The Visual Image in Neo-Platonic Thought-Gombrich
The Visual Image in Neo-Platonic Thought-Gombrich
The Visual Image in Neo-Platonic Thought-Gombrich
Author(s): E. H. Gombrich
Source: Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes , 1948, Vol. 11 (1948), pp. 163-
192
Published by: The Warburg Institute
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Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
by E. H. Gombrich
W which
ritingmany
on allegorical painting
students of in I748,
this branch Abbe
of art Pluche
may made
have felt a rem
prompte
endorse: "Puisqu'un tableau n'est destine qu'a me montrer ce qu'on n
dit pas, il est ridicule qu'il faille des efforts pour l'entendre . . . Et
l'ordinaire, quand je suis parvenu ' deviner l'intention de ces person
mysterieux, je trouve que ce qu'on m'apprend ne valait guere les fr
l'enveloppe."1 The learned Abbe was here pleading for clarity in the dev
of allegories in accordance with eighteenth-century taste. He want
confine allegories to images which could be readily understood. Ninetee
century critics went further. They rejected this type of subject matter
gether as incompatible with the true function of art. Both periods ha
in common, that they regarded allegory as a kind of picture writing in
a conceptual language is translated into conventional images.2
It is a striking fact that Abbe Pluche's line of criticism was not deve
until the dawn of the Age of Reason. The preceding centuries wer
worried by the apparent paradox of an art invented to convey a messa
symbols which seemed to become more obscure the triter the meaning
were supposed both to hide and to reveal.3 To them these "myste
personages" meant obviously more than mere "wrappings" of verbal st
ments.
. . . .
Tf i A
personifications of concept
daemonic powers.I
Philosophical speculation
involved. The writings of t
the most frequent exam
Wisdom, Sophia, becomes in
a vision." In fact the who
these pictures of the unive
world in an unbroken cha
Ideas and allot them a pla
interpretations the "per
sanctuary by the Church.
had still mocked at the cu
Pietas "which have no sub
would rather worship th
S. Gregory, under the in
Dionysius Areopagita, alre
categories of the Second Hi
so could the Virtues. In f
difference between these two entities.5
The questions relating to the allegorical image and its function thus merged
with the general issue of the legitimate use of the visual symbol in relation to
the doctrine of the Church. But the conclusions drawn from this conception
of a hierarchy of beings differed widely from each other. It is well known
how anxious the Latin Church was to avoid a confusion between representa-
tion and symbol. Western theologians never tired of insisting that religious
images were in no way representations but symbols, pictures to teach the
illiterate, equal in status to the letters of the written word. It is hard to say
how far these efforts were successful. The laity may still have regarded a
painting of God the Father as a portrait of Divinity rather than as a mere
sign symbolizing His wisdom under the image of an old man. Yet the fact
that the doctrinal point of view was always potentially present prevented the
religious image in the West from being turned into an icon.6
1 H. R. Patch, The Goddess Fortuna in Love, Oxford, 1936, p. 86: "The seven (or
Mediaeval Literature, Cambridge, Mass., 1927, eight) Deadly Sins, imagined as persons,
p. 178 f., and R. Hinks, Myth and Allegory in become so familiar that at last the believer
Ancient Art (Studies of the Warburg Institute, seems to have lost all power of distinguishing
6) London, 1939- I have examined this aspectbetween his allegory and his pneumatology.
of personification as a psychological regres-The Virtues and Vices become as real as the
sion in "Cartoons and Progress," The Public'sAngels and the Fiends."
Progress, a Contact Book, 1947. 5 P. Lomazzo, Trattato dell'arte della Pittura,
2Hans Leisegang, Die Gnosis, Leipzig, etc., Rome, I844, libro VII, cap. III.
I924, p. I3. 6 Cf. Bevan, op. cit., pp. I26 and I69 ff.
3 Epitome Divinarum Institutionum, Migne, For the Renaissance artist's attitude cf.
PL VI, col. 1028. Giulio Romano's letter on his fresco in
4Migne, PL LXXVI, col. 1251. In Parma: ". . . Also I have heard that I am
blamed for having painted God the Fath
Gregory the name may only signify "power",
Who
but in popular literature the identity ofis invisible; I answer that outside of
Christ
names seems to have led to an identity ofand the Madonna who are in heaven
concepts. Cf. C. S. Lewis, The Allegory
withofglorious bodies, all the rest of the saints
The ancient fathers could not have represented one image by another
had they not known the occult affinities and harmonies of the universe
Otherwise there would not have been any reason whatever why the
should have represented a thing by one image rather than by an opposit
one.2
Here, then, we are almost back at our starting-point. Where every natural
object can be conceived as a sign or symbol, every symbol, in its turn, will be
thought of as existing "by nature" rather than by convention. To us it seems
a far cry from Pico's ghosts and Luther's monsters to the creations of allegorical
art, but both rest on a common foundation. If the forms of spirits and portents
can be conceived as signs from God it is only consistent that the forms of
_-;Z--
1 ". . . Hora vedendosi, che questa sorte Ripa makes a significant distinction be-
d'Imagini si riduce facilmente alla simili- tween the "essentialist" allegory (cf. K. R.
tudine della definitione, diremo, che di Popper, The Open Society and its enemies,
queste, come di quelle, quattro sono i capi, London, I946, ch. XI) and the superficial
6 le cagioni principali, dalle quali si pu6 illustration, which gives an example rather
pigliare 1'ordine di formarle, & si dimandano than a definition. "Ci6 non e avvertito molto
con nomi usitati nelle Scole, di Materia, da alcuni moderni, i quali rappresentano
Efficiente, Forma et Fine.... Dapoi, quando gl' effetti contigenti, per mostrare l'essentiali
sappiamo per questa strada distintamente qualiti,
le come fanno, dipingendo per la
Disperatione uno, che s'appica per la gola
qualiti, le cagioni, le proprietY, & gli accidenti
d'una cosa definibile, accioche se ne faccia . . . 6 simile cose di poco ingegno e di poca
l'imagine, bisogna cercare la similitudine, lode. . . ." Giotto's allegories of the Virtues
come habbiamo detto nelle cose materiali, la and Vices, then, would fall under Ripa's ban.
quale terrA in luogo delle parole nell' He grants, however, that the physiognomies
imagine, 6 definitione de'Rettori; Et la of his personifications may be moulded ac-
similitudine, che serva a questo proposito, cording to their significance.
dovra essere di quelle, che consistono nell' Ripa's didactic aims come out in his in-
egual proportione, che hanno due cose dis- sistence that allegorical images should always
be clearly labelled "unless they are intended
tinte fria se stesse ad una sola diversa da ambe-
due, prendendosi quella che e meno; come, as riddles." For the influence of his handbook
se, per similitudine di Fortezza, si dipingeon la the arts of the I7th and 18th centuries see
Colonna, perche negl'edificii sostiene tuttiE.i Mile, L'art rdligieux apris le Concile de Trente,
sassi . . . dicendo, che tale e la fortezza Paris, 1932, and E. Mandowsky, "Ricerche
nell'huomo, per sostenere la gravezza di tuttiintorno all' Iconologia di Cesare Ripa," La
Bibliofilia, 1939, XLI.
i fastidii . ...
We need not assume, in accepting this possibility, that artists were con
sciously aware of all the chains in the Neo-Platonic argument. Unfortunate
we still know too little about the way in which philosophical ideas percolat
the way in which they are first distilled into slogans which in turn direct the
attitude of men towards certain values and standards. It is in this way, so
seems, that the philosopher influences the actions of his contemporaries by
II have attempted to analyse the inter- youth he had chosen Wisdom for his beloved.
action of symbolism and illustration in a work
He carried this lovely picture with him when
of 15th century religious art in "Tobiashe journeyed to the place of studies and he
and
the Angel," Harvest, I, London, 1948. For the
always set it before him in the window of his
superiority of the text over the imagecell,
in and used to look at it lovingly with
mediaeval didactic imagery see F. Saxl, heartfelt
"A longings. He brought it back home
with him on his return, and caused it to be
Spiritual Encyclopedia of the later Middle
transferred to his chapel wall as a token of
Ages," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld
Institutes, V, 1942, esp. p. Ioo. Perhaps it is affection.
only . . ." (The life of the Blessed Henry
among the mystics that the Neo-Platonic con- Suso by himself, translated by T. F. Knox,
ception of the image is to be found in its pure London, I913, p. I34. For Suso's belief in
form in the Middle Ages. We hear of Suso the thatmagic efficacy of the image see ibid.,
"in his youth, he had caused to be painted p. 75.) For an attempt to interpret a work
for
himself, upon parchment, a picture of Eternal of the I2th century in the light of mediaeval
Wisdom, who rules supreme over heavenNeo-Platonic
and thought, see R. Grinnell,
"Iconography
earth, and far surpasses all created things in and Philosophy in the Cruci-
ravishing beauty and loveliness of form;fixion
for Window at Poitiers," The Art Bulletin,
which reason, when he was in the bloomI946.of
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APPENDIX
(Superiority of Vision)
This arcanum was understood from the beginning of the nascent world by t
wisest men of the primal age, and it was from them that first this usage of forming t
images derived, having been handed down through all the intervening centuries thro
nearly all literatures, and finally came to our own age. Who that is well versed
antiquities does not know of the memorable two columns, one made of brick to resis
fire, the other of marble to resist water, on which all the arts were depicted and en
graved so that they could be transmitted to future generations?'
For from these the Egyptians borrowed the excellent doctrine of the Hieroglyph
which we admire so much. The Greeks followed in their footsteps and left no Ar
Science unadorned by Symbolic Images. What kind of stone or metal is there
which they did not express the forms of the Sciences? What shade or colour which t
omitted in their representation? It was no thing to be relished by vulgar erudi
but one whose singular majesty filled them with ineffable delight. Behold the G
cities under a generous sky, on a fruitful soil, surrounded by a friendly sea, crowde
with statues, images and paintings through which the splendour of the Virtues
Sciences, albeit only painted and wrought, shone forth with such vigour that
chastest fires were cast into the eyes of all, and through the eyes into their souls, infl
ing them to the worship of those of whose beauty the Symbolic Images had convinc
them.
Should we, then, deem their actions wise or foolish? If foolish, what madness is
there in the name of science, what folly in philosophy, what bungling in the laws,
what ignorance in all the arts which allowed their followers to indulge in such vile
hallucinations over such a clear matter? If, on the other hand, we pronounce those to
have acted very wisely, then we must all concede what follows therefrom: that the
(The sections which follow would probably overtax that they intertwine. To do this he needs "fire," pro-
the patience of any modern reader. After a lengthy vided in the pot. The three parts of the golden chain
and learned justification of the choice of 16 Liberal (alluding to the Gallic Hercules) signify the three modes
Arts the virtues of each figure are first epitomized in of speech, the plain, the medium and the sublime.
the form of an inscription and then commented upon History (P1. 32c) has three faces, to outdo Janus. She
with reference to the image. Theology (P1. 32a) tramp- recounts the past, instructs the present and foresees the
ling on the Hydra provides an occasion for a thunderous future. The three keys in her hand may have reference
denunciation of heresy. Rhetoric (P1. 32b) holds to her threefold subject-matter, viz. private persons,
Mercury's Caduceus whose two opposing serpents signify, kings and priests or, among other possible interpreta-
among other things, two extreme propositions which tions, to the three keys to the past-the clazis ethica,
the orator's art, symbolized by the rod, reconciles so dclavis oeconomica and clavis politica.)