indian Community: The Integration of a Marginal

Group," The Journal of Asian Studies 18: 227-240 (February;

1959).

Majumdar, R. C., H- C. Raychaudhuri, and Kelinkinkar Datta; An Advanced

History of India (London: Macmillan and CO., Ltd., 1948).

Moreland; W> Hi, and Atul Chandra Chatteyee, A Short History of India (New
York: Longmans; Green; and Co.. 1945).

Mr. Anthony's Presidential Address;11 The Anglo-Indian Review, 57:39

(November-December; 1966),
Nehru; Jawaharlal; The Discovery of India (Garden City. New York; Doubleday
and Company; I960).

Tilot Survey of Socio-Economic Conditions of the Anglo-Indian Community, page

57.1958 (Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1958).

Powell-Price, J. C.» A History of India (New York; Thomas Nelson and Sons»
Ltd., 1955).

Sen. S. P.. The French in India (Calcutta: University of Calcutta, 1947).

Smith, Vincent A., The Oxford History of India (Oxford; Clarenden Press; 1963).

Yeats-Brown, P., Pageant of India (Philadelphia: Macrea-Smith Company, 1942).