A STUDY ON THE HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS OF BHUTAN

•with a critical edition and translation of

certain Bhutanese texts in Tibetan

A thesis submitted for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy
|

in the University of London

t>y 1

MICHAEL VAILLANCOURT ARIS

School of Oriental and African Studies

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 ABSTRACT

The small kingdom of Bhutan in the Eastern Himalayas is

perhaps the least well known of all the independent countries of Asia.

The purpose of this study is to examine the cultural and political

evolution which led to its creation as a unified state in the 1 7 th

century. Research is based on certain documents copied by the author

during his stay in Bhutan, augmented by Tibetan records. The work falls

into two parts, preceded by an introduction which tries to explain the

ethnic and linguistic backcloth, as well as the sources, aim and scope

of the study.

Part I is an analytical survey of l) origin myths, 2) the

evolution of Buddhist schools and 3) the creation of the Bhutanese

theocracy in the 17th century. Later developments which led to the

institution of the present monarchy in the early years of this

century are briefly alluded to in the concluding section.

■ In Part 2 are presented five original texts relating to

the subjects discussed in Part 1, These include the critical edition

and translation of two works dating from the 1 8 th century which reveal

the ancient non-monastic units of rule in central and eastern Bhutan and

their absorption into the theocracy during the middle years of the 1 7 th

century. The third text is the Bhutanese legal code of 1729 and the

fourth is the 1627 account by the Jesuit Cacella of his stay in Bhutan

and M s close association with Zhabs-dning Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal,

founder of the Bhutanese theocracy. The final text is a ritual one,

pregnant with historical associations, which continues to govern the

conduct of a ceremonial militia during the official New Year, It is

reproduced here In the form in which it was first presented by the

author in B3QAS 39(3).

 PREFACE

The study of Bhutanese history has been greatly enlivened

for me by virtue of the fact that 1 had the good fortune of spending

five years in Bhutan from 1967 to 1973- it was through my friend

Mr. Marco Pallis that I obtained a position as tutor to the Royal

Family of Bhutan and it was the Spalding Trust which provided the means

for the outward journey.

If I can claim any knowledge of Bhutanese and Tibetan

languages and institutions, it is very largely due to the unfailing

kindness and generosity with which so many people in Bhutan helped me

under all kinds of circumstances. Of all these people, ranging from

chance acquaintances in remote temples to members of the Royal Family,

I would particularly like to mention the following kalyanamitra:

Dingo Khyentse Rimpoche, Topga Rimpoche, Lobpdn Hado, Lobpiin Pemala

and Lobpiin Sonam Zangpo.

Throughout my stay in Bhutan and after*, X have been most

fortunate in the guidance of two western scholars who have done more

to further my interest and knowledge in the field than any others*

Mr, Hugh Richardson and Mr. Gene Smith.

While this work is based mainly on sources acquired in

Bhutan, the whole of it has been prepared and written as a post-

graduate student of the School of Oriental and African Studies, under

the kind supervision of Dr. David Snellgrove, Professor of Tibetan in

the University of London. I am particularly grateful to the School for

the award of a Governing Body Exhibition and a travel grant which

ebabled me to do further work in India.

I should also like to record my gratitude to Mr. Phillip

Denwood, Lecturer in Tibetan at S0A3, with whom I first read the legal
code presented in Part 2, and to Dr. Thomas Earle, Lecturer in

Portuguese at the University of Oxford, without whose help I could

not have included the Relacao of Cacella. Thanks are also due to many
js

friends and colleagues too numerous to mention.

I am indebted to Mrs, L. Belcher who typed the great bulk

of the the&is with admirable fortitude and to Aris and Phillips Ltd.,

publishers, who tackled the Tibetan texts and Tables I and VIII, The

maps were prepared by Mr, J. Kislingbury on the basis of material

supplied by me.

Some minor and unavoidable inconsistencies in the spelling

of place names, due to retention of general usage or of the use of

quoted works will, I hope, be excused as innocuous. \

This work would never have been begun, let alone finished,

without the moral and practical encouragement of my beloved wife who

not only looked after our children single-handed while it m s in

progress but also acted as midwife during my own protracted delivery,

MVA
 ABBREVIATIONS

DS Dousamdup (Zla-ba bSam-grub): Translation

of LCB I in the British Library

Dukula The autobiography of the 5th Dalai Lama

(1617-82), Vol. Ka

rQyal-rigs rG.yal-rigs 1b.yung-khungs gsal-ba'i

me-long by Ngag-dbang v1728)

JD 'Jam-dpal rDo-rdo

LGB I lHo'i chos-'b.yung by bsTan-'dzin

Chos-rgyal (l759)

LCB II lHo-ph.yogs nags-mo'i l.jongs-kyi

chos-'b.yung by dGe-'dun Rin-chen (1972)

LN Slob-dpon Nag-mdog

Lo-rgyus gsal-ba’i me-long by

Ngag-dbang

LP Slob-dpon Padma-lags

MBTJ The life of Pho-lha-nas (I689 -I7 6 3 )

by mDo-mkhar Zhabs-drung Tshe-ring
dBang-rgyal

PBP The life of Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang

rNam-rgyal (159 ^+-?1 6 5 1 ) by gTsang
mKhan-chen in Vols. Ka to Ca. Unless
otherwise stated references are to
Vol. Nga (IH0 1i skor)»

Relacao Cacella's account of his stay in

5—
Bhutan (1627)

bShad-mdzod bShad-mdzod yid-bzhin nor-bu by

Don-darn sMra-ba'i Seng-ge

pffam-tshogs The 'miscellany' of 'Jigs-med

Gling-pa

TD bsTan-'dzin rDo-rje

gTer-rnam Kong-sprul's lives of the

’text-discoverers*

Tohoku A Complete Catalogue of the Tibetan

Buddhist Canons

TR sTobs-dga' Rin-po-che
 CO INTENTS

Abstract 1

Preface 2

Abbreviations

Contents 5

Illustrations 6

1Introduction 8
1. The land and its peoples 8
2. The sources and the aim 22
Notes 29

PART ONE From Remote Beginningsto Later Complexities 31

I Origin Myths, Their Historical Associations and Development 32j

1. The first Buddhist temples 32
Notes 91
2. The *Sindhu Raja* 100
Notes 131
3. King Khyi-kha Ra-thod and his ’hidden land* 138
Notes 180
k. Prince gTsang-ma and the secret history of his alleged
descendants 187
Notes 2^0
5. The gDung and their legends 2^3
Notes 283
6. Patterns and prospects 28?

II The Emergence of Buddhist Schools 29^

1. Bon-po 296
2. rNying-ma-pa ' 298
i ) Ka-thog-pa 300
ii) rDzogs-chen-pa 302
iii) gTer-ston 306
3. bKa1-brgyud-pa 321
i) IHa-pa 32^
ii) 'Brug-pa 329
iii) 'Ba-ra-ba 3*K)
 b

4. ICags-zam-pa 3/43
5, gNas-rnying~pa 353

6. Sa-skya-pa 360
7, Some conclusions 352
Notes 367

III The Creation of Bhutan 386

1. Zhabs-drung Ngag-dhangrNam-rgyal, the Pounder 336
2. The secret of the ?retreat* 424

3. The succession 4 39
4 . Looking ahead 456
Notes 472

1
PART TWO Five Important Sources 487

Background to the texts 488

1. rGyal-rigs 'byung-khungs gsal-ba'i sgron-me (1728) 499
Text ^00
Translation 331
Notes 392
2. Lo-rgyus gsal-bafime-long 6 i6
Text 617

Translation 630
Notes 655
3* dKa*-khrims (1729) 669
Text 670
Translation 688
Notes *l 727
4 , The Relacao of Cacella(1627) 741
Translation 742
Notes 766
5. bKa'-bkyon rdo-r.ietho-lum (BSOAS 39(3) 601-635) 779

Glossary QI7

Appendix Chronological lists of the rulers, head abbots and

important incarnations of Bhutan 34 q

Bibliographies 347
A) Bhutanese sources ’ 347
B) Tibetan sources 834
C) Modern works and western editions
 ILLUSTRATIONS

Maps

1. General map of Bhutan

2. Sketchmap showing approximate position

of the major sites in the sPa-gro Valley

3. Sketchmap showing approximate position

of the major sites in the Bum-thang Province

Plates

1. A collection of prehistoric stone implements

from Bhutan „

‘2, The cong of dKon-mchog-gsum IHa-khang in

Bum-thang

Tables and figures

1. The Ru-gnon, mTha'-'dul and Yang-1dul temples

2. The concentric zones of China according to

the Yd Kung

3. The celestial animals of the four quarters in

China and Tibet

Th® Ru-gnon temples: Ascriptions

5. The mTha'-'dul temples: Ascriptions

6 . The Yang-'dul temples: Ascriptions

7. The Ru-gnon, mTha'-'dul and Yang-'dul temples:

Summary of Ascriptions

8 . Genealogical table of the ruling families of

eastern Bhutan claiming descent from lHa-sras
gTsang-ma

9. The numerals I to 10 in the languages of Bhutan

and Kameng

10. Origins of the’gDung families: the U-ra tradition

11. Origins of the gDung families: the Ngang tradition

 INTRODUCTION

To call this a mountainous country merely would

not sufficiently distinguish it from others of a
like denomination, nor give a proper impression of
its true character, when that term is understood to
imply an intermixture of hills and valleys. But if
a country of mountains be an intelligible phrase,
it may with great justice be applied to Boutan, or
at least to that part of it through which I have
travelled. (Davis 1830*517)

Thus of the whole enormous area which was once the

spirited domain of Tibetan culture and religion,
stretching from Ladakh in the west to the borders
of Szechuan and Yunnan in the east, from the
Himalayas in the south to the Mongolian steppes
and the vast wastes of northern Tibet, now only
Bhutan seems to survive as the one resolute and
self-contained representative of a fast disappearing
civilization, (Snellgrove and Richardson 1968:271)

I. The land and its peoples

The above quotations form the concluding remarks to works

by British writers who travelled in Bhutan, Together they may serve

to introduce the present study for while the first conjures up the

physical appearance of the country, the second suggests something of

its wider significance. The Kingdom Is probably the least known of

the absorbed or independent states of the Himalayas and it is some­

times said that Bhutan was, and even still is, far more closed and

secret than Tibet, It is also reputed to be the one independent

country which preserves Intact the ancient traditions of Northern

Buddhism. While there is a danger in overemphasising these facts

and claims because of our western preconceptions of what a lost

Himalayan kingdom ought to be, Bhutan is certainly a unique survival,

even if it might appear little more than a peculiar anachronism to some.

No serious study of the country can begin, however, until its history

has come to light for there can be very few countries left in the world
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today whose present institutions are so faithfully derived from an

unbroken continuity with the past. The aim of this study is to dig

beneath the romantic facade which the country presents to visitors

in search of Shangrila by exploring the process of evolution which

led to its emergence as a unified country in the 17th century. It

makes no claim to be definitive or authoritative, but insofar as this

corner of oriental history has remained unexplored it may perhaps be

X
said to represent the first stumbling effort.

One feature of a thesis is that it discusses a chosen topic

against the background of some recognised body of knowledge but in the J

case of early Bhutanese history there Is almost no literature in any

western language around which the present work could develop. Instead

we have to rely solely on a number of primary sources from Bhutan and

and
Tibet/the only body of knowledge relevant to my topic is the study of

Tibetan language and culture as refined in the West during the last

century or so. Indeed all the Bhutanese sources available to me (not

counting oral traditions) are themselves written in literary Tibetan

and so the whole scope and framework of this study is 'Tibetological*.

But here we run into a basic difficulty for the Bhutanese have never

considered themselves Tibetan in the sense we give the term. They

undoubtedly write in Tibetan; they speak in a medley of different

tongues which can be considered local or archaic forms of Tibetan;

they have in the past been proud to regard themselves as part of the

general area over which Tibetan Buddhism held sway; and even today the

Bhutanese look upon Tibet as their lost spiritual homeland. But the

Bhutanese have such a strong notion of their own identity as a separate

people that they could never consider themselves Tibetans, In my view

the whole history of the country has to be understood to explain satis­

factorily the reasons behind this combination of,a strong pride in a

common cultural heritage and a fierce assertion of racial distinctions.

However in immediate terms the geographical and ethnic factors are cogent

enough,
 Bhutan has to be senn in the broad context of that whole

area which has the 'Tibetans' (Bod-pa) in the central region of the

high plateau, surrounded by a number of peripheral peoples to the west,

south and east all of whom fall within the sphere of 'cultural' Tibet,

either inside or outside 'political' Tibet, None of these people on

the fringe consider themselves Bod-pa and many of them have in the

past developed their own polities and institutions while still forming

part of the Tibetan cultural hegemony. Thus they all share in common

the experience of Tibetan Buddhism in its many aspects as introduced

and adapted from India and, to a lesser extent, from Central Asia and

China. After the collapse of the early Tibetan empire in the 9th

century the religious experience became so intensely developed that it

provided the one unifying force underlying the ethnic and linguistic

diversity. Over much of the area, furthermore, there is a certain

uniformity of lifestyle which contributes to the, sense of a cultural

empire. The basic pattern of settled agriculture interspersed with

nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralism which is found in the central heart­

land of the gTsang-po valley is repeated with infinite variety all over

the plateau and even beyond.

If sufficient records had survived from the period of the

Tibetan royal dynasty and after, the early history of the area would

largely be written in terms of the shifting relationships between

indigenous clans, the central monarchy and foreign intruders. Much

effort- has been expended in trying to reconstruct this picture from the

relevant scraps found by Stein and Pelliot at Tun-huang, from pillar

inscriptions and from the very few documents of,the early period which

have come down to us in the writings of later Tibetan historians. The

difficulties are compounded mainly by the fact that to a great extent

society in central Tibet ceased to be clan-based and later historians

were more interested in singing the eulogies of their own monastic or

semi-monastic principalities than in tracing the vestiges of the old

clans which were still surviving in their day. Much of the outline of
Tibetan history as depicted by these monastic historians can be proved

to stem from valid traditions but with rare exceptions the whole tone

is legendary. The growth of historical legend is a fascinating field

of study in its own right but it often tells us more about the day and

age of the chronicler than of the period about which he writes. The

historical value of his text will depend on how he uses or adapts early

traditions, oral or written, into his own work. These are the most basic

considerations which the student of early Tibetan history has to bear in

mind in approaching his subject, and this is no less true for anyone

attempting to write the early history of Bhutan. The latter endeavour

has its own peculiar problems and pitfalls which will soon become clear,

but there is an important one it shares with the broader field* the texts

alone do not give us a clear enough picture of the ethnic, linguistic

2
and geographical backcloth to the historical drama.
The Kingdom occupies 18,000 square miles in the eastern

Himalayas and is bounded on the north by the Tibetan provinces ofgTsang

and IHo-brag, and’on the south by the Indian states of West Bengal and

Assam. To the east lies Sikkim (now fully annexed to India) and to the

west the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh (formerly the North-Sast

Frontier Agency), The population of Bhutan today is said to bo just under

3
one million. It is perhaps the only independent country in South Asia

free of the problem of over-population. Broadly speaking the country

divides naturally into three lateral zones, each one having a quite

different ecology. In this respect it conforms to the general pattern of

the Himalayan ranges to the east and west. Forming the long northern

border with Tibet there lies the main watershed of high peaks reaching

heights of up to 2 ^ ,0 0 0 ft. crossed by about six major passes leading to^

the very thinly populated areas of northern Bhutan. These are inhabited by

groups of pastoralists known to the western Bhutanese as 'bzhop' and to

other groups in the east as 'brokpa', both forms clearly deriving from

Tibetan 'drokpa' ('brog-pa*). In addition to the herding of yaks these

people also cultivate a few grain crops and potatoes. Like all the high

altitude populations of the ‘‘imalayas they are heavily dependent on a

regular barter trade with the south to supplement their own produce.

Particularly interesting are the communities of the 'Lingshi-Laya’

(Gling-bzhi La-yag) area who live north-east of the great peak of

'Chomolhari' (Jo-md IHa-ri) who preserve a very-distinctive language and

dress of their own. Elsewhere in this high altitude zone (known to the

westerners as ’GiJn', spelt dGon) the peoples are very similar to those

living in the next lateral zone to the south, an alpine area of vertical

valleys running north-south at latitudes ranging from about five thousand

to nine thousand feet.

It is here in this central zone that the main population of the

country is concentrated and nearly all the cultivated land is givon ovor

to the production of wet rice and other grain products such as barley,

buck wheat, maize and potatoes, depending on the altitude. Rising from the

floors of these valleys, forests of pine, rhododendron and other species

give way to pastures where small herds of cattle, are led in the summer.

This region is the economic and cultural heartland of the country and is

bounded on the east and west by two corridors of what used to be Tibetan

territory: the valley of Ghumbi (Gro-mo to the Tibetans) in the west and

the so-called Mon-yul corridor to the east, now part of Arunachal Pradesh,

Both Ghumbi and Mon-yul represent the southernmost extension of Tibetan

power, cutting through the main Himalayan range. Between these corridors

lie the principal Bhutanese valleys, inhabited by a medley of peoples whom

we can broadly classify according to the language they speak.

The six western valleys of 'Ha' (Had), 'Paro' (s£a-gro), ’Thimphu'

(Thim-phu), 'Punakha1 (sPu-na-kha) and 'Wangdd Phodrang1 (dBang-'dus Pho-

brang) (the last in fact a complex of valleys forming the Shar district) are

peopled by the 'Ngalong*. The term is thought to mean 'The Earliest Risen*

and is often spelt sNga-slong, that is to say the first converted to

Buddhism and thus civilised. Whatever the truth of its etymology, it is

a term as much used by themselves as applied to them by their neighbours.

It certainly reflects the dominant political role won by the western

Bhutanese when the country was united in the 17th century. The Ngalong of

all the Bhutanese peoples, it is generally agreed, are most like the central

Tibetans even though their language is incomprehensible to an ordinary

Tibetan. It is particularly marked by the contraction of two Tibetan

syllables into one (viz, bla-ma 'lam’, rkang-pa 'kamp', shog-shig

'shosh' etc.) and by a variant set of verbal complements. The consonant

clusters containing a subjoined ya are treated very differently from

standard spoken Tibetan, Within this Ngalong group further variations are

discernible not only from valley to valley but even from village to village.

This pattern is in turn repeated throughout the country and could no doubt

be said to derive ultimately from its geographical fragmentation.

East of the Ngalong live a number of sub-groups whose speech can

be considered dialects of the language spoken in Bum-thang. These people

live in the district surrounding Bum-thang, that is to say in 'Tongsa*

(Krong-sar), 'Mangdelung' 'Mang-sde-lung), Kheng and 'Kurtb' (sKur-stod),

The Bum-thang language seems to preserve the most archaic features of all

the Bhutanese languages. Besides the retention of certain consonants that

are otherwise unpronounced in standard Tibetan, there survive items which

local scholars insist belong to the obsolete forms of the 'old language'

(brda-rnying), such as the word for 'stone* (gor), the colloquial use of

the current literary word for 'all' (thams-cad). the word for 'moon' ('la'

= zla), for 'four', 'five* and 'six' ('ble', 'yanga', 'grog' = bzhi, Inga.

drug) etc. No study of this interesting language has even been undertaken.

Moving 'east again from the Bum-thang group we find the third

language, that of 'Tsangla' (perhaps rTsang-la). This is spoken in a

variety of forms by the people known as the 'Sharchop' (= Shar-phyogs-

pa, 'The Easterners'), by far the most populous group in the country.

Although unquestionably one of the Bodic languages, Tsangla bears

few traces of its Tibetan origins. Some of its vocabulary and

syntax can be found in the little known publications of Stack (1897) and

Hoffrenning (1959)• The somewhat anomolous position it occupies in its

relation to the other two main languages of Ngalong and Bum-thang has

led to the feeling in Bhutan that this is the oldest or 'original'

language of the country, but this many derive from nothing more than the

common tendency to equate distinctness with autochthony.

It must be realised that these three main languages are

mutually incomprehensible and that it takes a long time for, say, a

Ngalong-speaking person to gain familiarity with the other two languages.

Since the 17th century unification of Bhutan there has, however,

developed an official idiom known as 'Dzongkha' (rDzong-kha, 'the

language of the fortress') which is based on a polished form of the

village patois of the Ngalong people. This is spoken among government

officials and monks from all regions of the country, and the idiom is so

developed that often one can find people from the central and eastern

parts of the country who speak it better than someone from the western

region where the idiom first arose. The policy of the present government

is to advance the status of Dzongkha further by making it obligatory

study in all schools throughout the country. To that end the local

scholars employed by the Education Department have had to take brave

and difficult steps towards adapting the ancient literary language to

accomodate the spoken forms of Ngalong, the first time that any of the

Bhutanese languages have been written down in Tibetan scnpt, ^The

script mainly used in Bhutan is in fact their own cursive hand known as

rgyug-yig.) The only material on Dzongkha available in a western

language is the almost unobtainable study by Byrne (1909). The Gro-mo

dialect spoken in Ghumbi is quite close to some of the western

Bhutanese forms and some of it is recorded in Walsh (l905)« Serious

study of the Bhutanese languages, however has yet to begin despite

these pioneering efforts which depended on their authors' chance

encounters with Bhutanese in India.

 The tripartite division of Bhutanese speech suggested

above does tremendous injustice to the host of minor dialects which

fall outside the major groupings. While travelling in Bhutan one

constantly meets with small pockets of people whose speech is

totally baffling ‘to their neighbours. Some of these will perhaps turn

out to be very ancient survivals bearing little or no connexion with

the larger groups. If one were to apply the label 'indigenous' to any

peoples in Bhutan in the same way as it is applied to the Lepchas of

Sikkim, one would be tempted to focus on the very small communities

of jungle-dwellers who practise shifting cultivation on the fringe of

the major groups. Like the Lepchas themselves, who are reckoned to

have long preceded the Tibetan migrations, they are known to the

Bhutanese predictably as Mon-pa, As is well known, this is a term

u,niversally applied by Tibetans to most of the alien but older groups

living in or near their own territories. Significantly, it is a term

formerly used in reference to the whole of Bhutan by the Tibetans but

one which the Bhutanese themselves now only apply to these small groups

living in Mang-sde-lung, Kheng and gZhong-sgar..Small groups of similar

people are also found in the west. They are known as the 'Toktop' and

live in two permanent villages south of sPa-gro called Upper and Lower

'Toktokha'. They are probably related to the people living in 'Taba-

Dramten' and 'Loto-Kuchu' in the area of southern Bhutan west of the

border town of Phun-tshogs-gling. All these minute western groups

(numbering a few hundred at the very most) come under the authority

of an official appointed from sPa-gro formerly called the gDun# gNyer-

pa ('The Steward of the gDung'), now the gDung Rab-'byams. The name

gDung is pregnant with meaning for-the lost history of the country but,

anticipating the argument presented in Ch. I Section 5 below, it is

suggested that the gDung were once a people who. appear to have been

spread over the whole country and who have now all but disappeared

under the impact of fresh migration or military defeat from the north.
To my knowledge the only people still calling themselves gDung are

those living in the villages over which the ram-'b.yams has direct ^

authority, but the other groups at ’Toktokha', 'Taba-Dramten* and

'Loto-Kuchu' over whom the rab-’byams's jurisdiction is said to extend

may perhaps be branches of the gDung. The ’Toktop’ males wear a j

peculiar garment woven from nettles called a 'pakhi1, crossed over the

chest and knotted at the shoulders very much like the dress of the

Lepchas, The other connexion one might suggest is provided by the 'Toto'

people living in the Jailpaguri district of West Bengal, often thought by

5
anthropologists to be an ancient immigrant group^ from Bhutan. Whether i

it would be possible to demonstrate that all these groups are the

vestigial fractions of a single broken tribe resident in the country

before the later Tibetan migrations began, it is too early now to say.

To complete the picture it should be said that the

western and eastern borders formed by the southerly extensions of Tibetan

authority In both cases cut across the ethnic boundaries. Thus the

'Tromowa' (Gro-mo-ba) people inhabiting the Ghumbi valley and some of

the people of northern Sikkim are very closely related to the inhabitants

of the Ha valley of western Bhutan. The pastoral people of the eastern

borderlands are kith and kin with the so-called Mon-pa tribes of the

Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh. Bhutan is otherwise both

geographically and ethnically self-contained. While the northern border

is formed by the natural boundary of the Himalayan watershed, the

southern border begins where the foothills rise from the Indian plains.

These foothills constitute the third of the lateral zones. They are

inhabited by Nepalese settlers, by various offshoots of the main

northern groups and by pockets of the ’aboriginal1 groups noted above.

From this rather crude outline emerges a complex picture

which stands in direct contrast to those afforded by the adjacent

Himalayan territories to the west and east. In Nepal and Sikkim the
complexities of the ethnic map are occasioned primarily by the

interactions of the various Indian and Tibetan peoples not only with

each other but also with more or less 'indigenous' groups. To the east

of Bhutan, in Arunachal Pradesh, the complexities are more the product

of 'tribal' contiguities. With the absence of any Indian groups in

Bhutan apart from the descendants of Indian slaves, we can see that

the Kingdom represents a transitional area between its western and

eastern neighbours, one in which Tibetan groups predominate over

greatly fragmented 'tribal' groups.

those of
The only discipline besides/anthropology, ethnology and

linguistics which may one day help to clarify the historical picture is

archaeology. The potential in this field is very, rich but can only be
(No. I)
touched upon here. In the accompanying plat^I draw attention to a

group of prehistoric stone implements forming part of the private

collection of HRH rNam-rgyal;dBang-phyug (uamgyel Wangchuk), They were

all discovered as random surface finds in the central valleys of the

country and until they passed into present ownership they were kept as

talismans. In many households such objects are placed in a receptacle

called a g .yang-khang ('house of prosperity') in connection with the

ritual performed to bring wealth to the family (g.yang-khug). The local

term for a stone axe or quadrangular adze is gnam-lcags sta-re ('sky-

iron axe', 'meteoritic axe') and the legend holds that these were the

weapons of the gods and demi-gods (devas and asuras; lha, lha-ma-yin)

\which fell to the ground in the course of their battles. (Much the same

story used to be told about such artifacts in rural England, and indeed

all over the world.) Tucci (1973*3^) has supplied the words thog-rde'u

('little lightning-stone', my translation) and >mtho-ldinK ('high-flying',

his translation), but unfortunately he was never able to see any

examples in Tibet or elsewhere. The examples presented here are

sufficient to show that.Bhutan once possessed a developed lithic culture

of some sophistication. The highly polished tools were clearly

manufactured for a wide variety of purposes and from various types of

stone. The single specimen in my own possession is a quadrangular

polished stone adze, 80 mm in length, made from Sillimanite. It was

kindly inspected for me by Mr, Sieveking of the British Museum who

commented:

It is immediately recognisable as a member of a

common class of artifact first recognised as
characteristic of the "Late Stone Age" by R., Heine-
Gledern in the 1920's and normally found distributed
between Yunnan, and the Hanoi Basin of Vietnam and
Indonesia. It has since been recognised that similar
artifacts are found without cultural associations in
Burma and India (Assam, Bihar and Orissa). The context
of the distribution of this type in the Himalayan
foothills and similar highland regions is unknown.
Though one or two specimens come from northernmost
Burma, in general the western distribution has been
recorded near to present population centres and is
therefore lowland in character. This may well be an
artefact of the extent of present day archaeological
research. In Vietnam, Thailand and Malaysia such
adzes are common, and have been found in cultural
association with decorated pottery and other forms,
mostly in burial places. They are probably
characteristic of an agricultural peo'ple whose culture
at least in the central region appears to be fairly
distinct. Few reliable radiocarbon dates are
acceptable for this phase. On general’ grounds I
would suggest a date of 2000-1500 BG for the major
period of use of such adzes.^

Apart from these stone tools, I have also seen a number

of standing megaliths in the central region of the country in

positions ‘which might suggest they were used for the purposes of

border demarcation and ritual. (These are introduced in Sections 2

and 3 to Gh. I below.) Furthermore, I heard a number of independent

rumours that old graves have been unearthed in the Mang-sde-lung

valley. (Except in the most exceptional circumstances the Bhutanese

today cremate their dead.) Gould it perhaps be that the scattered

'tribal' groups referred to above are the successors to the

prehistoric people who left these traces? If this eventually turns

out to be the case it might then be concluded that they were

displaced from the central agricultural regions by the later migrants

and so came to the outer jungle fringes where some turned to shifting

agriculture while others became more permanently settled. Much

research will have to be completed before this suggested model canbe

fully accepted. Until then all we have at our disposal in unravelling

the Bhutanese past is the written material.

This introduction to the land and its people would notbe

complete without some notice of the names given to the country at

different times. The modern ’Bhutan’ derives from 'Bhotanta' which

is an old Indian term for the whole of Tibet. The earliest

J
European traveller to enter the country in 1627 described the country

as "the first of those of Potente" (Relacao, f, 8), that is to say

5

the first 'Tibetan' state one enters on the journey north from India.

After various anglicizations (Bootan, Bhotan, Boutan etc.) the name

became fixed towards the end of the last century as Bhutan and it is

now accepted by the Bhutanese as the official name for their country.

Among themselves the term is never used except in government

correspondence when this is conducted in English. Following the

unification of the country in the 17th century by one branch of the

'Brug-pa school of Northern Buddhism, the term 'Brug-yul ('Land of the

'Brug-pa') has been in use within the country but it Is not easy to date

the adoption of the term with precision. Particularly in writing, the

Bhutanese also use an older expression, 'The South' (lHo), in

various combinations (lHo-yul, IHo-ljongs, IHo-rong, lHo'i sMan-

Ijongs etc.). It is primarily a Tibetan expression denoting the area's

 6!

position in relation to their own country but the Bhutanese rarely

take exception to using it themselves. In Tibetan texts there can

sometimes be ambiguity in the use of the term because the area of the

central plateau south of the gTsang-po is also broadly termed IHo

(or lHo-kha), When they want to be precise, Tibetan writers of the past

usually combined IHo with Mon (viz. IHo-mon) in speaking of the area

now occupied by Bhutan, As already noted, the expression Mon has an

extremely broad application in referring to old ’non-Tibetan1 peoples

on the fringe of the plateau and indeed the form lHo-mon is also given

occasionally to groups in the western HimalayasAlthough the term can

carry strong pejorative overtones in Tibetan usage, some of the people

to whom it is applied seem quite content to use it in referring to

themselves. This is true, for example, of the great Bhutanese saint

Padma Gling-pa (1^50-1,523)) • Today, however, the Bhutanese never refer to

themselves as Mon-pa, but local scholars will often call their country

by the old and crucial term lHo-mon Kha-bzhi (’The Southern Mon

Country of Four Approaches’), This is uniquely and specifically

applied to the area of Bhutan In the sense of a.corporate entity,

because the 'approaches' (kha, lit, ’mouths*) are situated at its four

extreirfities of i) Kha-gling in the east, 2) Cooch Bihar or Buxa Duar

in the south, 3) brDa-gling-kha (near Kalimpong) in the west, and

4) sTag-rtse-kha on the northern border. As might be expected, the term

finds most frequent mention in the texts of the I7 th century and later,

that is to say after the unification, but it also appears much earlier }

as lHo-kha-bzhi in a Tibetan source which may perhaps be dated to 1^31.

8

There appears to be a mystery here because the evidence, if it is correct,

would suggest a sense of unity developing in the area long before the

actual creation of the unified state. This contrasts with the complex

picture of fragmentation which it is hoped this study will partly

reveal, A complete history of the term is very much a necessity because.

the country's past is mirrored in the history of its names. In this

study I have allowed myself the simple convenience of referring to the ^

area as Bhutan, or occasionally 'proto-Bhutan',

2, The sources and the aim

0 ne of the commonest conceptions of Bhutanese history is the

one which underlines the vicissitudes of the theocratic state established

in the 17th century. For a long time there was a good deal of confusion

surrounding the origins of this state. Although Waddell (189^*242)

compiled a list of its theoretical rulers (the Dharmara.jas). it was

almost totally wrong, Claude White (1909*101-2) tried to establish a

rough chronology but confused the sexagenary cycle and so placed the

origins of the state in the l6th century. All that these writers had to

draw on were the earlier British records concerning relations with

Bhutan which had begun in the 18th century, one-or two texts rather

doubtfully rendered into English by their Tibetan clerks and assistants,

and also a certain amount of misunderstood or misleading local

information. The picture thus formed, especially by White, suggested

that Bhutan had once had a strong Indian connection in the person of a king

'Sindhu' (said to be a contemporary of the 8th century Indian saint

Padmasambhava) who founded a kingdom in Bhutan; that after him

Tibetan hordes invaded the country and settled;, and that all the

subsequent history of the country is bound up with the origin and

spread of the 'Brug-pa school, culminating in the founding of an

independent state under-Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal. To his

credit, White realised the tremendous importance of this latter

figure and even If the dates hs provided were all wrong, his brief

synopsis of the Zhabs-drung's life can still hold in most respects,

A generation later Sir Charles Bell made occasional use of the

important history known as the lHo'i chos-byung (my abbreviation*

LCB I) but not in any way that greatly altered..the picture formed
by White.^
The semi-official tone of these early British writings was

more the product of political endeavour than of independent scholarship,

Anglo-Bhutanese relations had begun under Warren Hastings in the last half

of the I 8 th century and had formed part of his cautious and conciliatory

policy towards the Himalayas, a policy which was occasioned more than ■

anything else by a desire for trade. The intervention of the East India
Bhutan and
Company in a quarrel betweei/ Cooch Bihar in 1772 heralded a number of

British missions led by Bogle in 177^» Hamilton in 1776 and 1777> a*id
10
Turner in 1783. ■
' Their accounts yielded a good deal of accurate

information on Bhutanese life and customs, most■sympathetically

recorded in the fine prose of the I8 th century. Not only were strange

social customs explained in an objective manner but the main features

of the Bhutanese theocratic government were clearly discerned. The

brevity of their visits and the lack of a common language unfortunately

militated against a deeper understanding of Bhutanese religion and

history. These potential obstacles to happy intercourse became greatly

exacerbated in the next century by a steady deterioration in political

relations. The chief bone of contention was the strip of the Indian plane

along the southern border over which Bhutan had gained territorial ^

rights of some complexity in preceding centuries. Continuous internal

strife within the country throughout the 19 th century and an overbearing

and high-handed attitude on the part of most British officials at this

time combined to create a situation of total misunderstanding and

disaccord. The Anglo-Bhutan War of 1 8 6 5 -6 ensued and led to the

appropriation of the entire strip of lowland plain by the British, The

strong man in Bhutan at,this time and the most resolute opponent of the

British was the Govenor of eastern Bhutan called 'Jigs-med rNam-rgyal. f'

The fortunes of his family, descendants of the great .'text-discoverer'

(gter-ston) Padma Gling-pa, seem to have been little affected by the

defeat of 1866 for it was his son U-rgyan dBang-phyug, who was installed
in 1907 as the first King of Bhutan, thus replacing the traditional

theocracy founded' in the I7th century by an hereditary monarchy. In

1910 a treaty was signed between Bhutan and Britain according to whose

provisions the Government of Bhutan agreed to be guided by the advice

of the British in regard to its foreign affairs but retained complete

control over its internal affairs. The treaty was renewed by India

on its gaining independence in 19^7 and is still in force in 1978

during the reign of the fourth hereditary monarch who came to the throne

a year after the country was admitted to the United Nations in 1971•

The history of the relations between India and Bhutan

from the time of the East India Company to the present have recently

been summarised most competently by Kapilshwar Labh (197^0 who; used

all the source material available in the British records. Unavoidably,

his account has tended towards a rather one-sided picture because the

Bhutanese records were not available to him. The only scholar to have

made any use at all of the latter is Professor Luciano Petech who has

written a short preliminary paper seeking to establish "... the succession

and chronology of the heads of the Bhutanese state during the first
II
hundred years or so of its existence." This valuable study
12
was based on three Bhutanese sources, supplemented and clarified

with the evidence contained in certain Central Tibetan and Chinese

works. It has been of the greatest help to the present effort. J

It must be emphasised at this point that whereas we have

noted in the case of early Tibetan history there exists a solid core of

evidence in the form of contemporary manuscripts and inscriptions, no

such material is ever likely to come to light for the same period in

Bhutan. There exists a solitary exception in the form of a

fragmentary inscription on a broken bell preserved in Bum-thang which

may be safely dated to the 8 th century AU and this I shall introduce in

Ch. 1 Section 1 below. It is an amazing fact'that the only written

 J

material of unquestionable Bhutanese origin which is known to me and

which can with centainty be dated to the period before the unification

of the 17th century is the long and fascinating autobiography of Padma

Gling-pa (14-50-1521). Between the bell-inscription and the autobiography

there is a total blank as regards contemporary Bhutanese records. This

however is the period on which I have chosen to concentrate. Leaving

aside for a moment the reasons for my choice, it should be pointed out

that the period is actually quite well documented: firstly.r<> many texts

from Tibet contemporary with this period dealing with events in Bhutan

have survived and secondly there is a mass of material in Bhutanese

works composed after the unification which relates to events in the early

period (c.800 to c,l600). Still more important, a few of these latter •

incorporate material from earlier Bhutanese texts now lost.

The material on the period after the unification exists in

such profusion as to overshadow all that went before. At an approximate

guess, there survive at least fifty separate biographies and

autobiographies for the period of the theocracy (l651~1907). The later

records strongly reflect, the triumph of an official ideology over all

the disparate races, sects and lineages which were absorbed into the

new state created by the 'Brug-pa rulers. The political unification

itself was accomplished very quickly in the middle years of the 1 7 th

century and the centralising and unifying functions of the state

naturally ran counter to local history and local sentiments. The measure

of the new state's success can be partly gauged from the fact that the

historical consciousness of the Bhutanese as a people today does not

seem to extend back much further beyond the arrival in l6 l 6 of

Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal , the founder of the theocracy.

Although it is conceded in the literature that the Buddhist religion

was introduced to Bhutan long before his arrival, the early history is
 £0

mythologised in such a way as to fit the official doctrine. In LCB

therefore, a bare six folios out of a total of one hundred and fifty

one are devoted to the pre-theocratic period in Bhutan and of these six

folios, five are taken up with the history of the 'Brug-pa school prior

to the arrival of the Zhabs-drung. In a far more balanced account

(LCB II) completed in 1972, dGe-'d^ Rin-chen has written a new

religious history (chos-'byung) not so much as an apologetic for 'Brug-

pa rule, but rather as an ordered eulogy for the whole course of

Buddhism in the country. At least five official histories concentrating

on more secular matters have been written in the last thirty years but

none has met with the seal of government approval and consequently they

only survive in manuscript form, I had the opportunity of reading four of

them but have not used them here. At present the- Director of the National

Library, Slob-dpon Padma-lags (LP), Is preparing the definitive official

account and it is very milch hoped this will soon be published.

The beginnings of Bhutanese history as frequently described

1^
xn popular works today clearly stem, with a few. modifications, from the

earlier British accounts discussed above, My first interest was to

discover the sources on which the latter were based. This led me to the

world of 'rediscovered texts' (gter-ma), particularly to those credited

to Padma Gling-pa. Through great good fortune I also discovered two works

written in the 18th century (the rGyal-rigs and the Lo-rgyus) which form

the only material dealing with ancient units of .non-monastic rule. In order

to assess the historical, value of this material it became necessary to

probe the traditions around which the legends had developed. All these

legends served to link the Bhutanese past with the early dynasty of Tibet

and, in one case, with India. It soon became clear that there were two

approaches a historian could develop in examining what are undoubtedly a

set of origin myths. He could by dint of hard labour search for historical
fact embedded in tue myths or he could study the myths themselves

to appreciate the psychological attitudes of the society for which

the myth acts as a statement of truth. In Chapter 1, 1 have arranged

each of these myths in chronological order of the historical events

to which they relate; it also happens, probably fortuitously, that

this is the same sequence in which the myths were recorded in

writing. When useful, I have also brought in the present day versions

of the myths as they were recited to me in Bhutan, liach section of

the chapter therefore represents an extended essay which, it is

hjped, will stand on its own right. In the concluding section I

point to some of the underlying themes. I hope to show that after

criticism has done its utmost with these stories there will still be

a modest residuum from which important historical deductions can be

made. The other advantage to be gained from this dual approach to

the study of myths is that it helps to explain the ambivalent

attitude of the Bhutanese to their position as part of the Tibetan

cultural empire that has now disintegrated, a theme touched upon

earlier in the introduction. The place which the Bhutanese assign to

themselves in the northern Buddhist world goes far towards explaining

their character and ideals as a people.

In Chapter 2 the picture changes when we come to u 3sess the

historical evidence for the emergence of Buddhist schools and monastic

principalities, mainly in Western Bhutan. Here the material is

thoroughly diffuse and eaca unit has to be considered separately to

get a clear picture of the complex network of affiliations. I hope

eventually to attempt a more organic approach to tue subject.

Chapter 3 contains a preliminary study of the founding of

the Bhutanese state in the 17th century. The historical attitudes of

the Bhutanese for this period are just as structured as those which

determine their view of their distant past but the body of closely

related biographies surviving

(contd. on next page)
from this period permit a detailed and dated chronological sequence.

The creation of Bhutan is studied in terms of the life of its founder

who, at the risk of the obvious, may be said to be the key figure in

Bhutanese history. The biographies of his successors, in my view, yield

the.best results when studied in close relation to each other to obtain

a clear picture of the greatest difficulty of alii the problem of

legitimate rule. This takes one to an old skeleton in the Bhutanese

cupboard, namely the secret of the founder's final 'retreat'. In

searching for the solution to this problem I have tried to probe beneath

the structure imposed on Bhutanese history in the arrangement of LGB I,

The chapter concludes with a brief glimpse at the issues raised by a

study of later developments in the theocracy.

In Part 2 which carries its own introduction, I present

five texts relating to subjects discussed in Part X,

There is a strong temptation to concentrate on the period

of the 1 7 th century and later because of the wealth of material so far

made available but to give in to such a temptation would be premature.

Every month sees the appearance in Indian facsimile editions of vital

new sources for this richest of periods and in my estimation, the supply

from Bhutan Is not likely to be exhausted for some years to come. I

have chosen therefore to go back to the foundations. The

institutions and aspirations of the monarchy established in the early

years of this century can only be fully understood with reference to

the theocracy of the previous three centuries* I believe by the same

token that the key to a full understanding of the society which

became a unified nation under Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal lies

In the misty days of its semi-"mythological past. I hope this study rill ^

serve to clear some of the mist to afford a glimpse of the mountains

which lie behind.

 Notes to Introduction

I. Mr. John Ardussi of the University of Washington, Seattle, has

also been engaged on a thesis devoted to Bhutanese history. While

in this study emphasis is placed on the early period before

unification, I understand Mr Ardussi has chosen to concentrate

on the period of the theocracy.

2. Some of the, following paragraphs in this sectioruand the next

one are partly based on Aris 1977*6-11.

3. An abstract of the 1969 Census may be found in Rose 1977

k. Some Christian missionary tracts have been written in Dzongkha but

their distribution in Bhutan is minimal.

5. Hoffman (n.d,:7) has suggested that Toto bears affinity to the

ancient language of Zhang-zhung but I have not seen the evidence

for this claim.

6. Letter dated 18/7/77* J

7* The lists vary slightly from text to text. See Aris 1 9 7 6 *6 2 7 Note 63.

8. See Ch. 2 Note 78 below.

9. See especially Bell 1931:213-21^.

10. Their accounts can be found in Markham (1 8 7 9 ) and Turner (1800).

See also Davis (1 8 3 0 ).

11. Petech 1972a:203*

12. LCB I, and the biographies of bsTan-'dzin Rab-rgyas (1 6 3 8 -9 6 )

and bsTan-'dzin Chos-rgyal,(1 7 OO-6 7 ).

13. There is a detailed analysis of the contents of LCiB I in Yamaguchi

1965:159-162,

Ik. See Rahul (1971), Das, N (197*0. Labh (197*0 and Mehra (197*0*

\
)
 31

PART ONE

FROM REMOTE BEGINNINGS TO LATER COMPLEXITIES

j
 C H APTER ONE

ORIGIN MYTHS, THEIR HISTORICAL A S S O C I A T I O N S A N D

D E V E LOPMENT

I. The first Buddhist temples

It is a fact that almo s t the only t e s t i m o n y to the

earliest p e r i o d of h i s tory in Bhutan consists in the presence,,

of two Buddhist temples, s K y e r - c h u IHa-khang in the sPa-gro

v a l l e y and Byams-pa'i IHa-khang in the Bum - t h a n g province.

Not only do t hey co n f o r m to the known c h a r a c t e r of the most

ancient Tibetan temples b ut many of the l i t e r a r y sources place

them w i t h i n an elaborate system of temple const r u c t i o n d e v i s e d

b y King S r o n g - b t s a n sGam-po who ruled Tibet fro m c, 627 to 6U9.

This system is ass o c i a t e d w i t h certain g e o m a n t i c principles

said to have b een i n t r oduced b y his Chinese queen to assist in

the conversion of Tibet to the new religion. Although, as w e

shall see, its operation came to have a pcwerful symbolic value

in the minds of all later historians for its strongly t e r r i t o r ­

ial implications a n d for its p h y s i c a l d e p i c t i o n of Buddhist

conversion, n e i t h e r the scheme itself n o r the a c c o m p a n y i n g story

have yet b e e n subjected to critical analysis. A n y attempt to

determine the possible h i s t o r i c i t y o f this potent m y t h requires

a survey of all tha a v a i l a b l e references to it in the s u r v i v i n g

literature. It must be said at the outset, however, that

while this literature of Tibetan provenance recounts the story

as a tokenof p o l i t i c o-religious domination, for the Bhutanese

themselves the prestige of havi n g within t h e i r t e r ritory two

of the twelve temples which constituted the scheme nat u r a l l y

derives more from a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h a venerable past than with

•i
any coercive p l a n of its power f u l northern neighbour, o
 Before e x a m i n i n g the historical treatment to

w h i c h this idea has "been subjected let us c o n s i d e r the

actual locations of the two temples in Bhutan. Generally

speaking we s h a l l no t have much occasion to deal with, the

contents of these and o t h e r early Bhutanese temples "but

Instead shall "be c o n c e ntrating on their external aspects

and on the literary sources which provide s i g n ificant

references to them. To try to separate the few original

statues and w a l l - p a i n t i n g s fro m all the later w o r k of

r estoration a nd r e f u r bishment w o u l d "be a difficult and

perhaps profitless task. A single exc e p t i o n is p r o v i d e d

"by the case of the d K o n - m chog-gsum temple in Bum-thang

w h ose a n t i q u i t i e s .are of extraordinary interest. Another

important feature of these temples which w i l l he om i t t e d

b e c ause it contributes nothing to our k n o wledge of their

origins is that f ascinating movement w h e r e b y the a u t o c h ­

thonous deities a s s o c i a t e d with each locale were b r ought

\
into the temples to act as their protective divinities.

The temple of s K y e r - c h u (pronounced ’K i c h u * ) is

situated t o w ards the top end of the sPa-gro v a l l e y in the

hamlet of the same name. It lies at some distance from the

west b a n k of the sPa-chu river which cuts the v a l l e y down

the centre, roughly halfway b e t w e e n the two fortresses

(rdzong) of Rin-spungs and fBrug-rgyal. The compact group

of one-storied temples lies among paddy f i e l d s which rise

behind the temple until they merge into the mountainside

forming the w a t e r s h e d with the adjoining valley of Ha to

the west. The principal temple, to w h i c h the others must

 Brag-skyes -
To Jo-mo IH a -ri and sPang-mtsho
the Tibetan border —*

' O-rgyan / ////l^%.

. r lse-mo • [ U
X o O d -g s a l-s g a n g -^ I
sTag-tshang Zangs-mdog dPal-ri

• Chos-skyong-rtse

• gSang-sngags Chos-’khor To Thimphu

Bras-la rDzong Q

• rD o mChod rten-

□ rDzong Miles
■ Royal residence
» Temple/monastery
o G u r-u ’i gnas
Sketchmap showing approximate position To sKyabs-khra
of the major sites in the sPa-gro Valley
have "been joined at later dates, contains a fine south-

facing image of the C r o wned Buddha known as the sKyer-chu

Jo-bo w h i c h is s urrounded b y sta n d i n g images of b o d h i sattvas

the
a n d w h i c h is locally con s i d e r e d t o be the equal of/famous

lHa-sa Jo-bo. It does not seem possible to attribute this

figure to any particular p e riod and the most that m a y be

said is that the general s t y l e precedes the h i g h l y ornamented

one which developed under the late 'Brug-pa p e r i o d and w h i c h

is now found in almost every temple throughout the country.

Local t r a d i t i o n s hold that the present building and its

contents are not the original structure a t t r i b u t e d to Srong-

b t s a n sGam-po but later r e f u r b i s h m e n t s ., G i v e n th e fact that

the principal shrine is still of very m o d e s t p roportions a n d

that s u b s idiary temples have b e e n added to it w e can safely

assume, however, that the dimensions o f the original b u i l d i n g

were p r e s erved throughout later w o r k s of restoration. If we

are to a c c e p t the unlikely statement made in the rGyal-rabs

gsal-ba'i m e -long (f.60a) w h i c h is taken up b y dPa'-bo

gTsug-lag (Vol.Ja,ff. 39b-hOa) these dimensions wer e layed

down b y an architect from Th o - g a r or Tho-d k a r (Tokharistan ?).

We shall be returning to this question later but suffice it to

say here that no such architect is known to a ny Bhutanese

tradition. That the temple is one of S r o n g - b t s a n sGam-po's

appears to hav e b e e n accepted without qu e s t i o n b y a whole

line of 1 t e x t - d i s c o v e r e r s 1 of the Bon and Buddhist faiths a nd

indeed b y c o u n t l e s s generations of saints and p i l grims who

went there. The restoration of the temple is a l l uded to in

’kh® rGyal-po bka *thang (f.75a) where we read that some of the

'material treasures' (n o r - g t e r ) hidden there were intended to

be used for the r e p a i r of the temple.

 When we turn to c o n s i d e r Byams-pa I H a - khang ('The J
Temple of M a i t r e y a ’) in B u m - t h a n g we are i m m e d i a t e l y s t r u c k

b y how cl o s e l y its site and structure resemble those of

sKyer-chu I H a -khang in sPa-gro. It is s i m i l a r l y situated

on the f l o o r of the upper part of the C h o s - ' k h o r v a lley

quite close to the wes t b a n k of the s o uth-flowing Bum-thang

river (also k n o w n as the lOam-mkhar C h u ) , about two miles

north of B y a - d k a r rDzong, w i t h the side of the valley rising

up behind. Again, the principal shrine is j o i n e d to a n u m b e r

of other ones which w o u l d have b e e n a d d e d during later

periods. The similarity of their external aspects is not,

however, so c l o s e l y matched b y their interior disposition.

The principal image of Byams-pa IHa-khang, from w h i c h its name

clearly derives, is a large east-facing Maitreya. The T i betan

sources for the legend never mention the t e m p l e b y name but

simply refer to "the temple of Bum-thang". There a r e in fact

several candidates f or a n t i q u i t y among the temples of that

p rovince a n d apart f r o m the unanimous a s s e rtions of the local

traditions today and its 'classical' lo c a t i o n there do not

seem to be any independent and p o s i t i v e •means of confirming

the asc r i p t i o n of Byams-pa IHa-khang to Srong-btsan sGam-po.

The first historical reference to it b y name can be dated to

1 3 5 5 , the yea r in w h i c h the great K l o n g - c h e n - p a wrote his

eulogy of the B u m -thang province. The relevant passage,

cryptic to the point of ambiguity, reads:

b ar-na thang .yungs chu-bo'l shar-phyogs-la / /

bsam-yas me-btsa' c hos-'khor lha-khang dang / /
nub-na byams-pa sgrol-ma lh a - khang gnyis / /
lha-sa fu - s h a n g - r d o -.yi lha-khang bzhengs / /

(Bum-thang lha'i sbas-yul-gyi bkod-pa me-t o g s k y e d - t s h a l .

f . 2U&)
 Mon-la-khar-chung
To Lung-nag-nang'f . <r?y a n d sKu-lha-mkha’- *
\ N •Con the Tibetan border
^ ^ I 1 X \ \ I aV \ v I I • •

• D ur-gyi IHa-khang
V / ''/S h u g -b ra g o
X f / 7 •i To mKhan-pa-Iung
X •L u g -g i Rwa-ba

vJ „ , c C fO x C h u -s to d N am -m kha’
-b a -th a n g A 3 Sam^ ^ T ^' IHa-khang #
/s K u - r je s o \ • 8 ra m -z h in g ^ ^ ^ ^ > Glang-mo-gling •
C \ V » d Kon-mchog-gsum (rT sis-hmg)
^5* ^ iklCags-mkhar lHa-khangl^T ^ K ha-rags IHa-khang
^ O Byams-pa*i IHa-khang^ ^ — ' • O-rgyan Chos-gling
#Pad-tshal-gling Gham-gling A-nu
IHa-khang
kdBang-’dus Chos-gling
Bya-dkar rDzong □ \ q ^ • Gong-dkar dGon-pa
A Bya-dkar IHa-khang
Bla-ma’i d G on-pa* , ^ Kun-bzang-brag
V r* /' / \ Ri-mo-can o ^

M e -’bar-mtsho j / f

f /Shing-mkhar •
sTang-sa-sbe /
sPra-mkhar
gSum-’phrang •
bKra-shis Chos-gling *
(sDom-mkhar rDzong)

Miles

To gShong-sgar
□ rDzong
■ Royal residence
• T emple/monastery Sketchmap showing approximate position of
o G u -ru’i gnas the major sites in the Bum-thang Province.
This would see m to mean: "On the e a s tern side of t h e river,

on the b r o a d plain in the central </part of the valley

C h o s - ' k h o r Temple; to the west, the two t e m p l e s of Byams-pa

^/andT" sG-rol-ma, </and there also exists/7" the 'U-shang-rdo

Temple i n IHa-sa — </all these were/7" built ^/as/" the foci

(m e - b t s a ') of bSam-yas." This places the temple of Byams-pa

in a simplified v e r s i o n of the geomantic system havi n g the

IHa-sa J o -bo at its centre, here replaced b y the m o n a s t e r y

of bS a m - y a s founded b y K h r i - s r o n g IDe-brtsan in c.75U. The

sense of the passage depends on the i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of me-btsa'

I follow Das (T i b e t a n - E n g l i sh D i c t i o n a r y , p . 971) in t a k i n g it

as sa-yi lte-ba or sa-gnad c h e - b a . "any important place

excellent in p o s i t i o n and free from the d e p r e d a t i o n s of

m alignant spirits, and on such places Buddhist viharas are .

enjoined to be erected". The quotation-he g i ves in support of

this d e f i nition (from f . 1 5 3 of on unidentified b i o g r a p h y of

Atisa) a l t h o u g h unclear, w o u l d confirm the o p inion that

m e - b t s a 1 (or m e - t s a ) is a geomantic term ref e r r i n g to places

w h i c h act in a strange w a y on other places, just as' in

acupuncture one or several points in the b o d y relate to the

2
operation of its vital organs. Here it is bS a m - y a s w h i c h

was in some w a y 'activated' b y the const r u c t i o n of these other

temples. The temple of C h o s - ' k h o r (which is also the name

of this part i c u l a r valley in Bum-thang) is p l a c e d on the easjt

b a n k of the river but the n ame has not s u r v i v e d elsewhere.

The only t e m p l e of undoubted antiquity on that b a n k is rTse-

lung (or rTsis-lung, now called dKon-mchog-gsum, on w h i c h

more later) a n d this may be another old name for that f o u n d a ­

tion. On the west bank, we are told, are the twin temples of

Maitreya a n d Tara, of w h i c h now only the M a i treya still exists

However, the passage could he interpreted as referring

to a single b u i lding containing both these temples.

'U-shang-rdo n e a r IHa-sa is k n own to be a famous foundation

°f Khri gTsug-l d e - b r t s a n (Ral-pa-can) 8 1 5 - 0 .8 3 6 ; its

m e n t i o n alongside these distant temples of a 'barbarian1

region does not engender much confidence in the story.

It seems likely that K l o n g -chen-pa s i mply r e p e a t e d a local

tradition he heard during his exile in Bum-thang, probably

an expression of that widespread movement b y w h i c h

P a dmasambhava (whose name is so closely linked w i t h the

founding of bSam-yas) came to surpass even S rong-btsan sGam-

po as the true progenitor of Buddhism in the area,

A single gen e r a t i o n a f t e r K l o n g -chen-pa his Bhutan-

by, Padmasambhava
ese incarnation Padma Gling-pa gives us a 'p r o p h e c y ’/ o n all

the old temples of Bum-thang. A l t h o u g h we shall be a n t i c i ­

pating some important themes which require separate discussion

it is worth hearing the s t o r y at this point. In reply to

King Khri S r o n g - l d e - b r t s a n 1s request that he should foretell

the "ups a n d downs" of Bum-thang, P a d m a sambhava explains thajt

"in previous times w h e n there were no l h a - p a " (this, unless

the text is corrupt, seems to mean .simply "religious persons")

the King Sendha Ra-tsa (see Section 2 below) a c ted as p a t r o n

for the c o n s t r u c t i o n of Byams-pa IHa-khang. The G u r u then

tells the King: "Now y o u too must build; a temple w i t h three

kinds of roof-tiers (d b u - r t s e ) at a place where the demons

(d a m - s r i ) and spirits (l h a - Td r e ) are forgathered on top of

the left foot of a mo u n t a i n shaped like^a demoness (s r i n - m o )

reclining on her back in the centre of Bum-thang. If y ou do

that it will in general b e n e f i t the teachings of Himavat

and in p a r t icular / t h e temple/7" will become the life-force

(s r o g ) of the teachings of bSam-yas and Bung-thang." The

King therefore sends B a -mar K h r i -zheng (also spelt Ba-mi

Khri-zhir) of Y a r -lung to Bum-thang. (His name must "be a

c orrupted form of that of the minister sBa / = d B a s / Khri-

"bzher Sang-shi~ta in s B a - b z h e d , p . 50.) The temple of rTse-

lung is "built by him with "the Indian King dByugs-ston"

a c ting as patron. At t h a t time the G u r u a l s o comes to give

directions and so the temple of A - n u is b u ilt in the sTang

v a l l e y "to subdue the border" (t h a - ' d u l . i.e. m t h a 1 - Td u l ) and

the temple of Rin-chen dGe-gnas is built in the vi l l a g e of

Zung-nge (in what is now called the Chu-smad valley) "to j

subdue the area b e y o n d the border" (yang - !d u l ) . There follows

a long list of s tupas and images which were b u ilt at d i f f erent

places in the province on the Guru's advice. Now the p r i n c i ­

pal interest of this story lies in the w a y Byams-pa IHa-khang

is r e c k o n e d to have been built at a date p r ior to the m ain

sequence of events a nd this must have al i g n e d w i t h a local

belief, still e x p r e s s e d today, that it is indeed the oldest

temple in the province. The notion of a demoness srin-mo

lying on her back a n d the idea of temples built to subdue the

outlying areas are directly b o r r o w e d from the p r i n c i p a l myth

concerning Srong-btsan sGam-po's construction of his twelve

temples w i t h the J o - k h a n g of IHa-sa in the centre. As in the

case of K l o n g - c h e n - p a 's account, we ar e faced here w i t h a

transposition of the chief protagonist's role f r o m toe K i n g

to the G u r u and of the location of the c h i e f temple from

IHa-sa to bSam-yas. A n o ther parallel can be found in the

chronicles of Z a n g s - d k a r w h ere at the b e g i n n i n g we read that

the G u r u b u ilt a set of three temples on the head, heart a nd

feet of a demoness w h o s e spread-eagled b o d y enco m p a s s e d the

whole region (Prancke 1 9 2 6 : 1 5 2 ).

 A fu r t h e r hint at the antecedence of Byams-pa lHa- j

khang is suggested b y the fact that although in the 1p r o p h e c y 1

quoted above the 'Sindhu R a j a 1 was supposed to have b u i l t it,

w h e n we t u r n t o Padma Gling-pa's own a c c o u n t of that f i g u r e 's

life^* there is no reference to its construction. R a t h e r it

is suggested tha t the temple a l r eady exists, the G u r u leaving

b u t t e r f o r its lamps and a gu a r d i a n to look a f ter it. This

took place after he had cured the K i n g and before he left fo r

India to mediate a settlement with King sNa'u-che. Both texts

foretell how the fate of the temple constitutes one of the

thir t y 'evil times' (d u s - n g a n ) that will b e f a l l t h e province.

The 'prophecy' says the temple-keeper's f a m i l y w i l l die out

and the King's b i o g r a p h y says that its fabric will be restored,

events w h i c h we can p r o bably safely assume took place w i t h i n

the memo r y of Padma Gling-pa's contemporaries. The attribution

to t h e 'Sind h u Raja' can probably be explained b y the temple's

close pr o x i m i t y to the supposed site of his n ine-storied palace

of l C a g s-mkhar a nd to the 'tomb' of his.- son, sTag-lha Me-'bar,

less than a mile to the east on the w e s t ban k of the river,

, While, therefore, we have the incons is t e n d es of

Padma Gling-pa's v i s i o n a r y treatment o f the oral legends as

tending to discount their veracity, there is on the other h a n d

no solid evidence in support of later claims that Byams-pa

IHa-khang is indeed the one founded in B u m - t h a n g in the 7th

century b y S r o n g - b t s a n sGam-po. But Padma Gling-pa's own r e f ­

erences to it do suggest an historical precedence over all '

other candidates,"^ we have the absence of any conv i n c i n g e x ­

planation o t her than the one afforded by the s t ory of the

S rong-btsan temples, and as noted above, its site in the

Chos - ' k h o r v a l l e y approximates very closely indeed to the

site of s K y e r - c h u in the sPa— gro valley, a fact w h i c h at

the most could he taken to imply its being part of the

same scheme of temple construction and at the least suggests

a contem p o r a n e i t y of style and origin. Both temples, it

s h o u l d be remembered, lie in districts i m m e d i a t e l y contiguous

to central Tibet, separated from it in each case b y a single

pass — districts which c e r t ainly had the most abiding

contacts with the main currents of Tibetan h i s t o r y in all ages

Finally, there is the ancient sgrub of Bya m s - p a IHa-khang, a

festival which, it has b een a r g u e d elsewhere (Aris 1976 :

609-610) appears to b e a r vestiges of the old A g r i c u l t u r a l

New Year w h i c h falls at the time of the w i n t e r solstice and

w h i c h has now almost disappeared in this part of the country.

The celebration of this ancient festival w i t h i n the precincts

of the must ancient temple in the district would be in the

fitness of things. The transfer of these rites, w h i c h cannot

have had a Buddhist origin, into a Buddhist setting does not

cause surprise. The same process took place over m a n y

centuries in the c elebration of the official New Y e a r in

IHa-sa•

The argument so far has tended to s u g g e s t that if

there were temples built b y Srpng-btsan sGam-po in the area

we now know as B h u t a n these could, according to present

tradition, only be Byams-pa IHa-khang and s K y e r - c h u IHa-khang

But did that k i n g in fact implement this famous scheme of

t e m p l e -building ? How is it structured ? Do the Bhutanese

temples figure consistently in the lists ? Where, and on

what evidence, does the story first appear ?

There are ten sources which deal with the matter in

detail an d which m a y be listed in what w o uld a p p e a r to be

their chronological order as follows:

I) Ma~n i b k a ' - ' b u m of the 12th to 14th centuries ?

(Punakha edition in two volumes. See Vol.E, f.137a = p . 273)*

XI) C h o s - ' b y u n g of Bu-ston, 1322 (IHa-sa edition, f.124b;

translated b y Obermiller, Heid e l b e r g 1932 Vol.I, p . 1 8 5 ).

III) rG.yal-po b k a '-t-hang. c .1350 (d G a 1-1-dan F h u n - t s h o g s - g l i n g

edition of 1674, Ch.IV, ff.UOb, 76b a n d 77a. Anne-Marie

B l o n d e a u (1971 : 42) suggests this w a s 'discovered*by

0 - r g y a n Gling-pa (1323-?) p r i o r to 1368).

IV) rGyal-rabs g s a l - b a Tl me - l o n g of Sa-rskya-pa b S o d - n a m s

rGyal-mtshan, 1368 (Ed. Kuznetsov, L e i d e n 1966 ; 120-122.

I have b e e n unable to check Kuznetsov's spellings, often

f a u l t y or w r o n g l y corrected, against the editions of e i t h e r

IHa-sa or b D e - d g e ) . . t

V) rGya-bod y i g - tshang of Sribhutibhadra, 1434

(Mr. Richardson's copy, f.97b. See A. M a c d o n a l d (1963) on

this wo r k ) . >

V I) Chos - ' b y u n g mkhas-pa'i dga'-ston (iHo-brag c h o s - ' b y u n g )

of dPa'-bo gTsug-lag. 'Phreng-ba, 1565 (S a t a - P i taka S e r i e s . ,

Vol. 9(4) 9 ed. L o k e s h Chandra, New Delhi 1962, See Vol. J&. ^

39b-40a).

VII) C h o s - ' b y u n g bstan-pa'i padma rgyas-pa'i n y i n - b y e d of

Padma dKar-po, 1575 (S a t a - P i taka S e r i e s i Vol. 75, ed.

Lokesh Chandra, New.Delhi 1958. See ff. 159a-b).

V I I I ) G a n g s - c a n yul-gyi sa - la spyod-pa'i m tho-ris-kyi rgy a l - b l o n

g t s o-bor b r j o d - p a ' i deb-t h e r rdzogs-ldan g z h o n-nu'i dga'-ston

dpyid-kyi rgyal-mo'i g l u - dbyangs of the;5th Dalai Lama, 1 643

(Ed. N g a w a n g Gelek Demo, New Delhi 1967'. See p . 23.).

IX) d P a g - b s a m l.jon-bzang of Sum-pa mKhan-po Y e - s h e s dPal-'byor,

1748 (Ed. Das, Calcutta 1908. See p.l68).

X) g S u n g - ' b u m of Klon g - r d o l Bla-ma K g a g - d b a n g Bl o - b z a n g 1719-

1805 (Ed. Dalama, Mussoorie 1,964. See V o l . 'A,pp.334-335) •

 It is apparent from this list that the story of

S r o n g - b t s a n 1s temples w o u l d seem to have its origins in the

early gter-ma literature, that there are no c o n t e mporary

accounts d a t i n g from the dynastic period and, most interestingly,

that the story was a c c e p t e d uncritically by the late

dGe-lugs-pa historians who w e r e usually sce p t i c a l of these

'revealed' texts. As shall be seen, the story forms a vital

sub-plot in the nar r a t i v e of Srong-btsan's r elationship with

his Nepalese and Chinese queens and their acti v i t i e s directed

towards the Buddhist conversion of Tibet. A l t h o u g h there

seems little doubt that this most 'orthodox' account stems

from a s t r o n g l y m a n i f e s t e d desire on the part of early

historians to link t h e i r Buddhist heritage to the p e r i o d of

Tibet's g r e atest power, the v e r y materials they drew on can in

man y instances be shown to be of ancient provenance, albeit

thoroughly doctored to t h e i r aims. To wihat e x tent this

rewoiking of old material w a s a conscious p r o c e s s is most

difficult to determine. Wilful forgery;,and o t h e r kinds of

literary s k u l d uggery are not things w h i c h c a n b e r e a d i l y

a s s o c i a t e d with the mai n spirit of Tibetan w r i t i n g in a n y

period. H a l f - r e m e m b e r e d fragments of remote traditions

(which on o c c a s i o n might just approximate to som e t h i n g that

a ctually happened) c an be interpolated I m a g i n a t i v e l y into a

story w i t h o u t this o f f ending the native.; idea of textual

propriety. R a t h e r t hey tend to bolster;, the a u t h e n t i c i t y of

the story in tie eyes of its readers. In the Tibetan w o r l d

notions of 'fact' a n d 'fiction' often seem to disappear into

something alt o g e t h e r different and removed. To tr y to

separate the two is often an unrewarding task where the 'fact'

is itself part of a . v i s i o n a r y scheme. The historian has to

tread very w a r i l y here, fully aware of the e n o r m o u s •pitfalls

 45)

open to h i m on a path which might in the e nd bring him

to v a l uable results or, more likely perhaps, none at all.

In the case of the Ma-ni b k a ' - ' b u m there seems little

certainty yet about the origin of its contents or the

circumstances of its compilation. Fortunately, however,

the p r e a m b u l a r index (d k a r - c h a g s ) to the splendid Punakha

edition (Vol.E, ff. 5n-12a) supplies enough i n f o rmation to

suggest a few tentative conclusions. The work divides into

three parts, namely: I) m d o - s k o r ("The Section on S u t r a s " ) ;

2) s g r u b - s k o r ("The Section on S a d hanas" ) ; an d 3) sha1 -gdams-kyi‘

skor ("The Section on Testaments"). A certain mahasiddha :

dNgos-grub is said to have first d iscovered the sgr u b - s k o r

from the J o - k h a n g in IHa-sa and passed.this on to m N g a ’-bdag

M y ang w h o in t u r n r e c o vered the 1 5 0 "testaments" s i m ilarly

hidden b y the king, Myang b e s t o w e d b o t h of these onto

Mi-skyod rDo-rde of L a - s t o d who p a ssed them to rJe-btsun

Shakya bZang-po. The l a tter then d iscovered the Gab-pa

m n g o n - phyung-gi skor and the "Section on S u t r a s " , thus

completing the w h o l e cycle of texts in thi s coll e c t i o n w h i c h

was p a s s e d in its en t i r e t y to lHa-r.je dGe-'bum from w h o m they

were transmitted in a long line o f eighteen masters down to

the first TPharmara{ja * of Bhutan, Z habs-drung N g a g - d b a n g

rNam-rgyal. This a c c o u n t o f the compilation and transmission

of the M a - n i b k a ^ ' b u m conforms in most of its p a r t i c u l a r s to

the i n f o r mation g i v e n in the Blue Annals a n d the lives of the

*r e d i s c o v e r e r s ’ b y K o n g -sprul Blo-gros. m T h a 1 - y a s . Grub-thob

dNgos-grub a n d mNga *-bdag Myang (or Nyang; his ful l name is

Nyang-ral Nyi-ma f0d-zer) are said to have b e e n contemporaries

of the great .Karma-pa D u s -gsum mKhyen-pa (11.10-1193) a n d ,

Phag-mo Gru-pa (1110-1170).s Although dNgo s - g r u b ' s dates

are not g i v e n b y K o n g - s p r u l h e does give us those of

Nyang: 112^.-120h# But these do not s e e m r i ght since he

is said to have died at the age of 6 9 and these w o u l d

make him 80. Stein, on w h a t evidence it is not clear,

gives the dates 1 1 3 6 - 1 2 0 3 / U which w o u l d fit b e t t e r . ^

A l t h o u g h Nyang seems to have b e e n a far more important

10
figure than dNgos-grub , it is the latter w h o m Kong-sprul

spec i f i c a l l y says must be remembered as the one responsible

for the Ma-ni b k a ’- ' b u m , even t h o u g h it represents the

gter-chos of three quite different persons. dNgos-grub

is also k n o w n to the Bon-po as g Z h o d-ston dNgos-grub

("The T e a c h e r f r o m gzhod") for his recovery of c e r tain

texts b e h i n d the image of V a i r o c a n a in the m K h o - m t h i n g j

temple of lHo-brag. That the sadhanas d e v o t e d to

A v a l o k i t e s v a r a which he is said to have d i s c o v e r e d were

his own a nd not l a ter incorporations in the cycle is clear

fro m the Blue A n n a l s where he is found bestov/ing them on

Rog S h e s - r a b - ’od (11 6 6 —1 21+2+) when the flatter was about

11
nin e t e e n in 118Ij.. There seems less certainty a b out the

remaining sections which K o n g - s p r u l describes as " t r i b u t a r y

rivers" (c h u - l a g ) to the sadhanas. The "testaments" of the

k i n g are said to be the re covery of N y ang and no doubt more

can be learnt about this in the Nyangv.family chronicles,

the m N g a !-bdag y a b-sras-kyl skye-r a b s a r n a m - t h a r w h ich

Kong-sprul (g T e r - s n a m . f.5Qa) says are located in the s N g a - !gyur

/= r N y i n g - m a 7 r g y u d - ’b u m . But it is the "Section on

S u t r a s " w h i c h most concerns us here b e c a u s e it is in this

that we find a strange collection of narrative works

devoted to the life of the great S r o n g - b t s a n sGam-po himself.

Most a u t h orities attribute their discc^very to rJe-btsun

Shakya b Z a n g - p o w h o r e c e i v e d a prophecy about them after

he h a d constructed m a n y w a t e r dikes and c o m p l e t e d w o r k s of
12
restoration in IHa-sa. He is reputed to have got them
* \
from the g N o d - s b y i n Khang-pa ("The House of the Yaksas")

inside the Jo-khang, which can p r o b a b l y be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h

the little temple m a rked No 1 6 in Richardson's plan of the

13
g r o u n d floor, on the north sid e of t h e main e n t r a n c e passage.

The actual content of this h i s t o r i c a l 1 s e c tion is a considerable

muddle. The f i rst item is the so-called L o - r g y u s chen-mo

(’•The Great Chronicle") w h i c h relates the lives of the

Bodhisattva A v a l o k i t e s v a r a and the Buddha Sakyamuni. The

editor.of our B h u t a n e s e edition says in an i n t e r l i n e a r note to

the dkar-chags that w h ile most sources m a i n t a i n this should be

in M chapters, the examples k n o w n to him a c t u a l l y contain only

36. The remaining two w o r k s listed as forming this section

(but which a r e in fact omitted from this; edit ion as in most

others 1 **), are famous canonical texts relating to the cult of

A v a l o k i t e s v a r a w h i c h Shakya b Z a n g - p o or one of his successors

decided should b e included. We are then left w i t h a further

four works c o nstituting a quite s e p a r a t e ,s u b - s e c t i o n finding

no m e n t i o n at a l l in the original d k a r - c h a g s . It is here that

the principal b i o g r a p h i c a l w o rks on the king are all situated

a n d w h i c h it must be surmi s e d are all later additions. This

in itself need not be taken to discount their antiquity. It

only affirms their later inclusion in the w h o l e corpus. The

problem, however, does not end there. To j u s tify their

inclusion the editor explains in a n o t h e r i n t e r l i n e a r comment

that it was most cer t a i n l y the k i n g ' s command that the

following w o r k s should obtain to the "Section on S u t r a s " ;

1 ) Me-tog r g y a n - p a 'i zhing-bkod.

2) b Ka'-chems mthon-m t h i n g - m a >

3 ) rGya 1 -bu 'jig-rten dbang-phyug-gl skyea-rabs

U) rGyal-po'i mdzad-pa n,yi-shu-rtsa-gcig-pa

5) bKa'-chems k a - b k o l - m a

Alas, the list corresponds only p a r t i a l l y to w h a t we actually

find in this or in any other surviving ed i t i o n of the M a - ni

b k a !-'bum k n o w n to us. It is p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s a p p o i n t i n g in

respect of item 3 to w h i c h there exist several enticing

references in other historical w o rks and which m ay yet prove

to be of great antiquity. Instead what w e are p r e s e n t e d w i t h

in this 'biographical s u b - s e c t i o n 1 is:

1 ) Sangs-rg.yas shakya thub-pa'i b stan-pa-la mdzad-pa'i lo-rg.vus

ff.97b-l2+Oa. ("The Account of ^/Srong-btsan s G a m - p o ' s / Deeds in

Regard to the Teachings of the Buddha S a k y a m u n i " ).

2) Sangs-rgyas gzhan-gyi b s t a n -pa-la mdzad-pa'i lo-rgyus,

ff, 1h0a - 167b, ("The Account ^ o f Srong-btsan s G a m - p o ' s /

Deeds in Regard to the Teachings of Other Buddhas").

3) FG.yal-bu 1 j i g - r t e n dbang-phyug-gi s k y e - r a b s . ff. 167b - 1 83b

("The Jataka of Prince L o k e g v a r a " ) .

k) rGyal-po'i mdzad-pa n y i - s h u - r t s a - g c i g - p a . ff. 1 83b - 211a.

("The Twenty-one Deeds of the King").

The first two items are. referred to as mDzad-pa lo-rgyus-kyi

skor ("The Section Containing the Chronicle of Deeds") and

the last two as gSung-gros man-ngag-gi skor (*'The Section

Containing the Precepts on Counsels"), a somewhat a r b i t r a r y

c l a s s i fication w h i c h bears little relevance, if any, to

t h eir actual content. It may be significant that items 3 a n d

h correspond to the same numbers given in the dkar-chags list

gi v e n above. If we put to one side the two middle items

(2 and 3 ) w h i c h represent the ten jataka stories of

King S rong-btsan sGam-po's previous lives, we are left wit h

item I in 12 chapters (hereafter referred to as A) and item U

in 21 chapters (hereafter B ) . They are. very close redactions

of the same traditions which from here p a s s e d into the

mai n stream of Tibetan historical writing. They deal

firstly w i t h the legendary arrival of Buddhist texts in the

time of lHa-tho~tho-ri gNya n - b t s a n and a b r i e f (but, in the

case of A, well-founded) g e n e a l o g y of the e a r l y kihgs; the

■conception a n d b i r t h of Srong-btsan sGam-po; his youth and

consecration; his i n troduction of religious laws; his

obtainment of Buddhist images; his marriages to the Nepalese

and Chinese princesses; the b u i l d i n g of temples; the

i n t r o duction of civil laws; the translation of scriptures j

and the concealment of g t e r - m a ; and finally, the king's

apotheosis. W h y should such a duplication of material occur

w i t h i n a s i n g l e collection such as this ? E v i d e n t l y several

hands were r e s p o n s i b l e for this 'biographical sub-section*

and apart f r o m Shakya bZ a n g - p o one is t e m pted to look to

lHa-r.je dGe-'bura (or dGe-ba-'bum) as taking a prominent part.

Kong-sprul (g T e r - r n a m , f, h1b) mentions hi m in place of

Skakya b Z a n g - p o a n d it is more than possible that his

activities extended b e y o n g simply passing down the c o m p leted

corpus as t h e dkar-chags would have us believe. It may b e

that in dGe-'bum we have the final re d a c t o r of t h e M a - ni

bka' - 'bum and this might, if his dates can be established,

entail a later date for the whole workt;than the one suggested

b y Haarh (1969 : 20): 1160 - 1214-0 . But, unless it is e n t irely

apocryphal, the b i o g r a p h y of Pha-,1o 'Brug-sgom Zhig-po

(11 8 !| - 1251) provides s t rong evidence t h a t the M a - n i b k a ' - ' b u m

already existed in that saint's youth; it is s p e c i f i c a l l y

me n t ioned among the teachings received b y him in Tibet before

1 *5
he came to Bhutan w h e r e later he besto w e d its 'authorisation'.

This must be the earliest independent r e f e r e n c e to the

Ma-ni b k a ' - ' b u m and c o n s i derably antedates those n o t iced b y

Stein
i6 in the "biography of Tsong-kha-pa and in the

rG-yal-rabs gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g .

These thoughts on t he problem of dating the work,

however, do not help us in the matter of deciding w h y A and B

should exist a l m o s t side b y side. Of the two, A is far more

detailed than B a l t hough it contains much the same material*

Should we surmise that the a u t h o r of A d e c i d e d that B did

not contain s u f f i c i e n t material and therefore used it as a

basis upon w h i c h he could introduce the more extensive legends

known to him ? Or did the a u t h o r of B decide that A w as too

long and complicated and t h e r e f o r e required s h o r t e n i n g ? Or

else did he decide that much of the i nformation c o n t a i n e d in

A was fanciful a n d s h o u l d be excised in an a t t e m p t to pr o d u c e

a purer version '? O r f i n a l l y do both accounts derive i

i m m e d i a t e l y f r o m a common ancestor unknown to us ? The

methodology of man y Tibetan historians itends towards a

c o n t r action of original source material, a selective process

w h i c h reduces complex subjects into simple ones according

to the a u t h o r ’s natural bias. Difficulties are g l o ssed over

or re s h a p e d to fit the ac c e p t e d structures. On the other ;

hand we also f i n d certain outline schemes b e ing expanded to

encompass the material known to the historian, a p r o cess in

w h i c h i m a g i n a t i o n has full rein w h e n dealing w i t h events of the

remote past. In our case detai l e d textual analysis might

provide clues as to the relationship b e t w e e n A and B but

since the central elements of our story are c o n t a i n e d in

both versions we can, having underlined the existence of

these problems, leave them aside and turn at last to the

story's substance. . Since of the two A seems the sharper a n d

w o u l d appear to have the reater internal logic it is used/

below to retell the story in a greatly condensed form, j

 A m o n g the parting gifts w h i c h the Princess Kong-Jo

requests from her f a t h e r b e f o r e leaving China to m a rry

Srong-btsan sGam-po (in 61+0 AD) is men t i o n e d a divination

chart des c r i b e d as Ka s t r i p e d scroll of trigrams in 3 ^4- sections"

(p a r - t h a n g khra-bo s u m - c u - r t s a - b z h i . f. 121a). W hat she in

fact receives is called "a div i n a t i o n chart in 3 0 0 sections

executed a c c o rding to the Chinese d i v i natory sciences"

(rgya-yl g t s u g -lag gata-rtse s u m - b rp;ya-po. f . 122b). It is

this object w h i c h s he later uses in her geo m a n t i c reckonings

to determine the most f a v o u r a b l e sites :for h e r temples a n d on

f. 1 2 7 b there is some u n c o nvincing s p e c u l a t i o n on the ety m o l o g y

of the w o r d g a b - r t s e . The pr a c t i c e of'divinati on during

S r o n g - b t s a n 1s reign was a c o m p l e x a m a lgam of Indian, Ghinese

a n d T i b e t a n forms, as can readily be seen in A r ianne M a c d o n a l d fs

analysis of the important T u n - h u a n g document, P e lliot No. 101+7

(A. M a c d o n a l d 1971:272-309). She claims this text was

redacted d u ring the reign of Srong-btsan himself, and it is

inte r e s t i n g to note that some of the d i v i n a t i o n charts

m e n t i o n e d there contain the element p ar in t h e i r names (as in

s k a n g - p a r . r y u - p h a r - 1 h u n . etc) which I have a s s umed derives

^ rom b a r - k h a . ' t r i g r a m 1.

O n arrival in lHa-sa the wheels' of the chariot

t r a n s porti ng the famous image of Sakyamuni w h i c h Kong-Jo

is also taking with h e r get stuck in the sand and despite

the efforts of the two champions lHa-dga'^and K l u - d g a f who'

are a c c o m p a n y i n g the p a r t y as bodyguards (and from whom,

incidentally, the rGya clan of the 'Brug-pa school claim

descent) the chariot cannot b e moved. Ko n g - J o wishes to

examine the cause of this and having layed out h e r "striped

scroll of trigrams" a n d w o r k e d out "the reckonings acc o r d i n g

to the divinatory sciences" (gtsug-lag-gi r t s i s . f. 1 2 9 b)

she perceives that the w h o l e of Tibet "is like a demoness

(s r i n - m o ) fallen on h er back". The Plain o f Milk in lHa-sa

is the palace of the king of the k l u spirits and the lake in

the Plain of Milk is the h eart-blood of the demoness. Of

the three peaks rising from the p l ain two of the m are h er

breasts and the third is the vein of her life-force. It is

the evil conjunctions of all t h ese w h i c h explains "the evil

behaviour / p f the T i b e t a n s f i n c l u d i n g brig a n d a g e a n d so

forth". But besides these b a d configurations the place has

certain goo d qualities w h i c h a r e duly listed. She perceives

17
that if a temple is built on the P l a i n of Milk the natural

good qualities (rang-bzhin-gyi y o n - t a n , f. 130a) of Tibet

w o u l d come forth and' flourish. P u r t h e r . c a l c u l a t i o n s establish

that in order to activate these qualities the f o l lowing sites

have to be disposed: 1 ) "a place w h e r e . m a n y people foregather,

the king's site"; 2 )i"a place where many monks foregather, the

site of a temple"; 3 ) "a place w h e r e many rsi foregather, the

site of a monastery"; and i+) "a place w h e r e h a p p i n e s s is

pu r s u e d temporarily, a site for the common people". In order

to establish the last of these first, five impediments have to

b e removed: 1 ) "the palace of the k l u " ; 2 ) "the c a i r n of thej

'd r e " ; 3 ) "the b e d of the m a - m o " ; l\.) "the habitual p a t h of

the b t s a n " ; a n d 5 ) "the sa-dgra of the elements" — in fact

al l those locations associated with the, a u t o c h t o n o u s deities

of Tibet's centre. The k l u p a l a c e is itself c o u n tered b y the

famous image of Sakyamuni w h i c h is set up in t e m porary fashion

un der a c a nopy supported b y four pillars and g u a r d e d b y the.

two champions.

Ko n g-Jo is then a d m i t t e d t o the king's presence a n d a

i

■great public festival ensues. Meanwhile the Nepalese queen

Kh r i -btsun who is in the palace of S o g - po-mkhar notices all

this. Seeing all t he commotion and n o ting the fact that

Kong-Jo has b r o u g h t this precious image w i t h h e r she thinks:

"Kong-Jo too w i l l b u i l d a temple and since she is expert in

Chinese g e o m a n c y (rg.ya-nag-po sa'i d p y a d . f. 131a) she will

bu ild other temples too. Since I a m the senior consort my ^

memorials s h ould be greater. I must not let he r b u i l d temples

until I have b u ilt a temple." P e r e m p t o r i l y summoning Ko n g - J o

she explains this to her. Kong-Jo does not dispute but

suggests to K h r i - b t s u n that she builds her temple on the lake.

K h r i - b t s u n is furious and refuses to let K o n g - J o see the king

f o r a whole year. Later they appear to .make up and a long

verse dialogue ensues at the end of w h i c h Ko n g - J o repeats her

advice, saying it is not intended as a Joke. (End of Ch. 9)

K h r i - b t s u n then receives per m i s s i o n from the k ing to

b u i l d Buddhist temples w h e r e v e r she pleises so she lays the"

foundations of 108 temples in Yar-lung and other places.

What she builds b y day, however, is destroyed at night b y the

m a l ignant spirits. She resolves to consult K o n g - j o because of

h e r skill in Chinese g e o m a n c y and sends a m a i d servant to h e r

w i t h a measure of gol d powder. Kong-jo lays out h e r "striped

scroll of trigrams". H er calculations once a g a i n reveal all

the f a v o urable c o n d itions and evil impediments in the lie of

the land w h e r e she says the following must be established:

1 ) "a place where many l a y m e n foregather, the site of the

sa-bdag r g y a l - p o ; 2 ) "a place where monks foregather, the

site of a temple"; 3 ) "a place for those w h o pursue tem p o r a r y

happiness, the site for laymen"; and k) "a place for a

m o n a s t e r y for those w h o reside for a short time". This list

is a slight e laboration of the previous ;one and items 3 a n d 1+

have b e e n interchanged. As we shall see, Kong-jo is in fact

referring to one single site which possesses all these attributes

the future site of lHa-sa's Jo-khang 'Cathedral1, She

gives further details c o n c e r n i n g how the impediments to

its const r u c t i o n are to be removed: firstly, the cairn

"k*16 1 an d the-brang in the Gard e n of Musk D eer

is to b e destroyed a n d lastly the lake in the Milk Plain

is to be filled in w i t h earth. Besides these, many

injunctions are given such as the p o i n t i n g of Siva's linga

at the s r i n - m o 's pubic hair in order to suppress the

'earth-demon* (s a - d g r a ) of the e a s t j ^ K o n g - j o insists

that she has already explained these instructions but they

have b e e n misunderstood. The maid, however, in conveying

them to K h r i - b t s u n gets the order muddled a n d says the

first i n j u nction is to fill in the lake (in fact the last).

Earth is carried on the backs of g oatsrwhich alone have the

a b i lity of g e t t i n g ,through a forest w h i c h is in the way,

(This is w i d e l y thought b y Tibetans to be the origin of the

capital's name; Ra-ea . "Goat-Earth"^ b e c a m e lHa-sa , "God-

Place"). This a c t i v i t y only serves to-muddy the lake a n d

the k i n g advises K h r i - b t s u n to consult/.Kong-jo once more.

A d i f f erent mai d is sent who in t u r n receives the same

injunctions, only this time it is made, v e r y c l e a r that the

" t errestrial modifications" (sa'i b c o s - k h a - m a m s , f. 133b)

have to be per f o r m e d b e fore the lake is filled in, adding

that these modifications involve an azure dragon to the

south, a red b i r d to the west, a black tortoise to the n o r t h

a n d a striped tiger to the east. (See p .64 b e l o w a n d Table i H *

K h r i - b t s u n is now positive that K o n g - j o is deceiving

h e r out of jealousy an d goes to the king with her problem.

The king consults a sandal- wood image w h ich he had obtained

in a previous episbde, A r a y of light issues from it and

settles on the lake in the Milk Plain, f i l l i n g it with

light. The king rides down to the lake and the sound of

his horse's hooves is m a g n i f i e d so many times that the

local populace think there is a horse race in progress.

Each p e r s o n a c c o r d i n g to his karma sees the king in a

different manner. '(This is a theme w h i c h recur s throughout

the text.) The next d a y K h r i - b t s u n is told to a c c o m p a n y him

to the lake a n d on arrival the king commands her to b u i l d a

temple w h e r e v e r his ring falls. He throws it into the

it strikes h e r saddle a nd bounces into the lake. She is

convinced the w h o l e a f f a i r has been s t a g e - m a n a g e d b y the

king under the jealous influence of K o n g - j o and she bursts

into tears. D r a wing h er attention to the rays of light, the

k ing comforts h e r and promises to b u i l d h e r temple. She is

overjoyed. There follows a most difficult passage d e s c r i b i n g

first the erection of a palace for the iking b y the Bide of

the lake and t h e n the temple itself. Nepalese stone-masons

are employed to copy the luminous outline of a ma g i c a l stupa

w h i c h has app e a r e d in the lake (see Note 17 above). Timber

a nd "imperishable mud from the realm of the k l u " come up

from the bed of the lake. Foundati onsf. are gradually layed:

out using all sorts of dif f e r e n t materials on the plan of ,

"a tall Chinese mansion" of middling height (r g y a 1i l d e m - m k h a r .

f. 1 3 5 a ) . ^ The plan consists of i) "a square f o u n d a t i o n in

accordance w i t h t h e /common,7 people; 2) "a cheque r - b o a r d (

foundation f or a temple in accordance w i t h the monks"; and

3 ) "a site shaped like a swastika in acc o r d a n c e wit h the

20
Bon-po". But even these efforts a r e i w a s t e d be c a u s e the

malignant spirits once again d e s troy b y night what is b u ilt

b y day. At last the k i n g gains a spontaneous u n d e r standing

of all the geomantic configurations on which the fate of i

the temple depends so c l o s e l y and on which Kong-jo has

b e e n Insisting for so long. Before these are put in order

a nd the temple f i n a l l y completed, however, he conceives

the plan w h i c h p r o duced the two b o r d e r temples in Bhutan*

(B explains that it is part of K o n g - j o fs original scheme*)

S r o n g - b t s a n sGam-po perceives that the demoness

w h i c h encompasses the w h o l e of Tibet is striking out with

her arms and legs. In order to pin these down he builds

four temples in the central regions of t h e country known

as "The Pour'Great Horn-Suppressors" (R u - g n o n chen-po b z h l ) .

Then he constructs a f u r t h e r four temples to "tame the

border" (m T h a 1 - Td u l ) a n d finally a set of f o u r to "tame

the area beyo n d the border" (Y a n g - ' d u l ), each temple pinning

down part of a limb* At that time ther,Buddhas and_

Bodhisattvas see the king as A v a l o k i t e s v a r a b u i l d i n g

"palaces of the d h a r m a " for the sake of Tibet. The common

people of the f o u r ru a n d the four borders of Tibet all see

a figure of the kin g at the same time coming to give them

orders for the b u i l d i n g of temples. T h e "inner a n d outer

J t
retinue" of the king see him as refusing to b u i l d K h r i - b t s u n

temple until he has built temples elsewhere to suppress the

21
malignant spirits.

The entire p l a n of these templbs is illu s t r a t e d in

Table I and matches Stein's conception of the schema which

he seems to accept wi t h o u t reservation as reflecting

historical reality: "The conquering and civilizing function

of the first king, once he w as established at the centre,

was p e r f o r m e d in a c c o rdance w ith Chinese ideas: in square

concentric zones, each boxed in by the next a nd extending

farther and farther from the centre" (Stein 1972: 39).

 57
Table I

The Ru-gnon. m Tha'-'dul & Yang-'dul Temples

(according to the/Wa-/» bka'-’bum, ff. 137a & 199b)
sPa-gro Byang Tshang-pa:
sKyer-chu Rlung-gnon
1, fo o t Y A N G - 'D U L 1. hand

Mon: IHo-brag:
Bum -thang M TH A ’ - ’ DUL K h o -m th in g
1. knee 1. e lb o w

N?
Ru-lag: g. Y u-ru:
Grom -pa-rgyang r u _ GNON K hra-’ brug

1. h ip !. shoulder

S?

I IHa-sa:
1 ’ Phml-snang
\ (Jo-khang)

hcart-blood

r. hip r. shoulder
g.Yas-ru: R U -G N O N dBu-rn:
gTsang-’ gram Ka-tslial

r. elbow
Byang: M T H A '- ’ D U L Kong-po:
Pra-dun-rtse Bu-clni

r. fo o t r. hand

Mang-yul: Y A N G -’ DUL m D o-kham s G long-thang:

Byams-sprin sGron-ma
Reproduced courtesy o f A ris & P hillips L td ., W arm inster fro m the a u th o r’s
fo rth c o m in g w o rk, Bhutan The Early History o f a Himalayan Kingdom.
in preparation fo r 1978.
Ru-gnon

= m Tha’-’ dal

= Yang-’ dul

= d o u b tfu l

* Jo-khang
1. K hra-’ brug
2, Ka-tshal
3. gTsang-’ gram
4. Grom -pa-rgyang
5. Bu-clui
6. K h o -m th in g
7. B um -thang
8. Pra-dun-rtse
9. sGron-ma
10. Rlung-gnon
B H U T A N 11. Byams-sprin
12. sK yer-clui
 00

Although the details of the C h i nese scheme and its

relation to the Tibetan one have not b e e n worlced out b y Stein,

there seems every r e ason to accept it as the chief

source of influence. The Five Zones of Control are

11 u
described in the Y u K u n g ("The Tribute of Yu", forming a

chapter of the Shu C h i n g ) , a text now thought to b e l o n g to

the 5th Century BC. These zones (fu, lit. 1 subdue !) are

made up of concentric squares e x p a n d i n g f r o m the m e t r o p o l ­

itan area of the imperial centre and are e n n u m e r a t e d by

N e e d h a m as follows: (1) the 'royal domains' (tien f u ) ,

(2 ) the 'princes' domains' (h ou f u ) . (3 ) the 'pacification

zone* (sui fu) , (h) the zone of allied "barbarians (yao f u ) ,

*22
a nd l a s t l y ( 5 ) the zone of cultureless s a v agery (h u a n g f u ) .

(See Table II)The Tibetan scheme must s u r e l y have b e e n

a c o n t r a c t i o n of this or similar schemes in which zones 1 ,

h a n d 5 m a y perhaps have b e e n selected.;,as most a p p r o priate

to the Ti b e t a n w o r l d — a w o r l d which, 'let it not be

forgotten, the rulers of the 7 th and 8 th centuries c e r t ainly

h e l d to b e the equal, if not on occasion the actual superior,

of China. N o t hing meaningful c an yet be said on the important

question of when the basic Chinese p l a n w a s a c c e p t e d b y t he

Tibetans b u t the idea of Tibet b e ing s u r r o u n d e d b y 'degrees'

of b a r b a r i s m w h ich we f i n d s t r o n g l y e x p r e s s e d in m a p y e a rly

sources must have a c c o r d e d wel l w i t h this scheme. The term

which is s e m a n t i c a l l y most relevant to the c o n c eption of

m T h a '-'dul Y a n g - 'dul is that of m T h a '-khob Y a n g - k h o b .

"Barbarians of thet B o r d e r and Barbarians of the Are a Beyond1! ^

This is reminiscent of attitudes to the various kinds of

Klo-pa south of the Tsa-ri region, tribal peoples with w h o m

tne central Tibetans, however, a p pear to have made contact

rather later than the period u n d e r discussion.

 II u

Table II j The Concentric Zones of China according to the Yu Kung

(From Needham 1959*501)

i who

rwsn
*u*<

1) Imperial centre
2) Royal domain zone
3) Zone of the princes' domain
4) Pacification zone
5) Zone of allied barbarians
6) Zone of cultureless savagery

n
 The Chinese scheme has undergone a c h a r a c t e r ­

i s t i cally Tibetan p r o c e s s of adaptation: whereas the

original Chinese v e r s i o n is structured on a n o r t h - s o u t h

axis (with the e m p e r o r in the m i d d l e facing south) the

T i b e t a n one lies on an ea s t - w e s t axis as indicated b y the

alignment of the s r i n - m o 's limbs on the chart. Significantly,

the temples shown on the chart as east or west of the

J o - k h a n g do so in the sketch-map of locations; the same

does not hold f or the temples s e e n on the n o r t h - s o u t h axis.

All this accords w e l l w i t h the common Tibetan n o t i o n of their

c o u ntry lying up in the west (sTod mNga'-ris) and dov/n in the

east (mD o - s m a d Khams) . It m a y also b e t r a y a Bu d d h i s t

influence in that the srin-mo w h o represents Tibet on the

point of c o n v ersion has her h e a d p o i n t i n g to the east. A

f u r t h e r c o r r e lation w i t h Buddhist ideas<may lie in the fact

that the basic structure of the scheme resembles that of a

m a n d a l a . w h o s e cosmological significances were n e v e r lost

on the Tibetans. If these overtones w e r e present in the

min d of the scheme's architect, however,' he is more l i kely ,

to have lived in the 8th century or afterwards, during a

peri o d when the new faith h a d its roots: wel l established.

The f o u r ru which form the central zone (the shoulders a n d

hips of the s r i n - m o ) are themselves part of a s o u t h - o r i e n t a t e d

scheme. T h e y c o n s t i t u t e d the b a s i c units of m i l i t a r y a n d

economic a d m i n i s t r a t i o n but only reached their final f o r m

at the start of the 8th century, long a f ter S r o n g - b t s a n

sG-am-po's death: the first t h r e e ru (l^ft, right and centre,

looking south) f i n d : t h e i r earliest me n t i o n in 684- w h i l e the

fo u r t h 's u p p l e m e n t a r y ' horn (the ru-lag of g T s a n g o r Sum~f>a)

first appears in 709 (Uray 1960: 54-55).

In add i t i o n to the Chinese notion of concentric zones,

another probable source for the Tibetan scheme appears to

be the g r eat cosmic tortoise, an important idea in Chinese

cosmology. The b s h a d - m d z o d (f. 210a) relates how the w h o l e

of China was s u bdued b y a female tortoise lying on h e r back.

A l t h o u g h she is still on a north-south axis as in the scheme

of Chinese zones, he r four limbs are s t r e tched out to the

four half-points (m t s h a m s ) of the compass, e x a ctly as in the

T i b e t a n scheme. If w e accept h e r as the prototype f o r the

Tibetan srin-mo then the l a t t e r ’s character b e c o m e s more

apparent f o r she is not just a common demoness but, more

pertinently, the female v e r sion of thermale s r i n - p o . the r e d ­

faced demons w h o so often represent the old Tibet (g d o n g - d m a r

srin-po bod-kyi y u l ) ; lying on her back s h e is the ancient

yet v i r g i n ter r i t o r y w a i t i n g to be subjugated a n d civilized.

In the b S h a d - m d z o d the female tortoise «is, in this p a r t i c u l a r

context, the special emanation of Manjusri b u t no doubt

possesses some of the qualities of h e r * c o s m o l o g i c a l c o u n t e r ­

part w h o is female "because a ll beings:,are b o r n of the

f e m a l e 1', is lying on her back 11to support beings b y means of

compassion", has her h ead to the south; "because the pure ;

land of J a m b u d v i p a lies to the s o u t h " e a t s e s s ences (b c u d Q

"to teach patience ’to beings" and (normally) lives in the

ocean "so that beings will foregather there", (ff. 221b - 222a)

These qualities represent a correlation w i t h B u d dhist

tradition, just as the ’a s t r o l o g i c a l ’ signs (the p a r - k h a .

sme-ba ..etc..) on her body are also harmonised w i t h certain

numerical categories of the Buddhists.; In this source the

female tortoise also represents the w h o l e science of astrology:

an earlier pa s s a g e ( f , 207a) explains h o w India is subdued b y

religion, China b y astrology, Zhang-zhung b y B o n . Khrom

G e - s e r (sic) b y war and sTag-zigs (sic) b y wealth. Tibet,

surrounded b y these countries, is a notable omission f rom

the list and it would be tempting to suggest that the story

of the demoness lying on her back and b e i n g su b d u e d b y

temples is an at t e m p t to fill the gap. The b S h a d - m d z o d

is thought to be a late 15th or early 1 6 th c e n t u r y compendium

but it draws on a great deal of material that would have

b e e n available long before. The converse argument, name l y

that the story in the b S h a d - m d z o d is an a d a p t a t i o n of the

one in the Ma-rh-i b k a 1- ’b u m , does not s e e m v e r y plausible.

Can w e give any credence at all then t o the colourful

s t ory na r r a t e d above, so revealing of the Tibetan capacity

f o r historical hindsight ? Of the two principal consorts

m en t i o n e d h e r e only the Chinese is a t t ested to b y the

Tun-Huang Chronicle, the Nepalese probably b e i n g a later

invention to create a theological rappbrt with P a d m a s a m b h a v a * s

two w i ves (Tucci 1962: 124-)* Even the Chinese queen wa s

probably supe r c e d e d in importance by tlie Jo-mo M o n g - b z a *

Khri-lcam ( m N y e n - l d o n g - s t e n g ) , the moth e r of S r o n g - b t s a n ’s

h e i r (see Note 21 above), she is speci f i c a l l y m e n t i o n e d in

the Chronicle. The recent and most thorough researches of

Arianne M a c d o n a l d have shown b e y o n d doubt that the king,

far from b e i n g the great propagator oft B u d dhism as all lateta*

sources insist, was instead the codifier of all those

indigenous b e l i e f s known as g t s u g - l a g , a w o r d m i s a p p r o p r i a t e d

of its m e a n i n g b y the first Buddhists in Tibet along wit h

several other k e y terms in order to c o nvey Buddhist concepts

(A, M a c donald 1971s 387). gtsug-lag in the M a - p i b k a ’- ’b u m ,

as we have seen, is a term used to denote the divinatory

sciences of the Chinese among which geo m a n c y seems to have

b e e n c o n s i d e r e d extremely important. L a t e r gtsug-lag took

on a m u c h b r o a d e r sense and we find it often used in

reference to ’s c i e n c e s ’ in general. The temple b e c a m e the

g t s u g - l a g - k h a n g . "the house of the g t s u g - l a g 1'.

A l l traditions seem to affirm the C h i n e s e origins of

T i b e t a n geomancy. The interesting commentary, apparently

b y a d i s c i p l e .of the 5t h Dalai Lama but u n f o r t u n a t e l y full

of serious mistakes, w h i c h V i d y a b h u s a n a p r e s e n t e d in 1917 as

a ccompanying the Srid-pa-ho ( ’chart of a u s p icious c o m b i n a t i o n s 1)

indicates that the chart derives from a t r a d i t i o n k n o w n as tke

gTsug-lag s p o n g -thang lugs first introduced b y S r o n g - b t s a n ’s

Chinese queen (Vidyabhusana 1917: 9). The s p o n g - t h a n g here

must surely be the par - t h a n g ("scroll of trigrams") of the .

M a - n i b k a ’- ’b u m V e r s i o n A of our stoiy. V e r s i o n B (followed

b y the rGyal-rabs g s a l - b a ’i m e - l o n g 2 ^) has instead spor-thang

w h i c h w o u l d provide the link to s p o n g - t h a n g . a s s u m i n g the l a tter

is not just a scribal error. It does at least discount

V i d y a b h u s a n a ’s idea ’that this is Hie name of a monastery.

It might also imply that the whole notion is mere wishfulness.

One m i ght even be a b l e to trace the idea of K o n g - j o ’s

reckonings to those >of the Indian pandit S a n t i r a k s i t a ’s

geomantic siting of the first monastery at bSam-yas: its

d estruction each night by the spirits of the soil is an exact

echo of w h a t occurs in the story of the ^.Jo-khang above. On

the other hand sBa - b z h e d (Stein 1961: 2). f w h i c h is thought

b y many scholars to preserve more than a m o d i c u m of cred i b i l i t y

and w h i c h is f ar older t han the M a - n i b k a ’- ’b u m , says that ;

K o n g - j o ’s father, the Chinese emperor, had in his p o s s e s s i o n

t'a d i v i nation chart in 360 sections" which must s u r e l y be the

one in 3 0 0 sections she receives from him in our story.

C l e a r l y a great deal more research w ill h a v e to be done befo r e

a n y certainly is gained on the subject of C h i n a ’s c o n t r i b u t i o n

to the Tibetan nag-rtsis of which geomapcy is a part. Some

w o u l d argue for a g r e a t e r Indian contribution but at least one

feature of Kong-jo's reckonings noted above is a direct

adaptation of a central feature of Chinese geomancy: the

role of the celestial animals of the four quarters, known

as the "Pour Protectors" (s r u n g - b z h i ) , These are correlated

b y the Chinese w i t h the operation of the f o u r seasons, the

four elements and the four directions and, like the stars a n d

the planets, are m a n i f e s t e d in various ways on earth

(Peuchtwang 1974- : 151-158). W h e t h e r the shift which has taken

place in their alignment (as illustrated: in Table III) reflects

a genuine Tibetan re-inte r p r e t a t i o n of these symbols or

w h e t h e r it has arisen out of simple error cannot be decided

w i t h o u t a great deal of fu r t h e r enquiry.' What seems t o be

sure, however1, is that the geomantic theory w i d e l y p r e v alent

in Tibet that a b u i l d i n g is b e s t sited w d t h the land "open"

(p h y e ) to the east, "heaped" (s p u n g s ) to the south, "straight"

(d r a n g ) to the w est and "curtain-like" (y o l ) to the north

originated from a n interpretation of these a n d o t h e r a l l i e d

symbols of Chinese provenance. The Ma-ni b k a T- ’b u m holds that

"all the £ tr a d i t i o n a l / sciences of China w i t h o u t exception"

(r g y a - n a g - p o ’i rig-pa m a - l u s - p a . f .19Ub) w e r e introduced by

K o n g-jo fbut w h i l e it has been a r g u e d b y i A r i a n n e Mac d o n a l d

(1971: 3 8 6 ) that elements b o r r o w e d from C o n f u c i a n i s t doctrines

m a y have b e e n s u p e r imposed on -the indigenous b e l i e f s concerning

g t sug during Srong-btsan sGam-po's reign, it seems probable that

the arrival of a second Chinese princess in 730 b r i n g i n g books

w i t h her h a d a more lasting effect on the a b s o r p t i o n of

n o n - B u d d h i s t ideas a n d techniques from China. Some of the

T i b e t a n nobles h ad learnt Chinese in the m e a n t i m e and this

could also have assisted the process of a b s o rption.

A more positive aoproach to the w h ole m y t h can rest on

 t>3

Table III: The Celestial Animals of the Four Quarters

in China and Tibet

CHINA TIBET

Black Tortoise Black Tortoise

N N

White „ p Azure Bed p Striped

Tiger Dragon Bird Tiger

S S
Red Bird Azure Dragon

J
 J 00

the fact that the Jo - k h a n g — the "building which Richardson

(1977a i 159) describes as "the T i b e t a n H o l y of Holies" and

w h i c h lies at the centre of the entire scheme — w as

u n d o u b t e d l y the f o u n d a t i o n of Srong-btsan sGam-po. Hot

only does the sKar-cung' p i l l a r inscription of Khri

IDe - s r o n g - b t s a n (8QU - 816) affirm this b ut it indicates

27
c l early that there were other temples b u ilt b y h i m too.

Two edicts of Khri S r o n g - l d e - b r t s a n place the f o u n d a t i o n of

28
l H a - s a fs *v i h a r a * in Srong-btsan*s reign,. The evidence

of the early records suggests that for three g e n e rations i

leading up to G l a n g -dar-ma the god-kings g a v e w i t h the

greatest impunity public testimonies to- t h eir a t t a chment

to principles irreconcilable w i t h Buddhism, pri n c i p l e s

p e r t a i n i n g to the h i g h l y stru c t u r e d politico- r e l i g i o u s

system of g t s u g - l a g , while at the same time p r o p a g a t i n g the

new religion w i t h varying success. These tremendous tensions

can no doubt help to explain the final collapse of the

dynasty and very l i k e l y go bac k to the time of S r o n g - b t s a n

if we accept his f oundation of the Jo-khang. If, as it is

suggested, w e do then there is no par t i c u l a r reason to reject

the a u t h e nticity of his other foundations. Con c l u s i v e

evidence e i t h e r wa y is lacking but the mTha *- 1dul Yang- *dul

theory itself must surely rest on the fanciful n o t i o n

w h i c h the M a - n i b k a * - * b u m expresses b y s a ying that during

Srong-btsan*s reign "all the bord e r peoples too were united

un der the dharma to Tibet" (mtha'-mi t h a m s - c a d -kyanp; b o d - d u

chos-la * d u ~ s t e , f. 208b), This in turn would suggest that

the twelve temples a s s o ciated with the d e m o n e s s ’s limbs are

n o t h i n g more than a reflection of the Tibetan love for

numerical categories. It is these categories w h i c h give

order to several of t h eir myths and w h i c h lead the attention

a w a y from their composite nature. Thus- the mTha *-dul

 t) (

Y a n g - 1dul pa r a d i g m seems to toe a device w h i c h f i t t e d

several of the earliest temples touilt under s u c c essive

kings into a dexterous scheme credited to their i l l u s ­

trious anc e s t o r who used it to subjugate tooth Titoet p r o p e r

(the four ru) and its f r o n t i e r marches to the civ i l i z i n g

( l i t erally "taming") influence of Buddhism. It w o u l d toe

a n e a sier m a t t e r to argue in favour of the scheme's

h i s t o r i c i t y if it were credited to Khri Srong-lde-tortsan:

the T u n - h u a n g Chr o n i c l e says that "he touilt temples in a ll

the regions at the centre and on the toorder" (dtous-mtha'

k u n - t u g t s u g - l a g - k h a n g b r t s i g s - t e . Bacot et al. 19U0: 1 1k)

and, most revealingly, this is repeated in the s K a r-cung

inscription: d b u n g - m t h a r gtsug-l a g - k h a n g tortsigs-ste

(Richardson 19U9: 5k line 1k). The Blue A n n a l s (p.hh)

records that "During the king's reign twelve g r e a t m o n astic

colleges w e r e established, as far as Khams."

T u r n i n g now from the m u d d i e d w a t e r s of quasi-

historical myth, does the operation of the scheme a c c o r d

w i t h geographical reality ? A p art from a few reservations,

the a n s w e r must g e n e r a l l y toe yes. T h e ' f o u r R u - g n o n temples,

corre s p o n d i n g in our scheme to the 'Royal Domain Zone' of

the Chinese, are all situated in central Titoet an d fonn a

rough square. Fortunately, K l o n g - r d o l 1B l a - m a 's notes on

the location of all' these temples enable us to toe f a i r l y

sure about the site of those foundations not otherwise k n o w n

to us. Khra-'torug (1) a n d Ka-tshal (2) in the Ru-gnon

group are very famous. The former, w h i c h the Ma-ni 11-1 ' • ~~'S"-rr
toka'-'toum
■ I■ I . ... _L

V e r s i o n B of the s t o r y says is the first Buddhist temple of

Titoet, is si t u a t e d in the Yar-lung district of the Left

H orn (g . Y u - r u = g . Y o - r u ) a n d is "the largest and most

J
important of the surviving royal foundations in that area"

(Snellgrove and R i c h a r d s o n 1 9 6 8 : 7U). Ka-tshal is in the

Central Horn (d B u - r u ) close to lHa-sa a n d is "the most

c o n v incing of the old religious foundations" (loc. cit,).

For the remaining two in this group we a r e dependent on

Klong-rdol. gTsang-gram (3 ) of the Right Hor n (g . Y a s - r u )

is "on the h a nks of the Pha-ri g T s a n g - c h u R i v e r in the

29
district of Thob-rgyal in g T s a n g " . ”' Finally, the temple J

of G r o m - p a - r g y a n g (h) in the S upplementary H o r n (R u - l a g .

w h i c h corresponds to the s o uth-western part of the province

of gTsang) is said h y K l o n g-rdol to he n ear lHa-rtse.*^0

The f o u r m T h a 1- 1dul temples are the least problematic.

The temple of B u - c h u (5 ) in the K o n g-po province is "six

miles up the K o n g b o Giamda (Kong-po R g y a - m d a 1, o r Nyang-chu)

from the b a n k of the gTsang-po" (Wylie 1962: 176). The

b i o g r a p h y of rGyal-dbang-rje describes this temple as "the

g o l d e n temple of Bu-chu, a temple built b y the P h a r m a r a j a

S r o n g - b r t s a n sGam-po as the m e - b t s a T (see p . 38 above) of

■^1
lHa-sa."^ Of the mTha '-' dul g r oup the best k n o w n is K h o -

mthing (6) in lHo-brag, just n o r t h of Bum - t h a n g in B h u t a n . ? 2

T h e n w e have the first of our two Bhutanese temples, that

of Bum-thang (7), identified above as the B y a m s ~ p a fl

lHa-khang of the C h o s - ' k h o r valley. F i n a l l y there is

Pra-d u n - r t s e (8) w e s t of Sa-dga' rDzong in the m N g a f-ris

province of w e s t e r n Tibet, a temple where I have e s t a b l i s h e d

elsewhere a b r a n c h of the old royal dynasty came to

settle.

The fou r Y a n g - 1dul temples present some difficulties,

but not in regard to the first, the temple of sGron-ma (9) In.

Khams, w h i c h Stein (1939b : 72 - 73) has c l e arly identified

and w h i c h lies in an area v ery far removed from th e centre.

 0 3

Un f o r t u n a t e l y the temple of R l u n g - g n o n (10) ia too n e a r the

centre to fit c o n v i n c i n g l y into this group. Glong-rdol

places it close to sNye-thang C h o s - r d z o n g w h ich lies on the

right h a n k of the s K y i d - c h u river near lila-sa.^ Most

sources place it in a district called Tshang(-pa) w h i c h is

in the north (b y a n g ) , though the latter might r e fer to a

m y r i a r c h y or clan-distriet. The Ma-n i b k a * - ’b u m V e r s i o n B

has K l u - g n o n ("Naga-Suppressor") instead of R l u n g - g n o n

(’'Wind-Suppressor"). Until f u r t h e r evidence comes to light we

shall have to a c c e p t K l o n g -rdol*a location, the only one w h i c h

s e r i ously upsets the symmetry a nd logic of the scheme as a

whole. The temple of Byam s - s p r i n (II) lies in M a n g - y u l and

is the fJamding* mark e d on the p u n d i t ’s map just north of

sKyid-rong, an important town n e a r the Nepalese "border (see

note 33 above a n d Tha n g - y i g , f . 282a) . All ten sources are

unanimous in placing this in the Ya ng - ’dul group. To complete

the list there is the second of our two Bhutanese temples in

the scheme, that of sKyer-chu (12) in the sPa-gro valley.

Let us co n s i d e r now as "briefly as p o s sible the fortunes

of the scheme as revealed in the later material a v a i l a b l e to us.

Besides the ten sources listed in order Above w h i c h c o n t a i n (or

permit a rec o n s t r u c t i o n of) the list, there are several other

texts (such as the Blue and Re d A n n a l s ) Which pr o v i d e the

almost obligatory reference to the scheme but w h i c h omit any

list of temples. The b S h a d - m d z o d (ff. 1'60a - 161a) has an

i
extremely muddled v e r s i o n based, it w o u l i appear on bSod-nams

sGyal-mtshan*s r G y a l - r a b s : so deviant is it (even introducing

a temple called ICang-ra sMug-po in K h o t a n ) , that it. can be

mo s t l y ignored. The tables (IV to VII).■

<i l lustrating the

various ascriptions supplied b y the ten principal sources

i
show that in the course of time the demoness representing

the old Tibet has become a contorted knot with all her

limbs out of joint — - an a p t symbol indeed for the fate

of the old traditions. It is, hcwever, a kno t that can in

this instance be unravelled without much difficulty.

Bu-ston's hi s t o r y is the f i rst to pick up the story almost

intact from the M a - n i b k a * - ’b u m , simply introducing the

u n i d e n t i f i e d temple of sKa-brag into the m T h a ’-'dul group

and r e l e g a t i n g the temple of Bum-thang in Mon-yul (i.e.

B y a m s - p a ’i lHa-khang) to a group of five spe c i f i e d temples

where it is joined w i t h sKyer-chu in sPa-gro on the left

sole of the s r i n - m o . Because this upsets the b a sic scheme

of x 3 f Bu-ston d e l i b erately omits to call^this last set

" the four Yang-* d u l " . This p a t tern is later f o l l o w e d b y

S r lbhutibhadra and Padma dKar~po who otherwise hold to

the M a - n i b k a ’- ’b u m . However, the former contracts the two

Bhutanese temples on the left sole intojone (i.e. Mon Bum-thang

sKyer-chung) . The latter drops sKyer-chu from the list, but

retains Mon Bum-thang. Thus order is r e s t o r e d to the

Y a n g - 'dul group, though it is still not<:given its name.

A l t h o u g h K l o n g-rdol -is the latest authority, he seems to have

done his homework a n d g o n e right back to the M a - n i b k a * - ’b u m

as r epresenting the oldest authority, tp which he added his ^

valuable notes on the location of these temples. Meanwhile

the rGyal-po bka *-thang C h .1h has a s e c t i o n c l e a r l y deriving

from the same stratum of tradition as the Ma-ni b k a * - ' b u m

n m m m b ft m m m m m m m

but omits m e n t i o n of the sche m e itself. The list of twen t y

temples it attributes to Sron g - b t s a n starts w i t h the four

Ru-gnon a n d follows with a further ten of w h i c h eight belo n g

to the scheme as we ;know it; we can therefore g ain a very,,

tentative idea of how these eight might have b e e n aligned. . At

 TABLE IV: The Ru-gnon Temples : Ascriptions

>■■■ - ................ ... — .n— — ...P

NAME of temple L O C ATION LIMB

I K h r a - ’brug G. y u - r u left shoulder

II K h r a - fhrug — left shoulder
III K h r a - ’brug G,yu-ru —

IV sGron-ma Khams Glong-thang right pal m

V K h r a - ’brug — left shoulder
VI sGron-ma Khams K long-thapg right pal m „
VII K h r a - ’brug —
left shoulder
VIII aGrol-ma Khams Glong-thang _ _

IX sGrol-ma Khams Klong-thang —

X K h r a - ’brug Y a r - klung right shoulder

I Ka-tshal dBu-ru right sh o u l d e r

II sKa-tshal —
right s h o ulder
III b K a 1-stsal dBu-ru
IV sKyer-chu lho-phyogs-su Bun-thang left palm
V Ka-tshal — (sic) right sh o u l d e r
VI sKyer-chu Mon left palm
VII sKa-tshal —
right shoulder
VIII sKye-chu sPa-gro —

IX — — —

X Ka - t s h a l (Jo-bo'i dPu n g - s t o d Mal-gro left shoulder

lHa-Khang)

I g T s a n g - 1gram G.yas-ru right hip

II g T s a n g - ’gra m — right foot
III gTsan g - ' g r a m g .Y a s - r u —

IV Shes-rab sGron-ma nub dPal K h a - c h e ’i right sole

g n a s - s u ’Tshal-rigs
V s T s a n g - 1gram —
right thigh
VI sGron-ma mTshal-rigs right sole
V II g T s a n g - ’gram — right foot
VIII Shes-rab sGrol-ma Tshal-rigs —

IX — — —

X g T s a n g - ’gram g T s a n g Thob-rgyal-gyi right hip

(Eye-ma’i life-khang) thad-kyi Pha-ri
g T s a n g - c h u ’i 'g r a m - d u

I Grom-pa-rgyang Ru-lag left hip

II Gr o m - p a -rgya ng —
left foot
III Grom-pa Ru-lag
IV Rlung-gnon byang-phyogs-su Tshangs-pa left sole
V ’B r o m - pa-rgyang —
left thigh
VI Rlu n g - g n o n Tshangs-pa left sole
VII G r o m - p a - rgyang — left foot J
VIII Rlung-gnon Tshangs-pa —

IX — —

X Gr i m - p a-rgyang g T s a n g l H a - r t s e ’i left hip

nye-skor-gyi Ru-lag
ii ii ■ i• *

^ ~ M a - n i b k a ’- ’burn VI = d P a ’-bo gTs u g - l a g

II =s B u - ston V II s= Padma IKar-po
I?1 “ rGyal~po bka *-thang VIII s= 5 th Dalai Lama
IV = bSod-nams rGya l - m t s h a n IX = Sum-pa mKhan-po
V - 'Srl'bhuti'bhadra X = Klong-rdol
 T A B L E V: The m T h a d u l Temples : Ascriptions

NAME OP TEMPLE L O C ATION LIM B

I Bu-chu Kong-po right elbow

II Bu-chu Kong-po right elbow
III mKho - m t h i n g ? 1IIo-brag —

IV X h r a - Tbrug (tKrseshis G,yu-ru left shoulder

Byams-snyoms)
V Bu-chung rKong right elbow ..
VI K h r a - ’brug — —

VII Bu-chu Kong-po right elbow

VTII K h r a - ’brug G . y on-ru —

IX K h r a - ’h rug G.yon-du —

X Bu-chu Kong-po right elbow

I Kho-mthing lHo-brag left elbow

II Khom-mthing lHo-brag left elbow
III Bum-thang V Mon-yul —

IV K a - rtsal sPu-ru [= dBu-ru] right shoulder

V Khom-ting lHo-brag left elbow
VI K a - tshal dBu-ru right shoulder
VII mKho-mthing l H o - brag left e l bow
VIII b K a ’-chal sBus-ru
IX — — —

X Kho-mthing lHo-brag left elbow

I B um-thang Mon left k n e e

II sKa-brag — right k n e e
III s K y e r - c h u ? sPa-gro —

IV gTsang-'trang G.yas-ru right hip-bone

(Byang-chub cGe-gnas)
V K a - bra g — right knee
VI g T s a n g - ’gram G.yas-ru right hip
VII sKa-brag — right k n e e
VIII g T s a n g - ’g r a m G.y a s - r u —

IX — — —

X Bum-thang Mon right k n e e ;

I Pra-dum-rtse Byang right k n e e

II B ra-dum-rtse — right k n e e
III sGrol ? m D o - khams Klong-thang —

IV G r u m - p a - r G y a n g gTsang left h i p -bone

(Dri-med Nam-dag)
V Srang-dun-rtse — left knee
VI G r o m - pa-rgyal Ru-lag —

VII Pra- d u m - r t s e left knee

VI n Grum-p a - r g y a n g Ru-lag —
IX — — —

X Pra-dun-rtse Byang left knee

I =: M a - n i b k a ’- ’bum VI = d P a ’-bo g T s u g - l a g
II = Bu-ston VII = Padma dKar~po
" 3?G-ya1 -p o b K a 1- 1h a ng VIII = 5th Dalai Lama
IV s l^Sod-nams rGyal-mtshan IX =5 Sum-pa m K h an-po
V = Sribhutibhadra X = K l o n g-rdol
 T A B L E VI: The Y a n g - ’d u l Temples : Ascriptions

NAME OP T E M P L E LO C A T I O N LIMB

I sGron-ma mDo-Khams Glong-thang right p alm

II sGron-ma_ ’Dan Klong-thang left pal m
III C h u - d a r / = B u - c h u 7 ? Kong-po —
IV B u -chu shar Kong-po right elbow
V sGron-me K h a m s - s u Klong-thang l e f t ’ palm
VI Bu-c h u Shar Kong-po right elbow ’
VII sGron-ma Khams-kyi Glong-thang left palm
VIII Bu-c h u Kong-po —
IX Bu-chu Kong-po —
X sGrol-ma mD o - Khams IDan right palm
C h o s - TKhor-gyi 'gram-gyl
Kl o n g - t h a n g

I Rlung-gnon/KXu-gnon B y a n g Tshang-pa left pal m

II Rlun g - g n o d By a n g 'ishal right p a l m
III B y a m s - s p r i n ? Mang-yul —

IV TK b o n - t h i n g iHo lHo-brag left elbow

(gSer-gyl lHa-Khang)
V Rlun g - m n o n Byang ’Tshal. left palm
VI K h o - t h i n g IHo lHo-brag left elbow
VII R l u n g - g n o n Byang Tshal right palm
Vril mKho-mthing lHo-brag —
IX — — —
X Rlung-gnon sNye-thang Ghos-rdzong-gl left palm
’gram-gyi Tshangs-pa

I Byams-sprin Mang-yul right sole

II- B yams-sprin Mang-yul right sole
III Rlung-gnon ? Tshangs-pa —

IV B yams-sprin Nub right knee

dGe-rgyas
V Byams-sprin — right foot
VI dGe-rgyas Nub right knee
VII Byams-sprin Mang-yul right sole
VIE I Byams-sprin dGe-rgyas — —

IX — —

X B y a m s -sprin Mang-yul right foot

I sKyer-chu sPa-gro left sole

II Bum-thang/sKyer-chu M o n - y u l/sPa-gro left sole
III sPra-dun-rtse ? — —

IV sPra-dun-rtse Byang left knee

V sKyer-chung Mon B u m - t h a n g (sic) left-foot
VI sPra-dun-tse Byang left k n e e
VII Bum-thang Mon left sole
VIII Pra-dun-rtse Byang —

IX — — —

X sKyer-chu Mon sPa-gro left foot

X = M a -ni b k a ' - ^ b u m VI = dPa'-bo gTsug-lag

II ts Bu-ston VII s Padma dKar-po
- rG.yal-po b k a * - t h a n g V III = 5th Dalai Lama
.IV = bSod-nams r G y a l -mtshan IX - Sum-pa mKhan-po j
V ss Srlbhutibhadra X = Klong-rdol
 Y4

T A B L E VII: The Ru-gnon, m T h a ^ ' d u l a n d

Yang-'dul Temples : Summary
of a s cr i pt i on s

TE MPLE RU-GNON MTHA *-'DUL Y A N G - fDUL

(1) Khra - ' b r u g I II III V VII X IV VI V I I I IX

(2) Ka-tshal I II III V VII X IV VI VIII (IX)
(3) g T s a n g - ’gram 4 I II III V VII X IV VI VIII-.. (IX)
(k) G-ro m -pa-rgyang I II III V VII X iv vi viii (i^O

(5) Bu~chu I II V VII X i n iv vi vi n i x

(6) Kho-mthing i ii (n i) v IV VI V I 1 1 (2X)
VII X
(7) B urn-1 hang IV ? I (III) X V? VII
(8) P r a - dun-rtse I II V V I I . X III IV VI VIII
(IX)

(9) sGron-ma IV VI VIII X (III) I II V VII X

(10) Rlung-gnon IV VI VIII (IX) I II (III) V
VII X
(11) B y a m s -sprin I II (III) IV
V VI V I I VIII
(IX) X "1
(12) sKyer-chu IV? VI V I I I (IX) (III)■ I II V? X

(13?) sKa-brag II V VII

(11+?) Shes-rab IV VI V I I I (IX) i
sGron-ma

1 - M a ~ n i 'bkat- Thum = d P a T-bo gTsug-lag

VI
II - B u - ston V I I Pa dma dKar-po
s=
III =. rGyal-po b k a ^ t h a n g VIII = 5th Dalai Lama
IV = b S o d -nams rGyal-mtshan IX = Sum-pa mKhan-po
V = 'Sri'bhuti’bhadra X = K l o n g-rdol
? ambiguous ascription
( ) ~ assumed ascripti on
least one of the two temples thus omitted to achieve this

somewhat doubtful reconstruction, that of rTsis (better

k n own as rTsis gNas-gsar) in Nyang-ro, is itself reckoned

locally t o be a Ru - g n o n temple. ^ rTsis s e e m s to be c o u pled

w ith the temple of d P a l - c h a n g in b r G yad-ro (or b r G y a n g - r o ) .

All the o t h e r sources (i.e. dPa'-bo gTsug-lag, the 5th

Dalai Lama and Sum-pa mKhan-po) follow a v a r i a n t tradition

first i n t r oduced b y b S o d - n a m s rGyal-mtshan in his rGyal-rabs

gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g , one w h i c h can be d e m o n s t r a t e d to have

a r i s e n out of a faulty reading or memory of eith e r the

Ma-ni b k a ' - ' b u m or Bu-ston* s h i s t o r y and w h i c h m a k e s no n s e n s e

of geography. A l t h o u g h the groups are b r o a d l y pa r a l l e l to

those in wha t we m a y call the 'authentic* t r a d i t i o n t h e y are

placed u n d e r w r o n g headings. All the l a ter confusion stems

from this. Further,- in order to introduce the u n i d e n t i f i e d

temple of Shes-rab sGron-ma (which is oddly p l a c e d in Kashmir)

the two Bhutanese temples are again contracted into one:

Bum-thang s K y e r - c h u (Aris 1976: 603 note 6). W h e r e a s the

whole story of t h e s e temples in the M a - n i b k a ' - ' b u m (at least

in V e r s i o n A) has s o m e t h i n g of the appearance of a n a f t e r ­

thought, here it is brought v e r y much into the f o r e g r o u n d

and greatly ex p a n d e d w i t h a w h o l e medley of g e o m a n t i c and

cosmological alignments. Each of t h e three grou p s is thus

endowed with s p e cial characteristics. The four R u - g n o n are.

built b y a r c h i t e c t s (l a g - d p o n ) from Mi-nyag (Xixia), Tho-dkar

(Tokharistan ?), Bal-po (Nepal) a n d Hor (Central A s i a n Turks ?),

onl y the last one being a c t u a l l y n a m e d : .dPal-dbyangs of the,

36
dBas clan. Each i;of the f o u r m T h a '-* dul is linked to a

b r a n c h temple and a hermitage. This may or m ay not c o r r espond

to reality. The f o u r Y a n g - 'dul are each a s s o c i a t e d wit h one

of the f o u r celestial animals of Chinese g e o m a n t i c tradition,

an idea perhaps p i c k e d up from the Ma-n i b k a ' - ' b u m where,

as w e have seen, these a n i mals have pride of place but not

in this p a r t i c u l a r context. The bSha d - m d z o d (f,l60b) takes

up the same n o t i o n and applies it to the m T h a '- fdul temples,

but gets the c orrelation of celestial animals w i t h the

directions wrong. F o r instance, the Bhutanese temple of

sKyer-chu (called here dPal-gro/= s P a -gro/ T h a n g - s h i n g 'Dud-

pa-can) is erected at "a stupa of the Striped T i g e r to the

S o u t h 1*; it should be 'Azure Dragon', but the a u t h o r w as p e r h a p s

recalling the a s s o c i a t i o n of Bhutan with tigers. In place of

Y u n g - 'dul he has four temples built;: at the h a l f - p o i n t s of

the compass (m t s h a m s - b z h i ) . Finally, as if d i s s a t i s f i e d with

the g e o m antic potential of the basic scheme, the rGyal-rabs

introduces a f u r t h e r nine temples: (1) ..Kha-chu, K o m - c h u and

Gl i n g - c h u in the east "to activate the sun, moon, planets and

stars" (on which see Stein 1959& : 235); (2) sNyal sNang-gro

a n d G ling-thang in the s o u t h "to suppress / t h e e l e m e n t / fire,

having m e d i t a t e d on the Fire God D r a n g - s r o n g " : (3) Gu-lang'

(Pasupatinath) a n d Shing-kun (Swayambunath) in the west "to

suppress / t h e e l e m e n t / w a t e r and defends the Tib e t o - N e p a l e s e

border"; and (h) dGe-ri and dPal-ri in the north "to suppress

/ t h e element/ air, having b o u n d to an oath the l h a , k l u . 'dre

a n d s r i n ." dPa'-bo gTsug-lag omits some of these details b ut

his account is clearly dependent on t h e ;r G y a 1 - r a b s . Sum-pa

mKhan-po m e r e l y provides the first temple in e a c h group of the

main scheme, thus p e r m i t t i n g us to construe his list as that

of the r G y a l - r a b s . For all its historical and geographical

defects this variant tradition yet stands as a d d i tional

p r o o f of how th e square-based outline of the original scheme

carried a strong appeal for Tibetan historians, p r o viding

an obvious base upon w h i c h further q uadrangular notions could

"be brought in to enhance it.

H a a r h has at t e m p t e d t o show how the T i b e t a n image of

the w o rld e v o l v e d fro m a t r i a n g u l a r shape as e x p r e s s e d in the

concepts of (1) the three 1refuge countries' of Nyang-ro,

Ko n g - p o a n d Dwags-po, (2) the four 'original t r i b e s 1 among

which the gTong of Sum-pa can be c o n v e niently p l a c e d on the

line b e t ween the sMra of z hang-shung and the IDong of Mi-nyag,

w h i c h two, together with the Se of 'A«zha, constitute his

triangle, (3) a similar arra n g e m e n t with the b o r d e r tribes

and (k) the c o m m o n names for India (the ’R e d 1 rG-ya), China ;

(the 'Black' rGya) a n d Central Asia (the 'Yellow' rGya)

(Haarh 1969: 275 “ 278). This w o r l d view, it is claimed,

takes account of only t h r e e cardinal directions (broadly

speaking East,. W e s t and North) a n d ignores the south which is

"...the dir e c t i o n towards the H i m a l a y a n ranges, w h ich p r e s e n t e d

an almost unbroken ridge, in most places impassable. A similar

concept of the image of the w o r l d a nd the c a r d i n a l points we

find in the O l d Norse area, excluding East,

b e i n g unimportant
tt
b ecause clos e d b y the forests and ridges of Kj o l e n . " The

later q u a d r a n g u l a r image, he concludes, came in "under the

impact of Indian culture a n d t h e b r o a d e r k n o w ledge of the w o r l d

a c q uired b y the Tibetans." W ith the proviso that C h i nese ideas

must a l s o have played a role in the evolution of the quad- ,

r a n gular image, H a a r h ’s thesis certainly seems credible ij

despite his c ontraction of some f o u r -fold cla s s i f i c a t i o n s into

t hree-fold ones to a c h i e v e it. A parallel development in

B h u t a n can be seen in the way the early notion of its core of

just three valleys in the west (Thed Thim s P a : g s u m ) was

e x p a n d e d later into a square h a v i n g fou r gates (lHo-Mon

Kha-bzhi) that e n c o m passed the entire c o untry once it had b e e n

e sta b l i s h e d as a political reality. In both models the squa,re

is protective. At the same time it is outward-looking and

vigorous, conscious of its ordered strength. Such a symbol

can only have taken root in these countries in t i m e s of

confident consolidation and expansion under a p o w e r f u l j

central- authority.

sKyer-chu IHa-khang and Byams-pa'i lHa-khang a re the

only two bu i l d i n g s directly a t t r i b u t e d to the dynastic

peri o d w h i c h a re s i t uated south of the main H i m a l a y a n range-

(discounting f o r the present the shrines d e d i c a t e d to

Padmasambhava) . It is most apt then tha t they should find'

a place in the outer zones of a square-based scheme that

a f f irmed Tibetan expansion south through the Himalayas. The

a p p a r e n t an o m a l y (corrected b y Bu-ston) w h e r e b y s K y e r - c h u is

situated in a more barbarous zone than Byams-pa should not .

cause concern. We cannot be sure w h e t h e r this reflects a

genuine attitude or a simple slip, but it does not affect the

overall conception. V e r y likely they are g e o g r a p h i c a l l y too

close to f o m a ' s i d e ’ to the outermost square and so-were

disposed as ’corners' instead. The same would explain the

anomalous positions;of B y a m s - s p r i n a nd P r a - d u n - r t s e .

The degree to w h i c h their location in the scheme must

have influenced the Bhutanese in their more or less

unconscious collective pre s u p p o s i t i o n s about their place in

the w o r l d cannot be overestimated, for implicit in the story

lies a str ong p a r a d o x that speaks closely t o their condition.

W h i l e the temples stand as direct proof of their links to a

g o l d e n age of spiritual vigour, at the same time the s u p p o s e d

purpose of these 'taming' constructions places them almost

b e y o n d the p ale of that primal source of legitimacy, on t he

outer barbarian fringes. It is this w h i c h would explain t h e

clipped allusions to the scheme found in the Bhutanese

 f t?

X7
histories'" and in conversations with local men of letters*

As w e shall see, it was the figure of P a d m a s a m h h a v a that

p r o v i d e d the m ain chance to resolve this pa r a d o x hut its

ghost stayed on to haunt them down the centuries.

If the symbolic role of the myth has o v ershadowed the

historical events that gave birth to it, we are still left

w i t h a single piece of epigraphic evidence that might yet

provide conclusive proof of e a r l y contact b e t w e e n 1proto-

B h u t a n ’ a n d dynastic Tibet: the inscription on a large b r o k e n

b r onze bell in the tiny temple of cLKon-mchog-gsum in Bum-thang.

The provisional nature of this statement w i l l be understood

w h e n it is seen that even here the ground is not a b s o l u t e l y

firm. A bell h o w e v e r large is a transportable object a n d the

oral legends told in the vicinity of the temple hol d that the

large fragment kept there is part of a complete T i b e t a n bell,

stolen f r o m Tibet and brought south over the Himalayas to

Bum-thang w h e r e it was set up in this temple. Its chimes w e r e

so loud that they were h e a r d in Tibet. ,A n army c a m e down

later to recapture it b u t since it was too h e a v y f or them to

carry it was pur p o s e l y smashed. The largest fragment was the n

recovered b y t h e local inhabitants and put b ack in the temple.

The b e l l is in fact the fourth of the g r eat cong to be

found that were c o m m i s s i o n e d as votive offerings b y members'

of the T i b e t a n royal f a m i l y an d installed in their earliest

temples to proclaim to the w o rld 'the sbund of the d h a r m a 1.‘

They a p p e a r to have been cast b y fo r e i g n craftsmen of the T'ang

d ynasty employed for this purpose by this T i b etan royalty.

S u r p r i s i n g l y enough, no suc h bei-ls of the T ’ang s e e m to have

s u r v i v e d in China itself, although all the later temple

bells of China b e l o n g i n g to this type preserve the c h a r a c t e r ­

istic shape and features of these bells' in Tibet: side panels

di v ided b y vertical ribbing and an 'undulating* lower edge

(most p r o n ounced in our example here) . The w o r d cong is

itself b o r r o w e d from the Chinese word for a bell (c h u n g )

and is ap p l i e d b y Tibetans only to these m a s s i v e temple bells,

not the-smaller v a r i e t y w h i c h go b y the name o f chos~sgra

("dharma sound") in Bhutan. The latter us u a l l y have certain

mantra cast in relief on t h eir outer surfact a n d this would

e x plain w h y the custodian of dKon-mchog-gsum, on b e i n g a s k e d

what the f r a g m e n t a r y i n s c r i p t i o n on the icong w as about,

declared that it was part of a "g z u n g ~ s n g a g s " , w h i c h it

certainly is not. While the alignment of the text differs

subst a n t i a l l y from those on the bells at bSam-yas, Khra - ' b r u g

and Yer-pa (where they are fb und in b e t w e e n the vertical

ribbing, not partly below as here) it is d e f i nitely a

de d i c a t o r y formula such as we find on these Tibetan examples*

Richardson, $o w h o m we owe the most complete s t u d y (195U) of

the three Tibetan c o n g . has confirmed that the o nly part that

can be said to c o nvey any sense at a l l in the available

photographs of this example reads, on the b o t t o m two lines,

as follows:

ta b s t s i s nas // cong mkhan l fiu s t a (n)g cong xx

bya xx na dang xg su blugs //'

Both the k l -gu (in bstsisanc^l i ’u) are of the archaic reversed

type. A line underneath indicates an uncertain reading. A

* i
cross indicates an illegible letter. The gap, b e t w e e n sta(n)g

a nd cong is f o r m e d b y the
single vertical 'rib* visible in
(Plate No. 2)
the accompanying photograpa. The parenthesis a r o u n d the n
.1
in s t a ( n)g suggests this syllable could be read as stag or

stang. A p art f r o m this passage there aj>e a few syllables

which can be made out elsewhere a m o n g w h ich the following are

w o r t h mentioning: pas b k a 1 stsar te (at the top, visible

in this photograph) and: b y a n g chub (below the g a r landed

lotus motif in the centre, p a rtly visible in this photograph).

The only certain meaning to be derived is tha t the

name of the person w h o made the bell or w ho a c t e d as o v e rseer

during its casting (the c o n g - m k h a n ) was e i t h e r Li *u-stag or

Li *u ~ s t a n g . T a k i n g su as the locative particle we might

assume that the missing passage on the bottom line w o u l d have

indicated the place W h e r e it was cast (b l u g s ) . A s s uming

that stsar is an odd form for stsal we might conjecture that

the name of the person w h o "ordered" (pas b k a 1 s t sar t e ) the

bell was g i v e n in the part missing at the top. F i n ally

Byang-chub could just p o s sibl y be the name of somebody c o n c erned

in the business of commissioning the bell.

This t a n t a l i s i n g stage of affairs leaves us with no

more than Li fu-stag/Li *u - s t a n g . names that resemble m a n y of"

those c l e a r l y a p p l i e d in the Tun-huang documents to f o r e igners

in Tibet, that is to say Chinese, Khotahese a n d other Centpal

Asians. There was in fact a cla n called Le'u, p o s sibly of

Chinese origin (Richardson 1977b: 2U) . The b e l l at bSam-yas

was cast b y "the a b b o t T the Chinese monk Rin-cen" (Richards'on

195U: 170-171). O u r man, however, seems to have b e e n a lay

craftsman; the suffix -rnkhan always seems to denote a

professional specialist k n o w n f or his p a r t i c u l a r skills. If

he were a monk then w o u l d he n o t have had a T i b e t a n name such

as this R i n - c e n ? On the strong hypothesis that this cong

must be the cousin or sister of the Tibetan examples we can

suggest that she was cast in t he latter half of the 8th century:

wh i l e the bell of Yer-pa is undateable, those of b S a m-yas and

K h r a - ' b r u g w e r e cast at the behest of fB r o - b z a ’ rGyal-mo-brtsan,

one of the wives of Khri Srong-lde-brtsan (ruled 755 ~ 797).

This lady took the name of Byang-chub when she b e c a m e a nun

a n d is referred to b y this name in the K h r a - ' b r u g bell.

There is not yet s u f f icient evidence to conclude that the

Bya n g - c h u b in-the dKon-mc h o g - g s u m bell is the same person

or indeed that this w o u l d refer to a person at all: pyang~*chub

on the Yer-pa bell figures as bodhi ( "enlightenment") . It c a n

still, however, stand as a poss i b i l i t y since this queen seems

to have had a great regard for these bells and if two of

these h e r favourite votive offerings have survived, w h y should

not a third ? There is sufficient difference b e t w e e n the b e lls

at bSam-yas and K h r a - fb r u g to admit a f u r t h e r v a r iety issuing

from the same source.

If the impression has been giveh of clutching at

straws it is b e c ause the bel l carries great p o t e n t i a l ^

significance for the early h i s t o r y of the area: if the cong

can be shown to belong to the temple w h e r e it is situated it

w o uld c onstitute the single and indisputable t o ken of Tibetan

m i s s i o n a r y activity south of the Himalayas in this early

period. The connection b e t w e e n Tibet aAd Nepal at this time

rests on a few scattered references 'in the conte m p o r a r y

inscriptions and literature, but it seems to have had nothing

to do w i t h religion (Tucci 1958: 287). (The bell may therefore

stand, together w i t h the t e s t imony of those texts, as the only

conclusive evidence >of Tibetan activity ?of a n y k i n d south of

the main H i m a l a y a n range during the period of dynastic rule.

Besides the obviously legendary'nature of the local

story of the bell's d e s t r u c t i o n by Tibetan troops w h o had h e a r d

its chimes across the mountains and w h o ‘came to claim it as

their rightful p r o p e r t y (which could have arisen out of a

simple need to e x p l a i n t h e broken con d i t i o n of this s t range5

heavy object w h ose origins h ad been lon^ forgotten), there are

several features of the d K on-mchog-gsum temple which point

to its great antiquity. It is of a solitary diminutiveness

quite u n c h a r acteristic of Bhutanese temples, e ven s m a l l e r

than the original shrines of sKyer-chu and Byams-pa. The

central, image is a Vairocana, usually a sig n of antiquity, and

in the temple forecourt stands a most p e c uliar a n d inte r e s t i n g

object resembling the fragment of a p i l l a r s t a nding on a

stepped plinth. The object seems to be r e f e r r e d to in the

rGyal-po b k a ' - t h a n g (f. 75b) in a passage describing the

gter-ma of rTse-lung w h i c h is, as we shall see below, the old

name for this temple: "To the right of B u m - thang rTse-lung

there is a stone surface. On its waist is an oblong stone hole

On b r e a k i n g this, inside there are ... a n d m any o t h e r </gter<-ma/r

(5 bum-thang. rt s e-l.ung-gl K .ya s - p h y o K s rdo'l stenp: zh ig__yod.

- d e *i sked-pa-na rdo'i chol nar-mo zhig yod - de bcag-pa'l

nang-na ... la-sogs-pa m a n g-po yod 2). Incised on top of the

'pillar foot' today is the same eight-petalled lotus that we

find on the bell. Just outside the g a t e w a y leading into the

forecourt stands a long piece of stone w e d g e d into a large

circular stone trough on which is carved the famous six-

syllable mantra. The 'megalith' is in a, h i g h l y w e a t h e r e d

condition a n d no writing is visible. None of these objects

as p r e s e n t l y d i s p o s e d conv e y very much to us in the w i d e r

context of Bhutanese or Ti b e t a n ritual artifacts. The most

rational expl a n a t i o n w o u l d suggest that ;the 'megalith' no w in

the trough outside is the upper part of :an a n cient p i l l a r -

whose b a s e is the object in the forecourt.

If the pillar at d K on-mchog-gsum is part of a p r e ­

historic megalith il must, of course, predate the temple an d

cannot have b e e n erected to commemorate the temple's f o u n dation

in the w a y that might be e x p e c t e d by analogy with T i b e t a n

temple pillars. If this hypothesis is correct then it may be

as s umed that the site was chosen for the c o n s t r u c t i o n of

the temple b e cause of the h a l lowed associations of the

megalith itself* Set against the testimony of t h e w r i t t e n

material, w h i c h provides ample evidence of the a d a p tation

to Buddhism of ancient pre-Buddhist beliefs and practices,

this physical i n c o r poration of a 'pagan’ symbol into a

Buddhist temple seems p e r fectly credible. The same w o u l d

appear to have happened at the temple of g S u m - ' p h r a n g

( 1S o m b r a n g ’) in the U-ra district of B u m -thang w h ere a

remarkable stone pillar is found a c t u a l l y inside the principal

shrine room* A c c o r d i n g to the temple's e u l o g y (g n a s - b s t o d )

it is "a s elf-created stone pillar" (rang-byon rdo-yi k a - b a ) «

not a r d o - r i n g * the term commonly applied to all standing

megaliths. Legends; apart, the stone is of a f i n e l y dressed

appearance and c e r t a i n l y not a n a t u r a l .phenomenon. Again

at B y a - d k a r IHa-khang there is a large stone in t he immediate

vicinity of the temple which m ay have had prehistoric

associations. At m N a ’-sbis in M ang-sde-lung there is a

famous "oath-stone pillar" (rdo-ring m n a '- r d o ) w h i c h v e r y

likely stands in or n ear a temple complex* I have not seen

that one but to my k n o w l e d g e the only megalith standing quite

b y itself is the one on the pass of Z h a n g - m a ’i La, tradition­

ally said to mar k the border between the v a l l e y s of sTang

a nd U-ra a n d therefore perhaps lacking in ritual associations.

(See Section 2 below.) My suggestion regarding the origin

of the s t a n d i n g stones at jKon-mchog-gsum a n d g S u m - 'phrang

(and perhaps B y a - d k a r and mNa'-sbis) w ill no doubt be

received with some caution. It must, however, be seen against

the comparable treatment afforded to the prehistoric stone

axe-heads and adzes^ of Bhutan w h i c h w e r e later moulded t o the

Buddhist tradition in a clear and perceptible manner.

 Local traditions claim that below the plinth at

d Ko n - m c h o g - g s u m there lies a s u bterranean lake from w h i c h

the great g t e r - s t o n Padma Gling-pa recovered one of his

treasures. He sealed it up afterwards with this stone plinih

a n d set his seal of the lotus upon it. There is no account

of this to be found in the g t e r - s t o n ’s b i o g r a p h y al t h o u g h the

temple is m e n t i o n e d as b e i n g near a place w h e r e he r e c overed

some of his g t e r - m a . T h ree things might have h e lped to form

this legend. Firstly, the lotus m o t i f ■(p a d m a ) w o u l d have

called to min d the n ame of this gter-ston w h o s e principal

residence of g T a m -zhing stands close by, a few hu n d r e d yards

to the north, and w h ose most dramatic exploit was the

alleged recov e r y of g t e r-ma from the riverine lake of t

M e - ’bar - m t s h o some miles to the south-east in the sTang ;

district. Secondly, Padma Gling-pa is also w i d e l y remembered

as b e i n g a highly s k i lled craftsman in .a v a r i e t y of mediums.

Thirdly, the stone plinth might w e l l have recalled the stone

slab that seals up the remnant of the Milk P l a i n lake of

K o n g - j o ’s story, w h i c h lies in a small.chapel in the n o r t h ­

east corner of the Jo-khang, itself the ’H o l y of H o l i e s ’ for

pilgrims from B u m - t h a n g a n d all o t h e r districts in Bhutan

( Richardson 1977a: 168 a nd 174). There can be no certainty

as to w h e t h e r these, conscious or unconscious a s s o c iations

played a part in forming the local legend. R a t h e r more ,

plausible is the n o t i o n that the lotus was incised on the

b ase after the upper part of the p i l l a r had been k n o c k e d off.

The eight-petalled lotus on the bell might have p r o v i d e d the

model* That both t.he bel l a n d the pillar- are in a mut i l a t e d

con d i t i o n indeed suggests the a c t i v i t y of an invading force

and it could well have b e e n that of L a j a n g K h a n in 1714. 5

A l t h o u g h P h o - l h a - n a s ’ b i o g r a p h y expressly states that guards

were deputed to the monasteries and temples of B u m -thang

in order to protect these from pillage and destruction, the

order was c e r t a i n l y an attempt to curb something that wa s

a l r e a d y happening (MBTJ, f. 108a). S p e c i fically m e n t i o n e d

are the m i n o r religious sites (g n a s - p h r a n ) of the province,

among w h i c h d K o n - m chog-gsum would t r a d i tionally have b e e n

placed. Mongol troops f o r m e d a strong con t i n g e n t in the

invading force. They would not have had quite the same

feelings towards these s a cred objects as the Tibetan soldiers,

W e have a l r e a d y had occasion to notice (p. above)

Padma G l i n g - p a Ts own idea that a temple of rTse-lung was

built b y the m i n i s t e r of K h r i - S r ong-lde-brtsan called

’Ba-mi K h r i - z h e n g r w i t h ’the Indian kin g d B y u g - s t o n ’ acting

as p a t r o n . ^ It is' most fortunate that w e have the a u t h o r i t y

of K o n g - s p r u l to help us identify this rTse-lung: MAe f o r

Bum-thang rTsis-lung, it is the temple w h ere there are

p re s e r v e d the li-ma statues of the Buddhas of the t h ree times

w h i c h the Mon-pa call the temple of dKon-mchog-gsum" (g T e r - s n a m .

f.90a) . This is confirmed b y L CB II, f. 69a. The first

gter-ston active in;Bhutan called Bon-po Brag-tshal-pa

recovered gter-ma here in the first r a b - ’b y u n g (1027 - 1086)

and if the t e mple was thus standing in t h e 11th c e n tury there

is every reason to suppose that its foundation dates f r o m - t h e

snga-dar. It has been s u g g e s t e d tentatively a b ove (p.38) that

K l ong-chen-pa ’s ’Temple of Chos-'khor* on the east bank of the

river corresponds to this temple. Given that it is one of

the first temples in the area, it could' on occasion have

easily a ppropriated the name of the w h ole C h o s - ’k hor valley,

just as Byams.-pa assumes the name of the w h o l e province of;:

Bum-thang in the Tibetan sources.

The present name of the temple,* dKon-mc h o g - g s u m

(T r i r a t n a ) , is locally s aid to relate to the three images

referred to b y Kong-sprul, though if my memory is correct

they are clay images and not made of li ( b e l l - m e t a l ? ) .

The legend holds that they flew to the temple m a g i cally

from the K u r - s t o d district. Padma Gling-pa refers in his

prophecy to a large number of gter-ma to be recovered b y a

certain Grags-pa w h e n he is w a n d ering in l H o-Mon and these

w o u l d be f o u n d b e t w e e n two " Mongolian boxes" (s o g - s g r o m )

4*1
b e h i n d the image of V a i r o c a n a in Bum-thang rTse-lung,

The n a m e must therefore have changed sometime in the centuries

b e t w e e n Padma Gling-pa an d Kong-sprul. That the temple m a y

a l r eady have b e e n partly da m a g e d b e fore or d u r i n g Padma

Gling-pa ’s lifetime is suggested b y the fact that according

to his ’p r o p h e c y 1 (f.37a) it w as to b e \ converted into "a

house of war" (d m a g - k h a n g ) , perhaps as, temporary bar r a c k s

f o r in v a d i n g troops.

At the least, t h ese scattered references and b r oken

antiquities must s t a n d as eloquent testimony t o the ancient

origins of dKo n - m c h o g - g s u m even though the details' are still

lacking. Three more temples in Bum - t h a n g could ho doubt be

placed in this period of primary d i f f u s i o n but for an even

g r e a t e r pa u c i t y of substantiating ■ material. These are:

(1) A - n u in the village of Gham-ling at the centre of the

sTang valley; (2) Rin-chen dGe-gnas in the v i l l a g e of j

Zung-nge in the e astern-most part of the Ch u - s m a d valley;

and (3) Nam-mkha * in the s i d e - v a l l e y of Chu-stod at the top

of the sTang valley. The first two have already .appeared in

Padma Gling-pa's version o f the m T h a * dul Y a n g - ’dul scheme

as subduing the b o r d e r and the outer marches respectively.

(See p. 40 above). B u m - thang dGe-gnas. figures in the

rOyal-po b k a '-thang (f. 75b) and in the Thang-yig g s e r - ’phreng

(f. 280b), its central image is also that of Vairocana,

and the local family w h o s e responsibility it is to care

f o r the temple maintains a tradition t h a t it is the

conte m p o r a r y of the m T h a ’- ’dul Y a n g - ’dul temples. Beyo n d

that nothing is known, G-ham-ling A - n u seems to have b e e n

frequently refurbished b y the descendants of rDo-rje

Gling-pa w ho live in the huge mansion of 0 - r g y a n C h o s -gling

that towers a b ove this minute temple. Local custom again

affirms it to be the oldest religious f o u n d a t i o n in the J

sTang valley. Ch u - s t o d N a m - m k h a ’i lHa^khang, a few miles

north-east of A-nu, occupies a similar, p o s i t i o n to all

these on the floor of its v a l l e y and contains a most

i nteresting image of the Buddha that "dropped from the sky",

hence the name N a m - m k h a ’, "Sky". It appears to be a focal

point for the local cult d e v oted to the old g o d Zo-ra-ra-skyes

whom we shall be discussing in Section 3 below. It must

have b e e n the presence of all these buildings and the

ancient traditions surrounding them which led the great

Klong- c h e n - p a to declare at the beg i n n i n g of his eulogy of

Bum-thang that the province was "a land to which the excellent

kings and ministers of ancient times came, a land in w h ich

42
wondrous temples lie,"

T u r n i n g now to the west, the only temples besides '

sKyer-chu in the sPa-gro valley which Alight date from this

p e r i o d are the ' B l a c k ’ and ’W h i t e ’ temjbles of the Ha d

(pronounced ’Ha') v a lley at the westernmost end of the

country. Two v a r iant local t raditions1about these have

b e e n collected b y the author of L G B II (f. 64a-b) , himself

a native of that valley, (1) Srong-btsan sGam-po emanated

the forms of two pigeons , one white and one black, a nd

sent them to IHo-rong where they magically built these

’B l a c k 1 and ’White' temples. (2) Some people su d d e n l y

(h a d - k y i s ) left the three peaks associated with the local

god K h y u n g - b d u d at the northern end of the valley and came

down to b u ild the temples in a single day. The three

hillocks (below w h i c h V) the temples stand came to be

called "the T hree-Brother Man-Peaks" (Ml-ri sPun-gsum) and

the w h ole valley was named Had ("Sudden"). Both versions

are nice examples of the etymologizing that is a l w a y s

depended upon to produce ’rational' explanations of unknown

origins. It is a device that can at th e least be said to b e

used i n v a r i a b l y in respect to institutions of ancient (and

usually foreign) provenance, e s p e c i a l l y clans. dGe- !.dun

(l o c . c i t .)
Rin-c h e r / a l s o records the lege n d of how w h e n the m ain image

of Amitayus in the 'White T e m p l e ’ was b e i n g made an

u n i d e ntified p e r s o n abruptly turned up'.carrying its head.

The image took its head w h i c h then soldered itself m a g i c a l l y

onto its neck; this, it is said, explains w h y the h ead

happens to be too b i g for the image. We m a y p e r haps surmise

from this that some of the o r i ginal contents of these two

temples survive, upon w h i c h later restorative work w as a d ded 1

thus con f o r m i n g to 'the general pattern f o r all these e a r l y

foundations. No doubt there were more in the w e s t than

just these but none are identifiable eith e r in the records

or on the ground. The relatively large number of early

temples surviving in Bum-thang can no d o ubt b e p a rtly

e xplained b y the m a r k e d continuity in that province's history

and traditions and b y the fact that it:did not b e c o m e a

great m e l t ing-pot of opposing schools as did the w e s t e r n -

region.

Much of this discussion has bee n of a prov i s i o n a l a n d

hypothetical nature, necessarily so because of the nature of

 91)

our sources. Nevertheless it is hoped that some

c r e d ibility can now attach to these buildings. Their

symbolic importance for the Bhutanese, then as now, is

inestimable. d G e - ’dun Rin-chen says of s K y er-chu a n d

Byams-pa: "As i n d i cated b y the bene f i c e n c e with which the

holy religion w a s /'thus/ first introduced ^/through these

temple 3/% so was it begun. Prom then on generations of

m en too p r o l i f e r a t e d so that villages and towns w e r e w i d e l y

e s t a b l i s h e d and came into existance" (L C B II, f. 6 ha) *

Through the medium o f these temples the genesis of the

Bhutanese themselves is thus linked in a hazy yet sufficient

m a n n e r to the origins of their religion. Thence issues all

the l e g i t i m a c y and-a u t h o r i t y upon which, in the eyes of

the ’national* historians, the later developments depend.

But w h i l e on the one h a n d cross-textual studies can serve

to v i n d i c a t e -
■the h istoricity of events, sb also do they often

tend to explode the later view of those events. It w o u l d be

quite w r ong to accept that the ethnic origins of the

Bhutanese were in a n y w a y associated w ith t h ese temples.

We shall never kno w the true and exciting s t o r y of how they

were e s t a b l i s h e d in the 8 th a n d 9 th centuries but w e can at

least discount the arguments put forward l a ter b y many

missionaries that they w e r e b r i n g i n g t h e first light to a

land of darkness. A certain degree o f .s e l f - i n t e r e s t and an

evident ignorance of local history w e n t to f o m that view. 1*3

 yi
NOTES TO SECTION I

1, It is surely indicative of this that the Bhutanese quite

often describe the temples of sKyer-chu a nd Byams-pa as

two of the one hu n d r e d and eight religious f oundations of

Srong-btsan sGam-po (which according to the M a - n i b k a ' - ' b u m

w e r e part of an abortive scheme of his Nepalese queen),

rather than as forming part of the mTha'-'dul Y a n g - ’dul

p a r adigm (see below) which can carry pejorative implica- ^

tione for any noti o n of early Bhutanese sovereignty,

2. A medical origin for the term is suggested b y the fact that

m e - b t s a 1 also signified moxa (J a s c h k e , T i b e t a n - E n g l i s h

Dictionary p . h 3 U ) > the use of which as a counter-irritant

is well k n own to the Tibetans.

3* Bum-thang dar-gud-kyi l u n g - b s t a n , 8 fols. The colophon says

this was abbreviated by Padma Gling-pa- h i m self fro m the

section b e l o w Ch. 30 of the Lung-bstan- ku n - g s a l snying-po,

another of his 'discoveries’. I have not traced this in

his Co l l e c t e d Works and it has probably come down i n d e p e n d ­

ently. I am grateful to Karma dGe-legs who a l l o w e d me to

make my c o p y from the one in the library of his late father-

in-law, Drap;-shos Phun-tshogs dBang-'dus, in Bla-ma'i

d&on-pa, Bum-thang., I cannot supply references to the

original folio numbers, h a ving omitted to m ark these in my

own copy.

U. rG.yal-po sindha r a - d z a ’i r n a m - t h a r , 30 fols. A modern

print, no indication of date or provenance, f o r m i n g the

L u n g - b s t a n gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g . It does not seem to have

survived in the Collected Works. I a m most gr a t e f u l t o

Arianne M acdonald for giving me her copy. Some of the

 96

problems f a c e d in attributing the work to Padma Gling-pa

are outlined in Section 2 of this chapter,

5. This assertion is repeated in Padma Gling-pa's L u n g - b s t a n

kun-gsal m e - l o n g . f, 37a (= Collected W o r k s Vol.I p.91).

6. A l s o asserted in op.cit., f.38a (= Col l e c t e d W o rks Vol.I

P - 93).

7. See also op. cit., ff.llib an d 17b (= pp, 2+6 a n d 52).

Q. See g T e r - r n a m , f.227b. A r i anne Macdonald (1971: 203 note 59)

seems to disagree with K o n g -sprul in h e r s u g g estion that

Nyi-ma '0d~zer a n d m N g a '-bdag Myang-ral are two different

persons. She has yet to substantiate this idea.

9. Stein 1959a:37~38 and 1959b:89. Arianne Macdonald (loc.cit.)

gives the dates 1122 + or 1 1 3 6 - 12 01 }.,

10. Compare their biographical sketches in g T e r - r n a m , ff,l|.7b -

5 0 b and lida-b respectively.

11. Blue Annals 9U1 “ 9U2 and 1006. The Bon tradition, however,

holds that dNgos-grub w a s active a century earlier. He is

supposed to have d i s c overed the rDzogs-chen yang-rtse k l o n g -

chen in 1088, See Samten Karm a y 1975 : 215.

12. See the d k a r - c h a g s , f. 11b.

13. Richardson 1977:168 and 273* The ascription is su p p o r t e d b y

the 5th Dalai Lama's guide to the Jo-khang.

11+ * V o s t r i k o v 1970:51}-.

15• Pha 'brug-sgom zhig-pa'i rnam-thar t h ugs-r.je'i c h u - r g y u n .

ff. 1 0b a nd 3 2 b.

1 6 . Stein 1959a:37 - 38 and 1959b:89,

 95

17* The text reads (f. 130a): / bum-thang-gi m c h o d - r t e n

d e 1! s t e n g - d u lha-khang brts i g s ~ n a / ("If a temple is

built on top of the stupa of B u m - t h a n g . ...") This

makes l i t t l e sense and is absent from B. A better

reading w o u l d surely be s o m e thing like: 1 o-thang-gi ■

mtsho-steng-du ... / As if in justification o f this

passage the a u t h o r later (f. 1 3 5 a) makes a stupa

arise m a g i c a l l y from the lake. A g a i n this is absent

f r o m B.

18. O n a stone phallus still to be s e e n on t h e n o r t h -

i
eastern p r o j e c t i o n of the roof over the J o - b o see

Richardson 1972:27-28 a n d 1977:188.

19. B has rgya'i dha-hen k h a n g - p a . f. 199a.

20. A later list on ff, 137b - 138a (c o r r e s p o n d i n g to B

f. 199b) adds "a m a n dala in accordance with the

tantrics". Haarh (1969: 38^-391) confuses these

foundations of the J o - k h a n g for those of the Ra-mo-che

temple. He claims that in the form of these foundations

is p r e s e r v e d the basic structure of the royal tombs in

Yar-lung.

21. Al t h o u g h the story of these temples occupies a single

folio (137) the entire chapter is e n t i t l e d Ru-bzhi

m t h a ’-'dul yang-*dul-gyi lha-khang-rnams b r t s i g s - p a !i

mdzad-pa ("The Acti o n of Building the T e m ples of the

R u - b z h i . m T h a T- *dul an d Y a n g - ' d u l " ) . While there is

complete agreement b e t w e e n A and B in t h e list of these

i'
twelve temples, with only a few minor d i f f e r e n c e s in

th eir spelling, the same does not hold f o r the temples

fo u n d e d b y S r o n g - b t s a n ’s queens. A (f. 139a) has:

 94
1) lHa-gcig K o n g-jo : the Jo-khang; 2) M o n g - b z a 1

Khrl-lcam : Brag-rtsa lHa-khang; 3) Z h a n g - z h u n g - b z a f :

Brag-lha Klu-phug; a n d k) Ru-yong-bza1 : Khrim-bu

sKol-pa. B (f.206a) has: 1 ) lHa-gcig Khri-btsun :

R a - s a ’i IHa-khang g n y i s ; 2) lHa-gcig K o n g - j o : Ra-mo-che;

3) Z h a n g - z h u n g - b z a 1 L i - t h i g - s m a n i K h r i m s - b u IKog-pa;

k) R u - y o n g s - h z a 1 r G y a 1 - mo-btsun : Brag-lha m G o n - p o ;

and 5) J o -mo M o n g - b z a 1 K h r i - l c a m : lHa-sa Y e r - p a ’i

g Tsug-lag-khang. Of these only the Jo-khang,

Ra-mo-che a n d Yer-pa are w e l l known and easily

identifiable. Mr. R i c h a r d s o n informs me that Brag-lha

Klu-phug is a cave temple on the side of the lCags-po-ri

hill in lHa-sa, See als o f. 5b on-the temples b u ilt b y

the queens. ( :

M
22. N e e d h a m 1959:501, The Y u K u n g ts five zones are expanded

in the C h o u Li to nine zones and these form the model

i
for l a t e r imperial cities. On the nine zones see

Legge 1865:11+9. F or a Bon-po cosmology c o n s isting of

five concentric zones centred upon the m o u n t a i n of

g . Y u n g - d r u n g dgu-brtsigs see Snellgrove 1967 : D i agram

XXII. A c c o r d i n g to Karin ay (1975b; 173) these five zones

are t r a d i t i o n a l l y divided into three: nang-gling (I),

b a r - g l i n g (II-tIV) and m t h a 1 -gling ( v ) . This arrangement

affords a close parallel to the scheme under discussion.

23* See the L a - dwags rgyal-rabs (as quoted b y H a a r h 1969:281+)

f or a reference to the 62 m T h a 1-khob a n d the 60

Yang-khob. See also the bShad-mdzod (ff, 93b-9Ua) on a

}

class i f i c a t i o n of the ninety-one b a r b a r i a n tribes of the

border. The very last of these is sP a - g r o M o n . It w o u l d

seem to have a very-broad location in this scheme:

 9b

/ mnga*-ris bod-kyi sa *di-la / pa-gro mon-gyi skor-ba-la

/ mtha fkhob y u l - g r u g c ig-tu rtsis /

Padma Gling-pa brings together the notions of m t h a 1-khob

and rotha*-* dul in a passage of his b i o g r a p h y describing

a s h r i n e room w h ich he redecorated in the famous temple

of O-r.gyan-gling near rTa-wang in A r u n a c h a l P r a desh :

/ m t h a f- !khob m t h a 1 - 1dul-gyi sems-can-rnams tshogs-gnyis

gsog-pa*i r t e n - du m chod-khang g z a b - p a r b z h e n g s - s o / /

(Collected Works Vol.Pha, f.i+2b ~ p . 8 6 ). On Padma

Gling-pa*s a s s o c i a t i o n with this temple see p.317 below.

21+. On the location of the ru a c c o r d i n g to dPa*-bo

gT s u g - l a g see Tucci 1956:77-79*

25- See Kuznetsov 1966:110.

26. B y the end of the 8 th century an official g e o m a n c e r

(s a m - m k h a n ) was employed at the Tibetan court: the

post comes last in the list of government func*tionaries

p r e s e r v e d in Pelliot No. 1089 (Lalou 1956: 13).

It is a m a t t e r for regret that t h e , d i v i nation tables

found in T u n - h u a n g are not geomantic in character. One

of t hem reveals "les presages signifies par 1 *eclair

a p e r c u dans chacune des huit directions et p o u r chaque ,

£ *3

moment de la journee." ( B a c o t ;1913: U U 5 ) . The texts

that deal with this foim of divination 1r... sont des

adaptations de notions indiennes, non bouddhiques, a des

notions proprement t i b e t a i n e s ." (A-. M a c d o n a l d 1971: 2 8 2 ).

/ ra Lsa'i Rtsug lag k h ang las stsogs pa / (Richardson

19U9 : 51 lines 5 - 6 ).
 30

28. m K h a s - p a ’i d g a ’- s t o n .Vol. Ja, f.110a: "khri srong-btsan-

gyi ring-la / r a - s a ’i b i - h a r b r t s igs-te . • • " A n d f .1 2 8 b :

"dang-po mes srong-btsan-gyis mkhyen-nas / l h a - s a ’i '

dp e - h a r brtsigs-pa ..."

29. O n the Thob-rgyal district see Wylie 1 962: II4.2 -IU3* j

A l s o T h a n g - y i g . f.280b, P e t e r A u f s c h n a i t e r made a

v i s i t to the g T s a n g - g r a m temple and there are relevant

notes in his c o l l e c t i o n at Zurich.

30. On lHa-rtse see Wylie 1962:135. On 'Grom-pa see

Thomas 1935 1:277 and Tucci 1956:80 (note 3 ) * On the

temple itself .see Th a n g - y i g f. 282a. Tucci (1973:

plates 78 a n d 79)illustrates a great m c h o d - r t e n at

4 1
rGyang near lHa-rtse w h i c h may perhaps be c o n n e c t e d

w i t h Grom-pa-rgyang.

31 • d P a l -ldan b l a-ma d a m - p a ’i mdzad-pa r m a d - d u b.yung-ba

ng o - m t s h a r b d u d -rtel ’_i , f . 1 8 a . rGya 1 - d b a n g - rJe

revealed a ’h i d d e n l a n d ’ (s b a s - y u l ) in the b i l l s above

Bu-chu. The Thang-yiff (f,280b) refers to t h e temple as

Sha r - k o n g B u - c h u Dar-legs lHa-khang. Mr. Richardson

informs me that the temple was des t r o y e d in the great

earthquake of 1 9 5 0 .

32. See W y l i e 1962:137 ( R i c h a r d s o n ’s note) a n d also

, f. 2 8 1 a,

33. Aris 1975:7U-76. See also rGyal-po b k a ’- t h a n g , f.77a and

T h a n g - y i g . f,280b. F or a p u n d i t ’s report on his Journey

in 1875 to ’T a d u m 1 (= sPra-dun) and his "ineffectual

attempt" to v i s i t the temple see the Geographical J o u r n a l .

U5 (1875), 350-363. Kawaguchi (1909: 217-218) spent a

day at ’T a d u n ’ in 1900, calling it "the most famous temple

 in n o r t h e r n Tibet," Local tradition a s s e r t e d that

"the h a i r of s e ven Buddhas are interred here", thus

p r o viding a false etymology (sKra-bdun = fs e v e n hairs')

for its p e c u l i a r name (sPra-dun). Heinrich H a r r e r als o

spent several -days detained there but his account, like

K a w aguchi 1 s,has no i n f o r m a t i o n about the h i s t o r y or

contents of the temple, A u f s c h n a i t e r is reputed to

have obtained a guide (g n a s - y l g ) to sPra -dun w h i c h may

b e p r e s e r v e d in Zurich,

34* On sNye-thang see W y l i e 1962:1,U7*

35- See Richardson's comment in Ferrari 1958:1^-2 and a

p h o t o g r a p h of the R u - g n o n gTs p g - l a g - k h a n g on Plate kk'm

A l s o rGyal-po b k a '- t h a n # , f , 77a-b :>and T h a n g - y i g , f ,2 8 0 b ♦

We can be quite sure that the scheme was k n o w n to

0- r g y a n Gling-pa even though it does not appear in th,is

context;'it is, referred to on f.65b of the b T s u n - m o

b k a '- t h a n g .

36. On a dPal-dbyangs of t he dBas clan see s B a - b z h e d p,54»

Thomas 1951 : 8 6 , and H e a t h e r K a r m a y 1975:1h.

i

37. L G B II, f, 6 ha. L G B I (f. 6 a) has no specific mention

of the temples at all b u t i n s t e a d ;refers to Srong-btsan,

s G a m - p o ’s b l e s s i n g the area with rays of c o m p a s s i o n ip

o r d e r to prepare it for the arrival of Buddhism,

38. Ric h a r d s o n (1977:173) says the name of the famous

Ca p u c h i n bell in the J o - k h a n g is Y e - s h u'i cong c h e n - p p .

A line of the gSol-'debs le'u bd u n - m a reads: / cong

gling zil b u ta la la / ("The trembling of bells and

flutes — talala I")

39. L e t t e r dated 7th October, 1976. I am also most

g r a teful to Monica V o n Schulthess for her great

kindness in taking more p hotographs for me in s i t u .

Efforts to secure a b e tter r e a ding b y means of a

l a t e x mould have not yet met w i t h success.

UO. This no doubt w i l l help to load the cannons of those

w h o w o u l d look on the ’m e g a l i t h 1 w e d g e d in the stone

✓
trough as a Saivite llftga. The trough is in fact

e x p l ained l o c a l l y to be an old m o r t a r such as w o u l d

have bee n used f o r po u n d i n g grain. We ca n perhaps

s peculate that the M a-ni on it was carved at the same

time as the lotus on the base of the pillar.

1+1 . L u n g - b s t a n k u n - g s a l m e - l o n g , f . 39a (= C o l l e c t e d Works,

Vol. Ka, p . 95) ; also ff.h2b a n d 119a of Padma G-ling-pa’s

a u t o b i o g r a p h y (C o l l e c ted W o r k s , Vol. Pha f p p . 8 6 and 239).

r

h-2. B u m - thang lha 1 i sbas-yul-gyi bkod^-pa me-tog s k y e d - t s h a l .

f. 2 2 b, K l o n g - c h e n - p a might h a v e ,intended us to include

a m o n g these the m a n y shrines to Pa d m a s a m b h a v a in

B u m -thang w h i c h we shall be c onsidering below. However,

these are usually referred to as gnas eve n if a g t s u g -

lag-khang is to be f o u n d there.
It was only on the completion of this study that I discovered

Arianne Maodonald1s report of her valuable studies on the

Ma-ni bkaT- 1bum in the Annuaire (1969) of the Eoole Pratique des

Hautes Etudes. We learn that the contents of the Ma-ni bka'^bum

listed in a manuscript history dated 1376 (whose title she does

not provide, but which is presumably the Deb-ther brdzongs-dmar-ma)

excludes mention of the two biographical works on Srong-btsan

wherein the story of his temples first seems to appear. One of

them must therefore have circulated independently long earlier

if it acted as the direot source of inspiration for the corresponding

passage in the next history to pick up tlie story, namely the

Bu-ston ohos-*byung of 1322.

2. The ’S i n d h u Ra.ia'

One of the most c o m p e l l i n g stories of early Bhutan,

recounted b o t h in oral and w r i t t e n forms, concerns the

activities of a refugee Indian king called the ’SindJhu Raja',

a p a tron of P a d m a s a m b h a v a , w h o is said to have b e e n the

fo u nder of a s h o r t-lived k i n g d o m in Bum-thang. W h i l e the

content a n d nature of this famous story suggest it to be

pu r e l y legendary, the initial impression is also that truly

historical events may have once f o r m e d its basis. We are

led to expect the same m y t h i cising process as was applied $o

the first Buddhist temples. Certain g e ographical sites

a s s o ciated w i t h the story can similarly be l o c a t e d on terra

firma. In the case of the 'Sindhu R a j a 1, however, to trace

the most developed narrative of his story back to its distant

sources provides an. insight into the e v o l u t i o n and function

J
of the myth itself b u t we are left hardly t he w i s e r historically.

Nevertheless, the g l i m m e r at the e n d of the tunnel is

s u f f i c i e n t l y bright to justify the effort a n d the tunnel ;

itself turns out to have side-chambers full of interest.

We have a l r e a d y had occasion to notice a reference to

the kin g 'Sendha R a - t s a 1 in one of Padma G l i n g - p a ’s p r o p hecies

J

(see p.59 above). The full narrative of the k i n g ’s story,

however, does not appear to be contained in the standard

C o l l e c t e d Works of Padma Gling-pa b ut rather in a short text

having a quite independent existence. This is the rGyal-po

sindha r a - d z a ’i r n a m - t h a r , recently r e p r i n t e d in 3 0 folios.

It constitutes a pr o p h e c y entitled L u n g - b s t a n g s a l - b a ’i

me - l o n g a n d is pre s e n t e d as the gter-ma of a certain 0-rgyan,

last in the line of seven g t e r - s t o n ; m N g a - b d a g Nyang, £ G u - r vy

C h o s ( - k y i ) - d b a n g ( - p h y u g ) , T s h e -bstan ^ T s h e - b r t a n / rGyal-mtshan,
C hoe-rgyal R i n - c h e n Gling-pa, Shes-rab Me-'bar, rDo-rje

^Gling-pa/" a nd finally O-rgyan, As we shall see in C h a p t e r 3

below, all of these persons (with the e x c e p t i o n of the first

and last) are easily recognisable as g t e r - s t o n w h o were

act i v e - i n B h utan and their chronological sequence here is

b r o a d l y correct. The O - r g y a n w h o comes at the end

presents some difficulties. He is supposed t o b e the

re-incarnation of iDan-ma rTee-mangs to w h o m the 'prophecy'

containing the rnam-thar was dictated b y the Guru. Padma

Gling-pa n o r m a l l y r e g a r d e d himself as the i n c a r n a t i o n of

lHa-lcam Padma-gsal, a d a u g h t e r of the-king K h r i S r o n g-lde-

b t s a n w h o m the G u r u ha d taken as one of his consorts.

Padma Gling-pa, however, is often referred to as Q - r gyan

Padma Gling-pa a n d there seems e v e r y reason to i d e ntify him

w i t h the O - r g y a n of this text. That he s h o u l d on occasion

have regarded himself as the incarnation o f IDan-ma rTse-mangs

instead of P a d m a - g s a l w o u l d be perfectly consistent wit h the

character of a g t e r - s t o n . man y of whorm. embody two of the

Guru's disciples. irDo-rje Gling-pa (1286 - 13U5) was the .

most p r e s t igious g t e r - s t o n in Bhutan pnior to Padma Gling-pa

(b. 1l|50). Fo r these reasons there seems little doubt that

Padma Gling-pa w o u l d be considered b y local scholars to be

the true g t e r - s t o n responsible for this text which itself

affords close paral l e l to others of his; works. This is

p a r t i c u l a r l y noticeable in the apocalyptic treatment of the

'evil times' w h ich will b e f a l l Bum-thang (f. 21 a-b) w h ich

echoes the principal theme of the Bum-thang dar-gud-kyi

lun g - b s t a n (see note 7 to Section I abxsve) . The latter also

exists outside the mai n corpus of Padma Gling-pa's works a n d

this leads one to a further poss i b i l i t y as to a u t h o r s h i p , ;

n a m e l y that these 'extrapolated' texts: m a y be truly apocryphal

instead of b e i n g the revelations of Padma Gl i n g - p a they

might simply have b e e n disguised as such b y l a ter writers

w h o did not themselves carry sufficient w e i g h t to ensure

the acceptance of their works as g t e r ~ m a . F o r the present,

however, the Sindha Ra-dza's b i o g r a p h y may be taken at its

face value despite these reservations since the story of

the Indian king was c e r t ainly known to Padma Gling-pa. In

the Collected 'Works, the king is referred to in the course

of Khyi-kha R a - t h o d Ts story w h e r e he fulfils a m i & o r role

o
under the name of S e n - m d a f or Senta. - We are t o l d no t h i n g

except that he is an Indian k ing living in the palace of

i C a g s - m k h a r in Bum-thang. On one occasion he is c a l l e d ,

*the e m a n ation of Hayagriva". We can assume that there

must have b e e n a w e l l - k n o w n myth concerning this figure k n o w n

to Padma Gling-pa a n d t h a t the text under discussion

represents the v e r s i o n k n own either torPadma G l i ng-pa or to

somebody c l o s e l y f o l l o w i n g his tradition.

The preamble to the text (ff. 1b - 2b) serves to

introduce IDan-ma rTse-mangs as the scribe w h o is about to

take d own the words of the Guru's prophecy. IDan-ma explains

how he a c c o m p a n i e d the G u r u to Bum-thang w h ere t h e main

events of the narrative took place. C h a pter I (O - r g y a n

rin-po-che ^Padma/r 'byung gnas-k.yis r g y a 'i rgyal-po sna'u-che

'bangs-'khor chos-la bkod-pa'i l e ' u . ff, 2b - 3 a) explains Jpiow

wh i l e the G u r u was in India he was invited b y t h e king of

India called sNa'u-che to his palace of Ri n - c h e n 'Od-ldan

and c o n v e r t e d h im an d all his subjects"to Buddhism. (As we

shall see, this k ing seems to have been c r e ated as a foil to

the figure of the Sindha Ra-dza, the chief protagonist. His

name s N a fu-che means simply TBig Nose'. One is reminded of

the common caricature of an Indian depicted on the masks of

 A-tsa-ra clowns with t h e i r huge noses.)

Ch a p t e r II (</Sindha ra-dza / 7 rgyal-blon thams-cad

Icags-mkhar-la mnga fthang g u n g-Ia regs-pa h.yas-nas bzhu g s - o a ' i

l e 1 u . ff. 3a ” 5b) begins b y announging K i n g Khyi-kha Ra-thod

w h o lives in the sbas-yul mKhan-pa-lung (and w h o only

reappears in Ch. VI). South of m K h a n -pa-lung lies the palace

of ICag s - m k h a r sGo-med (’'The Iron Fort-Palace Without Doors")

which is "shaped like a half moon rising up prominently"

(dbyibs zla-gam-du yod-pa-las !b u r - d u d o d - p a ) . The palace

(which is a p p a r e n t l y uno c c u p i e d and n o t hing is said of its

origin) is m i n u t e l y d e s c r i b e d together with the important

features of the surrounding country a n d the m a j o r sites in

its vicinity. Among the l a tter is men t i o n e d the p a l a c e of

King sNa'u-che to the south-west, all the o t her directions,

being occupied b y various local spirits. The v a l l e y where ,

the palace of i G a g s -mkhar is situated is itself the centre

of two-thirds of thp w o rld ( fdzam-bu-ling g s u m - g n y i s - s u

bcad-pa'i l t e - b a ). The palace is nine storeys in height,

e a c h one made of a different precious s u b s tance and it has

two main doors (even though described above as " d o o r l e s s " ) ;

one faces the river to the east and the other to the west,

this arrangement making it ver y strong and secure (b t s a n - p a ) .

The local traditions of Bum-thang are in total a c c o r d

in pl a c i n g the site of the palace at a spot adj o i n i n g the

present temple o f ICags-mkhar whose her e d i t a r y p r o p r i e t o r

claims descent fro m rDo-rje Gling-pa. The site w as vi s i t e d

b y J ohn Claude White in 1905 and he described it as follows:

i
"On the way bac k we were shown the site of the S i n d h u Raja's

house, now in ruins, situated on the edge of a high b l u f f

overhanging the river. It appears to have b e e n a square of

sixty or s e v e n t y feet, and the w a l l apartments c o u l d not

have been v e r y wide, as there seems to have been an open

space in the centre, unless this again was c o v e r e d in b y

a f l oor above, in w h i c h case the b u i l d i n g w o u l d have b e e n

a n exact counterpart of the central towers we now f i n d in

L=rdzongj ,
every Jong / S urrounding the sides, on „the level, was a

w e l l - d e f i n e d 'ditch, with a continuation on the o u t e r side

leading to the river, and a l s o a w e l l - d e f i n e d path.

T radition states there was also a gate at the opposite corner

to the south. The Penl o p ^/O-rgyan dBang-phyug, later to

become the first k i n g of B h u t a n / has lent me a b o o k of old

stories in w h i c h there is a g l o w i n g d e s c r iption of the old

house" (white 1909 : 167). This b o o k must h a v e been the same

as the one under present review but it can be n o t e d in

passing that the a l i gnment of the palace's doors does not

tally w ith the i nformation found in this work. The visitor

to the site today does not fin d the "well-defined" features^

observed by W h i t e but rather a complex of lav e a r t hworks having

the a p p e a r a n c e of d eteriorated field boundaries and the

remains of what might once have been a series of low ditches.

The site a p p e a r s to be subject to periodical c u l t i v a t i o n but

when the present w r i t e r visited it the g r ound w a s lying f a l l o w

an d b e i n g used as g r a zing for the domestic cattle of the

nearby village. There was nothing vis-ible to the eye that

could accord with Vhite's d escription of a square structure

surrounded b y a ditch. It must be assumed that the remains

have b e e n largely a l t ered b y agricultural w o r k in the years

since 1 9 0 5 but c e r t a i n t y on the w h o l e issue can o n l y be

reached by means of archeological investigation. There is ;no

particular cause to discount the local .tradition that this

most strategic and defensive position was occupied b y an

early fort. The fanciful description of the b u i lding in our

text, however seems to be partly de r i v e d f r o m t h e early

Tibetan fort-palaces which are traditionally r e c k o n e d to

J
have had nine storeys. The mos t famous a d a p t a t i o n of this

style is shown in the Sras-mkhar dGu-thog a l l e g e d l y built

b y Mi-la Ras-pa, in the area of IHp-brag Just north of

Bum-thang. The forts and watch - t o w e r s of c e n tral Tibet

b e l o n g i n g to the historic p e r i o d are invariably s i t u a t e d on

high elevated ground, unlike the Sras-mkhar which is on the

floor of a v a l l e y and similar in position t o the I C a g s - m k h a r

of Bum-thang. The Sras-mkhar itself m a y o r i g i n a l l y have

b e e n defensive; the machicolations on its side are now

covered w i t h gilded metal, as I am informed b y Mr. Richardson.

The literary account of the I C a g s -mkhar as we have it now

was surely the product of imaginative speculation t h a t

drew on the traditional con c e p t i o n of an e a rly fort. If a

defensive structure ever occupied this site it w o uld pe r h a p s

more likely have b e l o n g e d to the prehistoric period of the

stone megaliths a n d tools of Bum-thang for In the ’treasure

b o x ’ (g t e r - s g r o m ) of the I C a g s - m k h a r lHa-khang adj o i n i n g the

site there is p r e served a magnificent atone a x e - h e a d of a

dark and h i g h l y p o l i s h e d material which is s aid to have bee n

fo und locally, perhaps on the actual site of the i Q a g s - m k h a r .

As expected, it is described as a 'sky-riron' axe (nam-lcags

s t a - r e ) a n d one wonders if this could suggest the true

derivation of the palace's name (ICags-mkhar - 'Fort-Palace

of Iron'). One must beware of producing a ’modern* theory

on this as fanciful, on its own terms, as that w h i c h imbues

the b i o g r a p h y of the 'Sindhu Raja' a n d ..one which is

similarly founded on meagre evidence. ,It is v e r y tentatively

suggested, therefore, that the site may represent a defensive

s ettlement of the 'Late Stone A g e ’, situated so as to control

the rich agricultural land o f the C h o s - ' k h o r v a l l e y and to

provide refuge in c a s e ' o f attack. Its ruins must, in the

historical period, have b e e n o f a sufficient size and

distinctness t o have occasioned the growth of a l e g e n d

that sought to give it a royal significance w i t h i n an

ent i r e l y Buddhist setting. .Vhether the ' r o y a l 1 element in -

that setting is mythical or historical, or m ore exactly,

w h e t h e r the myth has a seed of historical reality, is an

important question -to w h i c h an a n s w e r is a t t e m p t e d below.

For the present, let it be suggested that the legend's t r e a t ­

ment of the site is a reflection of the same a d a p t i n g process

w h i c h c a used some of the first Buddhist temples in B u m -thang

to be built around or n e a r prehistoric -megaliths.

Ha v i n g des c r i b e d the ICags-mkhar, C h a pter II of the

b i o g r a p h y c o n t inues b y telling us about the person who is

destined to occupy it. Prince Kun-'joms (the i n c a r n a t i o n of

K ing N a m - m k h a ' 'J a '-ris-can) is b o r n as the middle of seven

i
sons to Kin g Sing-ga-la of Ser-skya (Kapilavastu) . Kun-'joins

is of a violent d i s p osition and the ministers decide he s h o u l d

be sent off to pursue a life of religion. The k i n g and

K u n - 'joms both agree to this b u t obstacles are put in his

p a t h b y the king's five h u n d r e d consorts a nd some of the evil

ministers. Kun - ' j o m s is defeated and b a n i s h e d to the k i ngdom

of Singdhi (sic) w h e r e he becomes the r a j a . There he contends

w i t h the 'King of India' sNa'u-che, is once more defeated and

so flees to B u m - thang w i t h his e i ghty followers. Now known

as the Sindha Fh-tsa, he takes control of the palace of ICags-

mk har sGo-med w h i c h he surrounds with a w a l l (lcags - r i ) that

encompasses h a l f of the entire district of Bum-thang, He

then procures h i m s e l f one hundred consorts from India, Tibet

and Mon, five of w h o m b e a r him children. Two of these assume

important roles in the story: IHa-gcig 1B u m - l d a n mTsho-mo

w ho has the marks of a dakini of the va j ra family, daughter

of Nyi-zer-ldan, and sTag-lha Me-'bar, son of Kun-skyong-ma.

In a d d i t i o n to his h u n dred consorts the king has eighty

ministers including five important ones f rom India, Sindha,

Hor, Tibet and Mon," In his kingdom thd 4 g n o d - s b y i n bDud-'dhl

is w o r s hipped as a l h a . rDo-rje G rags-ldan as a d g r a - l h a . the

k l u - b d u d chen-po s P y i-bdud Kha-la M e - ' b a r as a g z h i - b d a g and

dBang-phyug Chen-po also as a l h a . (The idea e x p r e s s e d here

is c l e a r l y that, w h i l e retaining th e w o r s h i p of the H i n d u

deity Siva (dBang-phyug G h e n - p o ) , the king now adopts the

cult of the local spirits of Bum-thang.)

C h a p t e r III (ff. 5b - 9b) begins by explaining how

P r i n c e sTag-lha M e - ' b a r extends his father's k i n g d o m b y

taking over f o u r new settlements (yul-gsar) : r Do-rje-brag

in Tibet, K h a n g - g e a r in Mon, G l i n g-gor in H o r and Sindha-pha-ri

in India. At the age of twenty, however, t h e prince is k i l l e d

i i

b y his father's old enemy King sNa'u-che. His f a t h e r

retaliates b y b u r n i n g one t h o u s a n d settlements b e l o n g i n g to

sNa'u-che w h o then destroys twen t y of his own. T h e r eafter

the w a r is w a g e d sometimes to the advantage of India and

sometimes to the advantage of Mon. In his m i s e r y at the loss

of his son the Sindha Ra-tsa foregoes the w o r s h i p of his

pho-lha (i.e. his gu a r d i a n or ancestral spirit) and commits

5
various impurities. These cause injury to all the spirits

w ho convene in a va j ra -tent and decide to punish him b y

stealing his life-force (b l a ) , The chief of all the gods '

c
and demons (l h a - ' d r e ) called Shel-ging dKar-po declares he

has more right to it than all the other lha - 'dre and s o he

seizes the king's b l a - s r o g . The king falls ill, his flesh

and b l o o d w a s t e awa y leaving just s^'in a n d b o nes and his

eyes b e c o m e like stars reflected at the b o t t o m of a pail

of water. His ministers cannot think of a lama powerful

enough to effect a cure b u t eve n t u a l l y a " m i n o r ruler of

the b o rder b a r b arians" (m t h a 1 -khob-kyi r g y a l - p h r a n ) says

that s N a ' u - c h e ’s lama, the I n dian sngags-pa called Padma

'Byung-gnas, is capable of it. He is sent off with a

measure of g old powder to invite the Guru a n d so Padma

7 —

'Byung-gnas arrives in Mon Bum-thang. The raja promises

to fulfil a ny commands given to him by the G u r u if the

latt e r can cure him. The G u r u replies b y saying that all

he needs is a tantric consort (g z u n g s - m a ) for his meditation.

Se eing the twenty-one marks of a dakini on lHa-gcig ’B u m -ldan

mTsho-mo, the r a j a ’s da u g h t e r b y Nyi-zer-ldan, he takes her

off to the cave of rDo-rje b r T s e g s - p a w h i c h is the ’v a j r a -

c a v e ’ of the m a l i g n a n t spirits. The guru m e d itates and the

princess acts as the s g r u b - s d e - m o . fetching w a t e r a nd laying

out the gter-ma (= gtor-ma ?). Gods, demons and humans are

all made h a ppy b y her and so address he r as their ’single

m o t h e r ’, Ma-gcig ’Bum-ldan. A f t e r seven days the G u r u leaves

the imprint of his bod y on the rock. Shel-ging dKar-po

introduces h i m s e l f to him 1 ) under his common name b y which,

he is k n o w n w h e n a c t i n g as chief of the s r o g-bdag ( ’life-

o w n i n g ’) spirits; als o as 2) Gang-ba bZang-po, c h ief of

g n o d - s b y i n , 3) dMu-rta Zhur-chen, chief, of dmu, h) sKye-bu-

lung-btsan, chief of b t s a n , 5) gZa'-bdud rGyal-po Ra-hu-la,

chief of g z a ’ , 6 ) ’C h i - b d a g Z o - r a - r a - s k y e s , chief of b d u d .

7) K l u - c h e n mGo-dgu, chief of k l u , 8 ) Dam-sri Ma-mo, chief,'

rcia-mo« (The a s s i m i l a t i o n of all these deities to the

figure of S h e l - g i n g ,dKar-po employs a common means of

increasing the stature of a single god w h o normally plays a

minor role. The ’m u n dane deities' e n u m erated here are all

well k n o w n w i t h the exception of zo-ra-ra-skyes w h o has an

important role to p l a y in the story of K h y i - k h a - r a - t h o d . )

Shel-ging dKar-po declares that apart from "breathless earth

and stones" he has authority over all beings who have breath.

He returns the k i n g ’s life-force to the G u r u in the form of

"breath" contained in a "rodent trap" (b r a - b a ’i slu-bu ?) -

described as ther-hyang-se (?) w h i c h is inside a metal box.

Inside the "trap" is "a white tube" (dam .dkar-po = dong-po

dkar-po ?) w h i c h is the k i n g ’s b l a . The G u r u and the

princess return to ICag s - m k h a r and t h e "trap" is p l aced in

the k i n g ’s nose* Fro m within, the tube which is like "a

trembling immaterial rainbow" comes out and is a b s o r b e d into

the crown of the k i n g ’s head. The king recovers a n d a vreat

celebration ensues. The k i n g is given the init i a t i o n of

V a j r a p a n i and to protect him in the future a n amulet called

"The M o u t h - u n i o n of a L i o n and Scorpion" (Seng-sdig k h a - s b y o r )

is tied to his body. O f f e r i n g a cup of grape wine to the Guru,

the king declares he w i l l give him a n y t n i n g he should desire

from his wealth and subjects. The G u r u declines saying that

he cannot reside solely in B u m - thang since the whole of the

v i s ible w o r l d is his palace. The w o r l d is f u l l of his own

wealth, wh a t w o u l d he do wit h just the king's weal t h ? Since

all the gods, demons and humans are his patrons, w h y should

he show p a r t i a l i t y to any one in particular ? He desires

nothing but instead the king should heed his command a n d

follow a path of virtue. The King agrees.

Ch a pter IV (m N a ’- t h ang-du rgyal-po g nyis m n a ’ b y a s - p a ’i l e ' u ,

ff. 9b - 13b) The Guru enquires of the king the cause of

conflict b e t w e e n him a n d K i n g s N a ’u-che a n d so all is explained.

The G u r u says that b o t h kings must meet him on the b o r d e r of

India a n d Mon a n d he himself sets off to s u m m o n s N a ' u - c h e , :

Both parties then assemble on a broad field that has a

natural stone floor where no trees or bushes grow. The

kings are reconciled a n d receive the init i a t i o n of the

sGrub-pa b k a ' - b r g y a d . Before the mandala is d i s m antled

and in a n s w e r to the k i n g ’s enquiries a b out his future

intentions, the G u r u explains to them his future responsib­

ilities in India, Nepal and Tibet. A p i l l a r is erected on

that spot and the G u r u then- declares that h e n c e f o r t h w h o e v e r

contravenes ( ’g a l ) "this oath-stone pillar" ( r d o-ring mn a ' - r d o

Td i ), his heartblood would i mmediately be transferred to this

field and so he would die. Henceforth the troops of India

must not trespass ( 1g a l ) b e y o n d this p i l l a r towards Mon and

the troops of Mon must not trespass in the d i r e c t i o n of India.

If they do they w ill b e destroyed. A ll the kings and

ministers place their hands on the p i l l a r a n d swear: "So

shall it be done I S a - m a - y a - n a - r a - k a n j" The field w h e r e this

took place be c o m e s known as m N a - ’thang ( ' O a t h - F i e l d 1) and

since the oath was taken in relinguiehment of their own

p o w e r (d b a n g - m e d - d u ) , the p illar becomes k n o w n as dBa n g - m e d

( ’P o w e r l e s s 1).^ F i n a l l y the Guru hides thir t y gter-ma

a r o u n d the p i l l a r and appoints the local spirit R o n g - b t s a n

as the guardian of,the g t e r - m a . All r e t u r n to their own ..

countries.

The actual place w h e r e the oath is said to have b e e n

taken is the vi l l a g e of m N a '-sbis (pronounced ’Nabzhi) w h ich

lies just south of the holy mountain of Jo-bo D u n g -shlng

('The Lor d F i r - t r e e 1 k n o w n as the Black Mountain on the

British maps) in the area east of Mang-sde-lung. It lies on

the old route that leads up from the Indian planes a nd it is

a m a t t e r of some regret that George Sherriff, the only

m o dern traveller to have taken that route and v i s i t e d the

place,has left just a passing reference to the "monastic

village of Nabzi (h,600 feet)" (F l e t c h e r 1975 : 131). It

would, however, be most s u r p rising if the principal temple

there were not in some w a y associated w i t h an old megalith

as at dKon-m c h o g - g s u m a n d g S u m - 1phrang. Investigations at

the site w i l l c e r t a i n l y reveal more than can be g l e a n e d from

this l e g e ndary account b u t s ome points are w o rth n o t i n g at this

stage.

The animal and h u man sacrifices that a c c o m p a n i e d the

swear i n g of oaths in ancient Tibet were o f f ered tog e t h e r

with imprecations vowing the same fate b n t h o s e w h o might

b r e a k the oath in the future (Stein 1972 : 200). Padmasambhava1

threat that anyone b r e a k i n g the oath would have his h e a r t b l o o d

b r o u g h t to the site of the oath b y the guardian d ivinities

w o u l d a p p e a r to be a tantric Buddhist a d a p t a t i o n o f this

ancient feature of the oath ceremony. The s w e a r i n g of oaths

in temples de v o t e d to the guardian deities is a practice

still in force in Bhutan to this day. As in ancient Tibet,

such oaths must be taken bef o r e human and divine wit n e s s e s

and w h i l e absent from this ac c o u n t of the ’S i n d h u R a j a ’s oath,

the convention f i nds careful mention in the narrative of an

oath of l o y a l t y sworn by the local rules of eastern Bhutan

to the ’Brug-pa authorities. (See p. 651 below.) A point of

interest in the ceremony of the ’S i n d h u R a j a ’s oath is the

laying of hands on the pilla r b y the p a r t i cipants as they

pronounce the oath., L o g ical as this may seem, it is a feature

to w h i c h no parallel can be f o und in other texts. It w o u l d be

dangerous to hazard a guess as to w h e t h e r the a c t i o n is

recorded as a genuine folk memory of such oaths or whether,

it was introduced into the narrative as a convincing, though

imagined, detail.
 Wh ile m any of the surviving Tibetan pillars b e a r i n g

inscriptions had a simple commemorative pu r p o s e and do not

seem to have .'been acco m p a n i e d b y any sort of' an oath, others

(notably the p i l l a r recording the treaty of 8 2 1 - 8 2 2 between

the Chinese e m p e r o r Mu-tsung and the Tibetan k i n g Khri

gTsug-lde-brtsan) w ere u ndoubtably erected soon a f t e r the

swearing of a n o&th; the actual ceremony enacting the oath

made use of a text w r i tten on paper which w a s later copied

on the pillar. Such oaths are recorded on the Zhol rDo-ring

in lHa-sa, and on the pillars at Zhwa'i IHa-khang and

b$am-yas. The a c t u a l record of a grant a c c o m p a n i e d b y oaths

a n d commemorated b y a p i llar appears to have b e e n d e s c r i b e d

as fftsigs (or r t s i s ) and this appears to have su r v i v e d in J

the term gtan - g t s i g s w h i c h means 'char t e r 1. It can p r o b a b l y

be a s s u m e d that in the p e riod before the introduction of

writing (and p r o b a b l y long after too) oaths w ere in fact

sworn over a stone (the m n a T-rdo of our text) w h i c h was

intended to serve as a perpetual reminder. The terms

r.ied-rdo/rjed-tho and c h a d -rd 0 / chad-mdo all reflect the old

asso c i a t i o n b e t w e e n stones (but not n e c e s sarily megaliths)

10
and oaths. T h e y also seem to reflect in their a l t e r native

spellings the later confusion surrounding the exact function

of the stone in the ceremony. Stein (1972 : 200-201) has this

to say a b o u t the survival o f the practice, g i v i n g as his

reference an entry in Das' dictionary which I cannot trace;

"The m o d e r n custom, rep o r t e d in Kha m and Sikkim, of setting

up a stone at the time of oath is already m e n t i o n e d on the,

stele of 730 (m t h o - r t s i g ) a n d in the old T u n - h u a n g chronicle.

In the latter case, dated to the sixth century, the stone

was erected on the tomb of the mi n i s t e r in w h o s e f a vour the

king p r o n o u n c e d the oath, acco m p a n i e d b y the sacrifice of a

hundred horses. This stone must presumably have borne the

text of the oath of mutual loyalty." To accept S t e i n ’s

l atter s u g g estion first entails accepting the idea t h a t

the Tibetans had a script of their own b e f o r e the time of

S ron g - b t s a n sGam-po (c.609 - 6b9) who is usually credited

with the intro d u c t i o n of writing. His o t h e r suggestion,

namely that oaths are still associated in some dynamic w a y

with stones, cannot unfortunately be v e r i f i e d since there

seems to be no material to provide evidence e i t h e r way. His

statement does, however, underline the most c o mmon use of the

p i llar in historical times as a central feature of the tombs

of the kings and, perhaps in special circumstances, of t h eir

ministers. The cosmological symbolism of these tomb pillars

has been s t u died b y Tucci (1950) a n d tent a t i v e l y placed in

the w i d e r context of Tibetan megaliths b y A.W. Macdonald

(1953). A f u r t h e r use of the pillar in dynastic Tibet, and

the one to w h i c h the 'Sindhu Raja's pillar relates most

closely, is for the demarcation of borders. There survives

plenty of evidence in the Chinese annals of the T ’ang dynasty

to show that pillars were erected at different times both b y

11
the Tibetans and the Chinese to fix their common frontiers.

This function of the pillar is w e l l k n o w n t o the Bhutanese.

O n the pass of ’Shaitang L a ’ b e t w e e n the valleys of U-ra and

sTang in the B u m - t h a n g district there stands a fine megalith

which, ac c o r d i n g to,the local legend, was carried a n d erected

there b y the gDun& Nag-po of U-ra to mark the w e s t e r n b o r d e r

of his principality. The 'Sindhu Raja's p i l l a r at m N a ’-sbis

seems to be p l a c e d at a spot that could, in a realistic manner,

have approximated to the s outhernmost extention of an early

k i n g d o m c e n t ering a r o u n d Bum-thang, that is to s a y before ,

its inhabitants p e n e trated to the southern foothills

adjoining the,- Indian plain. It would be difficult to imagine,

however, that the converse is also true, name l y that the

site marked the northernmost extension o f an I n d i a n power.

More likely the site loosely connotes a ’h a l f - w a y h o u s e 1 on

the journey dow n to India from Bum-thang. If, as seems v e r y

likely, there is a pill a r still standing there in the

immediate v i c i n i t y of a Buddhist temple of later c o n s truction

one is more a t t r a c t e d to the possibility of a ritual origin,

as distinct from one of b o r d e r demarcation. The close

p r o x i m i t y of m N a ’-sbisto the present centres of the Mon-pa

’a b o r i g i n a l s ’ a r o u n d ’P r u m z u r ’ also deserves notice. If

these people are the descendants of those p r e h i storic groups

w h o m a n u f a c t u r e d stone implements and e r e cted menhirs, then it

seems plausible to suggest that they were dis p l a c e d b y later

groups arriving from the north who took over the settled

a gricultural land of mNa'-sbi and much ,,later b u ilt a temple

a rou n d the old rdo-ring there. The Mon-pa, a c c o r d i n g to this

hypothesis, a b a n d o n e d their previous w a y of-life a n d took to

shifting a griculture in the forest some miles to the east

w h ere t h e y still survive. P e n d i n g a thorough survey of the

area, we can but conjecture.

The m a n n e r in w h ich imprecations wer e uttered p r i o r

to the oath, the supposed function of the p i l l a r as a

b o u n d a r y mark, the ’n a m i n g ’ of the pillar, even the w o r d s

spoken b y t he G u r u ' — all these features suggest a direct

line of continuity with the most ancient traditions. It is as

if the distant memory of various rites a s s o c i a t e d wit h oaths

■J
and pillars had b e e n synthesised for the purpose of the story.

The episode stands as strong evidence for a survival of

traditions relating to the earliest period of true history,

Unfortunately, there can b e little doubt that the event

itself n e v e r took place for the re exists a further text, of a

s u f f iciently independent origin to cast a quite different

light on the 'Sindhu R a j a 1 a n d one which seems to dissolve

him hac k into the myth from w h e r e he came. The following

account constitutes the lo-rgyus or 'n a r r a t i v e ' explaining

the origin of a protective amulet dedicated to the Red

Hayagriva in the Ekavira aspect. It forms part of the

dPal rta-mgrin dpa'-bo gcig-pa'i man-ngag g n a m -lcags me'i

'khor-lo (10 folios in Vol. ha of the R i n -chen g t e r - m d z o d )

and is said to have h e e n the discovery of the gter-ston

M o l - m i - 1khyil w h o m Kong - s p r u l (g T e r - r n a m . f. 277h) places

in the 2nd S e x a genary Cycle (1087 - 1 1i+6) •

T rans c r i p t i o n

(6 a) / rGyal po srog gi 'khor lo 'byung po thams cad

gnad la behs pa'i mtshon cha bzhugs so §

gya gar skad du § ra dza tsijta tsakr a - t s a - t u ~ ho d skad du

- rgyal po srog gi 'khor-lo ^ gu ru padma 'hyung gnas la
p h y a g 'tshal lo § srung ha'i 'khor lo 'd i 'i lo rgyus ni §
mon yul h u m thang gi dhus na ^ mon gyi rgyal po se 'dar kha
zhes hya ha zhig yod de § las su mi dge ha spyod pa zhig yin
pa de la § snang srid lha 'dre'i chad pa h y u n g ste § lha 'dre
thams cad d e 'i sngas su 'dus nas gros byas § de rgyal po
mthong nas § sde h r g y a d kyi ded dpon ni g dam pa chos kyi
skad du srid pa'i rgyal po shel g ing dkar po § g * y u n g drung
b on gyi_skad du srog ddag nyi pam sad g sde h r g y a d kyi skad du
ra h u ra tsa g klu'i skad du n a g ’po mgo dgu § skye 'gro kun
gyi srog la ngas dhang § mi nad dang - phyugs nad dang (6 h)
^ tsi ti dzwa la dang § 'khrugs pa dang § de rnams thams
cad ngas thengs par bye d - phyugs la dal yams § zhing la sad
ser ngas gtong b a r h y e d % lha ’dre'i rgyal po ngas h y e d §
se 'dar k h a ’i srog la ngas dhang § de has k h y e d rnams kyis srog
gi snying po phul cig zer skad § de nas lha srin side h r g y a d
gros byas nas srog gi snying po phul § .khyed nged rnams kyi
rgyal po mdzod ces mnga* gsol lo § rgydl po zhes hya ha'i g t a n
tshigs so 2 de nas se 'dar kha'i rgyal khams rnams la mi hde
ha sna tshogs h y u n g ste § gza' nad dang § smyo 'hogs hrgyal
nad dang § phyugs la dal yams dang - zhing la sad s er la
sogs sna tshogs h y ung ngo § der se v dar kha'i rgyal po'ang
na d drag pos thehs te § bcos dpyad mang du hyas kyang ma
phan shi la nye nas sos thabs ma hyung-:ha dang § 'khor
'hangs rnams bsdus nas rgyal pos 'di skad ces smras so 0
nga sde h r g y a d kyi gnod pa 1di las grol h a ’i thabs shes pa'i
mi yod na g ngas h t sun mo rgyal srid d ang hcas pa sbyin zer
has § 'khor 'hangs rnams kyi nang nas itttha' 'khoh kyi rgyal
phran cig na re g nga la gser phye hre gang h y i n dang Q
ngas rgyal po sos pa'i thahs zhig h s t a n gyis zer ro §
de nas rgyal phran de la gse r b y i n pa dang rgyal phran
des fdi skad ces smras so § b a l po'i yul yang le shod
kyi b r a g phug ces bya b a Qna g 0 rgyan chen po padma
'byung gnas zhes bya ba ^ g s ang sngags kyi chos la
mnga' brnyes shing g snang srid dbang du 'dus shing zil
gyis non pa cig yod (7 a) pa de bos na phan zer g der
rkang mgyogs gcig la gos ser chas dang g chos p a vi lugs
su byas nas b t a n g g des 0 rgyan padma spyan drangs nas §
se 'dar kha'i rgyal po'i sngas. su fbyon pa
dang § rgyal po na re 5 nga sos nas lha 'dre'i chad pa
'di b&log na k h yed kyi ci gsung bsgrub cing ci mnyes phul
zer ro ^ padma'i zhal nas nga la 'bul ba ci'ang mi dgos g
khyed kyi yul 'di'i sdig pa'i las spongs § dge b a 'i las
la 'bod § nga'i b s t a n pa la 'jug p ar khas longs dang 2
ngas phan p a ’i thabs yod gsungs § der rgyal po dang 'bangs
yul mi rnams kyis s d i g :pa spangs nas - ci gsung bsgrub par
khas blangs pas g padma 'byung gnas thugs dgyes te 2 p rag
dmar po rdo rje brtsegs par sgrub pa mdzad do 2 der°zhag
g sum gyi steng du 0 rgyan gyi spyan sngar shel ging dicar
pos gtso byas pa'i lha 'dre sde b r g y a d rnams b y u n g nas
phyal </ n h y a g o 'tshalT- zhing srog gi snying po phul nas dam
la btags so $ der slob dpon gyis rgyal po spyi chings kyi
'khor lo b s k o r nas d b ang du bsdus so Q der.se 'dar kha la
'khor lo btags nas sde b r g y a d kyi gnod pa iae grol b a r
g yur to 5 yul phyogs bde zhing bkra shis so § 'khor lo'i
lo rgyus dang b y u n g khungs b s t a n pa'o Q sama ya 2 rgya
rgya rgya g Ithi - o o

Translation

(fol. 6 a) The Lif e - y h e e l of the K i ng / E n t i t i e d / the

Weapon /hich Strikes at the V i t a l s of All
Sprites is contained /herein/.

In the language of India, R a -dza tsitta tsakra t s a - t u .

In the language of Tibet, The~~L if e - h e e 1 of the K i n g .
O beisance to Padma 'Byung-gnas.
As for the account of this protective wheel, in
the centre of Bum-thang /in/ Mon-yul, there was
a kin g of Mon c a l l e d Se- dar-kha. He was a p e r s o n
w h o committed n on-virtuous deeds in his work and a
p u n i s h m e n t of the gods and demons of the visible
w o r l d came to him. All the g ods and demons a s s e m b l e d
before him a n d d eliberated and the king saw them.
Thereupon, the leader of the Eight Classes / o f lHa-
srin// w h o was / ( 1 ) in the language of the hol y
d h a r m a , the K ing of W o r l d l y Existence Shel-ging
dKar-po, (2) in the language of everlasting Bon,
the Owner of L i f e Nyi-gam-sad,- (3) in the language
of the Eight Classes / o f l H a - s r lnJ R a - h u Ra-tsa,
(U) in the language of the n a g a s . L;Nag-po m G o - d g u
declared: ” 1 rule o v e r the lives of all- beings. ’
I cause the afflictions of human a n d cattle diseases,
(fol. 6 b) of l e p r o s y ,plague and strife, all these.
I b r i n g forth epidemics among cattle and cause
frost and hail. I act as king of all god s and
demons. I rule oyer the life of S e - 1 dar-kha.
Therefore you offer me the essence of / h i s / l i f e . ”
H a v i n g deliberated, the Eight Classes of IHa-srin
offered his life/s essence. ''Act as our king," they
s ai d a nd so he / s h e l - g i n g dK a r - p o / was thus ins t a l l e d
in power. He was e s t a blished in perpetuity as their
so-ca lled ’king*. Then various kinds of calamities b e f e l l
the realms of S e - 1 dar-kha: epilepsy, accidents, plague,
insanity and fainting diseases, cattle epidemics, f r ost
a n d hail on the fields a n d so forth all v a r i o u s l y arose.
T h e r e u p o n the king of S e - ’dar-kha also contracted a
serious illness and although many examinations w e r e
made to effect a cure, they did not help. O n coming
near to death, when no means could be found to effect
a recovery, his r e t inue and subjects a s s e m b l e d a n d the
kin g declared: ,"If there is a p e rson w h o knows a means
of delivering me from this injury caused by the Eight
C l a sses / o f IHa-srin/, I s h a l l give him a consort
together with"a d o m i n i o n . " A m i n o r ruler of the b o r d e r
b a r b a r i a n s from a m o n g the retinue a nd subjects replied:
"Give me a full m e a s u r e of g o l d p o w d e r and I shall
show a means of curing the king," T h e n when the m i nor
ruler had b e e n given the gold, he said: "In the cave
of Y a n g - l e - s h o d in the country of Nepal there is a
p e r s o n called Padma ’Byung-gnas the Great M a n of U - r g y a n
who has g a ined m a s t e r y of the religion of secret mantra
and wh o has subjugated and bed a z z l e d the visible world,
(fol. 7a) If y ou call him, he can help." Thereupon a
swift m e s s e n g e r was dressed up in 'yellow apparel in
the manner of a religious person and despatched.
He c o n d ucted U-rgyan Padma /"to B u m - t h a n g / and when he
had come before the king of S e - Tdar-kha, the king said:
"If y ou .cure me and counter this puni s h m e n t of the gods
a n d demons I s h a l l do w h a t e v e r y o u say and offer you
w h a t e v e r you like." Padma replied: "I do not want any
offerings. / I n s t e a d / y o u must give up the evil deeds,
of this country a n d strive in w o rks of virtue. ,Vhen
y ou have agreed to enter my faith, I have a means of
e f f e c t i n g a cure. T h e reupon the king a n d his subjects,
the people of the country, gave up evil and agreed to
do anything they w ere told, and so Padma 'Byung-gnas
was delighted. He performed meditative rites .at the ,
Red Rock of rDo-rje brTs e g s - p a ( 'Piled V a j r a s ') and
a f ter three days the gods and demons, the Sight Classes
/ o f I H a - srin/ w i t h Shel-ging dKar-po at their hea d
appearred”T[eTore U-rgyan. Making their obeisance, they
offered / the k i n g ' s / life-essence / t o the G u r u / and
were tied to an oath. Then having turned the A l l -
B i n ding ./heel of the K i n g , the acarya s u b j u g ated"/the ,gods
a nd demons/. There a f t e r he tied the w h e e l to / t h e b o d y of/
S e-'dar-kha an d so he / t h e k i n g / came to be delivered* from
the injury of the Eight Classes / o f IHa-srin/. The region
b e c a m e happy a n d fortunate. j
Thus has the a c count and origin of the w h eel b e e n revealed,
-1 2
Sa-ma-ya rGya-rgya-rgya Ithi
 What strikes one i m m e diately about this story is

the complete absence of the Indian element that so dominates

the. 'Sindhu Raja's biography. Par f r o m b e i n g a refugee, the

king in this account is the local (and p r o b a b l y hereditary)

ruler of Bum-thang. His name of Se-'dar-kha is a p p lied b o t h

to him and t.-o his kingdom. The suffix -kha- is an element in

m an y p l a c e -names in Bhutan and its use is g e n e r a l l y optional

bot h in colloquial speech and in liter a r y forms (Aris 1976 :

625 note 6 1 ). The k i n g is therefore the eponymous ruler of a

place called S e - 'dar in its most basic, form. It is p r e s u m a b l y

the nas a l i s i n g f u n c t i o n of the 'a - c hung in the second

syllable w h i c h led. to the S e n - m d a '/Senta in Padma G l i n g - p $ 's

C o l l ected Works, and thence to the S e n d h a /Sindha in the

'prophecy' and the 'biography' respectively. These latter

13
forms fi n a l l y become S i ndhu in the later literature,

The sequence can, if we accept the a t t r i b u t i o n to the g t e r-ston

in eac h case, be set out b r o a d l y as follows:

(1) S e - 'dar(-kha) / J l t h - 12th c e n t u r i e s / (2) Sen-mda'

/ S e n t a / T 5 t h - 1 6 th c enturies/ (3 ) Sendha/Sindha

/ T 5 t h - 16th centuries, or later/ (h) S i ndhu /1 3th ,

century up to the pr e s e n t /

Clearly the most crucial step in this p r o g r e s s i o n is that

from ( 1 ) to (2) a nd (3). C a n the gter-ma of Mol-mi-'khyil

have pr o v i d e d direct inspiration for that of Padma Gling-pa

and his school ? If the I n d i a n element in the most e v o lved

v e r s i o n is subtracted we are left with- e x a c t l y the same story

as found in M ol-mi-'khyil w i t h the exc e p t i o n that the deity to

whom the king's protective amulet is d e d i cated is H a y a griva

in Mol-mi-'khyil a n d Vajrapani in Padma Gling-pa. The

discrepancy is probably a m i n o r one if it is set against

the treatment a c c o r d e d to Shel-ging dKar-po who is asso c i a t e d

with four languages (chos, bon, lha-srin and klu) (that

 correspond to four deities) in Mol-mi-'khyil and with eight

classes of spirits (s r o g - b d % g , g n o d - s b y i n , d m u , b t s an, gza' ,

b d u d , k l u and m a - m o ) in Pad-ma Gling-pa, The l a t t e r almost

c er t a i n l y derive from the constant m e n t i o n of the 'Eight

Classes of I H a - s r i n ' in Mol-mi-'khyil w h o remain u n s p e c i f i e d

in that text. More pertinently, the f o u r deities f o u n d

there all a p p e a r in Padma G l i n g - p a ’s set w ith the exc e p t i o n

of the Bon-po god Nyi-pam-sad. It is evident that deities

can be m a n i p ulated or s u b s t ituted to shit the spiritual

affinities of those concerned. If, however, we turn our

a tt e n t i o n f or a moment to the isolated references to the

. ra.ja that a p p e a r in the accepted corpus of Padma Gling-pa's

works (stage (2 ) in the sequence suggested above), one of

these directly links the Senta Ra-dza to Hayagriva, calling

h im the e m a n a t i o n of that deity. This comes in yet a n o t h e r

of Padma Gling-pa*s ’prophecies', the Ha ng-gi l u n g -bstan

gsal-ba'i sgron-me (Vol. Ca (= Tsa) , p. 383), in an interesting

passage foretelling that one of Padma Gling-pa's w i v e s w o u l d

be the rebirth of the S e nta R a - d z a 's daughter k n o w n as ’Bum -

ldan- sky id or r D o - r j e-mtsho (the 'Bum-ldan rnTsho-mo of the

'biography ’) , There see m s e v e r y reason,to b e l i e v e t hat

M o l - m i - ’k h y i l *s account, or a tradition b a s e d on it, served

as the i nspiration for the later Bhutanese versions. But

w h o was M o l - m i - ’khyil and w h a t is the h i s t o r y of his text ?

Kong-sprul (1813-1899) has t his to say:

m N g a ’-bdag M o l - m i - ’khyil was b o r n l/ T n the 2nd Rab-

’b y u n g . 1087 - M k § Z at the extremity of the southern
region (lho-rg.yud-kyl m t h a r ) of g T s a n g - s t o d in a _
lineage descending from the rulers (m n g a '- b d a g ) £ o f
ancient TibetT”. ii i s apparent that he l i v e d in the
m a n n e r of one having the calling of a tantric monk
of royal descent (rten l h a -rigs engag s - b t s u n ) , He
was p r o p h e c i e d to__be the rebirth of "the ^Me d i t a t o r
from Mon' H a - m i -na-tha who was the personal disciple
of O - r g y a n Rin-po-che. He recovered the rTa-mgrin d p a '-
b o -gcig - s g r u b , the rGyal-po s r og-gi 'k h o r - l o . the
P e - h a r g n a J - rbebs and the Dregs-pa ~~gnad-*bebs from the
 "bracket of a pill a r (ka~phog ?) in the temple of
Byang Pra-dun-tse. Although in the i ntervening
p e r i o d / s i n c e its dis c o v e r y / "the c o n t i n u i t y of the
rGyal-po srog-gi ’khor-lo and its p r a ctice came to
flourish, it happe n e d that later not even a copy of
it w as to be seen in these parts. T h e r e u p o n an old
copy of previous times. came into the hands of L ord
mDo - s n g a g s Gling-pa / ’Jam-dbyangs m K h y e n - b r t s e 1i
dBang-po, 1 8 2 0 - 1 8 9 2 / as a trust (g t a d - r g y a ) of a
da k i n i . Thereafter, from the grace of O-rgyan, f a t h e r
and sons, he put it in order as a... 'sequel treasure' „
(y a n g - g t e r ) /whose ini t i a t i o n a nd a u t h o r i s a t i o n / I
h a v e m y s e I f g r a t e f u l l y received. (g T e r - r n a m . f. 1 0 3 a - b ) .

Acc o r d i n g to this account the text was first hidden, then

recovered b y Mol-mi-'khyil, s u b s e quently lost, once more

recovered b y mKhyen-brtse in the last century, then b e s t o w e d

on K o n g -sprul who included it in the R i n - c h e n g t e r - m d z o d .

F u r t h e r details (which complicate the picture even more) can

b e a d d e d f r o m the preamble a n d colophon to the text i t self and

from the information g i v e n in the sadhana to it composed b y

16
Kong-sprul. A c c o r d i n g to bot h the preamble a n d the

s a d h a n a . the text was first b e s t o w e d byi the G u r u on the king

Khri S r o n g - l d e 'u-btsan who in turn entrusted it to H a-mi-na-tha

of Mon, telling him-to hide it in the ancestral temple of

Pra-dun-tse. This is the same temple as the one figuring

in the m T h a '-'dul Yang-'dul group, located in W e s t e r n Tibet

in the area west of Sa-dga' rDzong. L a t e r the ’w h e e l ’ was

used once more b y the G u r u to subjugate demons in the district

of gTsang L a - s t o d a n d then "sealed up" ■•(r g y a s - b t a b ) in P r a - d u n -

tse, which appears to contradict the information concerning

H a - m i - n a - t h a 's a c t i v i t y in this respect. The g t e r - s t o n

is d e s c ribed in the sadhana as M o l - m i - ’khyil, the descendant

of the great ruler of the South" (■lho ’i; mnga ’-bdag chen-po'i

rgyud-pa) . He is said to have come f r o m the "southern ravin©

co u n t r y (I h o - r o n g - z a r ?) of g T s a n g R u - l a g " . The implication

one would like to see in this is that M o l - m i - ’khyil had some

connection with the' Mon-pa people of an a rea to the south of

central Tibet w h i c h might c onceivably be Bhutan. The

evidence, however, is a l t o gether too vague to permit a ny

firm conclusion. The colophon to the text states that

Mo l - m i - ' k h y i l p a s s e d it on to a certain Rin-chen-grags of

Ya r -lung who ha d offered him "sons, horses and religious

teachings" (b u rta chos g s u m ) for it. The sadhana says

that it w a s recovered once more b y mKhyen-brtse in the year

1880 (l c a g s - * b r u g ) . It is the only firm date in the entire

hi s t o r y of the text.

A n enquiry into other texts devoted to these 'wheels

w h i c h fu n c t i o n b o t h as a form of tantric w e a p o n a n d as

p r o t e c t i v e amulets, may e v e n tually shed some light on the

kin g of S e - 1 d a r - k h a 1s story. The Ri n - c h e n g T e r - m d z o d has

a c ollection of such texts in Vol. pki (^h-h) and the first

group in this s e c t i o n consists of t„e discoveries credi t e d

to a certain P h u r - b u of the rGya clan, b o r n in lH o - b r a g

a n d a c o n t e mporary of Mar-pa (1012 - 1296). The gTe r - r n a m

(ff. 98b - 99a) explains how Phur-bu's texts were r e c o v e r e d

from two temples in Bhutan: sKyer-chu in sPa-gro a n d

dGe-gnas in Bum-thang. T h e y were combined into a single

co l l ection called the Bum-lcags l h a n - d r i l . Unfortunately,

a n o t h e r text w h i c h w o u l d have afforded close c o m p arison with

M o l - m i - ' k h y i l 's has, a c c o r d i n g to Kong-sprul, not survived.

This is the R l u n g - 'k h o r s rog-gi spu-griiw h ich is supposed

to have b e e n recovered f r o m the same place as Mol-mi-'khyil'

i.e. s P r a - d u n - t s e , b y a c e rtain g.Yas-ban Ya-bon, a Bon-po.

H is dates are not clear as Kong-sprul places him conf u s i n g l y

b o t h in the first a n d third sexagenary cycle (g T e r - r n a m .

ff. 106a a n d 228a). A n important clue might be f o u n d in the

w a y K o n g - s p r u l links the names of g.Y a s - b a n Y a - b o n and I

Ph u r - b u (spelt ePur-rbu) with the sites of their ' w heel 1

discoveries in P r a - dun-tse a nd Bum-thang dGe-gnas, The

discoveries are treated as having a single composite nature

in th e 'reverential p e t i t i o n 1 (g s o l - ' d o b s ) a c c o m p a n y i n g the

lives of the g t e r - s t o n : "/We / 7 entreat g . Y a s - b a n Y a - b o n and

s P u r - b u Bya ' u - m g o n / w h o together d iscovered/ the Srog-gi chan-pa

m y u r -rgyogs las-byed-kyi b c u d - ' b y i n sngags-grub in P ra-dun-rtse

and Bum-thang dGe-gnas." (f.5&) W h a t e v e r the texts m a y have

b e e n that went to form this collection, there exists a further

'wheel' text in Pad-ma Gling-pa's Collected Works in w h i c h

Pra- d u n - t s e and Bum-thang are similarly linked and one in

w h i c h H a y agriva plays a part too. It is the Bum - t h a n g s r o g -

'khor dgra-bo'i srog-gi (m)chan-na. ("The Life - W h e e l of Bum-

thang, the Shears /Which Destroy/ the Lives o f Enemies") in

the C o l l e c t e d Works, Vol. Da (pp. 561 -.571). The narrative

ac c o u n t of its origin explains that an Indian heretical teacher

called K h a - p h u n g Nag-po destroyed the Buddhists in a k i n g d o m

called Bh a - r a - t a - t s h a b y using a text c o n t r a c t e d from the

tantra called 'B y u ng-ba 'khrugs-byed rgyal-po'i rgyud.

K h a - p h u n g N a g-po h id this in the 1ingam of a Siva statue

in the temple of R u - p a - t a - t s h a , w r i t t e n ;out on a c o p p e r scroll

in silver letters. The text was recovered b y P a d m a s a m b h a v a

a n d used b y him against the heretics. He then took it to

Pra- d u n - r t s e and "put it in order" there (gtan-la p h a b s - p a ' o J

the phrase is sometimes used in early texts with the sense t

of a 'final a t t e s t a t i o n ’ or 'approval' of their translation

from Sanskrit). L a t e r w h e n an u nspecified temple was b e i n g

built in B u m -thang he h i d it in the form of a scroll inside

the phallus of the Hay a g r i v a image that acted as the gate- ~

g u a r d i a n (s g o - s r u n g ) of the temple. It seems likely that the

temple in q u e s t i o n is meant to be d K on-mchog-gsum (ancient

rTeis-lung or, as here, rTse-lung) be c a u s e a c o m p anion to

this text in the same v o l u m e is the Mu-stegs gu-lang n a g - p o *1

skor w h ich is said to have been recovered b y Pad-ma Gling-pa

from ’'the armpit of the blue gate- g u a r d i a n of rTse-lung

Temple in Bum-thang." The a c tual form an d content of the

B u m - thang srog-'khor is s t r i kingly similar to that of the

rTam-mgrin gnam-lcags m e - ’k h o r containing the story of S e - 1dar

kha. Both are taken up w i t h a minute description of their

respective amulets, their manner of prep a r a t i o n and c o n ­

secration. NO doubt these similarities are d e r i v e d more frOm

the p a r t i c u l a r genre of ritual to w h ich they both obtain,

rather t h a n fro m direct lines of transmission or adaptation.

However, the existence of these closely . elated texts with

their important geographical implications does at t h e v e r y

least suggest the sort of w a y in w h i c h the story might have ;

gained cu r r e n c y in Bum-thang in the period p r i o r to Pad-ma

Gling-pa.

A convincing alternative to the view which holds

M o l - m i - ’k h y i l 1s text as the direct source of i n s p i r a t i o n for

J
that of Padma Gling-pa or his school is the one w h i c h looks"

upon M o l - m i - ’k h y i l ’s story as the expression of a local

legend of Bum-thang p r e s ented to a Tibetan audience as the

authority f or the Hay a g r i v a ritual. Acc o r d i n g to this

interpretation M o l - m i - ’khyil recorded the locus classicus of

the ’S i ndhu R a j a ’ as p r e s e r v e d in Bu m - t h a n g in a n oral or

w r i t t e n form, a story w h i c h was later k n o w n to Padma Gling-pa

also. This obviates the need to look for a direct stimulus;-

in o p e r ation across the chronological and geog r a p h i c a l haze'

that lies be t w e e n these two figures. Nevertheless, despite

our reservations about the true authorship of the ra,ja ’s

^biography', there is sufficient evidence in Padma G l i n g - p a ’s

ipain corpus to show that in his day the Indian element had
already b e e n g r a f t e d to the ' c l a s s i c a l 1 version for it is

the Indian troops of the raja w h o support the m y s t e r i o u s

Khyi-kha Ra - t h o d in his attempt to destroy the temple of

bSam-yas. This episode is omitted from the 'biography*

where the m a i n account ends w i t h the oath sworn b e t w e e n the

raja an d sNa'u-che. In all that follows, (chapters V to VIII)

the hand of t he gte r - s t o n is most apparent for a w h o l e series

of events are added to b o l s t e r the authe n t i c i t y of the

p r o p h e c y that comes at the end of the text. Padmasambhava

goes to India w h e r e he destroys the heretical opponents of

Buddhism and restores the temple at Bodh-gaya. The story ,of

K h y i - k h a R a - t h o d is introduced in C h a p t e r VI a n d in C h a p t e r

VII we find the G u r u once more returning; to the palace of

lCags-mkhar in B u m - t h a n g .to bestow the p r o p h e c y on the r a j a ,

a n d on K h y i - k h a Ra - t h o d (who accompanied: him there from

mKhan-pa-lung), The d e s t r u c t i o n of I C a g s-mkhar d u ring the

time of K i n g Glang-dar-ma of Tibet is foretold "... so that

not a single iron nail will remain." (f. 18a) The raja is

comforted b y the Guru's assurance that in the future his

r eincarnations wil l be b o r n in the lineage of the b t s a n - p o

in Bu m - t h a n g a n d wil l gain secular p o w e r (r g y a l - s r i d ) . It is

this statement (and many more like it) which suggests the

true raison d'etre of the text, n a m e l y to justify the

pretensions to divine a u t h o r i t y on the part of t h e gter-ston

in an age whe n religious affiliations carried the strongest

p o s sible s e c u l a r implications. .7e have no means of identifying

b t s a n - p o w h o s e lineage survived in Bum - t h a n g but, as we

shall see w h e n c o n s i d e r i n g the a n c e stral myths of the gDung

families, there w e r e several groups in that area claiming

some sort of descent fro m the ancient royal f a m i l y of Tibet.

Followiag the usual practice in this prophetic literature,

the names a n d attributes of the persons destined to fulfil

the p redictions are all disguised in a tho r o u g h l y cryptic

fashion, but one that was not too obscure to have p r e v ented

the c o n t e m p o r a r y audience from i dentifying them.

The transf o r m a t i o n of S e - !dar( -kha) into S i n d h u

provides an obvious parallel to an apocryphal tradition

w h i c h claims an Indian origin for the first k i n g s of Tibet,

a tradition f a v o u r e d b y the monk Ngag-dbang in his study of

17
the eastern B h u t anese clans. As is well known, Sindhu

(originally the Indus river) is the ancient for m tbr H i n d u .

the latter wor d r e s ulting from the P e r s i a n ina b i l i t y to

pronounce an initial _s. It would be h a z a rdous to v e n t u r e

a n opinion as to w h e t h e r or not the Bhutanese wer e conscious

of the full w e i g h t of their ra ja 's name in its final stage

of evolution (or i n d e e d the precise connotations which the

name carries even now) . Hov/ever, just as the subscript ha

S e ndha/ Sindha a c h ieved a full 'Indianization' of S e n - m d a '/

S a n t a , it must remain at least a possibility that S i n d h u

arose b y unconscious analogy with H i n d u . The need to look

f o r illustrious precedents is often the. p r e - o c c u p a t i o n of a

n e w l y created state and it is p robably significant that the

form Sindhu seems to have g a ined currency only in the 1 8 th

c e n tury a n d later among ' n a t i o n a l 1 historians. Set against

the information provided on the e a r l y history in L C B I, the

story of the 'Sindhu Raja' ceases to act in the isolated

context in w h i c h it is origi nally expressed but be c o m e s part

of a general p a t tern in w h i c h the whole genesis of the country

is dom i n a t e d b y the Indian contact:

Indian s ettlements (y u l - g r o n g ) were e s t a b l i s h e d with

.their rulers and subjects in these s o u t h e r n regions
an d their homes e n j o y e d happiness and g r e a t strength
a nd riches. Thus even today ^ t h e r e survive the ruins o t j
a p a l a c e of an Indian king in front of some
 s a n d alwood trees in the forest of rTsa-chu-phu,
the ruins / o f a p a l a c e / of a n o t h e r king who lived
at J a - z h a g dGon~pa a nd so_on. There are. more
mistaken p r onunciations / o f p l a c e - n a m e s / such as
R a - m t s h o - 1og in the Sha r District which should,
h o w e v e r ^ he called Ra-dza'i-'og ('Under /the dominion
a Ra ,ja *) . Furthermore, it is said that in the
districts of Bum-thang to the east there are
as m a n y towns (g r o n g - k h y e r ) t o g ether w i t h their
subjects / t h a t once b e l o n g e d to/ the lCag s - m k h a r
rGyal-po a n d to other / r u l e r s / a s there are stars in
the sky, It is also said that Mon-mo b R r a-shis
K h y e - ’dre n w as the d a u g h t e r of that m a n / l C a g s - m k h a r
rGyal-po = 'Sindhu R a j a '7. Thus, it was that _
Thed /the sPu-na-kha v a l l e y / , T h i m / - p h u / a n d sPa/-gro/,
/ t h e s e / three, the Eight Hosts of t h e S har District
T s h a r tsho b r g y a d ) , the Four Regions of Bum-thang
(Bum-thang sde b z h i ) and other areas were at first
bar b a r o u s b o r d e r regions devoid of •,religion. /Passage
on P a d m a s a m b h a v a omitted]/" Eventually, during the time
of the kin g of Tibet, Khri R al/-pa/~can w h o w a s the
emanation of Vajrapani, the forces of the nine regions
(g l i n g - d g u ) of the Tibetan realm were a s s e m b l e d and the
Indian kings, the rulers together w i t h t h eir officers
a nd subjects, were a d r o i t l y expelled and b a n i s h e d to
the border. Most of the / T i b e t a n / soldiers w e r e d e l i g h t e d
w i t h the country and, h a ving established estates (g z h l s )
in its various parts, they resided-the re without
r e t u rning / t o Tibet/. The origin / o f the name of the
area now cal led 'Mi-log ( TNo-Ret u r n ' ) is t h e refore
als o reported in that manner. J ust as they / t h e .
T ibetan soldiers/ had come from a m o n g specific pe o p l e s ^
and districts such as dBus and gTsang, D a g s / - p o / a n d
Kong/-po/, so also did they come to settle here _
g r a d u a l l y in such districts as Wang, sBed-med, K a / - w a n g /
a n d Gang, A l t h o u g h there are many p x p l a n a t i o n s c o n c e r n i n g
how the y v a r i o u s l y spread from the "di recti on of Tibet
to this Southern L a n d and also those regarding the
origin of the names given to Thed, Thim a nd sPar,
/ t h e s e / three, a n d to the Ei,ght Great Hosts / o f the
W a n g / a n d so o n , .I_decline / r e p e a t i n g them h e r e /
because I think / i t would require/ much w r i t i n g and
that of no g r e a t substance. Thus it was, however,
that the races (r i g s - r u s ) of this southern L a n d
are said to be descended from the old m o n k e y
b o d h i s a t t v a . the e m a n a t i o n of Arya/-A v a l o k i t e s v a r a / ,
(L C B I, ff. 6 a - 7a)

The i d entification o f isolated ruins in /Yestern Bhutan with the

palaces of I n dian kings seems to have gone out of vogue and none

of my informants in B h utan had a n y t h i n g pertinent to say on the

matter. The whole s t ory of Indian rulers b e ing e x p e l l e d b y

T ibetan forces who stayed to s e t t l e the c o u n t r y is r o u n d l y

dismissed b y the a u t h o r of LCB II w h o maintains c o r r e c t l y that

it is a tradition that finds mention only, in the l a t e r literature

(p h y is-'byung-gi l o - r g y u s . f , 60a-b) . There seems every ^

reason to discount it as the product of p o p u l a r imagination

but again c e r t a i n t y can only b e reached b y a careful

e xamination of the ruined sites if these c an be located.

The legend may have focussed on certain f o r t s or settlements

of the p r e h i storic p e r i o d in a m a n n e r si m i l a r to that

proposed f o r the l C a g s-mkhar in Bum-thang. A p a r t from the

'Sindhu R a j a ’ the only Indian ruler in Bhutan to receive a

name is the d B y u gs-ston wh o is m e n t i o n e d in the B u m -thang

dar-gud-k.yi l u n g - b s t a n as the patron of rTsi s - l u n g (see p . 40

above). The name does not seem to occur a n y w h e r e else.

Various at t e m p t s have als o b e e n made to show that it w as

to the area of B h utan that the Buddha in his p r e vious lives

came to meditate, invariable as a royal figure (L C B I, f, 5h

anc^ ^ C B II, f. 60a-b) . The Sur.yagarbha.- sutra is used in much

the same w a y as the M a n j u s r i m u l a t a n t r a . so f a v o u r e d by T i b e t a n

historians for its early 'prophecies' concerning their country.

The f o r m e r is claimed to show that while the Buddha hi m s e l f

did not come to the area of Bhutan, he h ad the M on region

in mind as a place where his teachings w o u l d f l o u r i s h in the

future (LCB II, f. 60a-b) . The conversi on of t h e K h a -khra

Mon is pla ced as far back as the kalpa of the Buddha Ka s y a p a

w h e n t h e y w ere 'nonr-humans 1 (m i - m a - y i n ) . One h u n d r e d ’Black

M o n - p a 1 were brought into the retinue of Mahakala at this

time (loc, cit.). The true a g e n t of conversion is, however,

always the figure of P a d m a s ambhava a n d it is surely significant

that in the passage quoted above the Indian rulers are still

regarded as part of the general b a r b a r i s m p r e c e d i n g his

arrival. 1

Some would perhaps be tempted to look for a link between these

legendary associations of Bhutan with India and a quite unfounded claim

made in the British colonial writings that the country was first

settled by an Indian people called the 'Tehpoo' (e.g. in Political

Missions l865il08), The whole notion has been taken up with some

seriousness in works by Indian authors (e.g. Das 197**! 2, Mehra 197^:81

Labh 197^*0 • The origin of the claim can, however, be traced back

without any difficulty to the extremely garbled report on Bhutanese

history by Kishenkant Bose who spent the year 1815 on deputation to

Bhutan (Political Missions l865il87). In Scott's translation of the

account given by Bose we read that "the caste or tribe of Thep"

settled in sPu-na-kha are the descendants of "a raja of the Cooch

tribe" who had been ousted by the arrival of the first Dharmara.ja of

Bhutan (Zhabs-drung -Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal) • -The ra.ia referred to is

Padmanarayan of Cooch Bihar with whom the Zhabs-drung enjoyed close

relations but there is no evidence to suggest that he ever visited

Bhutan in person and certainly none pointing to his having had

political authority there. The term 'Thep' Ocontraction of Thed-pa)

is well known in western Bhutan where it is fused to refer to the

inhabitants of sPu-na-kha (often called thePThed valley). The most

that can be said of the apocryphal traditioh is that it may derive '

ultimately from a desire on the part of some Indian slave families

in sPu-na-kha to connect their origins withiithe person of the great

Zhabs-drung. If that is the correct interpretation, it seems :

extraordinary that this wishfulness should have its present effect

in claims made for the 'Tehpoo1 as the first Indian inhabitants of

the country.

Despite its dubious etymology, the term Mi-log in the above

passage of LCB I is of considerable interest for it is an open

a f f i r m a t i o n of the central Tibetan origins of t h e W e s t e r n

Bhutanese. The story which explains the term mos t p r o b a b l y

derives from a s i m i l a r Tibetan legend which explains how

f r o ntier troops at the time of the kings w e r e ordered to

s ettle.in the b o r d e r regions and were c a l l e d bka *- m a - l o g .

This seems to create something of an e m b a r r assment for

m o d e r n historians in Bhutan w h o a re most sensitive to the

noti o n that their people are a n y t h i n g but i ndigenous to their

own country. In the 1 8 th century at least the B h u tanese had

no qualms about this, as we also see in N g a g - d b a n g fs rGyal-

rigs (Section V) where it is s p e c i f i c a l l y s t a t e d that a

long time had not elapsed since the Tibetans came down to

the Southern Land. It is b y no means sure how the term Mi-log

was employed a n d today it does not seem to h ave s u r v i v e d in

W e s t e r n Bhutan outside the literary sources. In the l H o fi

chos-^byung it can be taken to apply e q u ally to a people, ,

to a village or to an area. A m o n g the B u m - t h a n g people the

term is a p p l i e d to the w h o l e area of W e s t e r n B h u t a n a nd is-

pronounced TM e n l e T but the W e s t e r n Bhutanese say this is the

name of a village in the Shar districtcunder dBang-'dus Pho-

b r a n g rDzong. The term was used b y Padma G l i n g - p a in what'

seems to be the same sense a c c o r d e d to it in B u m - t h a n g today.

In a song that laments the b e h a v i o u r of the W e s t e r n e r s which

he composed during a trip to the area qf rNga-long Men-log

(sic) he says: "On seeing the conduct £ o f the inhabita a t

of the Men-log Country, I am sad." (//me n - l o g yul-gyi bya-ba

*1 8
mthong-bas sk.vo//) . rNga-long or sNga-slong is the term .

used in reference to themselves or their language b y t he

westerners b u t never to the area they occupy, Men-log,

j
a c c o r d i n g to Padma Gling-pa, seems to be the area they

inhabit. Similarly, Dag-pa Be-mi Sa-ri in Ngag- d b a n g ' s

chronicle signifies the v i l l a g e s of Be-mi and Sa-ri o c c upied

b y the Dag-pa people (r G y a l - r i g s . f. 27a; p. 558 below).

F u r t h e r research into the use of the terms Mi-log, Men-log

and TMenle* w i l l no doubt help us greatly to c l a r i f y the

ethnic picture of early Bhutan.

 131

Notes to Chapter I Section 2

1* See ff. 19b - 20a. 0 - r g y a n is in fact intended to

come at the end of a list of eight g t e r - a t o n but

only seven are mentioned.

2. See pp. 3& 3 f ^61+ a nd 511 of the C o l l e c t e d Works,

Vol. Ga / = TsaJ7 an(j Section 3 to this chapter.

3* sTag-lha M e - fb a r or sTag-la Me-'bar is the nam e of

the wel l known Bon-po d e i t y a n d / o r priest. (See

K a r m a y 1972 : UQ No r the sTag-lha M e - ’b a r to w h o m

the Phur-ba cycle was revealed later to be redi s c o v e r e d

b y K h u - t s h a Z l a - ’od (b.102i+) in sPa-gro, see K a r m a y

1972; 1U5-1U8 and 1975a; 199-200. It has b e e n

su g gested b y K a r m a y that the legend of this sTag-la

M e - ' b a r has some connection wit h the Ramayana. . In both

these legends sTag-la/sTag-lha is the son of a powerful

kin g on whose b e h a l f he suffers defeat in a battle.

k* As n o ted above ( p . 41 ) the 'tomb' of sTag-lha M e - fb a r

is supposed to b e the mchod-rten b y the side of

lC a g s - m k h a r lHa-khang. It is said to have b e e n b u i l t

by the ’Sindhu R a j a ’ himself.

5. m i - g t s a n g - b a ’i bsnol (f. 6 a) A clue to the sense of

these ’impurities' is suggested i n.Slob-dpon P a d m a - l a g s ’

oral v e r s i o n of the myth (taperecorded in Bhutanese on

16/2/76) w h e n he says; "The Sindhu Raja was in c e n s e d b y

the fact that the local y ul-lha and g z h i-b d a g spirits had
not a s s i s t e d him in his battles with sNa'u-che.

C o l l e c t i n g together all the corpses of the horses,

dogs and men wh o had been killed in b a t t l e he p l a c e d

them in a heap and set them alight. The smoke of

this pyre injured the yul-lha and g z h i - b d a g among

w h o m a plague broke out." Slob-dpon Padma-lags has

this to s ay a b o u t the version k n own t o him: "The

original h i s t o r y of the Sindhu Raja, com p r i s i n g a

single volume, is said to have b e e n taken b y King

U - r g y a n d Bang-phyug from the temple of l C a g s - m k h a r

and n e v e r returned. Whether it came into the hands

of Drag-shos Phun-tshogs dBang-'dus of Bla-ma'i

dGon-pa or w h e t h e r it went a s t r a y somewhere else, it

is not clear, ^Could this be the w o r k lent to White i j f

The present version is b a s e d on the synopsis g i v e n b y

D rag-s hos Phun-tshogs d B a n g - ’dus in his draft h i s t o r y

w h i c h in t u r n is perhaps b a sed on the original

i
m anu s c r i p t from lCags-mkhar." The oral account follows

our text v e r y c l o s e l y but some i nteresting glosses are

apparent. These are n o ted below under the a b b r e v i a t i o n

LP (= Slob-dpon Padma-lags). A n o t h e r synopsis of the

story is given in dGe-slong g N y e r-chen G r e s - p a 's d r a f t ’

history. My t r a n slation of this has a l r e a d y appeared

in Mehra 197h : 82 - 85. *

S h e l -ging dKar-po (''White G l a s s - G i n g 1) is g e n e r a l l y

reckoned to be a form of the important protective deity

P e - h a r who has Srog--dbag dKar-po as one of his standard

epithets. It m a y be significant that, a c c o r d i n g to one

text, P e - h a r is k n o w n as Raja Shel-ging dKar-po in

India. (See Nebesky 1975 : 96) The only hint g i v e n in

Padma G l i n g - p a ’s a u t o b i o g r a p h y that he w a s aware of

the 'Sindhu R a j a 1 s ,legend comes in a passage

des c r i b i n g a v i s i o n of Shel-ging dKar-po functioning

as the gu a r d i a n of the gter-ma hidden at sKu-rjes

where, as we shall see, Padmasambhava converted this

deity, (Collected Works, Vol. , f,59b = p,120)

LP: /it is a mi n i s t e r disguised as a chos-pa w ho is

d espatched to Y a n g - l e - s h o d in Nepal where the G u r u is

residing at that t i m e ^ Z "On arriving at Y a n g - l e - s h o d

the mi n i s t e r w ent to Padmasambhava and requested him to

come to Bum-thang for the sake of the Sindhu Raja,

K n o w i n g that it was his karma to go to M o n at this time

not only for the R a j a ’s sake but also for the sake of

taming the area of IHo Mon Kha bzhi, the Gur u agreed.

This was a period p r i o r to his sojourn in Tibet. It

was the time when King Khri Srong-lde-btsan, Myang Tlng-

'dzin bzang-po /w h o actually belongs to the reign of

Khri I D e - s r o n g - b r t s a n / and mKh a n - c h e n Bodhisattva were

constructing the temple of bSam-yas, So the g u r u came

b y the southern route ^/through IndiaZ b y w a y of sBa s - y u l -

sgang, which is taken to refer to P r u m z u r a n d Mebrag.

The impressions of the G u r u ’s foot and rdo-r,ie were left

in the rock trhere / a t Mebrag / / as easi l y as if in mud

w h i l e he was subduing the demons of the locality a nd they

can be seen to this day. At Urgyapbrag the G u r u forced

his w a y through a cliffside, leaving his footprints there

too. At P r u m z u r the places where he thrust his p h u r - b u

into the rock while subduing demons can still be seen.

’P r u m z u r ’ is really phur-btsugs / ^ h r u s t s ^ ^ e B h u r - b u ’Z

E v e n t u a l l y he reached Mon Bum-thang ..." This part of the

legend finds no mention in any of the w r i t t e n versions.

The places mentioned are ail situated in the Mang-sde-

lung area south of Krong-sar. It is the district

i nhabited b y the true Bhutanese Mon-pa of the forests

w ho are repor t e d to have a special v e n e r a t i o n for

these sites. The w r i t t e n versions all place the denouement

of the legend in this area, as v/e shall see.

This is the last we hear of the princess. A c c o r d i n g to

many of the Bhutanese traditions she has a different name:

Mon-mo bKra-shis Khye'u-'dren . The L C B I (f. 6 a), for

instance, says: "Furthermore, it is said that in the

districts of B u m - t h a n g to the east there are m any Indian

towns (g r o n g - k h y e r ) together wit h their subjects / t h a t

once b e l o n g e d t o / the lCags-mkhar rGyal-po an d other

/ r u l e r s / as there are stars in the sky. It is also said

that Mon-mo bKra-shis Khye'u-'dren was h e r s e l f the d a u g h t e r

of this / l C a g s - m k h a r r G y a l - p o / . " (/g z h a n shar-phyogs

grong-khyer ’b a ngs dang-bcas-pa gnam-gyi skar-ma tsam

y od-skad-la / m o n-mo bkra-shis Khye ’u-'dren. k.yang ’d i ’i

sras-mo yin-zer /) K o n g -sprul says that the lad y w a s

born in M on T s h a - ’og b ut gives no info r m a t i o n about her

parentage. She is classed b y him a m o n g the five minor,

consorts of the' Guru: 1) Mandha-ra-ba, d a u g h t e r of

King gTsug-lag-.' dzin of Za-hor, 2) Bal-mo Shakya D e - b i - n i ,

d. of K i n g d G e - b a - ’dzin of Nepal, 3 ) B a l - ’bangs Ka-la •

Siddhi, d . of Bal-po Bha-dan-na, k) Mon-mo bKr a - s h i s

K h y e ' u - ’dre n of Mon T s h a - ' o g and 5)' b K r a - s h i s sPyi-’dren

d. of the k i n g ' o f Mon c a l l e d Ha-mar (or H a - m a - r a / H a m - r a :

’
kk® tsheg b e t ween the syllables are not visible in ^hisj
print). (See the zhar - b y u n g d b yings-phyug y u m lnga'i

rnam-'phrul g u - r u rln-po-che'i thugs-kyi gzungs-ma

lnga'i rnam-thar sa-bon tsam in g T e r - r n a m . ff. 31b - 3 U b .)

Mon-mo bKr a - s h i s K h y e ' u - ' d r e n must belo n g to the same

tradition as b K r a-shis sPyi-'dren, who a c c o r d i n g to

Kong-sprul, finds mention in the gter-ma b i o g r a p h y of

the Guru'-s principle consort, Ye-shes mT'sho-rgyal,

d iscovered b y sTag-sham (= b S a m - g t a n G l i n g - p a ) , Both of

these Mon ladies are said to have come into contact with

the G u r u through Ye-shes m T s h o-rgyal a n d b o t h came to

sPa-gro sTag - t s h a n g in the for m of tigresses on w h o s e

backs the G uru rode in the aspect of rDo-rje Gro-lod.

The two ladies are v e r y like l y one and the same and it m a y

be that her a s s i m i l a t i o n to the figure of the 'Sindhu

Raja's d a u g h t e r - t o o k place in W e s t e r n B h u t a n where

Mon-mo bKr a - s h i s Khye' u - ' d r e n is v e r y w e l l known. Her

importance lies in the symbolic role she plays as a /

representative of Mon. The consorts of the Guru, like

those of S rong-btsan sGam-po, stand for the c o u n t r i e s

subdued b y them. Also important is the c o n v e r s i o n of

bKra-shis sPyi-'dren's father, the king of Mon which,

like that of the 'Sindhu Rajd,' seems to come a f t e r the

con v e r s i o n of his daughter.

A c c o r d i n g to LP the o ath-swearing c e r e m o n y takes place

b e f o r e the i nitiation of the b K a '-b rg.ya d . not after.

The passage describing the oath-swearing deserves

quotation in full (ff, 12b - 1 3 a): 2 de-nas sa de-kar

rdo-ring b t s u g a - s t e 2 rg.ya dang mon-gyi b l o n - ' b a n g s - r n a m s

dang g y a l - p o btsun-'bangs d a n g - b c a s - p a - r n a m s - l a O - r gyan

chen-po'i b k a '-stsal-pa 2 kyee rg.ya dang mon-gyi bl'on-

 15 0

Tb a n g s - r n a m s 2 dus~la 'pho-'gyur c i - b y u n g - y a n g 2

rdo-ring m n a '-rdo 'di 'gal-nas 2 s.u-yang m d a f- [_= d m a J

X

-b a r m a - b y e d - c i g - gal-ste ’di-las sus 'gal-ba 2 padma

bd a g - l a sdos - p a - y i n 2 snang-srid lha-'dre thams-cad-kyis

2 Mi-las 'gal-bar byed-pa d e 1 i 2 s n y i n g-khrag thang~la

phos-nas-k.yang 2 s k a d -cig~ny id~la s r o g - c h o d - c i g 2 ces dang

o p h y i n - c h a d mna'-rdo rdi-las 'gal-nas rgya-dmag

bu m - t h a n g - X a m i - 'gro 2 b u m - t h a n g - g l dmag rgya-la ma-'gro

gal-te fgal-na thams-cad b r l a g s - p a r g.yur-cig; ces-gsungs-so

2 der r gyal-blon thams-cad-kyis 2 le-ltar b y a fo s a - m a - y a -

na-rakan 2 zhes thams-cad-kyis rdo-ring-la lag-pa reg-nas

mna' -byas-pas thang de-nyid m n a '-thang-du gr a g s - s o 2 ;

rdo-ring-la d b a n g - m e d - d u m n a '-byas-pas m i n g - y a n g dbang-med

o
ces-grags-so -
o

10, See the entries- in the dictionaries of Das and Jaschke*

A l s o Das : rdo-rgyus = 'oath in c o n t r a c t i n g friendship-

to make it lasting' and rdo-tshlg » 'a f i r m e x p r e s s i o n 1-

or w o r d ' ,

11, Excerpts from the Chinese annals relating to Tibet have

recently a p p e a r e d in a T i b e t a n translation b y sTag-lha

Phun-tshogs b K r a - s h i s entitled rGya'i y i g - t s h a n g - n a n g

gsal-ba'i bod-k-yl rgyal-rabs gsal-ba'i m e - long (Dharamsala,

1973). On the c o n dition of these f r o n t i e r pillars in the

year 822, the year of the famous treaty, see p. 115.

12, The text continues with an account of the stages in the

drawing of the w h e e l ( fkhor-lo bri-ba'i rim-pa, f f , 7 a -

9 a ) , the mantras of the gods associated w i t h the w h e e l

 JU> i

(l h a - s n g a g s . f . 9 a - b ) , the tying of the w h e e l to the

recipient ( 'k h o r - l o g d a g s - p a . f, 9 b), the stages in

the p e r c e p t i o n of the w h eel ('khor-lo b z u n g - b a ' i rim-pa.

f. 1 0 a), the manner of hidi n g the w h eel as 'treasure*

(g t e r - d u s b a s - l u g s . f. I 0 a-b), and the colophon (f. 1 0 b).

13. See the q u o t a t i o n from L CB I in note 9 above. A l s o f. 8 a

of the Lo- r g y u s gsal-ba'i me-long (p. 637 below).

1 ij.. The N y i - s a n g - p a d of ^e b e s k y (1956 : 1i|. and 1 1 8 ) must be

a mistake; sad is the Zhang-zhung for l h a . 'god'. One

wonders if there could be a relation b e t w e e n this deity

an d the gN.yer-pa Se-'phang Nag~po of the l H a -'dre b k a '-

thang. (See B l o n d e a u 1971 : 88-89)

■^5. g T e r - r n a m . f. 277b.

16. rTa-mgrin dpa'-bo g c i g-pa gnam-lcags m e 'i 'khor-lo'i

sgrub-thabs rjes-mnang dang-bcas-pa g d o n -bgegs kun - ' j o m s ,

10 folios-' (Margin: C h o g - k h r i g s ) following the gter-ma

i t self in Vol. Ba of the Rl n - c h e n g t e r - m d z o d .

17. See rG-yal-rigs, ff. 6 a - 3a (sic), pp. and below.

"16. Thugs nges - * b y u n g skyo-shes-kyis bsk u l - n a s / rang-babs-su

mdzad-pa-rnams ph y o g s - g c i g - t u bs d e b s - p a (Margin: Zhal-

g d a m s ) . f. 27b (Collected Works, Vol. Fha T p . 250),

J
3. K i n g Khyi-kha R a - t h o d a n d his 'hidden l a n d 1

In the previous section it was n o t i c e d h o w the story

of one Khyi-kha R a - t h o d h a d b e e n inter p o l a t e d into the ^

narrative of the 'Sindhu Raja's 'biography', alt h o u g h the

substance of this in t e r p o l a t i o n was not examined. Khyi-kha

R a - thod is in f a c t a quite independent figure in traditional

Bhutanese history, b u t a l t hough a substantial g t e r-ma l i tera­

ture is devoted to hi m a n d to the cult of the 'hidden l a n d 1

(s b a s - y u l ) with w h ich he is associated, unlike the 'Sindhu

Raja he n e v e r a t t a i n e d national significance in Bhutan. He

is p r e s e n t e d as Prince M u - r u m bTsan-po, son of d M a r -rgyan

(known elsewhere a l s o as T s h e - s p o n g - b z a ' ) , one of the queens

of Khri Srong-lde-btsan; Kh y i - k h a Ra-thod is a d e r o g a t o r y nick'

name w h i c h alludes to the prince's illegitimate and bestial

paternity. As in t h e case of the 'Sindhu Raja's story, the

p e r s o n first responsible f o r recording the myth seems to

have b e e n P a d m a G-ling-pa (1h50 - 1 521) . He appears to have

drawn his ma t e r i a l from ancient folklore, some of it a l r e a d y

extant in w r i t t e n form. Thi s he recast in a v i s ionary m a n n e r

that gave it coherent f o r m a nd purpose.' In its ne w g u ise the

myth t r a v elled far-beyond the frontiers-: of B h u t a n a n d in turn

gave rise to m a n y oral variants, eac h a d a p t e d to local

a spirations and circumstances. Some of-these derived

traditions were the n recor d e d b y at least one other gt e r - s t o n

fo r his own purposes. V e r y b r o a d l y and. a n t i c i p a t i n g certain

conclusions, this a p p ears to have b e e n t he w a y in w h i c h the

myt h was set down a n d diffused, but the close i n t e raction .

b e t w e e n t he oral a n d w r i t t e n f o rms in thi s p r ocess w ill

p r o b a b l y remain elusive for ever. In the b K a ' - t h a n g sde-lnga

a nd other e a rly gter-ma we can.see the g t e r - s t o n b o r r o w i n g

h e a v i l y from e a rlier literature but in the comparable works

of Padma Gling-pa and others like him the imp r e s s i o n is

a l t o g e t h e r less ’b o o k i s h ' . It is as if a self -educated

peasant with a strong spiritual b e n t h ad r e c a l l e d

fragments of stories he had read and heard. In a kin d

of dreamlike vision he reconstituted these into a new form

h a v i n g strong directive purpose, namely to a u t h e n t i c a t e the

cult of the hidden land of m Khan-pa-lung ( a l s o called

mKhan-pa-1jongs). This high valley just south of the T i b e t a n

b o r d e r had b e e n used as a place of spiritual retreat f rom at

least the second half of the 13th century. It appears in a

list of places where Me-long rDo-rje (12h3-1 3 0 3 ) meditated,

4
along with several well known holy sites in the v i c i n i t y .

M e -long rDo-rje was ope of the earliest ma s t e r s of the

rDzogs-chen ('Great Perfection') tradition, and thus one qf

P a d m a - G l i n g - p a 's spiritual ancestors. ;

The unpretentious, almost rustic q u a l i t y of the

w r i t i n g ensured the guide to m K han-pa-lung a wide appeal.

The forceful c h a r a c t e r who thus 'discovered' it h ad yet to

do so phy s i c a l l y a n d concretely before it could become

acceptable; hence the great pains taken to reveal its place

of concealment. Padma Gling-pa is most circumstantial:

At that time I went to m K h a n -pa-lung in consequence of

the p r o p h e c y that h ad app e a r e d at the end of the
dGongs-pa b l a - m ed. the 'treasure' ^ r e c o v e r e d p r e v i o u s l y
from/ the Patterned Rock. Having f o und the door
mKhan-pa-lungT" at b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g ^ I stayed there fo r a
few days. At that time I had a dream in w h i c h a girl
w e a r i n g white clothes appeared and said: "Tomorrow go
and extract the guidebook to mKhan-pa-lung." iVhen I
asked her where the guide book was she replied: "At a
place half a day's journey up from here there is a__cave
with three levels (V p h u g -pa thog-rang r i m -gsum) / i n s i d e 7
a _ b l a c k b o u l d e r shaped like an erected tent of felt
^ w h i c h lies/r at a certain point below the Red Cave of
sTong-shod. Prom this high position, if you measure out
a rope nine spans in l e n g t h downwards / j j ou w i l l find,7 a
cave on the side of the cliff. Inside it there is a mark
to the treasure shaped like the female parts. Once this
is removed, the guidebook to mKhan - p a - l u n g is inside, sb
take it out." As soon as she had said this I awoke.
 Then on the following da y many of us, priest a n d
patrons, went off and when we a r r ived at the foot
of that rock a nd looked it was Just as it had
a p p eared in the dream. Thereupon, whe n the votive
cakes had 'been prepared f o r the gua r d i a n - s p i r i t s
of the treasure (g t e r - b d a g ) the'sky s u d d e n l y became
ver y dark and fierce hail, rain a n d a terrific
gale came.- swirling down like an earthquake. Commands
were issued and the truth of the matter conveyed to
the tw o r treasure-guardians, Zo-ra-ra-skyes^ a n d K h rag-
m i g - m a , 3 and once they had b e e n 1made offerings the sun
shone forth. Then, h a v i n g tied to my waist a rope
nine spans in length I went down fr.om the top of that
cliff, h o l d i n g on to the right and to the left. On
a r r iving at the m a i n cave I looked and it was Just as
in the dream. W h e n I struck the mark w i t h a chisel the
t r e a s ure-box came out and in its place I put in* various
grains and a five - s p o k e d vajra and then left it b l o c k e d
up as before. Then I returned and stayed f o r a day at
bKra-shis-sgang. Then 1 w ent to the village of
dByim-bya, and on the fol l o w i n g d a y fthe Nas-pa people
came forth in battle and surrounded the village, saying:
"You have taken out'a treasure from our land." Fo r
m^ part I summoned the Chus-pa people from Rung in gTang
/ = sTang/. So on the f o l l o w i n g dayrmy own soldiers
a r r ived when the sun w a s w a r m and they chased them off.
Their w e a p o n s were seized and a prisoner w a s taken. _JThen
t o g e t h e r with my ow n force I went to Rung in b T a n g /== s T a n ^ /
and w h i l e staying there for a few days I brought hail down
upon the Nas-pa people and for three days it w o u l d not
melt. All their crops wer e wrecked. Then I sent this
m e s s a g e to the C h u s - p a ’e place: "Is :this hail enough or
shall I send some more ? The treasure came to me as a
result of my prayers to O-rgyan a n d ‘besides that i have
not seized your.wealth. Now shall w e settle this with
/ t h e c o m p e nsation of/ a human life or a c o w ’s life ?"
(da mi-la g t o n g - n g a m / n o r - l a g t o n g ) Unable to w i t h stand
this, they came in submission with a m e a t - f e a s t of one cow,
They offered / m e / the land of m K h a n -pa-lung and a g r e e d
/ t o b e c o m e / my patrons (y o n - b d a g ) , \Vhen the pr i s o n e r w h o
had b e e n t a k e n was set free they w e r e reconciled,®

How much of this mysterious story is true and p l a u s i b l e ? The

a u t o b i o g r a p h y is replete with Incidents of,this k i n d w h i c h must

have b e e n w i t n e s s e d b y Padma G l i n g - p a ’s close a s s o c i a t e s to w h o m

this account of his life is c h i e f l y a d d r e s s e d . Particularly

interesting here is the violent reaction of the Nas-pa people to

the disoovery of the 1 t r e a s u r e - b o x ’ containing the g u i debook to

mK han-pa-lung w h ose traditional proprietors tney mus t have been.

The idea that Padma G l i n g - p a ’s ’d i s c o v e r y ’ could have b e e n no more

t h a n a clever sleight of hand never seems to have occur r e d to them.

Elsewhere in the a u t o b i o g r a p h y there are many passages recalling

instances w h e n the author had to defend himself against
J
charges of f r a u dulent deceipt in the m a tter o f his g t e r - m a ,
7
charges which he claims to have defeated in e v e r y case.

Al t h o u g h Padma G-ling-pa is cer t a i n l y the first (and indeed

one of the very few) figures in Bhutanese h i s t o r y to come

real l y alive in the surviving literature, the w h o l e q u e s t i o n -

of his gter-ma discoveries remains s o m e thing of an enigma.

If the view is taken that the saint indulged in a long series

of elaborate and cynical hoaxes, sustained wit h great effort

over m a n y decades, this seems to run against the overall

picture of his c h a r acter conveyed in the text. It is not a

problem I w o u l d a t t e m p t to solve here but any e f f o r t in that

direction must take int o account the strong impulse to

endow new religious works aspiring to a quasi-canonical

stature with the aura of s a n ctity that surrounded the earliest

religious traditions. This hold true for r Nying-ma-pa doctrines

f r o m about the 10th c e n t u r y onwards. Padma G l i n g - p a ' s concerns

were, however, more to do with the ritual e x p r e s s i o n of doctrine

than wit h doctrine jeer se^ Ritual compilations form the m a i n

content of his huge corpus of ’d i s c o v e r i e s ’ bu t the need to

link them to sources of ancient authority is as strongly

ma n i fested in them as it is in the philosophical w o r k s of K l o n g -

chen-pa w h ose i n c a r nation he is reckoned ,to have been.

In his eulo g y of the Bum-thang area K l o n g - c h e n - p a

employs the term sbas-.yul ( ’hidden land')' in a somewhat vague

manner, s u g g esting a spiritual A r cadia where ideal g e o g r a p h i c a l

and human qualities together conspire to create perfect

conditions for the religious life. There is no hint at all of

the Messianic sense w h i c h Padma G l i n g - p a 'came to give the term

in his guide to mKhan-pa-lung. For him a sbas-yul is a concealed

area in the high mountains aw aiting the w a r that w i l l cause the

faithful to flee there, a paradisial refuge which will

a p p e a r in its true .form only w h e n the right time comes.

His main concern is to reveal the way in w h i c h the place

is to "be f o und and settled hut it is the myth of the l a n d ’s

origin a n d the part which Khyi-kha Ra-thod plays in it w h i c h

is of the greatest interest. The historical a ssociations

of the origin myt h and the themes which imbue it are

st u died below, b u t first let us examine the text itself.

There are in fact two separate texts devoted to

m K h a n - p a - l u n g (or mKhan-pa-ljongs) in t he Col l e c t e d /Vorks,

both in Vol. Ca /- Tsa 7 • (1) sBas-yul *bras-m

m k h a n - p a - l u n g - g i gnas-yig (U 8 folios, pp. 397 - U 9 1 ) and

(2) sBas-yul m k h a n - p a - 1 j o n gs-kyi gnas-yig padma gling-pa*i

gter-ma (13 folios, pp. ^93 - 317). The first one is a guide

to both Sikkim and mK h a n - p a - l u n g and I suspect m ay have b e e n

i n c o r p o r a t e d into the Col l e c t e d ,Yorks b y its a u t h o r who does

not appe a r to have b een Padma Gling-pa as there is no a c c ount

of the l a tter having ever visited Sikkim. The treatment

g i v e n to m K h a n - p a - l u n g here closely follows that of the

second text (which I take as the one whose ’discovery* was

narrated above) though the content of the relevant portion

has b e e n much expanded into 1 i| chapters as compared w i t h the

10 chapters of the second text. P r a c t i c a l l y omitted from

the first text, however, is the origin m y t h occupying

chapters 1 to 3 and 5 to 6 of the second text. These are

translated below. Some of the more interesting variant

details contained in two oral versions of the m y t h told me

by 'Jam-dpa'l rDo-rdo
(J D ) a n d Sl ob-dpon P a d m a - l a g s (LP) can
Q
be found in the footnotes.
( f .1 a) 5 K l o n g gsal
las 2 sbas yul mkhan pa 1 Jongs kyi gnas yig
padma gling p a 1! g t e r ma bzhugs so - -

(f .113) £ 7 .......... J - slob dpo n chen po padma 'byung gnas la

phyag 1tshal lo »

sbas yul mkhan 1 Jongs gnas yig 1di 2

b dag fdra b u d med mtsho rgyal ngas 2
Icags phur can gyi dben gnas su §
O r g y a n padma ny id la zhus -
phyi rabs don du yi g e r b k o d -
las can b u dang 1p h r a d par shog -
o °
sa ma ya -

sbas yul m k h a n pa 1 Jongs kyi gnas ni 2 ne rings seng ge

rdzong g sum gyi nub 2 m t h a ' nye lam gyi b y a n g - 'brog
mtshams p a Ti shar 2 g ro bo lung gi iho na yod cing 2
shar lho mtshams na rgya gar rtsang lung 2 iho nub
mtshams na b u m thang stang 2 nub byang mtshams na rdzi
ba lung 2 b y a n g shar mtshams (f. 2 a) na seng ge ri ste 2
de rnams Tdus p a Ti dbus na yod do 2 de la sgo bzhi yod ae 2
sgo gcig b u m thang stang nas yod g°sgo gcig ’b r o g mtshams °
sa nas yod 2 Sg 0 gcig gro bo lung nas y od » sgo g c i g mkho
mthing nas yod de 2 de ltar sgo b z h i r yod do 2 de yang
sngon dang po nas lung stong du yod cing - rgya b od gnyis
kyi so mtshams na yod p a ’o - sbas yul gyi sa mtshams b e a d
pa ste l e ’u dang p o ’o 2

o
mi gnas pa'i lo rgyus ni - spyir kha ba c an gyi rgyal
khams 2 d o d yul gyi dbus mthil 2 brag dmar dpal gyi bsam
yas na chos skyong b a 1i rgyal po khri srong I d e ' u b t s a n
zhes bya ba 2 y ab khri rje btsan po dang ~ (f. 2 b) yum (gyi)
ma shang k o n g Jo gnyis kyi eras su 'khrungs 2 dgung lo b c u
gcig la bza' dmar rgyan khab tu b z h e s 2 "bcu gsu m dang bco
l n g a ’i b a r du h o r dmag byung ste ’khrugs 2 d c u b d u n pa
glang gi lo la 2 b s a m yas bzhenga pa'i thugs dgongs shar te 2
za ho r nas m k h a n po zhi ba 'tsho spyan drangs sa btul bas
ma thul - d e 1i rting la rgya gar nas slob dpon padma spyan
drangs sa gzhi thams cad byin gyis brlabs 2 lha srin dregs
pa can thams cad dam la btags - dbu rtse rigs g sum gyis
thog drangs g t sug lag khang brgya rtsa brgyad bzhengs ~
de yi rab gnas tshar b a 'i rjes la - rgyal pos khrims kyi
rnga bo che brdungs te 2 bsam yas ne thang chen po'i dbus
su 2 rgyal pos gse r khri dang - dngul khri bshame pa la
mkhan slob gnyis bzhugs su gsol 2 k h r o m dmar nag bsdus nas 2
rgyal pos g s e r dngul gyi manual phul nas zhus pa 2 k y e e ;
mkhan slob gnyis b dag la dgongs su gsol 2 sicuTi rten dui

J
gtsug lag k h ang ni bzhengs tshar 2 g s ung gi rten du
dam pa'i chos shig b s g y u r dgos 2 zhes zhus pas 2 m k han
slob gnyis kyis gsungs pa 2 kyee chos skyong ba i rgyal
po 2 dam pa'i chos b s g y u r b a r 'dod na ~ lo tsa mang po
zhig rgya g ar du rdzang (f. 3 a) dgos pas 2 sgra slob
pa'i gzhon nu mang po bsags shig gsungs pa dan g - rgyal
pos b o d kyi byis pa bio rno ba mang po bsdus te m k han
slob gnyis kyi spyan sngar phul ba la 2 m k han pos sgra
bslab pa'i thog mar - na mo buddha ya * na mo dharma ya 2
O O
na rno sam gha ya - gyis gsungs pas - byis pa rnams na re -
ma mo b h u ha ya § ma mo bib ha ya - ma mo sa sa ya 2
O Q O
ma shes zer te sgra skad tshad du ma 'khyol - yang slob
dpon gyis. 2 na mo gu ru we 2 na m o de wa ya § na m o da ki
ni ye gyib gsungs pas - byis pa na re 2 m a mo ga hu ya 2
o o
ma mo gre pa ya - ma mo ba kyi ya - zer te b o d kyi byis pa
kha Ice ma bde bas sgra tshad du ma 'khyol lo 2 der g u rus
rgyal po la lung b s t a n pas 2 Spa skor gyi yul na he 'sdod
o
kyi b u gan Jag thang ta bya ba yod kyi gsungs pas -
de b k u g ste b s a m yas su phyag phebs''- g t s a n g legs grub
dang 2 gan Jag thang ta gnyis la mkhan slob gnyis sgra
O r\
bslabs pas - tshad du 'khyol nas rgya g ar du ch'oe 'theol
ba la b t a n g bas 2 b k a ' ^ 7 d k a ^ ba b c u drug spyad de rgya
g a r du b r dol 2 shri sing ha la s o g s m k h a s pa n y e r Inga'
mjal 2 phyi sde snod nang gsang sngags 2 'bras b u b l a m e d
kyi chos bka' rnams yongs s u rdzogs pa r zhus - slar (f. 3 "b)
log bsam yas su p h yag phebs tshe - rgya g ar gyi g c a n
'phrang bas kskul te - dmar rgyan gyis g t s o b yas b d u d b lon
rnams kyis 2 gangs rgyas gnyis pa b ee ro tsa nas b o d du
0 O t
chos b s g y u r ba'i dbang ma b y u n g b a r c hu la b s k u r - mtha'^
la spyugs byas pas 2 rgyal po thugs' ma dgyes b z h i n du
O U Q
spyugs so - b o d du sangs rgyas kyi b s t a n pa b y u n g dus -
b ee ro tsa na mtha' la spyugs pa'i l e'u ste g n y i s pa'o -

de dus chos rgyal la Jo mo bzhi yod de 2 zhag gsum

gsum gyi b s y e n b k u r b y e d kyin yod pa las rgyal pos
lo gsum gyi b a r ! dmar rgyan gyi sar b s n y e n b k u r la ma
byo n pas 2 d e 'i dus na dmar rgyan ma 'dod pa rgyas te 2
o © u
khyi dang ra mthong nas - thog khar sgo khyi la spyad
- 'og k h a n g du ra la spyad pas 2 zla ba dgu n go b c u na
dmar rgyan gyi lus la k h y e 'u yod pa ku n gyis tshor ste 2
mi mang rnams kyis gcig gleng gnyis gleng ku n gyis shes
p ar gleng ngo 2 der dma r r g yan la nang b l o n g c i g yod pa
la - rgyal pos dmar rgyan gyi pho b r ang du ni ma b y o n p ar
lo gsum song 2 da nang blo n mi n pa -gzhan su yod zer zhing
gleng pas 2 nang b l o n la' rgyal po'i khrims 'phog gis dogs
'digs shing sdug bsngal gyis no n par g y u r pa la -
A O
ra k h y u ded p a ’i rdzi bos mthong ste sraras pa -
nged rang gi rgyal po'i (f. Ua) jo mo d mar r g yan ni
'og k h ang na ra dang s b y o r “ba byed k y i n y od do zer bas
2 yang sprang phrug gcig na re 2 ngas k y a n g m t h o n g 2
pho b r a n g steng du khyi k h rid de sbyor ba b y e d kyin y o d
zer ro 2 de nas zla d g u ngo b c u nas b u g c i g b t s a s par
gyur te ~ yum gyis lo dgu'i b a r . d u gsang nas sos so 2
O o o
der chos rgyal gyis tshor te - 'phrln blo n la 'phrin
baring te 2 dmar rgyan k h y o d la b u zhig yod zer ba bda g
gis thos pas 2 de b d a g la phul cig rgyal srid g t a d p a r j
b y a fo zhes pa b s r i n g pas 2 der bsam yas ne g s i n g chen p o r
khrom dmar nag 'dus pa'i dbus su 'bul b c u g pas dmar rgyan
gyis phul te » de y a n g rgyal po'i rigs b r g y u d dang mi
m t hun pa 2 ra'i mgo la kha 'tshul khyi 'dra b a zhig 'dug
w A
pa las - rgyal pos b t s u n mo la zhe g n a g byas te - 'bangs
rnams b s d u d nas dmar rgyan gyi b u fdi ni b o d yul phung
ba'i ltas ngan yin p a r 'dug pas 2 1di b d a g cag rje 'bangs
rnams kyi glud du mtha' la spyiiig go'gsungs nas - b o d kyi
bandhe dang 2 sngags pa d a n g 2 b o n po rnams b s ags nas 2
mdos chog m ang po b yed du b c u g cing 2 khyi kha ra thod
la b d u d b l o n rnams d a n g 2 yum dmar i*gyan gyi 'bangs mi
rnams 'bangs su gtad de - (f. 4 b) gos dum rgyab na 'bru
sna'i sgye mo re thogs pa re re gyon du b c u g nas mtha'
la spyugs so 2 be nas khyi kha ra t h o d rnams kyis Iho b r a g
sgyid ces bya b a r lo b c u gsum bsdad dus 2 y a n g rgyal pos
tshor te dmag drangs nas yul b t o n no 2 de nas khyi kha ra
1 o
thod rje 'bangs rnams mon mkhan pa lung du yul thon no -
de dus rgyal po'i b t s u n mo mendhe b z a n g mo la 'khrungs
pa'i eras mu khri btsan po la rgyal'srid g t a d pas dmar
rgyan gyis phrag dog byas te gsol gyis bkrongs pas 2
rgyal po mya ngan gyis non 2 dma r rgyan la chad pa p h a b '
ste - g t s a n g po yar rgyab gra gzhung gi m d a r yul b t o n pas
dmar rgyan gyis sgra t s had kyi gtsug lag khang bzhengs 2
rab gnas la m k h a n po zhi ba 'tsho spyan drangs - dmar
rgyan gyis phyi mjug bka' gdams ma gtogs g s a n g sngags mi
dar ba'i smo n l am btab bo - dmar rgyan yum sras la chad
O ' 1
pa phog pa'i l e ' u ste g s u m pa'o -

^sbas yul mkhan pa ljongs kyi gnas b s t a n pa ste le'u bzhi

p&'° 3J7
de nas yul der rgyal po khyi kha ra thod rje 'bangs kyis
"bsdad tshul ni 2 yang re lung du rgyal po'i pho "brang
lDzung 2 bye dkar lung du b z o rigs & r i j g pa dang b o n
po'i sdod sa "bzurig - lung srol dang ri 'dabs rnams la
o o
b l o n 'bangs dang - 'khor rnams kyi sdod sa b z u n g ngo -
de dus k u re lung dang m on phyogs thams e ad rgya gar
ba'i yul du yod do 2 sdod k h yim thams cad kyang smyug ma
dang 2 rtsa k h y i m - s h i n g khyim du yod do 2 de'i (f. 6b)j
rgyal po'i pho b r a n g y a n g shing las grub pas 2 ka gzhu
ka rgyan 2 g d ung gdung khebs 2 rgya phibs kyi thog dang
bcas pa rgya che la 'phangs mtho ba - rin po che'i rtsi
mang po b y ugs nas 'od ’phro ba byas pa la - skar khung
o o
dang - sgo mang dang - rgya mthong rab gsal dang bcas pa'i
o o o o
bkod pas mdzes p a r b k o d pa la - lcags ri sum skor du y o d -
sgo mo che gnyis, su yod 2 de'i phyi la 'bangs 'khor dud
khyim brgya drug cu re gcig gis b s kor te yod pa la -
de'i n ang du rgyal po dpon g.yog 'khor dang bcas pa
bzhugs so 2 de yang rgya b o d kyi so mtshams yin pas -
yar m a r gyi tshong skyas </” bskyas/.pas n or dang longs
spyod bsa m gyis mi khyab pa b y u n g ngo 2 sdod khyim thams
cad k y ang rgya b o d kyi lugs 'dres mar byas so 2 ’k h o r
'bangs rnams kyi yul grong yan g de b z h i n du byas so 2
o ®
de yang y a n g re lung d u yul tshan b c u g s u m y od - bye dkar
lung na b o n po ye shes thod dkar bya ba b o n 'phrul sum
brgya drug cu la m n g a ' brnyes pa yod pa des bkra shis
rdzong m k h a r zhes bya ba'i yul gcig b z u n g ste longs spyod
che b a r byas so 2 der bo n yul gyi thog drangs grong tshan
b d u n 'dzin no - de y ang p hu na (f, 7*a) 'bri gnag ra lug
A U A

- mda' na ba g l ang » b a r du lug rta ra g s u m sogs byol song

\
d a n g dkor n or bsam
^
gyis mi khab par byas so
o
- d er rgyal po
rje 'bangs rnams kyis longs spyod 'byor pa dang Idan par lo
drug cu re gcig bsdad do 2 de nas khyi kha ra thod kyis
bo d du yab la dmag drangs rtsis byas te - 'bangs 'khor
rnams bsdus nas - rgyal pos 'bangs rnams la bka' stsal
pa 2 bda g gi phas khyi kha ra thod nga mtha' la spyugs »
yum yul gtan 'don byas pas 2 da res.rgya dmag bsdus nas
dmag drangs dgos so byas te 2 'bangs rnams kyis rgya
dmag b s d u d bsa m yas su dmag drangs so - de'i dus su chos
rgyal khri srong l d e 'u b t s a n gshegs nas - m u tig b t s a n
pos rgyal srid mgo b z u n g tsam yod pa las 2 o rgyan dang m u
tig b t s a n po yar lung shel gyi b rag phug na bzhugs yod pas
b s a m yas su rgya dmag gis sleb pa 0 rgyan gyis mkhyen te 2
g u rus gnam thil dkar po b s k u l nas thog mda' b d u n phab pas
dmag rnams dngangs shing 'dar nas rang yul du myu r b a r log
go 2 rgyal po khyi kha ra thod kyis sbas yul mkhan ljongs
su yul (f, 7b) bzung ba'i le'u ste Inga pa' o 2
de' dus su 2 sras m u tig b t s a n pos zhus pa 2 kyee slob
o o o
dpon chen po lags - rgyal po khyi kha ra thod 'di yul ma
b t o n na yab mes kyi gtsug lag khang *dl rnams la g nod pa
yang y ang b y e d par 'dug pas 2 'di m k h a n pa ljongs su yang
mi bzhag p a r 2 yul 'don pa'i thabs shig zh u 'tshal -
zhes zhus pas ^ de nas 0 rgyan padmas sbas yul mkhan pa
ljongs su b y o n te 2 m i n a g po 'jigs su rung ba zhig tu
sprul nas 2 rgyal po'i drung du Tdi skad gsungs pa 2
O nj Q * ^
kyee rje m u rum btsan po - k h yed rje 'bangs rnams kyi bla
ma ngas b ya yis 2 nged rang yon mchod m t hun p a r byas nas 2
O Q U
gsang sngags 'dzin p a ’i phyogs rnams pham p a r b y e d -
b s a m yas la sogs gtsug lag khang rnams 'jig cing chu la
'bo b a r b y a 1o byas pas 2 rgyal po'i thugs dgongs la -
'di zog po padma 'byung gnas kyi rdzu'.'phrul yin pa'ang
srid 2 yin na da res chad pa zhig b e a d dgos bsam te smras
A U
pa - mi nag po khyod zog po padma 'byung gnas khi cho
'phrul ma yin nam 2 yin na sngon chad kyang k h y o d kyis
nga la gnod,sems man g po byas - da rung k h y o d kyis nga la
gno d pa skyel b a r 'dug (f. 8a) pas 2 b l o n po rnams kyis de
o o
b z u n g la g s o d cig byas pa dang - mi nag po de na re -
da Ita bsam yas na yod pa'i padma 'by'ung gnas 'di dang
nga gnyis mi 'cham 2 nga m u stegs kyi slob dpon ha ra nag,
O o 0
po b ya ba yin - kho'i b s t a n pa la nga ci gnod byed pa yin -
de bas rgyal po khyod dang kho yon mchod so sor yod zer bas
2 nga khyod kyi stobs la b r t e n nas kh'o'i b s t a n pa 'joms dgos
snyam ste rgya gar nas 'ong pa yin 2 nged rang yon m c hod
gnyis b k a ' bgros mdzad nas kho'i bstan pa la ci g n o d b y a 'o
zer bas $ yang rgyal pos 2 fo na khyod kyis rdzu 'phrul
0O
zhig ston dang byas pas - rgyal po'i pho b r a n g gi Iho nub
mtshams na rdo leb gzho n g pa 'dra ba gcig y od pa'i steng
du gar mdzad pas zhabs rjes b c o b r g y a d byo n no 2 des rgyal
po thugs ches p a r g y u r te zhus pa 2 kyee slob dpon chen po
lags b d a g gi pha khri srong lde'u b t s a n dang - padma 'byung
gnas gnyis kyis bzhengs pa'i gtsug lag k h a n g lta b u zhig J
'dir bzhengs par zhu zhus pas 2 siob dpon gyis gsungs pa 2
o o
kye e rgyal po chen po - khri srong lde'u b t s a n d a n g -
padma 'byung gnas kyis bsam yas bzhengs pa de 2 bo d du
khyad 'phags (f. 8b) par b y e d do 2 nge d gnyis de bas ya '
mtshan pa zhig bzhengs pas rgyal po rang nga'i ngag la
nyon cig gsungs so 2 rgyal po na re de las ya m t shan pa
o 0
zhig b y u n g na k h y e d kyis gang mdzad la nyan zer bas -
slob dpon gyis zhal nas - 'o na nged rang yon m c h o d shing
gi bya khyu n g m k h a ' la 'phur thub pa zhig b z h engs nas de'i
khog pa'i nang du rgyal po 3pon g.yog Inga b r g y a tshud par
byed cing 2 de la skar khung dang b ar mtshams mang po b e a d
nas gzhal yas k h a n g gi rnam pa byas pa'i nang du thab kha
mang po b z ung nas longs spyod dang 'byor pa b s a m gyis mi
khyab pa byas nas lha m i 1i 'jig rten na 'di las k h y a d
 Mo

'phags pa med zer "ba zhig b y a'o gsungs nas rgyal po

thugs dgyes te 'o de b z h i n du bya'o zer nas 2 shing
gi b zo rig pa b s a m gyis mi khyab pa b s dus nas bya k h y u n g
che la fphangs mtho ba zhig byas so - de la rlung b s k y o d
pa dang 2 'dzin pa'i g zer mgo gnyis su byas pa na 2 slob
dpon gyis gsungs pa 2 rgyal po rje 'bangs rnams de ring
o o
bya khyung gi rab gnas la tshogs shig gsungs pas - rje
'bangs rnams gcig kyang ma lus par bya khyung gi khog
p a r zhuge has bza' b t u n g gi longs spyod g iu g a r la (f. 9a)
sogs b y e d kyin y od pa la 2 slob dpon gyis gsungs pa 2
o o
rgyal po rje 'bangs - bda g la gso n cig - ya m t s h a n pa'i
rtags 'gul ba dang 2 ’khrig-pa dang 2 'dar ba sogs gang
* ® o
b y ung yang ma jigs par bde bar sdod cig gsungs nas -
slob dpon gyis bya k h yung gi steng du b y o n nas 2 p h y a g
gnyis su lcags kyi dbyug tho re re thogs nas mi 'dod pa'i
rlung skyod pa'i gze r gnyis brdungs pas bya k h y u n g nam
mkha' la 'phur nas song ngo 2 &e dus rgyal pos khyi skad
lhang lhang cig thos pas - b i o ma bde ba r tshig bea d smras
Pa §
kyee b d a g gi steng gi zog po padma 'byung -
sangs rgyas yin zer sems can g n o d pa b y e d 2 Q
g z h a n don yin zer min ldg mgo b s k o r m k han ^
b d a g gis k h y o d la gnod pa ma byas kyis -
byas pas - o rgyan gyis gsungs pa 2 j

kyee khyi kha ra thod b d a g la gson 2

log p ar Ita ba dmar rgyan b u 2
yab kyi rigs brgyud k h y o d la m ed 2
khyod ni byol song gnyis kyi b u ~
m u stegs rgyal po rmu rgod m k h a n 2
da lta'i khyi skad zer ba de 2
rgya gar rtsa lung khyi skad yin 2
zhes gsungs pas 2 yang khyi kha ra thod kyis smras pa 2
kyee mgo bskor mkhan gyi zog-po (f, 9"b) gson 2
yab rgyal b l o n gyis mgo ,b s k o r bas 2
b d a g cag yum sras mtha' la spyugs §
sangs rgyas y in zer bod sdug gtad 2
snying rje b s gom zer bdag nyid mtha' la spyugs 2
spyugs pa mi tshad yul 'don b y e d pa 'di §
sdig dpon yin y a n g 'di 'dra ngas ma mthong -
la yogs b d e n na zog po'i steng du thong 2

zer ba la 2 o rgyan gyis gsungs pa 2'

kyee byol song phru g u khyi kha ra thod nyon 2
o o
Ita log ma mad gnyis kyis bod yul du -
yab kyi b k a ' b c a g bdud b l o n dbang b s g y u r nas 2
b ee ro la sogs sgra b s g y u r lo tsa rnams 2
mtha' la spyugs pas dam chos nyi ma nub 2
dmag drangs chos rgyal gtsug lag b s h i g p ar brtsams 3
 thub na nga yang gzod p a 'i bsam ngan yod 2
phyi mjug sangs rgyas b st an pa b r l a g b s a m pas 2
sems can don du sdig rgyal yul 'don no -

gsungs nas mi fdod p a ’i rlung g.yo b a 'i g z e r rnams rim par

brdungs pas skad cig de nyid la bum thang dkar nya bya ba'i
yul du sleb bo 2 Tdod p a 1i rlung 'dzin p a 'i gzer brdungs
o o
pas - sa la babs so - der bz hag nas 0 rgyan gyi rdzu 'phrul
gyis slar m k h a n pa 1 Jongs su phebs 'bangs (f. 10a)
kyi dkor rnams gter du sbas 2 mk ha n pa ljongs kyi sa
phyogs mi mt hong b a r phyi nang gsang ba'i rgyas bsdams nas
gnas kyi gter bdag rnams la gnyer gtad bka' bsgos nas
bzhag go 2 dus la ma bab par sus -kyang mi mt ho ng ba r byae
so - de nas rgyal po rje ’bangs rnams kyis btsal yang rnyed
par ma gyur to 2 de nas khyi kha ra thod rje 'bangs rnams
kyis stang gi khyi tshums la yul bz ung nas yun ring du
bs da d do “ 0 rgyan gyis bum thang Icags m k h a r du rgyal po
senta ra d z a ’i bla mar by on nas rdo rje brtsegs pa'i brag
la dgongs pa la bzhugs so 2 rgyal po khyi kha ra thod
’k h o r bcas mk han pa ljongs nas ypl bton pa'i l e ’u ste i
drug p a ’o 2

/.dus bs t a n pa'i le' ste b d u n p a 'o

</sgo 'byed pa'i l e ’u ste brgyad pa'o -J ?
</phyi nang ba'i rgya dkrol thabs kyi le'u ste dgu pa'o
/ l a m yig gi le'u ste b cu pa fo
/gnas de'i. yon t a n bstan pa ni
 ID U

/Title; f. 1 a/ Guide to the Hidden h a n d of m K h a n -

pa-lt
j ongs, the Treasure of Padma
G l i n g - p a , from / t h e ritual c o l l e c -
tion of/ the Klong- gsa l / g s a n g - b a
s ny ing -b cu d/ is contained herein*

/Ch.I: ff. 1 b —2a/ ^ E l e v e n indecipherable letters in

m k h a ’-'gro br da -y ig Z

Obei san ce to the ma hacarya Padma

’B y u n g - g n a s .

This guide to the h i d d e n land of mK ha n/ ~p a/- ljo ngs

Was reported to O - r g y a n Padma hi mself q
A t the solitary retreat of lCags.-phur-ean
By me, the girl / Y e - s h e s / mtsho-rgyal, such as I am.
It is set in w r i t i n g for the sake of future generations.
May it meet the !destined son I
Sa-ma-ya

The hidden land of mKhan-pa-1jongs is west of the

three Seng-ge rdzong /ofy Ne-rings, north of the
near road (? m t h a 1-n ye - l a m ) * eadt of the pastoral
land of m T s h a m s - p a ,'' south of G r o - b o - l u n g . 12 To
the south-east lies the Indian r T s a n g - l u n g , 13 to
the south-west B um -t h a ng sTang, .to the north-west
rDzi-ba-lung, to the north-east Seng-ge-ri ;1U
it lies at the collective centre of all these places*
It has f o u r gates: one gate / l e a d s / from B u m- th an g
sTang, one gpte from the pastoral la n d of mTshams-sa
/= -p § 7 1 one gate from Gro-bo-lung, and one gate
from mK h o - m t h i n g l 5* Thus it has f o u r gates. In
prev iou s times, from the beginning, it was an
em pty valley. It lay on the b o r d e r of Tibet and
India,
The first chapter delineating the
bou ndaries of the hidden land.

/Ch.II: ff. 2a~3b/

As for the account of how humans resided / T n

mKhan-pa-ljongs/: The king who pro te ct ed religion
called Khri S r o n g - l d e 1u-b ts an l5 was b o r n t o Khri-rje
b T s a n - p o ”7K hri IDe-gtsug-brtan/V his father,__and to
Ma -s ha ng K i m - s h e n g / Kong-jo his mother, / t h e s e /
two, at Glorious bSam-yas of Brag-dmar /w hi c h lies/
at the centre of Tibet, the general re alm o f Himavat.
At the age of el ev e n he took b Z a 1 dMar-rgyan as his
consort. Up to the age of thirteen a n d fi ft ee n the
forces of Hor came and fought. 'At the age of
s e v en t ee n in the Year of the Bull, the idea of
bui ld i ng bSam-yas came to his mind and the abbot
Z h i - b a - ’t s h o / S a n t a r a k s i t a / was invited f r o m
Za-hor / M a n d i / ; al th ou g h he / t r i e d t o / tame the ..
land, it could not be tamed. Sub seq uen tly the
acarya Padma was inv ite d from India and he b l e s s e d
bile" g r o u n d , he b oun d to oaths all the pr o u d gods
a n d demons. One hundred and eight temples with
three kinds of roof-tiers at th e i r top w e r e built.
A f t e r their co ns ec rat io n had b e e n c o m pl et ed the
king beat t h e great drum of the law and reque ste d
the abbot and the acarya to sit on g o l d e n and si lver
thrones w h i c h he had set up in the centre of the 1
great sward of bSam-yas. Once the red and black
crowds (?) had assembled, the King offered g o l d en
a n d silver m a n d alas and declared: "Oh ab bo t and
acarya both, please c o n s i d e r my words. After com­
p l e t i n g the co ns tr uc ti on o f these temples as a
physical support, the holy Pharma must be tr an slated
as a verbal support." The abbot and acarya both replied
"Oh king who guards the faith ! If yo u should desire
the h ol y r e l ig io n to be translated, m an y translators
must be sent to India. Collect tog et he r p l e n t y of
youths to study Sanskrit (sgra) ." H a v i n g ga th er ed
lots of Tibetan c h i l d r e n of sharp intelligence, the
king offered them to the sight of both the abbot
a n d the a c a r y a . The abbot, at the .start of his Sanskrit
lesson, announced: "H a - m o B u d d h a - y a . Ha-mo d h a r m a - y a .
Na-mo s a m g h a - y a . " T Fie" "children recited: "N~a-mo
b h u - h a - y a . Ua'-ino b i b - h a - y a . Ma-mo s a - s a - y a . We don't
know it." They could not get the sound of t^e Sanskrit
right. Thereupon the Guru prophecied to the king: "In
the land of sPa-skor is the son of H e - ' d o d called
G a n - j a g - t h a n g - t a ." He was summoned and came to
bSam-yas. The abbot and the a c a rya b o t h taught Sanskrit
to Gan-j ag -t ha ng -t a and to gTsaTig Le gs- gru b and once
they had become proficient they w er e sent to India in
search of religion. A ft er undergoing s i x te en au st eritie
they reached India. The^r met twenty-five scholars
in cl uding Shr! Sing-ha / Srisimha/. The., received in
their en tirety the external P i t a k a , the internal
Mantrayana and the result / o f both in t h e / teachings
of hie A n u t t a r a / -y o g a / . Returning once more, w h en they
had come to bS am-yas the demon-min'isters with dKar-
rgyan a t their head we r e induced by the Indian
g c a n - Tph rang (?) to declare, so as to prevent the p ow er
of the dharma tr an sl a t e d b y Be e- ro-tsa-na / Y a i r o c a n a =i
G a n - j a g - t h a ng -t a / the Second Buddha, from growing in
Tibet, that he s h o u l d / e i t h e r / be drowned / o r / exiled
to the border. The ki ng unhappily exiled him.

The second chapter in which Bee-ro-tsa-na

was exiled to the border at the time when
the Buddha's teachings came to Tibet.
 At that time the king had four consorts and
he used to pay each of them hon ou r for three days
at a time, "but for three years he did not go to
dMar-rgyan's place to do her honour. At that
time d M a r - r g y a n - m a Ts lust increased a n d , _ s e e i n g a
dog an d a'goat, she conso rte d with the gu ard -do g
on the top floor / o f h e r p a l ac e/ and with the goat
on the ground floor. A f t e r nine or ten months
everyone knew that dlv!ar-rgyan w a s carrying a child
in her body; m an y people talked about it one to
an ot he r so that everyone came tq know and discu sse d
it. Nov/ dMar-rgyan had a household official an d it
was said 'that because thr e years had gone b y since
the ki ng had b ee n to d M a - r g y a n 's palace, w h o could
it have b e e n if not the ho use hol d official ? So the
household official was greatly troubled, fearful
that the king's law w o u l d be visited upon him.
However, a go at- her d seeing him /s o d i s t r e s s e d / said;
"Our king's consort, dMar-rgyan, copulated with a
goat on the g r o u n d f l o o r . " A l s o a b e g g a r b o y
declared: "I too saw her le ading a dog to the top
of the palace and copulating with it." Then af t e r
nine or ten months a son w a s b o r n and for nine years
he was brought up in secret b y his mother. T h e n the
dharmaraja lea rne d about it and sent a me ssage through J
th'e Minis ter of Messages: "dMar-rgyan, I have heard
that yo u have a son. Give him to me and I w i l l endow
him with authority." Thereupon, be ing compe lle d to
offer him in the centre of the red and b l a c k c ro wd
wh ic h had a ss em ble d on the great sward of bSam-yas,
dM ar- rgy an offered him. As it turned out that he was
not of the same lineage as the king, but i n s te ad was
someone wh o had the head of a goat and a m ou th resembling
that of a dog, the king let loose his loathing upon the
queen. A s s e m bl in g his subjects, he declared: "This son
of dMa r-rgyan is very likely an evil presage of
calamity for the land of Tibet. He will therefore be
ba n i s h e d to the b o r d e r as a scapegoat / o r r a n s o n / for
all of us, lord and subjs cts." Having collected together
the Buddhist monks, tantric priests, and Bon-po of Tibet,
they were compelled to perform m a n y :thread-cross rituals.
The demon-ministers and the personal subjects of his
mot her were com mi tt ed to Khyi-kha Ra -thod ( 'Dog-mouth
Goat-skull') as his subjects. Bach was made to w e a r
rags (? g o s - d u m ) 1 ( and carry a bag on his back co nt aining
various kinds of seeds, and so they w e r e b a n i s h e d to the
border. Then after Khyi- kha Ra-thod, the lord and his
subjects, had resided for three years at a place called
sGyidlS iRo-brag, the king became aware that they had
led forth an army and left their home. The reupon
Kh yi- k ha Ra-thod, lord and subjects, wer e e x p e l l e d to
Mon mKhan-pa-lung, At that time Mu-khri bTsan-po. the
son bo rn to the king's consort Mandhe b Z ang -m o (?) was
conf err ed with aut hority. _d Ma r- rg ya n was so jealous
that she killed him w i t h /poisoned/-food. This cause d ■
the k i n g great gri ef and he imposed,a punishment upon i
dMar-rgyan. ex pel lin g her to the lower part of Ya r-r gya b
G r a - g z h u n g ' 9 / o n ; the b a n k of/ the gTsa ng -p o river.
 153

There dMar-rgyan "built the temple^of sGr a-t sh ad and

invited the ahhot Z h i - b a - ’tsho Santaraksi to
pe r f o r m the consecrati on. dMar-rgyan made an
as pir at io n to the effect that, w i t h the exce pt ion of
the future "bKaT-g da ms ^- pa/ School, the mantrayana
should not come to flourish. '*

The third chap ter in which pun ishments

were imposed upon dMar-rgyan, m o t h e r
and son.

,/Ch.IV: ff. h b - 6 a /

/ y T h e fourth chapter revealing the sites of the

hi dd en land of mKhan-pa- lJo ngs " is o m i t t e d since
it adds nothing to the narrativ

^Ch.V: ff. 6a-7i7

Now, as for the man ne r in which Kh yi -kh a Ra-thod, the

lord and his subjects, stayed in that country: The
k i n g ’s palace was established in Yang-re-lung. The
hab ita tio ns of the craftsmen and of the Bon-po w e r e
est ablished in Bye-dkar-lung. The ha bi tations of the
officers and subjects and of the retinue were e st ab li sh ed
in the valleys (? l u n g - s r o l ) and on, the sides of the
mountains. At that time Ku -r e-lung and all the regions
of Mon were the home of Indians a n d all their houses w e r e
made of bamboo, grass or wood. The palace of their king
</Khyi-kha:Ra-thod/^ was also made of- wood'I It was built
of b r oa d dimensions and of great height, having
dec or at ed p i l l a r - c a p i t a l s , projecting beams and a roof
ornament and, b e i n g annointed w i t h precious extracts,
it shone w i t h light. It was b e au ti ful ly a r ran ge d w i t h
ce rt ai n fea tures including v/indows, m an y doors and
balc oni es and was surro und ed by three walls and h a d two
main gates. Outside there w e r e one h u n d r e d and sixty-
one houses sur ro un di ng it for the subjects a n d retinue.
Inside resided the king together w i t h his servants a n d
followers. Since the place was on the b o r d e r of India
a n d Tibet the trade up and down was conveyed there and so
an inconceivable wealth and prosperity arose. All the
houses were built in a mixture of the Tibetan and Indian
styles. Th~ settlements of the retinue and subjects
were also bui lt in a similar fashion. Thus there were .
th irteen villages in Yang-re-lung. In B y e- dk ar- lu ng
a Bon-po called Ye-shes Thod-dkar^O ga in e d p o w e r over
three hu ndred and sixty Bon-po magicians (? b o n - 1p h r u l )
and, ha vi ng settled in a place called b K ra -s hi s >
rDzong-mkhar, he enjoyed great prosperity. He took
control over seven villag es having the Bon vi ll ag e at
their head. At the top end of the valley, b l a c k female
yaks ( ’b r i - g n a g ) . goats and sheep, and at the bottom
 end cows and b u l ls , _ a n d in the middle part sheep,
horses and goats, ^ t h e s e / three - a vast n u m b er
of animals and much material wealth was gained.
Then the king and his subjects resided for sixty-
one years in a state of rich orosperity. Then
Khyi-kha R a- th od conceived a plan to lead an army
to Tibet against hie father and, having a s s e m b l e d
the subjects and retinue, the king commanded his
subjects: "My father ban is he d me, Khy i- kha Ra-thod,
to the bo rd er and expelled my m o t h e r from her
fixed home. Now the Indian forces must be co ll ected
a n d an invasion m a d e . 11 The lord and subjects
assembled the Indian forces and then bS a m - y a s wa s
invaded. At that time the dh a r m a raja Khri Srong-
I d e ’u- btsan had died and Mu-tig bTsan-po had just
beg un his reign. O-rg yan a n d Mu-tig b T sa n - p o were
residing in the Cr ystal Cave of Yar-lung and when
the Indian forces ar ri ve d at bSam-yas, O- rgyan k ne w
it. The G ur u induced </the god/7" gNam-thil d K a r - p o ^
to cast seven lightning flashes which ca used the
soldiers to return i.n haste to their own home,
trembling in fear.

Th e fifth chap ter in wh i c h Khy i- kh a

Ra-thod made a home in the hid de n l an d
of m K h a p / - p a / - 1 j o n g s .

.VI: ff. 7b ~l Oa7

At _t h at time Prince Mu-tig bT san-po declared:

m a h a c a r y a., if King Khyi -k ha Ra-thod is not expelled
from his home he will commit injuries to these an cestral
temples aga in and again. I beg you t h e r e f o r e for a
means of expelling him from his home s! as not to leave
him even in mK h a n - p a - 1 J o n g s . " Thereupon O - rg ya n Padma
went to the hidden land of mKhan-pa-1jongs and,
ha ving transformed himself into a fearsome black man,
he declared these words to the king: "Oh, Lord Mu - r u m
bT san -po I I shall act as the lama of you, lord and
subjects. Af te r we, priest and patron, have come to
full accord we shall defeat all those who hold to the
side of the M a n t r a y a n a . 'Me shall des troy the temples
including bS am-yas and shall cause w a t e r to spill over
them (? chu-la Tbo - b a r b y a ’o )." The king thought to
himself: "It rs ~pos s ible that this person is a magical
app ari ti on of the fr aud Padma 'Byung-gnas. If he is,
then a punishment must be meted upon him now."
Thin kin g this, he declared: " A r e n ’t you, b l a c k man, the
phantom'of the fraud Padma 'Byung-gnas ? If you are,
then since you sought to do me harm many times in the
past you must now be w a n t i n g to harm me again." On
commanding the ministers to seize and kill him, the
black man said: "The Padma ’Byung-gnas who is now at
bSam-yas and I are not on g o o d terms. I am t he
h e r e t i c a l .teacher called Ha-ra Kag-po, I commit w h a t ­
ever injuries I can against his teachings. Therefore,
since it is said that you the king and he have b a d
relations, I have come from India in the hope of
defeating his teachings on the strength of your
power. After we, priest and patron, have con su lt ed
together we shall injure his teachings in w h a t e v e r
w a y we can." Then the king said: "Now y o u show a
miracle." So /the G ur i/ danced upon a flat stone
shaped like a b a s i n at a point south-west of the
king's palace and eighte en footprints w e r e left upon
it. Soothe king gained faith in him and said:
"Oh m a h a c a r y a . I b e g y o u to bu ild here a temple such
as my fa ther Khri S r o n g - l d e 'u-btsan a n d Padma 'Byung-
gnas have built." The acarya replied: "Oh great king,
the bSam-yas temple which Khri Sr on g-l de' u-b tsa n and
Padma 'Byung-gnas built is the most excellent in Tibet,
b u t we two c a n b u i l d an even more wondrous one. So
listen, king, to my wor ds." The k i n g said: "If y ou
can make an even more wondro us one, then I shall listen
to w h a t e v e r y o u tell me to do." The acarya said: "Then
let us,priest and patron, build a w o o d e n garuda that
can fly in the sky, made so that the king and his
retinue to the nu mb er of five hu nd re d can e n t e r into
its belly. It 'should be made in the style of a
he a v e n l y palace, divided up w ith w i n do ws and partitions.
M a n y hearths should be fixed within. Me shall make it
so splendid and rich that it w i l l b e said that no more
excellent thing exists in the world of gods an d
humans." The king w§s delighted. "Oh we sh a l l do it,"
he said. A vast number of w o od -c ra ft sm en wer e
assem ble d and a g a r u d a of b r o a d and lofty dim ensions _
was made. When two nail-heads had been made in it, / o n e /
to seize the w i n d the a c a r ya said: "May the king and
the subjects all ass emble today for the co ns ec ra ti on of
the garu d a ." The lord and the subjects wit ho ut
except 1onThe re -f or e entered the belly o f the garuda.
While they were enjoying themselves^with food aha *cTrink,
singing, dancing and so forth, the acarya declared:
"King and subjects, listen to me. (Whatever strange
signs ap pe ar such as trembling, rolling (? 'khrig-pa =
'k h r i - b a ) , shaking and_so on, sit back co mf o r t a b l y
wi t h o u t fear." The acarya went tonthe top of the
garuda and, ho lding an iron club in each hand, he
st rue If the two nails wh ich agitated the unwanted w i n d
so that the garud a flew up into the sky and departed.
At that time the king heard the clear b ar k of a dog.
P e e l i n g disturbed, he declared in verse:

"Oh the fraud Padma 'Byung/ -g na s/ who is above me

Is s a i d to be a Buddha but commits injuries upon
sentient beings.
He's said to a c t for the benefit of others bu t
is r e a l l y a cheat.
I have done y o u no harm."

O- r g y a n replied:

."Oh Khyi-kha Ra-thod, listen to me.

Son of the perverse dMar-rgyan,
Y o u do not possess your father's lineage.
Yo u are the son of two animals,
Th-e king of heretics, a wild barbarian.
That sound of a dog's bark just now
Was / a c t u a l l y in/ the dog-language of the
■ Indian rTsa-lung /== r T s a n g - l u n g / . "
A g a i n Khyi-kha Ra -thod declared:
"Listen, c h ea ti ng fraud I
My father and his ministers ch ea te d
Us, m o t h e r and son, banishing us to the borders.
Y o u are said to be a Buddha b u t lead Tibet to
suffering.
Y o u are said to meditate on co mpa ssi on but
ban i s h me to the border.
Not content w i t h banishment, y o u now expel me
from my home.
E v e n if I a m an evil lord, I have ne v e r seen
an ything like this.
If retribution is just, let it be mete.d upon
the fraud."

To this O - r g y a n replied:
"Oh listen, K h yi -k ha Ra-thod, son of animals 1
In the land of Tibet, you perverse two, m o t h e r
and son,
Have b r o k e n the f a t h e r ’s order and brought
demon-ministers to power.
The translators including B e e - r o / -ts a-na/
Have b e e n ban ished to the b o r d e r and the sun of
the holy dharma is setting.
Le ad ing an army, younplanned to d e s t r o y the
dha rma ra ,1a1s temple.
Y o u even have an evil mind to" kill me if you can.
Since you intend in the future to de s t r oy the
Buddha's teachings
You, evil king, are expelled from y o u r home f o r
the sake of sentient B e i n g s . "

H av in g said this the G u r u struck b y turn all the nails

w h i c h caused the unwanted w i n d to ■ move and
at that very instant / t h e ga ru da/ ar ri ve d at the village
of dKar-nya in Bum-thang. Striking the nail which seize d
the w a n t e d wind, it came d ow n to e a r t h , Leaving it
there, O-rgyan went b ac k b y magic to m K h a n - p a - 1 j o n g s .
All the w ea l t h of the lord and his 'subjects was hidden as
treasure. The sites of mKhan-pa-1jongs were se'aled up
internally, externally and secretly so as to be invisible,
and all the guardian spirits of the treasure were e n tr us te d
to care for them and were gi v e n commands. It was done
so that nobody should see /the hidden l a nd / until the
time should come. Even though the king an d his subjects
then searched for it they did not find it. Thereupon
Khy i- kh a Ra-thod, the lord and his subjects, settled down 2 k
at Khy i-mtshums in sTang and stayed there for a long time. 5
O- rg yan w e n t to lCa gs-mk har as the lama of King Senta Ra-dza
a n d resided in m edi ta tio n at the rock of Piled V a j r a s . j

The sixth chapter in wh i c h K i n g Khyi-kha

Ra-t hpd tog eth er with his: retinue was
expelled from his home in m K h a n - p a - 1 j o n g s .
 X0 f

^Ch.VII; f.10a -b7 ^/"The seventh chapter which

reveals the time (when the d oo r
to the hidden land is to be
opened up)

^Ch.VIII: f f .10 b - 1 1 aT" /."The eighth ch apter (concerning

the person who will) open th e
door. 2/

/ O h •IX, f. 11a -b7 ^ ’’The ninth chapter (concerning)

the method of undoing the outer,
inner and secret seals.

7,0h.X: f f ,11 b-1 2b7 </"The tenth chap ter (containing)

the itinerary (to the hidden
land)

/ff. 1 2 b -1 3 a 7 /J'An account of the qualities of

that p l a c e .^7*

l;
)
 The legend as we have it here is a compound of

several themes linked "by their common leit-motif of

expul sio n and recovery. Althou gh "brought t o get he r in a

m an n er that is dr am atically so convincing as to obscure

the m an ne r of their linking, to separate the various strands

and locate their probable origin in ot her sources is not a

difficult task. If for us these elements emerge to c o v e r

the wh ole spectrum of historical, qua si-historical and

mythological fact, th- story itself will al w ay s stand for

its traditional audience as an account of 'what ac t u a l l y

h a p p e n e d 1. Since the historical consciousness helps to

determine a people's view of its place in the world, and

b e c a u s e that view, in turn, acts as an important factor in ,

its reactions to events that are truly historical, the

exercise of unrave lli ng such a legend is b y no means

without relevance to historical studies per s e . The term

" sy nc r e t i s m 1* has b e e n applied by Stein (1959a) to the f o r m ­

ation of the Ge-sar epic in Tibet, rep res ent ing as it does

a huge and marvellous am al gam of heterogeneous themes; the

more concentrated aim of the g t e r - s t o n , and the h o m o ge ne it y

of the themes, present in this short legend w p u l d here incline

one more to the term " s y n t h e s i s m " .

1) The expulsion of Vairocana

The basis of the K h y i - k h a Ra -thod story is fo rm ed by

the le g e n d of Vairocana, a disciple of P a d m a s a m b h a v a , as it

appears in two of the gter-ma of O-rgyah Gling-pa (born in

1323), na me ly the we ll -known bTs un -mo b k a '-thang and Padma

thang-yig. The development of the legend in these and other

works has recently b e e n summarised b y A hn e-M ar ie Blon dea u

(1976), and the question of Vairocana's sojourn in India has

been studied b y Ka rm ay (1975a). V a i r o c a n a !s importance for

the rNying-ma-pa rests largely on the fact that he is

regarded as the person wh o introduced the rDz ogs-chen

("Great Perfection") tradition into Tibet from India where

^ Hti V

he is s u p po sed to have received it from a certain Srisimha.

K a r m a y (1975a: 1U9) concludes, however, that the traditional

✓ — .
account of V a i r o c a n a fs me et ing with Srisimha cannot be found
27
in texts earlier than the 13th century. This in itself

is not suffi cie nt to discount the likelihood of the story

and it must be i*emembered that Vair oc an a was u nd ou bt ed ly an

historical figure, as he appears among the first seven

Tibetans who re c e i v ed monastic ordination in bSam-yas, in

sources that are g e n er a ll y accepted. A c co rd in g to the

Padma tha ng-ylg it is the jealousy of the India n tantrists

(the g c a n ~ *phrang of our text) w h o m Vairocana met d u r i n g his

pe riod of study which is the real cause of his expulsion

from central Tibet to Tsha-ba -ro ng in eastern Tibet. The

I n d i a n s , angered by his having taken a w a y th eir secret

doctrines, spread a rumour in Tibet to the effect that he

has brought false and heretical doctrines. The king, who

has a strong regard for Vairocana, does not want to kill him

However, he pretends to do so by putting a be g g a r b o y

disguised as V ai ro ca n a into a sealed pot w h i c h he throws

into the gTsang-po. Everyone believes Vairocana is drowned.

W h e n Vair ocana himself hears of it he suspects the b o y has

b e e n used as a scapegoat (g l u d ) to fool the Bon-po ministers

The b o y is in fact recovered from the river b y the cast el la n

(mkhar-gyi b d a g - p o ) of mKh ar-stag *01-ma in ’0 1 - d g a *. He is

adopted, married to the daughter of the castellan and his \

descendants be come the Grong-tsho family of rGyug-thang

IHung-mi in *0 1 - d g a 1 (T h a n g - y i g , f. 21 6 a). This sub-plot

echoes the theme of ex pu ls io n and discovery In the main

plot w h i c h continues w i t h Qu ee n dM a r - r g y a n of th e Ts he s-

spong clan stumbling upon the fact that Vair oc an a is still

alive. She had followed the king under the s u s p i c i o n that

he had a lover, only to f i n d out that he was visiting

Va ir o c a n a in secret. She betrays this to the Bon-po

ministers who this time compel the king to b a n i s h Va ir o c a n a

to Tsha-ba-rong. The Padma t h a n g - y i g 's ex pla nat ion of w h y

dMar-rgyan took this act ion seems to form the principal link

w i t h the variant v e r s i o n conta in ed in the bT s un -m o b k a ’- t h a n g .

and ul ti mately w i t h Padma G-ling-pa’s legend too. The Padma

thang-yig offers the explanation more or less as an a f t e r ­

thought. Toussaint (1933 : 296) translates as follows:

Ges paroles de Parure -R ou ge / d M a r - r g y a n ^ avaient un motif.

V a i r o c a n a etait beau, extremement beau;
la dame lui av ai t offert un r e n d e z v o u s et il n ’etait
Pa r depit elle le denoncait. pas venu.

Hell has no fury like a wo ma n scorned, but the feelings of

amorous spite wh ic h compel dMar-rgyan to plot Vairocana *s

exile be lo n g p r o p e r l y to the s t o r y of the bT s un -m o b k a f-thang

where we read that w h e n Vairocana refuses to be seduced by

dMar-rgyan, she rends h e r clothes and flees to the k in g in

the pretence that she has b e e n raped. Unwillingly, the king^

is forced to b a n i s h ,him to Tsha-ba-rong. The above qu ot ation

from the P ad ma thang-vig appears to allude t o this sequence of

events in the bTsun-mo b k a !- t h a n g ♦ but .the rel ati ons hip of

these two texts is complicated b y the fact that the former was

’r e c o v e r e d 1 in 1352 and the latter b e t w e e n 138U and 1393

(Blondeau 1971 : U2) . However, w e owe it to A nn e- Ma ri e

Blondeau's researches (1976: 116-119) that the sources of the

bTsun-mo b k a ’thang are now much clearer, and in particular

she has demonstrated that the s t o r y of dMar-rgyan's p r e t e n d e d

rape has an exact parallel in the story ,of Yid-kyi K h y e ’u-chung

in the Bon-po text of the g Z e r - m l g . to the extent that
volumes
w ho le passages in the former text (and in oth er /o f the

b k a 1-thang of O-rgyan-gling-pa) may he said to he direct '

plagiarisms from that work. She has fur the r shown that

this story in pa rti cul ar may derive from that of P ut ip ha r' s

wife, which enjoyed a w i d e diff usi on in Tibet through the

med ium of Indian Buddhist literature. Thus, if we accept

the prob abl e chronology of O- rg yan G l i n g - p a ’s texts, the

quotation from the Padma thang-.yig given a b o v e m a y derive

more from the g t e r - s t o n 's original source material than from

an attempt to achieve co ns ist enc y with the b T s u n -mo b k a * - t h a n g ;

the latter amp li fi ed the theme in such a w a y as to overshadow

the story of the Jealous Indian teachers, which is elsewhere

used to explain no t only the expulsion of Vai rocana to

Ts ha- ba-rong but also, for instance, that of N a m - m k h a ’i

sNying-po to mKh ar -c hu in lHo-brag on the Bhutan border

(T h a n g - y i g , f. 206b and Ferrari: 57, 138). Tucci con jec ­

tures that it must have b e e n the Indian t e a c h e r Kamala sil a

(famous for his part ici pat ion in the ;/reat debate of bSam-yas

of 792-79U) who engineered the expulsion of Vairocana. Fro m

Tsha-b a-r ong he is said in the V a ir o ’dra-bag to have p r oc ee de d

to China wh er e he studied the C h fan teachings which, according

to Tucci (1958: 110-11, 120-21), came to col our those

of the rDzogs-chen in Tibet. This, however, leads us into a

delicate area of speculation. Suffice it to say that the

J
sequel to V a i r o c a n a ’s expulsion as found va ri ou sl y in the

different texts all carry a note of strong optimism; the

exp ulsion is tur ned.to the ultimate profit of Buddhism. In

Padma G l i n g - p a ’s legend, although the hap py sequel is omitted

in regard to Va ir oc an a himself, it is more or less implicit

in the tenor of all that follows.

2) The ex pu lsi on of Mu -rum (Mu-rug) and d M a r - r g y a n (Tshes-
spong-bza *')

On f, 7b of the gnas-yig above Kh y i - k h a Ra -t ho d is

addre sse d as Mu- rum bTs an-po b y the* Guru w h o is t r y i n g to

ingratiate hi mse lf with the 'king' in order to lull hi m into

a trap. The identif ic at io n of Khyi -kh a R a - t h o d with Mu-rum

w ho was an historical figure, one of th e f ou r sons of Khri

Srong-lde-btsan, takes one into vexed problems of succession

and chron ol ogy covering the period from the ab d ic at io n of

Khri Sr on g- lde-btsan in 796/7 to the acce ssi on of his grandson,

Ra l- pa- can (Khri gTsug-lde-btsan) in 815. It is wit hout doubt

the most confusing period in early Tibetan hi story and has

taxed the minds of m a n y his torians of Tibet, native and

27
western. O ur text throws no light on these problems at all

since it dates from such a late period a n d is of a pu re ly

le ge n d a r y character. Nevertheless, it does re flect certain

received traditions; the use to which these are put is of

central interest to the development of the legend.

It seems to be g e n e r a l l y a c cep te d now that Khri j

Sro ng -lde-btsan had four sons: Mu-khri bTs an -p o (firstborn

who died young, s o n : of the 1Chime queen, l H a - m o ~ b t s a n ) , Mu-ne

bTsan-po, M u - r u m (or Mu-rug, Mu-rub) and Mu -tig bT san-po

(Sad-na-legs Khri IDe-srong-btsan) , the last three be in g the

sons of the T s h e s - s R o n g queen, dMar -r gy an (or p e r h a p s more

correctly, rMa-rgyal). In 796/7 the king hande d over his

authority to Mu-ne (in our text confused w i t h Mu-Khri) and

hi m s e l f retired to Zung-mkhar. He also- gave Mu-ne his

Buddhist q ue en f r o m the Pho -y on g clan, rGyal-mo-btsun,

p r o ba bl y as an attempt to protect her f ro m the po werful

Tshes-spong queen wh o seems to have b e e n a Bon-po. Mu-ne,

the latter
however, was ki lled b y / in 798 when his fa th er was still
alive. The traditions wh ich relate what f o l lo we d are

totally confused, pa rti cu l a rl y since Mu-rum and Mu-tig

(and all their v ar ian t names) often s e e m to"be confounded

both with each other and wi th the two y o u n g e r sons wh o had

b y now'died. What concerns us here is the tr adi tio n that

Mu- r u m was disqualified for the throne, a l t h o u g h he was

next in line for the succession, b y the fact t ha t he had

(or dBu-ring)
m u r d e r e d fU~ring^, a minist er of the sNa-nam clan related

to Khri S r on g- lde -b tsa n through his mother. Mu -r um is

therefore supposed to have b e e n b a nis he d eit her to the north'

or to the south (depending on the tradition), the succession

passing to the youngest b r o t h e r Mu-tig, On his way back to

Tibet Mu-rum is said to have b e e n kil le d by th e sNa-nam clak.

What is sure is that he was alive in the early years of

M u - t i g 1s re ign since he is specifically m e n t i o n e d in the

inscription of Z h w a ’i IHa-khang as "the elder b r o t h e r

Mu-rug-brtsan" (Richardson 1952:11+1)* His tomb is located

b y tradition in Yar-lung, am o n g those of the Tibetan kings.

Haarh (1960:166) has construed this as evi dence in support

of his theory that Mu-rum a c tua ll y acted as king d u r i n g the

m i n o r i t y of his y ou ng e r brother, Mu-tig. H o w e v e r he appears

to h av e overlooked the fact that there al so exists a tomb in

Ya r- lun g att rib ut e d to ’Jang-tsha lHa-dbon wh o is not said to

have reigned. The Chinese annals of the T'ang Shu say,

retrospectively, that a Tibetan king died in 801+. While

Richardson sees this as app ly in g to the old k in g Khri Srong-

lde-btsan, Haa rh insists that it refers to M u- ru m as the

de facto ruler.

It seems to b e a fair as su mption that all the stories

of banishment w h e t h e r to the north or to the south a n d whether

a p p li ed to Mu -r um or Mu-tig, all derivd from a single occurrence^

in every instance the cause is the same, na mely the murder

of ’U-rings “by a royal prince. In sBa-bzhed (p. 6 5 ) it is

Mu-tig b Ts an -p o wh o is banished to Mon. fie is later recalled

to be k in g but is mur de re d b y the sNa-nam-pa. Stein (1959:

186), who f o u n d the same tradition in the 5th Dalai Lama's

chronicle, suggests that this is 'the Mon of the e a s t 1 in

the Sino-Tibetan borderland, inhabited b y indigenous non-

T ib eta n peoples. This int erp retation helps to achieve co n ­

sistency w i t h the other tradition, namely that Mu- rum was

expelled to mDo-khams in the north (found in the rGyal-po

b k a 1- t h a n g , dPa '-b o gTaug-lag a n d also in the 5th Dalai

Lama). For the central Tibetan sources, however, Mon is :

invariably used to designate the cis-Himalayan regions.

Ac co rd in g to one garbled Bon-po tradition, Prince Mu-thug

(who seems to combine both the names and attributes of Mu-

rug and Mu-tig) is banishe d to sPa-gro, reca lle d to be ki ng

on the death of Mu-ne, becomes we a r y of his subjects, and

once more goes to sPa-gro where he conceals some important

Bon-po gter-ma ( K a r m a y :1 972: 102 - 103), Shakabpa (1976:

199 - 200), basing himself on unspecified sources, says that

Mu-tig (but p r o p e r l y Mu-rum) was b a n i s h e d to lHo-brag w h i c h

is contiguous with the area of Bhutan wh ere the legend of

Khyi-kha Ra-thod is best known. Shakabpa w e n t to the

trouble of making a l special journey 1 0 ,lHo-brag to investigate

the local traditions con cerning the p r i n c e ’s exile an d found

near mKhar -ch u three caves on the side of a mountain which

were said to have been occupied by the prince during this

period. "The inhabitants even related a g oo d many stories,

be au tiful and sad, about the period when Mu -t i g b Ts an-po wa s

n Q
residing there." Thus it would appear that the oral
traditions of lHo-brag speak of two sites assoc ia te d w i t h

the pseudonyms of Mu-rum: Mu-tig bTsan-po at m K h a r - c h u and

Khyi-kha R a - t h od at sG yid (see note 18 above). This

alt e r n a t i o n pr es um a b ly reflects two different stage s in the

development of the same legend. Shakabpa does not realize

the con nection be twe en Mu-tig a n d Mu-rum though he does

appreciate the identi ty of Khyi-kha Ra -thod and Mu-rum w h o m

he says was a ;son b o r n to the Tsh es-spong qu e e n b e f o r e she

rast Khri Srong-lde-btsan, quoting as his a u t h o r i t y "M e - l o n g -

ma'i 13 - n a - I " wh ich is untraceable in the rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i

me- lon g to which he is presumably referring; he rightly points

out, however, that it is this 'Mu-rug btsan-po' wh o "on account

of his b a d colour" (? mdog n g a n - p a s ) was ban is he d to mKh an -p a-

1 jongs and wh ose lineage survives in Bum-thang in Bhutan, the

29
wh ol e st ory be in g pre se rv e d in the gnas-j-yig translated above.

Despite the absence of fur the r docum ent s from lHo-

brag where the legend seems to originate, it does seem likely

that Khyi-kh a Ra- tho d was at first a quite independent figuri

wh o only later came to be al i g n e d w i t h the story of Mu-rum.

He is exiled three times; from bS am -yas'to lHo-brag, from

lHo-brag to mKhan- pa -l ung and from mKhan-p a-l ung to Bum-thang,

each stage brin gi ng him closer to the hdm e of the gter- sto n

and his audience. If the legend was to-have any meaning f o r

this audience it had to be taken out ofiits original context

(which can no longer be known) and shaped into a new form

that was 'historically' plausible, emo tio nal ly s a ti sf yi ng and

dr a m at ic al ly exciting. The stories of Vairocana, d M ar -r gy an

and Mu-rum provided suitable scope fo r this transformation.

A l t h o u g h M u - r u m ’s exile is nowhere recorded as h a v i n g had a

ha p p y ending, that of Khyi-kha- Ra-thod is pregnant with

inverted hope. The ki ngdom which he founds in the twilight

b or d er area is transformed into a future paradise, even

though he himself is expelled from it. That he is able

to establish himself at last in Bum-thang despite his

maleficent character, and even father a lineage there,

.surely. tells us so met hin g about the psychological

makeup of the people claiming to be his descendants.

Their sense of cultural inferiority causes them to focus

on this outcasts figure, half man and half animal; at the

same time, the quasi-royal status which surrounds him is a

real attraction. This highly ambivalent nature is also

seen in his corni-tragic character, part b u f f o o n an d part

hero. The principal theme of his successive expulsions

followed b y his successive recoveries is echoe d in the

fate of his mother; the bestial and jealous dMar-rgyan poisons

her son the king and is banished, only to fo und herself a

temple, though not, it seems, one dedicated to the f o r m of

B u d d h i s m favour ed by the g t e r - s t o n . Nevert he le ss she, like

her son, survives her exile and puts it to g o o d use.

3) The expu ls io n of the scapegoat

One of the most interesting points to be noted in

gnas-.yig is the way Khyi-kha Ra-thod is b a n i s h e d from

bSam-y as to lHo-brag in the form of a scapegoat or ransom

(g l u d ) , taking with him all the evil w h i c h he presaged f o r

Tibet. The ritual of expulsion conforms in outline to the

public rites associated with the two-famous Glud- 'g on g

rGyal-po w h o used to be dr iv en out from lHa~sa b y the

Tibetan gove rn me nt during the New Y ea r festival (Nebesky 1956:

508 - 1 1 ). Thread-crosses were certainly an important item

on that oc casion and correspond to the mdos -c hog ('thread-cross

r i t u a l ’) in our text. The distinctive apparel of the Glud-

’gong r G y a l - p o ’s rough fur cape, the h ai r turned out, and

his conical cap is not mentioned; instead Khy i- kh a Ra-thod a n d

his subjects are all made to w e a r what ap pear to be rags (g o s -

dum). W h e re as the G l u d - ’go ng are given certain animals to

accompany t h e m (white horse, white dog and w h i t e bird),

Khy i-kha Ra-thod is given the 1demon-mi-nisters’ and his

m o t h e r ’s subjects for his companions. Wh i l e the G l u d - ’gong take

with them the provisions they have demanded from the lHa-sa

populace du rin g the New Year, Khyi-kha Ra -t hod and his pa r t y

are g iv en bags of seeds to take with them, p r es um ab ly to

plant in t h e i r place of exile. One of the G l u d - ’gong w as

chased off to TPhan-yul. The other was ch a s e d first to

bSam-yas, wh ere he spent a week, and then to Tshe-thang,

This double ex pulsion in the l a t t e r ’s case m a y correspond t-&

the triple expulsion of Khyi-kha Ra-thod. A l t ho ug h the

details v a r y in each of these correspondences, the overt and

explicit allu sio n in the gnas-yig to these features of what

must be an early v e r s i o n of the G l u d - ’gong ritual seem be y o n d

question. Similar allusions, but of a more covert and

implicit nature, have b e e n pa in s t ak in gl y noted b y Stein (1959s:

\ 30
557 et. seq.) in his study of the Ge-sar epic.

i+) The woo den ga ruda as a vehicle of expulsion

For the vil lag e audi en ce the l e g e n d ’s appeal lies .

m a in ly in two things: the shocking story of d M a r - r g y a n ’s

affai r with the animals, and the ma nuf act ure and control of the

g a r u da ’aeroplane*. Dreams and legends about mech ani cal ly-

controlled flight seem to be very common in the history .of

certain pr e- in du st ri al societies and it n ee d cause no real

surprise to find a sophisticated example of this here. Despite

the apparent anomalies in the number and function of its

’j o y s t i c k s ’ a n d the way in which the one that effects

take-off "agitates the un wanted wind" and the one that

lands the machine "seizes the wa n t e d wind" (logically it

should he the o t h e r way round) , it is evident that the

whole mechanism has b e e n reasoned out most imaginatively.

The captain's advice to his passengers-is p a r t ic ul arl y

pleasing, nam el y that they should sit back com fortably

wi thout fear despite the trembling, rolling a n d shaking of

the aeroplane. Is all this the dream of Padma Glin g-p a or

did he use other material k n o w n to him ? B e rt ho ld Laufer's

fascin at in g pa per (1928) on 'The prehistory of aviation',

w r i tt e n t o ce le brate the first flight across the Atlantic,

31
leaves little doubt on this score. As Needham says,

Laufe r's "... main-failing was a tendency to take the

legendary material too seriously" (1965:569 note a). It

appears that he puts the foll owi ng story about a "dirigible

airship" i n a quite different catego ry to his account of *

se ven league boots, hippoplanes, aerial chariots and such

like. It is taken from "The Twenty-five Tales of a Vetala"

which were w ell kn o w n in Tibet. Laufer's pa rap hra se reads

as follows:

The heroes of this tale are six young men, -the

son of a rich man, a physician's son, a painter's
son, a mathematician's son, a carpenter's son,
and the son of a smith, who leave home in quest
of adv en tu re in a foreign land. The first of them
w o n the hand of a be au tiful w o m a n of divine origin,
■ but she was soon ki dnapped by a powerful king who
took her into his harem. The six youths conspired
to rescue the, stolen wife from her captivity, a n d
the carpenter's son hit upon the scheme to construct
a w o o d e n b i r d , c a l l e d Garuda, whose interior wa s ;
e q u ip pe d with an elaborate apparatus which a l l ow ed
the machine to fly in various directions and to
change its course at will: it was pr o v i d e d with
three springs. When the spring in front was touched,
the aeroplane flew upward; when the springs on the 1
sides were tipped, it floated evenly along; w he n the
spring be ne at h was pressed, it made its descent.
The p a i n t e r ’s son decorated the Garuda in v a r io us
 colours,, so that it could not he distingu ish ed
from a real bird. The rich youth b o a r d e d the
machine, pressed the spring, and crossed the air
in the direction of the king's palace, where he
soared above the roof. The king and his people
were amazed, for they had never befor e seen
such a gigantic bird. The king bade his consort
to ascend the palace and offer food to the
strange visitor. So she did, and the b i r d
descended. The aviator opened the door of the
machine, made himself known, seated his former
wife inside, and hop ped off with her, navigating
his w a y back to his companions - in the same
m a nn er as we have all seen it in th e movies with
mod er n airships.
(Laufer •1928:i4.7-h-8)

A n o th er story no ted b y Lau fe r is contained in the P a n c h a t -

antra (1,5) and concerns a w ea ve r w h o is so i n fa tua ted w i t h

a king's da ug hte r that he persuades his friend, a carpenter^,

to make him a wooden g a r u da w h ic h is "set in m ot io n by

means of a switch or spring". The we av er uses it to visit

the princess and eventually to fight her father's enemies,

ass is te d b y the god Vi s n u whose traditional mount is a

g a r u da. La u f e r says: "The most interesting point of this

story is that the bird-plane is utilized for m i lit ar y

purposes to defeat and rout an army. When we read / e l s e w h e r e /

that Abhayakara, a saint of the ninth century from Bengal,;

as su med the form of* a Garuda to disperse an ar my of the

Turushkas (Turks), we must understand that he w as mo un ted on

a Garuda-plane which functioned as a war -plane." (op. cit.

p. U7) This certainly takes too serious a view of t h e story.

However, one of these Indian legends, or a similar one, is

likely to have b ee n available in translation to Padma

Gling-pa wh o saw the g a r u d a 1s value as .a vehicle of expulsion

and combat. It is the scene of the delightful verbal contest

sparked off b y the guru's bar kin g at the 'king', intended as

a moc king al lu s i o n to the latter's name and origin. (The '

significance of "the dog-langmge of the Indian rTeang-lung"

 1 fV

on f, 9a is somewhat lost.) The oral tradition r e l a t e d b y

'Jam dpal rDo-rdo (see note 25 above) concerning the

g a r u d a 's concealment as a gter-ma at mT ho -b a - b r a g once

more recalls the theme of expulsion/recovery.

The closest parallel to this s t o r y in T i be ta n

tradition is found in the mythology of the imp ortant p r o t e c ­

tive deity, Pe-har, one of whose forms and epithets is

Shing-bya-can, 'Possessor of a Wooden B i r d 1 (Nebesky 1956:

109-10). A c c o r d in g to the index to the sHar -t han g b K a '-

fg y u r . Pe - h a r is supposed to have been brought to bSam-yas

by the prince Mu-khri bTs an-po from the Bha-ta Ho r m ed it at io n

college (Thomas 1935:300-302). A c c o r d i n g to the 5th Dalai

Lama and o t h e r hi st orians the g o d is said to have come "riding

a w o o d e n bird" w h i c h was a p p a re nt ly preserved till recently

in bSam-yas. (Tucci 1949:735 and 742, note 66). A strong

A
conne ct io n of Pe-ha r with the Vaisravana cycle has been

su gg ested by Tucci w h o has tried to explain how elements

of that cycle became ab sorbed into the local cult of P e - h a r

in central Asia. He points t o examples of m a g i c a l flight in

the V a i s r a v a n a paintings of Tun-huang and Turf an w h e r e the

birds in question are taken to be g a r u da s , and s o introduces

the idea that the legend of Pe-har's flight m a y have or ig inated

as an in t e rpretation of a painting. In- the 5th Dalai Lama's

h i s t o r y and in Tucci's"rNying-ma-pa Apology" the hero is

actu al ly our Mu -r um bTsan- po who is sent to guard the

no rthern fr ontiers af t e r his mu r d e r of fU-rings and who

provokes the capture of P e - h a r b y Vaisravana (Tucci 1947:

3 2 0 , 3 2 3 ; 1949: 735).
 Unlike the 'Sindhu R a j a 1, Khyi-kha R a -t ho d never

gained sufficient re spe ctability to a t ta in national

significance in Bhutan, a n d his cult is limited sh arply to

localities in the centre an d east of the country. He is

compl et el y b y p ass ed in the national histories. Nevertheless

there is plenty of evidence, as we shill see, to suggest -

that he was soon adopted as an ancestral or mythological

hero not only w i t h i n Bum-thang, the original l o c a t i o n of

the legend's denouement, b u t also in eastern Bhutan, in

Aru n a c h a l Pradesh and in various parts of n o r t h e r n and even

southern Nepal. While the eastward di ff u s io n towards the

Kameng Fron ti er Division presents no pa rticular problems,

the w e s t w a r d mo vement to Nepal seems to have occ ur re d along

lines that are yet to be p r o pe rl y determined.

In the above gnas-yig the last'we h e a r of Khyi-kha

Ra-thod is his settling down in the sTang valley. In the

alt er native source which lacks the origin myth (the sBas-yul

'bras-mo-gshong dang mkhan-pa-lung-gi gnas-.yig) , we read on

f. l{.Ob that one of his "royal descendants" (r g ya l- b r g y u d )

must be among the gr o u p dest in ed to reveal the hidden

paradise. In Bum- th an g today it is the village of rGyal-

mk ha r or R g y a l - b l o n - m k h a r (see note 2 5 fabove), a mile or so

south of Bya-dkar rDzong, wh ere his descendants are said to

live. It is a descent that is v i e w e d both h u m o ur ou sl y a n d

seriously by their neighbours, as l was able m y s e l f to

'J
perceive during a year's stay in that valley. It seems

likely that during certain periods there were also groups in

Bum-thang claiming descent from the retinue of Khyi-kha

Ra-thod, In the chapter dealing w i t h m K h a n - pa -lu ng in the

'biography' of the 'Sindhu Raja', Khyi-kha R a - th od is

 X * h

acc ompanied on his journey south to Bum-thang b y

fi ft ee n 'religious m i n i s t e r s ’, twenty 1d e m o n - m i n i s t e r s ’

and m an y wives. These are established in camps and

estates on the w a y (sgar dang bzhis-ka btegs-nas b y o n 2

f.l6a). Am on g the ’religious m i n i s t e r s ’ ap p ea r the Then

spun-dgu, the ’Nine Then B r o t h e r s ’, a set of ancient Bon-

po deities associated w i t h nine levels of a tm os ph er ic

space. The great a nt iq u it y of these Th en (more correctly,]

’Then) has b e e n noticed b y Stein (1971:547), who remarks:

"... la di vi nisation des phenomenes atmosphe riq ues et

leur insertion dans le panthe on remontent a l ’epoque des

XO
manuscrits de T o u e n - h o u a n g . T h e y are also f o u n d in

the Bum -thang dar gud-kyi lung bs ta n where the ’Si nd hu

R a j a ’ is here replaced by King dByug-ston; after the l e t t e r ’s

departure for India, the "Tibetan king" Khy i-kha Ra- tho d

comes to Bum-thang in company with the ’Nine Then B r o t h e r s ’.

Their de s c en dan ts survive for just thirty years and then

di sa pp ea r together with the Buddhist temples w h i c h were

built p r i o r to their arrival by dByugTston. (^ de-nas

rgyal-po dbyug- sto n rg ya- yu l-d u song-ba'i r.jes 2 bo d-kyi

rgyal-po khyi-kha ra-thod bu m- thang st en g/^ stang ?7-du

y u l - 1don-ste 2 de ’i blori-po then dpun/~ s p u n / - dgu-nl

’dl- Itar-ro - /see note 40 abo ve/ 2 d e ’i mi-brgyud-ni

tshe-lo sum- cur gnas-so 2 de - nas g t s u g- la g-k ha ng dang

then/T th e n 7 -Eyi mlnp; m i-g r a g s - p a p stonR-ngo £ ces gs ung a-s o ~ )

There is a reference to these 'm i n i s t e r s ' wh o

settled at rG-yal-mkhar in a text that"predates the ab ove

’prophecy', namely the eulogy of Bum-t han g w r i tt en b y

Kl on g-c hen -pa in 1355.

 m d a ’na s ng on - g y i rgya l - p o ’i y u l - m k h a r d an g //
bl o n - p o ' T g r ong y od rgyal~blon-sa zhes-grags //
^"dTi-yi m i - r n ams m ch o g - tu rigs -bzang-la //
gzuKS-kyang g z h an-las m c h o g - t u ^ p h a g s - p a lags / / (f.2Ua)

At the b o t t o m ,/of the C h o s - ’khor v a l le y/ Is a

district castle of an an c i e nt king
. An d a village of / h i s / ministers called rGyal-
blo n~s a ( K i n g - m i n i s t e r - p l a c e ) .
The people of this place are of most noble
ext raction and
T h e i r bodies too are more excellent than those of
other people.

The tradition must have pers is te d in various forms

bec au se in the early eighteenth century we find the historian

N ga g- db an g recordingthe legend that three of the ’Six Vaj ra

Brothers' of lHa-lung dPal-gyi rDo-rje met the descendants

of Kh yi -kh a Ra-thod's companions in Bu m-thang (r G y a l - r i g s ,

f, 4 1 b ) . They are said to be few in number, the only

inhabitants of the district. It is their search for a ruler

who w o u l d b r i n g order to their quarrels and contentions

which introduces the origin myth of the g Du ng families of

B u m- th an g (op. cit. f,32a). The same thing occurs when

Prince gT sa ng-ma (a much more important ancestor figure)

arrives in east Bhutan at W a n g - s e r - k u n g - p a , a place I cannot

locate (op. cit, ff. I2b-13a). There he too meets the actual

companions of Khyi-kha Ra-thod who a r e s e t t l e d in th e area.

F u r t h e r to the east in the Kameng F r o n ti er Division

of Arunachal Pradesh live the Sherdukpen people (also

called the Senji-Thongji) wh o p r e s e r v e 1an ex traordinarily

garbled v er si on o f the myth. Their historical legends as

recorded b y Sharma (1 9 6 1 ) centre around the s t o r y of how a

certain ’J a p t a n g Bura', the son of Srong-btsan mGam-po b y

an Aho m princess, finds his way to Rupa (locally kno wn as

Thongthui, the main Sherdu kp on village), wh e r e he es ta bli sh es

him self as ch ief with the aid of his maternal grandfather,,

the A h o m king. ’Ja ptang Bura' is said to have had an

 JU4

elder 'brother called ’Jabd ung Ngowang Namje' (= Zhabs-

drung N g ag -d b a ng rNam-rgyal I) who w o n control over

Bhutan. He a l s o had an illegitimate b r o t h e r called TKhi

Bu Rowa* who is un do ubtedly our Khyi-kha R a - t h o d in a

different guise; he is the product of an illicit union of

the A h o m princess with ’Ri gpu C h h a n ’ (= R i g- p a - c a n ?) , the

mi n i s t e r sent to fetch her as S r o n g - b t s a n Ts bride. (This

must be a confusion w i t h m G a r sTong-btsan Yul-zung, the

mi n i s t e r sent by $ r o ng -b ts an to fetch his Chinese queen,

of w h o m a s i m i l a r legend survives. Un fo rtu na te ly Sharma

gives no f u r t h e r in formati on on 'Khi Bu Rowa ’ or the

exploits cr edited to him by th e Sherdukpen. fJ a p ta ng B u r a 1

is claimed b y them as th e i r ancestor, and their subordinate

clans are said to be descended from the porters and servants

who ac co mpa ni ed him to Rupa from Tibet. S a r k a r (1975: hh)

informs us that acc or di ng to a manuscript p r e s e rv ed in the

rTa-wan g monastery, "Meme Gyapten" was in fact a lay

associate of the Mon-pa lama b s T a n ~ p a fi sGron~me, a disciple

of the 2nd Dalai Lama (1U75-15U2), who. figures in the

g en ea logical traditions of the Jo -bo clan of l H a ’u and who!

was responsible for introducing the dGe-lugs-pa school into

the area. Despite its mangled appearance, the importance

of the Sherdukpen myth, like many of the Bhutanese myths,

lies in the w a y it helps to reconcile the local a s p i r a t io ns

of a small people with the dominating po s i t i o n oc cupied b y

the powerful neighbours su rr ounding them; the g l o r y and

str en gt h of these neighb ou ri ng countries is made to accrue

to the small comm uni ty in its central p o s i t i o n midway be t w e en

them. Since c e r ta in cultural elements, are i m ag in ed to have

been ap pr o p r ia te d from th ese neighbours, the community can

enjoy reflected g lo ry in its unique and axial position.

We a k n e s s is thus tu r n ed to strength. (The Aka origin

m yt h related on p. 26l be low is a b e t t e r example.) The

appea ran ce of Zhabs-drung N ga g-d ba ng rNam-rgyal in the

leg end can only be e x p l a i n e d by contact w i t h Bhutan and

indeed Sharma (1961 : 50) supplies plenty of information

con cer ni ng successive w av e s of Bhutanese immigrants coming

into the Sherd ukp en area. It may be safely a s s u m e d that

it was they wh o also b r o u g h t there the story of Khy i- kh a

Ra-thod. There is in fact a n o t h e r 'hidden l a n d ’ somewhere

to the north of the Sherdukpen area w h i c h may be all ied to

the m K h a n - p a - l u n g / m K h a n - p a - l j o n g s in Bhutan. Mr.Richa rdson

informs me that in the 6 th Dalai L a m a ’s official b i o g r a p h y

his birthp la ce at L a - ’og Yu l-gsum (a district wh i c h

encompasses rTa-wang) is described as sit ua ted n ea r to a .

ce rtain sBas-yul mKhan-pa-steng. This may, h o w e v e r , be

a mistake f o r the sacred place called K h r o m - p a - s t e n g wh ich

is supposed.to be si tuated at the top of the L a - ’o.g Yul -g su m

district in sBas-yul sKyid-mo-1jongs (Vaidurya-ser-po,

PP* 395-397)• This lat ter ' pa rad is e 1 also turns up in

Nepal as sBas-yul sKyid-mo-lung ( A r i s ’1975 : 56 - 6 6 ).

In 1969 the late P r o f e s s o r Franz B e r n h a r d of H a m bu rg

Unive rs it y paid a b r i e f visit to Bhutan. One of his aims

was to try and lo ca te the pos it io n o f :m K h an -p a- lu ng a n d

enquire into its mythology. While pursuing his researches

in Nepal he had come across a guidebook to a hidden valley

be aring the same name in the Shar Khuit-bu area and had b e e n

told that another mK h a n- p a -l un g existed somewhere in Bhutai.

U n f o r t u n a t e l y , none of the people he talked to in Western

Bhutan cou ld help hi m since this sbas-r.yul is pr ac t i c a l l y

unknown to them, and I too, having spent all my time up to

this date in the west, could provide him with no information.

By the time I heard a b o u t mK ha n-pa-lung two years later J

in Bum-thang and had loc at ed the local l it er at ur e on the

subject, he h a d already met his untimely fate in Mustang.

When I v i s i t e d Nepal in 1973 I met A.W. Macdonald, then

V i s i t i n g P r o f e s s o r of -Social Ant hropology at the Un ive rsi ty

of Tribhuvan, and learnt from him about the Sherpa mK ha n- pa -

lung, a subject he had recently been enga ged upon in the

light of his finding three of the relevant guidebooks. One

of t h e m consists of part two of the second version at t r i b u t e d

to Pad-ma Gling-pa, omitting the first part on Sikkim, an d

claims to be a copy of a manuscript b e l o n g i n g to a monk

from the fa m o us TBrug-pa mona st ery of Sa ng -sngags C h os -gl ing

in Bya-yul n e a r Tsa-ri. The other two works are gter-ma ;

attributed to R i g - Tdzin rGod-ldem (rGod-kyi I D e m - ’p h r u - c a n ) ,

a g t e r - s t o n of the 1 6 th c e n tu ry acc or di ng to Stein (1959a:

3U6)• However, acco rdi ng to the gt er -rnam (f. 123a) a n d the

recent rNying-ma history (ff. 2 7 7 a - 2 7 9 a) b y bDud -' jo ms

Rin-po-che, R i g - ’dzin rGod-ldem (alias dNgos-grub rGyal-

mtshan) was the f o u nd er of the B.yang-gter tr adi tio n and lived

b e t w e e n 1377 a n d 1h09, that is to say bef ore Padma Gling-pa

(lh50-152l). This certa inl y poses a problem to the no tion

of a w e s t w a r d diffusion o f the myth from Bhutan but it may

perhaps be resolved if it can be shown that these texts

att rib ut ed to rGod-ldem are in fact later reworkings of

the Padma Gling-pa material. The two m o d e r n aut horities

cited above, however, m a in ta in that rGod-ldem dis cov er ed

the guidebooks to-seven ma j or s b a s - y u l . He is p a r t i c ul ar ly

remembered for a j,ourney he made late in life to Sikkim, ■

One of the two works attr ib ute d to him in the Ma cd o n a l d

C ol le ct io n is entitled sBas-yul mkha n - p a - lu n g-gi gnas-kyi

lam-yig d a n g - p o . The ot he r lacks a title but seems to

to reproduce portions o f the former work. A n o t h e r work

that has since come to light in the library of the Toyo

Bunko in Tokyo (I owe it to P r ofe ss or Stein fo r drawing

m y a t t e n t i o n to it) is the sBas-.yul mk ha n- pa -l un g- gi s

lde-mig m t h on g thos regs-pa (sic) in 2 2 folios, also

at tri bu te d to R i g - ’dzin rGod-ldem, It seems to be very

close indeed to Macdon ald 's texts, and may indeed turn out

to be the same. F u r t h e r ma ter ial on the Sherpa mKhan -pa -

lung is available in the Collected Wo rks of rDza-sprul

N ga g- db an g b s T a n - ’dzin Nor-bu, Vol. Ja, which contains much

infor ma ti on on the sacred mountains of the Everest region.-^

A preliminary reading of some :of this material

si^gests that the myt ho lo gy of the Bhutanese mKh an -pa -l ung

has simply b ee n transposed into the Nbpalese setting. Thus

the principal guardians remain Zo-ra-ra-skyes (usually spblt

as Su-ra-rwa-skyes) and Khrag-mig-ma. IChyi-kha R a - th od is

frequently Introduced as the king ruling the hidden land,

but tire re is no consistent account of-his legend. Most

of the loca li ti es as so ciated w i t h t h e 'Bhutanese v e rs io n are

similarly transferred into the surro un di ng sherpa country.

Not only is the place vene ra ted by the. Sherpas, but it is

also a sacred pilgrim shrine for the Rai people living

directly to the south. My friends Michael O p p i t z a nd

Charlotte H a r d m a n have in fact recently suc-.ceeded in m a k i n g

the extre mel y di fficult journey to this mKh an -p a- lu ng in

company w i t h a Rai, and they appear to have discovered a

great deal concerning a t t i t u d es to the place from that

direction. In 1973 I led a small team for the University,

of Ca li fornia to the districts of Ku ta ng and Nubri in the

Ma n a s l u area of no r t h e rn Nepal and in the vil la ge of

Samargaon (known locally as Ros) I found a clan called

dPon-bzang ( ’Good C h i e f 1) w h i c h claimed direct descent

from Khyi-kha R a - tho d himself (Aria 1975: 73-7h).

Thus there clearly exists w i d e scope f o r

coo rd inating the various traditions about K h y i - k h a Ra- th od

a n d his h i d d e n land. The k e y p r o b a b l y lies in the figure

Riff-^dzin rGo d- ld em and, if they exist, in his b i o g r a p h y

a n d the corpus of ’d i s c o v e r i e s ’ proper ly a t t r i b u t e d to him.

If it should turn out that the latter do not c o n t a i n the texts

in the Ma c d o n a l d and Toyo Bunko Collections, then it can b e

a s s u m e d that these do represent an a d a p t a t i o n of the Padma

Gl ing-pa tradition to the Nepalese environment. If, on the

other hand, they can be shown to be the ’a u t h e n t i c ’ finds of

rGod-ldem then w e shall have to look for: a quite diff er ent

line of diffusion.

The concept of the ’h i d d e n land*, its origin a n d

development, is most relevan t to the st udy of Bhutanese history;

b y tra nsf e rr ing the n o t i o n from a small, d e l i m i t e d l oc ality

such as m Kh an -p a- lu ng to the area as a whole, it came to provide

a mythic formula that a c c o u n t e d for the ori gi n of the cou ntr y

after it had b e e n united in the 17th century. Both of the

’n a t i o n a l 1 histories so far prep are d b y the Bhutanese e x p l a i n

the early h i s t o r y of their country in terms of "how it tu rned

into a h i d d e n land", ^ As w e shall see in the next chapter,

it was from the earliest times to this region that several of

the m a j o r and m a n y of the m i n o r Tib etan Buddhist teachers f le d

to take refuge f ro m troubles in Tibet. In B hu ta n their

traditions, lineages and schools took root, thus turning

expul sio n to profit a n d recovery. The cult of the 'hidden

land', w h i c h carries this as its pri nciple theme, thus

pro vi de d a rationale to the wh o l e movement. In t h e words

of Padma G l i n g - p a , it was:

A time when u np rec ed ent ed stare shine i n the sky,

A time w hen the earth and stones, peaks a n d cliffs
split open a n d fall down,
A time w h e n epidemics of eye disease are rife,
A time w hen even fathers and sons split up,
A time w h e n mad dogs, m a d horses a n d m a d people
proliferate,
A time w h e n pe ople se ar ch fo r the main door to
mKha n - p a - 1 u n g ,
A time w h e n people of m a n y different races come,
A time w h e n e a r t h and hail pound the crops,
A time w h e n the religious communities of dBus come
to Mon;
• t • •
35
A time w h e n the peo pl e of Tibet come forth to Mon*
 !0U

Notes to Ch. I. Section 3

1. See Blue A n n a l s * p. 197. The list has: mKha n- pa -1 .longs .

dang / m K ha n- pa -g lin g / / t he latter is not known/"

s e n g- ge -r dz ong / / s e e note 10 b e l o w / Ku n- bz a n g - g l l n g /

/ w h e r e Kl on g- ch en -pa later built a monastery, in Bum- th an g

Chu-smad/" m K h a r - c h u / s e e Ferrari 195b : 52/*

mK ha n- p a - l u ng lies two days journey north- wes t of

IHun-rtse rDzong in Ku r-stod or about three days jo urney

north-east of the sTang va ll ey in Bum-thang, A c c o r d i n g to

^ a s > mkhan-pa is a species of fern.

2. R i - m o - c a n is a we l l k no wn temple at the foot of a cl if f

in the lower end of the sTang valley, the scene of several

of Padma Gling-pa's 'd is co ve ri es 1.

3. Not to be confused with the b K r a - sh is -s ga ng rDzong of

E a s t e r n Bhutan.

h. 1 w o u l d Identify this deit y with the group of six gods called

the Z ar -m a- sk ye s- dr ug in the rG-yal-po b k a ' - t ha ng (or Za-ra-

skyes-drug in the b S h a d - m d z o d yid-bzhin n o r - b u ) . These

sources place the group a mo ng the series of divine rulers

of Tibet who preceded the arrival of the first k in g

gNya'-khri bTsan-po, (Haarh 1969 : 298) They also appear

in the entourage of rDo-rje Legs-pa as the Zur-ra-skyes-drug,

(Nebesky 1956 : 156) In Bh u t a n they ap p e a r to have b e e n

contracted into a single deity who functions b o t h as the

guardian of certain gter-ma and also as the local spirit

of sTang. He appears there in the form of a ya k- he ad ed

god during the 'cham festival observed at the temple of

Ch u- st od Nam-mkha'i lH a- khang on the fifteenth day of the

tenth month in company w i t h a clown (called the r g a d - p o ) . J

 10

Co u l d part of his name (ra-skyes = 'Goat-Born') carry

lexical allusion to that of Khyi -k ha Ra -t hod ?

5* Khr ag-mig-ma ( 1B l o o d - E y e d - L a d y ') may be related to the

Srin-po g!\Ty a '-rengs Xh rag -m ig who is a l s o counted a mo ng

the divine rulers of Tibet pre ceding gNya-khri bTsan -po

ac cor din g to dPa'-bo gTs ug-lag (Haarh 1969 : 292)*

This seems possible in view of her pos it io n as the consort

of Zo-ra-ra-skyes.

6- Co ll ec te d W o r k s . Vol. P M , ff. lULfb - 11 6 a.

7. See for instance his reply to critics: Padma g l i n g - p a 1i

gsung-'gros log-lt a-c an sun-'byin-pa senge'i n g a - r o ,

Coll ect ed Wo r k s Vol. Pa, pp. i+93 ~ 511.

8. These we re recorded on 19/2/71 and 16/2/76 respectively.

)

9. On m K h a r - c h u ICag s-p hur -c an see Ferrari 1956: 57 a n d 136*

On mKh ar -c hu itself see rGyal-po b K a 1 - t h a n g , f , 78a.

10. Senge rDzong is "a small temple at t h e foot of a cliff"

(Cooper 1933&: 80) some three days journey due north of

IHun-rtse rDzong, It is famous as one of the places

v is it ed by the G u r u in the form of rDo-rje Gro-lo.d and,

like sTag-tshang in sPa-gro, is said to be one of th e

sites wh er e the Va j r a k i l a cycle was first revealed. (See

g T e r - r n a m , f. 13b on Mon-kha Ke-ring Seng-ge rDzong and

i

rGyal-po b K a ' - t h a n g . f. 77b on Mon-kha sNa-ring (sic).)

11. mTs hams-pa is a pastoral area lying at 12,U00 feet mi dw a y

be t w e e n the pass of M on -l a- kh ar -c hun g and Ch os -' k h o r -s to d

in Bum-thang, pr es en tl y occupied by a military checkpost.j

See r Q y a l - r i g s , f. U2b.
 1S6

12. Gr o- bo -l un g is, of course, the home of Mar-pa, just

north of the Bh ut anese bor der in lHo-brag.

13. rG ya-gar rTsang-lung is an intriguing problem. Pa dma

Gli ng-pa in his a u t ob io gr ap hy seems to refer to the

area ar ou nd rTa-wang as gTsang-lung (f. 11 6 a). There

is a conn ec ti on with the w o r d 'Tsangla' w h i c h de si gnates

the speech of the Eas te rn Bhutanese (the Tsang-mi). But

w h y should the area be called ’I n d i a n 1 here ? B e y o n d the

'Di-rang a re a of Kameng lived a certain K i n g J o - ’phag

Dar-ma of Shar Dong-kha to whose co ur t Padma Gling-pa

was invited and which he described as pa r t l y Indian in

character (P h a , ff. 1 6 2 a - 161+b). dPa ’-bo gT su g-lag

informs us that these kings po ss essed 1m y r i a r c h i e s ’

(k h r i - t s h o ) among the Indian people (see p. 217

below, and f. 9 a of this gnas-.yig) .

)
1U. Unidentified.

15- One of the m T h a ’ dul temples. See p. 68 above.

16. JD: Srong -b ts an sGam~po

17. LP: "gl ud-chas ('r a n s o m - a p p a r e l ' ), a kind of fur cape"

18. LP: "He arrived at lHo-brag sGyid-shod and s e t t l e d there.

The ruins of his castle are still there and I have

visited them. sGyi d- sh od is situated b e t w e e n lHa-lung

and rDo-rdzong and it is re ac he d a ft er c r o ss in g the

sBrum-la Pass near sBrum-thang which lies just to the

n or th of the pass. The ruins lie on the side of the

mou nt ai n ov er looking the village of sGyid-shod."

 183

19* This m ay po ss ib l y he the area of Grwn on the south ha nk

of the gTsang-po west of Yar~lung (Ferrari 1958 i 5 U - 5 ) •.

The temple of sGra-tshad (perhaps more c o r r e c t l y

Grwa-tsha d) remains unidentified. Padma G l i n g - p a ’s

historical hindsight is especially evident in this passage,

20, Unidentified,

21. LP: gNam-the dKar-po, O n this ancient form of Pe-har see

Ne b es ky 1 9 5 8 : 9 7 -8 .

22, A c c o rd i ng to JD the G u r u disguises h i m se lf as a her ds ma n

and finds emp loyment in dPa g-hsam-lung (one of the

smaller ’hidden l a n d s ’ ancillary to mKhan-pa-lung) looking

aft er the k i n g ’s cows,

23. LP: "It was arran ged s o that if a certain nail were struck

with a ham me r the whole thing would go flying up in the

sky, an d if an ot her nail w e r e struck it w o u l d come down

to earth."

JD: "He (the Guru) steered the aeroplane (g n a m - g r u ; LP

uses the same word) h y dropping struts, each a whole tree

trunk, fr om the ma ch in e ( ’p h r u l - ’k h o r ) wh ich c a u s e d it to

drop in h e ig ht and s 0 he gui ded it south to Bum-thang.

The tree trunks hit the earth on the way, pl ant ing t h e m ­

selves and later each of them grew to a huge size. At the

foot of each of these t r e e s ,temples were lat er huilt. These

can he seen today in the Kur -s tod district."

25. LP: "The king, left all hy himself in sTang with no

followers and no means of sustenance, felt enormous

sadness. He stuck two fingers of his hand in his mouth

and pro du ce d mournful sounds. If people today play a

double “flute (?) they are said to he pl ay in g Khyi -kh a

R a - t h o d fs flute. A f t e r a time he be ga n sl o w l y to recover

his strength. He built himself a castle ca ll e d Khy i-

rdzong ( ’Dog-Fort ’). His lineage survives at rGyal-mkhar

in the C h o s - ’k hor district of Bum -thang an d in the ’Phr ad-

p a fi-yul (?) of the sTang valley," JD: "Having recovered

from the shock of b e i n g pus hed out of the aeroplane

Khyi-kha Ra-t hod began to settle down in that place. After

a time some Indian people on pilgrimage to the mountains

in the north met him and, being awestruck b y the strange

app earance of this man who seemed to be the lord of those

i

parts, payed him honour, made offerings to him and bu il t

him a sp lendid castle. Once again Khy i- kh a Ra- th od ga i ne d

p o w e r and be ca me king. He appointed ministers and the place

today is called rGyal-blo n- mkh ar ( ' K in g- Mi n i s t e r s - C a s t l e 1),

pronounced ’J e l k h a r 1. The people of the v i l l a g e there, it

is said, all have p o i nt ed mouths like those of dogs. They

are said to be the descendants of Khy i- kha Ra-thod.

Al t h o u g h he must have married one of his Indian subjects

and a l t h o u g h his court at ’J e l k h a r ’ must have b e e n pleasant,

it cannot have compared favourably in;his m i n d w i t h his

former k i n g d o m at d P ag -b sa m- lu ng </= mK h a n - p a - l un g/ for the

last we hear of him is this: One day, overcome w it h regret

at having b e e n expelled from his paradise, he w a l k e d to the

next va lley of sTang and climbed up to the temple of

m T h o- ba -b ra g where the G u r u had hidden his aeroplane. From

there he could see wa y up to the north into dPag-bsam-lung^

and, behold, there was his palace wrecked, his subjects

turned to stone and the w h o l e place a wi ld erness. Sadden ed

and remorseful, he cut down a ba mboo from a thicket nearby

and made it into a flute. On this he played a wi stful

 XU o

lament. That is w h y today if a lover looks sad at the

loss of his b e l o v e d he is said to be p l a y i n g his flute."

26 . This is the site of the present sKu-rjes lHa-khang, For

a fu rt he r example of how the stories of the 1Sindhu R a j a 1

an d Khyi- kha R a- th o d have cr oss -fe rti lis ed see below. J

27* See Pet ec h (1939), Tucci (19U9), Demieville (1952),

Richardson (1952) and Haarh (1960).

28. "d e ’i g n a s - 1 dzin-pas rnu-tig btsan-po b z h u g s - p a ’i skabs-kyi

lo-rgyus sn.yan-po dang / setns sk.yo-po ma ng -p o- z h i g- ky an g

b r j o d - b y u n g /" .See also Shakabpa 1967 : U7.

29. Shakabpa 1976:197 note 8 8 : "M e - l o n g - m a 1i 13-na-I yang

mu-rug btsan-po-ni chos-rgyal dang b t s u n - m o bza* dmar-

rgyan ma-m.ja 1 -gong-gi sras-zhig yin-pa-de mdog ngan-pas

khyi-kha ra-thod ces bt ags-te mkhan-pa-l, 1 o n gs -a u spyugs-pa

d e 1 i mi-brg.yud-kyang deng-dus l h o - ’b r u g ’bu m- t h a n g phyogs

yod-pa'i lo- rgy us- zhi R pad-gllnK g t er- st on k lo ng- gs al

gsang-ba snying-bcud-kyi cha-lag mkhan-pa -l un g- gl g n a s - y i g -

nang gsal /"

30. According to S t e i n ’s main informant, Byams-pa gSang-bdag,

there survived until 19f|7 at the monastery of Rw a- sgreng

a manusc rip t v er sio n of the epic wh ose sixteenth chapter

was entitled Glo Khyl-rna r g y a l - p o . "King D o g- ea r of G l o ”

(Stein 1959a:i+6). One cannot but wo n d e r if there is a

connection w i t h K hy i- kha Ra-thod. The a l t e rn at io n Glo/lHo

is one noted b y Stein in his work,

31. I am most gr ate ful to Michael Oppitz for drawing my

at ten tio n t o this paper.

 A U W

32. See also A. Ma cdonald 1971:207 note 76. The names ap pl ie d

to these deities are quite different from those fou nd in

either of the variant readings of the rGyal-rabs bon-gyi

’b y un g- gn as supplied b y Das (1902:608) and Stein (1959b:

58-9).

The list in the ’Si ndhu Raja' story is as follows, with

alt ernative readings from the Bu m- t h a n g dar-gud-k.yi l u n g -

bstan: 1) Then dPul-bzang, 2) Then dGe-dbang, 3) The n N am -

m k h a f dBang-phyug, U) Then Gung-rgyal, 5) Th en- bza ng (Then

m T h a r - b z a n g ) , 6 ) Then Ch os- ky i-d ba ng (G h o s - d b a n g ) ,

7) Then Ding-ka, 8 ) Then rGyal (rG ya l- m t s h a n ) , 9) Then

sPra-ra. These are pr ece ded b y a furt her six deities p o s i n g

as ’religious ministers', four of whose names be gi n w i t h

K h u and two with Bro. The twenty 1d e m o n - m i n i s t e r s ’ do not

seem trace abl e t o a n y kn own list of deities. Their names

have an archaic appearance, fo r example: sPyi-ther, Ba-sa-

dbang, Khyen-rgyal, rDos-thar, K y i r - r d z i - s h o g - s k a , dPo n- gh on .

etc. These may prove to be ancient survivals like Z o - r a - r a -

skyes and Khrag-mig, or sBal-mgo Khrag -m ig -m a at te n d e d b y

the Khra g- gi ma-mo spun-bdun in the ’Sindh u R a j a ’ story,

f. 15a. (See notes U and 5 above.) It seems alittle unlikely

that the gter -st on would have simply invented the names.

33. Some of the rDza-sprul material .is di sc ussed in L od ro I97h:

1 624-—167* To complete the list of sources on mXhan*-pa-lung

so far k n o w n to me, me nt io n must also be made of the

biogra phi es of Padma G l i n g - p a ’s incarnations b y the 8 th

gSung-sprul in Vol. Pha of the Collected '.Vorks, wh ere w e

find the Bhutanese m>han-pa-lung fr eq uently m e nt io ne d as

a place to which they wo uld go f o r pilgrimage an d retreat.

3U. See L C B I, f. 3b and L C B II, f. 59a.

35* rGyal-po slndha ra-dza'i r n a m- t h a r ,f>. 21

 18 Y

h-. Prince gTsang-ma and the secret history of his

al le ge d descendants

Pri nce gTsang-ma, eldest son h o r n t o King Khri

IDe -srong-brtsan (ruled c. 800-815), is a m i no r figure in

Ti betan history wh o came to acquire great significance in

the eyes of the eastern Bhutanese for it was f r o m him

that all their ruling clans are said to have claimed direct

and uninterrupted descent. Evidence for g T s a n g - m a fs

activities in or very near Bhutan is found in almost a l l

the Tibetan histories, in passages which speak of the events

that led to the collapse of Buddhist rule and the usurpation

of the throne b y his brother, the ant i-Buddhist Glang Dar-ma

( 'U'i-dum-brtan, ruled 0 .8 3 6 - 8 ^ 2 ), The w h ol e subject, however,

appears only in late texts and finds no,mention in the Tibetan

records found at Tun-huang or in the T'ang histories.

Despite the lack of contemporary evidence of a primary

character, gTsang-ma's story has all the ap pe ara nce of a

valid tra dition derived from material kept in the ancient

1
archives wh i c h are known to have survived and which w e r e

available to some of the later historians. Un like the three

subjects dealt with so far in this chapter, this is not a

gter-ma tradition but rather one handed down in the historical

literature and somewhat elaborated with the passage of time.

Due to the fact that gTsang-ma always remained a figure of

minor importance for the Tibetans, the fanciful elements

that surround the br ief episode where he makes his only

appearance have app are nt ly been kept to a minimum. By contrast,

the eastern Bhutanese developed an entire myth concerning

gTsang-ma quite independent of the Tibetan material but one

whose origin is p er fec tl y consistent with it. The monk Ngag-

dbang recorded the myth in 1728, pointing out this prima

facie consistency. 'Vhat is of particular interest is that the

clans w h o claimed gTsang-ma as their common anc es to r

appear to have done so w i t h o ut recourse to the history

hooks, d e p e n d i n g instead on folk t ra di ti on s w h i c h (with

the advantage of hindsight) we can see are more or less

borne out by those books, as Ngag-dbang h i m se lf sought to

demonstrate ( rGyal-rigs . f’f . 1 O a - 1 1 b) .

Like the 'Sindhu R a j a ’ an d Khyi-kha Ra-thod, it is

as a royal refugee that Prince gTsang-ma is s ai d to have

come to Bhutan. The first m e nt io n of him appears in the

royal g e ne al og y of the Sa~skya historian, Gra gs -p a rGyal-

mt sh an (111*7-121 6 ) , and can be dated to c. 1215. Grags-pa

rGyal-mtshan w a s clearly dependent on two unspe ci fie d

sources w h i c h he seems to have summarised separately.

gTsang-ma therefore appears in the same context in two

different passages:

D / khri lde-sron g -b t s a n -gyis rgyal-sa bz un g-ngo / /

des br o - b z a ' l h a - r g y a l gu ng-skar-ma bzhes-pa'i
sras gsum-gyj che b a khri b tsan-ma / lho bum -
th ang -d u bcug'-nas rb r o m - b z a r~Tegs-rje dang / "
s n a - n a m -bza me-rje-th'e'u dugJgis b k r o n g s /

The n the throne was taken b y Khri IDe-srong-

btsan. He ma rr ie d 'Bro-bza* IHa-rgyal Gu ng -s k a r -
ma wh o bore three sons. The eldest, Khri bTsan-m a
/ = gTsang-ma/, was ban is he d to Bu m-t han g in the
South and was killed by poison b y 'Brom-bza' Le gs -
rje and sNa-nam-bza' M e - r j e - t h e 'u.

2) / Rsum-pcyi g c en-po gtsang-ma lcass-pho dbyup; / /

rgya l-srid m a- bz un g lho-brag b u m - t h a n g -du / /
"rbro-bza* l e g s - r je sna-nam ma ng-mo-r,1 eir7 r/
dug-gis b kro ngs -t e de-.yl~"srid-rgyud bzhugs //

The eldest of the three brothers, gTsang-ma, was

b a n i s h e d in the Male Iron Year. H a v i n g failed to
take control of the royal power, he was killed b y
p o i s o n b y 'Bro-bza' Legs-rje a n d sN a-nam Man g- mo -
rje at Bum -thang in lHo-brag; his lineage remains.

These ra ther cryptic sta tements belong to a tradition w hi ch

Tucci (19U7) has shown drew on documents similar to those

found in Tun-huang, a tradition whose re li ab il it y for this

late period is suggested b y the many close parallels

be tw een its treatment of the earl ier period of dynastic

rule and that found in the Tun-huang Chronicle. Broadly

speaking, it was the views expressed in this text (and in

that of a n ot h e r Sa-skya historian, 'Phags-pa, dateable to

1275) w h i c h later formed the b a s i s of m a n y Ti betan histories.

Despite fanciful embellishments, it,can therefore be argue d

that Tibetan hi s t o r io g ra ph y rests on quite firm foundations.

Nevertheless,.' for the events leading up. to, surro un di ng and

following the rule of Glang Dar-ma, w e still lack an

independent yardstick of c o mp ari son to corroborate the

Sa-skya tradition.

There are several problems connected with the i n t e r ­

pre ta t i o n of the above passages. W h y was gTsang-ma, as the

eldest son, unable to succeed to the throne V As we shall

see, most sources explain this b y the fact that he was

ordained monk but that tradition finds no place in this

earliest reference to him. Rather, I would suggest that it

ma y represent an at tempt to find an a e t i o l o g y for his name ^

that was b ot h convincing and convenient; gt sang-ma ('pure')

calls to m i n d the character of a monk. In the first passage

he is referred to as Khri ('the E n t h r o n e d 1), suggesting

perhaps that he may indeed have acted as king b y reason of

his primogeniture, if only for a short period. In the

bs ha d - m d z o d (f. 8 5 a) he is ac tually referred to as m N g a '-

bd ag ('The Ruler') Khri rTsang-ma. 2 Ha arh (1969: 339) has

a tt emp ted to resolve this difficulty by saying: "What really

took place seems to have be e n that gTsang-ma, as a Buddhist

monk, w a i v e d his right to the throne, but took t h e actual

gov ernment into his hands on b eh al f of his yo un ger b r o t h e r

Ral-pa-can, who was, or became, incapable of ex er ci si ng it.

At the same time gTsang-ma for many years, until he wa s

poisoned, p r o te ct ed the king against the fate wh i c h had

long b e e n intended for h i m b y the Bon-po." As we have seen

above in the case of Mu-rum, Haarh always seems r e a d y to

look for de facto kings act ing by the side of brothers who

were 'shadow' kings. However, in the absence of supporting

evidence his arguments can only remain an interesting

speculation. To su gg es t that a figure be lo nging to the

early ninth ce nt ur y was a king merely because he is ac c o r d e d

a regal title in texts of the twelfth and fifteenth century

seems a doubtful proposition, es pe ci al ly since these late

texts often got th eir names w r o n g and their titles misapplied.

This is pa rt ic u l a rl y evident in Grags-pa r G y a l - m t s h a n *s

handli ng of the names he gives to the two ro yal ladies who •

are suppo sed to have poisoned gTsang-ma af ter his banishment.

The form bza' seems to have b e e n used exclusively b y the wi ve s

of kings but neither of these ladies are truly identifiable

and the problem is fu rt her complicated b y the f a c t that the

two passages preserve different forms: (i) 'Brom-bza' Legs-rje

/ 'Bro-bza' Legs-rje; (2) s N a - n a m - b z a T M e - r j e - t h e 'u / sNa-

nam Mang-mo-rje. The latter alternative is in each case more

convincing. Al t h o ug h there was a minor clan called the 'Brom,

there is no re co r d of it ever havin g pro vi ded a wife for the

Tibetan kings, whereas there w e r e pl en ty from the 'Bro. The

only one alive at this time, however, was gTsang-ma's own

mother, who is called here lHa-rgyal G u n g - s k a r - m a . She is

lHa-rgyal Mang-mo-rje in the Tun-huang records, K h r i -m o- le gs

in Khri IDe-srong-btsan'e edict pr es er ve d in dP a' -bo gTsug-

lag, and lHa-rtse in the rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g . Le gs -

rje, then, seems to b e an echo of some of these forms, but if

gTsang-ma had been murdered by his mother one would suppose

that this would have survived elsewhere in some form of

tradition, as it did in the case of Mu-ne, k i ll ed h y his

m o t h e r of the-' T s h e s - s p o ng clan (see previous^ secti on) . In

fact it seems most probable that Grags-pa rG yal-mtshan has

confused the two: the name he gives to gTsan g- ma' s mother,

i.e. lHa-rgyal Gung-skar-ma, seems to be mod el le d on the one

he gives t o the Tshes-spong queen, i.e. rMa-rgyal mTsho-

skar-ma. These forms are not preserved a n y w h e r e except in

this text and in a seventeenth century Sa-skya g e nea lo gy

wh ich derives from it.

In the case of the second lady, the q u e e n from the

sNa-nam clan, we may be on firmer ground. Glang Dar-ma

j
( fU 1 i - d u m - b r t a n ) , the second b r o t h e r who was also pas se d

over in the succession, is said to have ma rr ied a lady of "

this clan, ac co rd in g to dPa'-bo gTsug-lag. The sNa-nam first

pr ovi ded a queen for Khri Srong-lde-brtsan a n d m a y originally

have come from Sam arkand or that direction (Richardson 1977b:

passim) . The name of the qu een here, M e - r j e - t h e Tu, has a

most improbable look to it, with a rather w i c k e d flavour; the

the *u recalls the malignant the *u-rang spirits, an d the lady

in question is commonly re pr esented as the cr a f t y w om an who

tried to pass off an a do pte d child as her own son, Yum-brtan*

The form Mang-m o-r je w h i c h figures in the al te rnative reading

is som ething in the nature of a title, • It is ap pl ied to many

of the great ladies of the period. The Tu n-h uan g Annals,

for instance, give it to the 1 Bro queen-of Khri Srong-lde-

b rt sa n wh om we discussed above. At ail events, it must be

to G l a n g - d a r - m a ’s w i f e t hat the text refers a n d in view of

the ant ago ni sm which h e a p p a r e n t l y felt for his brothers,

there is no p a rt ic ul ar reason for discounting the idea that

his wife took up his cause and murdered one of them on his -

behalf.
 J

It is most un for tunate that the date of g T s a n g - m a fs

han ish me n t is subject to the same degree of confusion as

that wh ich prevents us from identifying w it h cert ai nty the

royal ladies who mu rd ere d him. There is no means of knowing

whe the r Grags-pa rGyal-mtshan intended us to understand

lc ags-pho as one of the six male years ( fb r u g , r t a ♦ s p r e ,

k h y i , byi or s t a g ) , or w h e t h e r pho is a mistake for some

specific ye ar (yos or phag perhaps). If there is any h i s t o r ­

ical basis for the statement, the only year that seems to fit

an y of these hypotheses is 1 cags-spre ('Iron Monkey' - 8h-0).

The po int of greatest interest f o r us is the st at e­

ment that gTsang-ma was exiled to Bum-thang in 'the South'

(Iho) . The second passage places Bum-thang in lilo-brag

w h i c h may not be as inaccurate as it appears. C e rt ai nl y

in Padma G li ng -p a' s day Bum-thang was linked in a somewhat

vague ma nn er to the lHo-brag province wh o s e civil officials

had a degree of a uth or ity in Bum-thang.' Even more interesting,

for our purposes, is the firm statement that gTsang-ma's

lineage (s r i d- r g y u d ) survived into the e a r l y twelfth century.

The implication I w ou ld like to see is that Grags-pa rGyal-

mts h a n and his contemporaries understood that the lineage was

fathered b y gTsang-ma in his place of exile. Some two and a

half centuries or so later, Kl ong-chen-pa describes the

valley of U-ra in Bum-thang as "an excellent place due to the

fact that the line of descendants of the lord P ha rm ar aj as

/ s t i l l / reside there and people from the pure Tibet live

there." (/ chos-rgyal rje-yi gdung-rab-s b z h u g s - p a dang / ■

/ g t s a n g - m a fi bod-rnams gnas-pas khyad-par 'phags / )^ One

would, of course, like to see gtsang-ma'i bod -r na ms meaning

"the Tibetans of / o r de sc en d i n g from/ gTsang-ma" but it is

without doubt an allusion to the ancient poetic description

 193
of Tibet as sa gj^sang, "a pure land". In the same passage,

•U-ra is de scr ibe d as "similar to the dBus ^/province / 7 in the

land of Tibet" ( bod -yul dbus dang *dra-ba ), This is a '

notion one still meets w it h today and the U-ra people are

invariably said b y the people of the neighb ou ri ng valleys

to be de sc ended from Tibetans* Their ruling family, the

U-ra g D u n g . did claim a connection with the n n c i e n t Tibetan

dynasty (as w e see in the r G y a l - r i g s * Section 3, PP* 5^5-7

below) but not ap parently w i t h gTsang-ma himself* In fact f

none of the Bhutanese stories speak of g T s a n g - m a fs d e s c e n d ­

ants holding sway in this part of the co u n t ry and the t r a d i t i o n ­

al itinerary ascr ibe d to him took him th ro ugh areas to the

south of Bum-t han g in his journey from the west to the east*

Starting with s B a - b z h e d , some of the Tibetan sources

say that it w a s to sPa-gro rather than to Bum- th ang that

gTsang-ma was banished. The date of sB a- bzhed is still

subject to investi gat ion bu t it is certainly not la ter t h a n ^

the fourteenth century. Ri cha rds on (1971 :h37) says it may

even be e a r li er than 1 Grags-pa r G y a l - m t s h a n 1 s g e n e al og y to

w h i c h it affords some considerable contrast in the handling

of the gTs ang-ma story:

/ zhang-blon n a g -po-ia d g a 1 -ba-rnams gros byas-nas

chos-khrims gshif/Ilj77TT ~ k o g / " lkop;/-gros byas-nas /
de-la sng on-du b t s a n - p o ma-dkrongs-na chos-khrims
mi-g shi g ze r f k h a - g c ig na-re ral-pa-can-la s r a s
med-k.yang cung lha-sras gtsang-ma chos-Ia dgaT -
bas srid^^dzin-te chos-khrims m i - g s h ig zer /
g t s a ng-ma b shuge-pas chog m c h i -bas'/" de b a n chen-po
chos-la dkar-la dbang c h e -bas chos-khrims mi-gshig
zer Z ~ g ros byas-nas cho s-k hrims gshig-pa"*i sn.yan-phra
b cug- te ~T b a n c he n -po dang T ^ g a n g - t s h u l - m a nal
bs h a m s - s o zhes sh.yan-du gsol-nas / chad-pa c h e - t h an g- du
zhus-palT"/~'ban~ chen-po yang Icags-kyi srog-pa tsa
sgrub-pa ma-gr ub -p ar / snyan-^phra b t s a n - p a r byas-te
bk um / d'e-ma-thag- tu lha-sras gtsa ng -m a rab-tu b y u n g -
nas / rdzongs c h e n-po dang-bcas-nas sp a-gro m o n - d u
bshugs / (s B a - b z h e d t p p . 7 6 - 7 7 *)
 The zhang-blon w ho were enamoured of evil held
consultations and deliberated in secret on the
des tr uc ti o n of the religious law, during wh ich
it was said that unless the btsan-po was first
killed, the religious law could not be destroyed.
Some of them said: "Although Ral- pa -c an /Khri
g T s u g - l d e - b r t s a n / has no son, the youngest b r o t h e r
gTsang-ma who is enamoured of religion / m i g h t /
take hold of the power and so the religious law
wo ul d not be destroyed." /T o this/ it was said
that gTsang-ma could be banished. It was then
declared that since the Great Monk / D r a n - k h a dPal-
gyi Y o n - t a n / was virtuous in religion and had d
great power, the religious law wo ul d / s t i l j / not
be destroyed. A f t e r / t h e s e / consultations had
b e e n held, a sl ander was put about to d e s tr oy the
religious law to the_effect that the Great Monk
and Ngang-tshul-ma / t h e queen of Khri gT su g- ld e-
b r t s a n / had made arrangements t o , f o r n i c a t e . When
this was rep or te d to the ears /o f the king/, a
punishment was meted / u p o n the queen ?7 at Che-
thang (?) and the Great Monk too /. was
killed. As soon as that happened, the Divine
Prince gT sang-ma be ca me a monk and, w i t h a great
equipage t h® wa s exiled to sPa-gro Mon.

This account of a grand Bon-po conspiracy, culmi na tin g in the

as sas si na ti on of Khri gTsug-lde-brtsan, was ado pt ed b y all

the later writers w h o dealt in any detail with this confused

period. By a simple mi sre adi ng of the text, Bu-s ton in his

chos-'byung of 1322 has Gro-mo (i.e. the Chumbi Valley) instead

of sPa-gro as the place to which gTsang-ma was b a n i s h e d (lha-

sras gtsang-ma rab-tu byung-ba gro-mor s p y u g s . f. 1 3 GtO* This

was later foll owe d by the Hu- la n deb-theb of Tshal K u n - d g a 1

rDo-rje (1 3 U 6 ) and the rGya-bod yig-tshang of sT ag-tshang-pa

Sribhutibhadra (c.1li38), ff. 1 8 b and 12 6•r e s p e c t i v e l y • All

other sources say the place was sPa-gro or some vague area in

lHo Mon, with the ex cep tio n of d P a !-bo gTsug -la g (f.13Ub) who

combines the Sa-skya and sBa-bzhed traditions and indicates

that it was at the temple of mKho-mthing that gTsang-ma was

poiso ned b y the s G a - n a m - b z a f Mang-rje (sic). The bS ha d - m d z o d

(f. 85a) similarly has llio-brag Mon in place of sPa-gro Mon,

and on f. 8 5 b it adds the vital information that "the ki ng s-o f

South ern Mon are the descendants of the Ruler gTsang-ma, hut

/ c o n c e r n i n g them/ look to their own historical records".

( / lho-phyogs mon-gyi rgyal-po rnams // m n g a *-bdag gtsang-

ma'i KdunR-rg.yud yin / / 'on-kyang rang-gl yig- ts han g kz I r s / / ).

Thus in the fifteenth c e n t u r y we can be quite certain that the

ruling families of eastern B hutan already had in their

i

pos session documents tracing their descent from gTsang-ma

and I have no doubt that it was some of these w h i c h the monk

Ng ag -d ba ng used in compiling his history, the rGyal-rigs

'byung-khung g s a l - b a fi sgron-me pr es ented in Part 2 below.

It has been suggested b y Gene Smith in his in tr oduction to the

b S h a d - m d z o d that its author, Don -d am sMra-ba'i Senge, w as

hi m se lf a descendant of gTsang-ma in the :pri nc el y family of

Gru-shul, or else p o ss ib ly a household priest to this family,

citing as evidence for this the t e sti mo ny of the above passage.

However, Gru-shul (or Gro-shul) w he re the text w a s composed

is a small distri ct w h i c h lies b e t we en g^yal and Lo-ro, due

north of the easternmost extremity of Bhutan (Ferrari 1958:

127), a n d the term lho-phyogs Mon as used b y a native of

Gru-shul must refer to that area of Bhutan where these 'royal'

families were so prominent. The inhabitants of Gru -s hu l ware

in regular contact with the Eastern Bhutanese and Gru-shul

itself is described as "the bridge b e t we en the south and

north" (Iho byang gnyis-kyi zam-pa. f . 99b). A m a n of letters

from that area would have had am ple opportunity to learn

about the legends a n d traditions of his southern neighbours,

just as the great fJ i g s- me d Gling-pa did, as revealed in his

18th ce ntury gTam-tshogs mis cellany. The converse is also true,

a n d there are several indications (which I point out in my

notes to the r G y a l - r i g s ) that Ngag-dbang, the-early 1 8 th

century hi st orian of eastern Bhutan, had access to the bShad-mdzod

itself. His prime source for Ti be ta n history, however, was

for him as for many others, the rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i me-Iong

h y the Sa-skya scholar bSod-nams rGyal-mtshan, most probably

w r i t t e n in 1 3 6 8 . It is the statement in that work that gTsang

m a fs place of exile was sPa-gro in the west of the country

rather than some place in the east (a statement w h i c h derives

from the s B a - b zh ed ) that presu mab ly impelled N g a g - d b a n g to

seek for traditions concerning the prince's journey from the

west to the east where most of his alleged descendants w er e

living. That Ngag- dba ng was aware of the confli cti ng nature

of the accounts concerning g T s a n g - m a ’s place of exile is

abu ndantly cl ea r in a passage wh ere he tries t o har monize

them: ” ... al tho ugh the Divine Prince ... had int en de d to

proceed in the direction of IHo-brag, due to the power of his

aspirations made in previous lives, from the d i rec ti on of

Phag-ri in gTsan g he went to g Na m- th on g dKar-po in sP a-gro”

(r G y a l - r i g s . f. 11b).

It would have been st range if o t h e r groups in the west

of the country had not focussed on gTsang-ma as their

ancestral p r o g e n i t o r 'in the same wa y that the ruling clans

did in the east. Ngag-dbang (loc. cit.)"himself records a

tradition w h i c h held that two such groups, the rGyal-gdung

of sPa-gro an d the g D u n g - ’brog of Thim-phu, w e r e descended

from the union of gTsang-ma with a girl of the v i l l a g e of

gNam-thong dKar-po in sPa-gro. Much more important, however,

is the claim in the b i og ra ph y of Ye -shes dNgos-grub (f. 2 3 b)

that there w e r e m a n y different groups in "the S o u t h ” who

pr o pe rl y descended from gTsang-ma. In the area of western

Bhutan there are said to be two such groups (families, clans,

tribes ?) called the 'Mang-gdung and the M i fi-rgyal-mtshan.

In an interlinear note someone has appended the information

that the former is a l s o known as the Nyung-tshan, a clan (?)

of ’'most noble a n c e s t r y ” . ( /... m n g a 1-bdag khri ra l- pa - c a n -

gyi gcung lha-sras gtsang-ma bya-ba glang-dar-gyis lhor

dm ag -d po n-d u brdzangs-pa-las / (f . 23b) brg.yud-pa’i r i g s -

ma ’i bye-brag-gis ma ng-du snang-na 'ang / 1dir wa ng-g 1 ung /

/ d e - l a 1ang ny ung-tsha n z he s -pa shin-tu khungs btsun-pa zhig

dang / J mi *i rgya l-m ts han -d u g r a g s - p a 1! rigs gnyis ... /)

None of these names are remembered by the w e s t e r n Bhutanese

today, but the Wang people are those inhabil/ting the valleys

of Thi m-phu and sPu-na-kha (Aris 1976:'8 and Note 6 1 ) . The

Dung (or gDung) seem to have been a scattered people living

in various parts of the country (as we shall see in the next

section to this chapter). 'We may perhaps co nj ecture that

the W a n g - g d u n g were a western branch, presently surviving

as the Wang. The relationship b e t w e e n 'the terms Wang- gd un g

and Nyung -t sh an seems to be hinted at in an old saying quoted

i n LC B I (f. 7b) in a passage dealing with ancestral feuds:

"Just as the W a n g fight with the dGung, so do the Mang- tsh an

(? fMa ny F a m i l i e s ’) fight with the Nyung-tshan (? ’Few

F a m i l i e s ’) .” (wang- dgu ng ’thab-pa dang / m a n g - t s h a n nyung-

tshan ’t h a b - p a ) The point of the saying seems quite lost.

Before turning to the subject of Ngag-dbang*s

important work (the r Gya l-r ig s) , some notice must be gi ven

the ha ndling of g T s a n g - m a ’s story in the rGyal-rabs g s a l - b a ’i

me- lo ng and the way this affected later Tib et an a n d Bhutanese

writers.

gTsang-ma is introduced as the eldest b r o t h e r w ho

became a monk axjparently in his early life and w h o was there­

fore passed over in the succession, just as Glang Dar-ma was

for reasons of evil c h ar ac te r (f. 89b). This contrasts with

 130

the sBa-bzhed where we learnt that gTsang-ma b e c a m e a

monk at a time just prior to his banishment, maybe as

a form of safeguard while the Buddhist robes were still

regarded as sacrosanct. A f t e r the rG-yal-rabs, all the

Tibetan histories emphasise g T s a n g - m a ’s monkhood. The

La-dwags rgyal-rabs even says that he composed "a treatise

which gave counsel on w o r l d l y rites’* (mi-chos-la g d a m s - p a ’i

b s t a n - b c o s , f . 20a in the Bo d le ia n MS) . As is usual with

dPa'-bo gTsug-lag, in his lHo-brag c h o s - ’b y un g we .f ind an

extra snippet on the subject of gTsang-ma's monastic status.

As perhaps b e f i t te d a member of the royal famil y who had

taken the cloth, he is a cc om pa ni ed by monks, translators

and pandits on his journey to exile. On reaching the

gTsang-po river a discussion is held during which glsang-ma

announces in verse:

s d o d - p a ’i dbang med sa-mthar ’gro //

n.yes-pa med-par skrod-la thabs ci -yod 7 / "
dge-'dun thugs~-bde" ^d i -nas ldog-par zhu / /
sems thag-chad-zin gru-yi ny ag -thag thong / / (f. 1 3 Ub)

I have no po wer to stay but must go to the e a r t h ’s

end.
Though guiltless, nothing can be done about this
expulsion.
I beg y ou monks to return from here in peace.
My mind is decided, so cast off the b o a t ’s mooring.

As we saw above, according to this version gTea ng -m a ends up

at mKho-mthing in lHo-brag where he is poison ed b y s N a - n a m - b z a ’•

This little side-show to the play very lik ely de ri ve s from a

local lho-brag tradition known to the author, hims elf a native

of lHo-brag. The 5th Dalai Lama takes the theme of gTsang-

rna’s or di nation to absurd lengths, with much verbiage on the

p r i n c e ’s feelings of re nu nciation (f . 1+1 b of his chronicle).

All this stands in opposition to gTsang-ma's ma jor role as an

a n ce st or figure in Bhutan and it is interesting to observe

how Ngag-dbang entirely omits mention of g T s a n g - m a ’s

ordination, even though he de pe nds v er y heavily on the

rGyal-rabs where it was first brought into the foreground.

A monk could not be described as a man wh o ''cohabits with an

extremely be au t i f ul young girl as his play-mate" (r G ya l - r i g s .

f. 11b) w h o be ars him an illegitimate son. Fa c e d w i t h such

inconsistencies in his source material, Ng ag- dba ng gener all y

attempts to resolve them through synthesis but here he has

simply omitted the unacceptable.

A n o t h e r point concerning the r G y a l - r a b s ’ han dl in g of

the story and- the w a y this was put to use by~ Ngag-dbang is

i t ’s introduction of the idea that the Bon-po ministers

resorted to bribing the diviners and astrologers. T h e y are

given rewards to encourage them to put about a false pre dic ti on

to the effect that if gTsang-ma resided in Tibet that year, all

sorts of troubles would afflict the king and the realm. This

is quite absent from the corresponding passage in the s B a - b z h e d ,

the pri ncipal source for this whole episode in the rGyal-rabs *

I would, however, argue t h a t it does derive from a quite

separate part of the sBa-bzhed (on p. 13) w he re it crops up

in a context not very different from this one, although tha^e

it is the Buddhist minister Khr i-bzang w h o bri bes the experts

in di vin ati on (the ph ya g -s pr in dang mo-ma dang / b l t a s - m k h a n )

to make the false prediction. In order to avert astrological

obstacles (sk u - c h a g s ) to the pe rson of King Khri Srong-lde-

b rt sa n and harm to the state, they are compelled to declare

that the most powerful of the anti-Buddhist ministers, the

Zhang Ma-zhang, should be dismissed to a ’t o m b ’ (m c h a d - p a )

for a period of three years. The young king is in fact

referred to as "prince" (rgya l-b u) and this may have h e l p ed

to confound the incident with g T s a n g - m a ’s story a n d the gr and

co nspiracy to oust him. W hi le the odd-term mo-ma (which I ,take

as 'diviners' or pe rhaps 'female diviners') is absent from

‘the r G y a l - r a b s . it turns up again in d P a 1-bo g T s u g - l a g (as

mo-ma ph yw a - mk ha n ) and in the rGyal-rigs (as mo-ma r t si s- pa ) .

Th e latter work expands the story still f u r t h e r b y saying

that the fortune-tellers w er e bribed to declare that if

gTsang-ma resided that y e a r in Tibet, obstacles w o u l d arise

t°
both to himself an d / hi s b ro th er the king; we are maybe J

intended to understand that their stars w er e in such u n f a v o u r ­

able co nj unction that this would do enormous in ju ry to t h e m ­

selves and to the country at large. At all events, the king

is compl et ely duped, but rather than ban is h his b r o t h e r he

po l i t e l y sends him off to enquire into the w e lf ar e of his

subjects in lHo-Mon, an d so gTsang-ma arrives in sPa-gro on

the first leg of his journey. It would app ear that the

Bhutanese of the east did not wish t o claim descent f r o m an

exiled figure of low fortune and this w o u l d explain the

pa rt ic ul ar twist w hi c h Ngag-dbang gave to the story. (It

should also be recalled that in the passage from the bio gr ap hy

of Ye-sh es dNgos-grub quoted above, gTsang-ma was despatchd

not as an exile but rather as a general.)

Thus stripped of his character as monk and exile, the

prince is all set to fulfil his destined role in Bhutan.

Meanw hil e in Tibet the queen, the chief minister and eventually

the king all meet their end. Glang Dar-ma succeeds, the

Bon-po triumph and the Buddhist monks are de pri ved of their

pr ivileged status and reduced to that of householders and

hunters. Those who resist are killed. Such is the usual

version, but dPa'-bo gTsug-lag adds a note saying that "some

of the pandits w h o d i d not escape in flight w e r e sold to Mon"

( / p a n d ita bros ma-thar-ba la-la m o n - du bt songs / f . 1 3 7 b).

As slaves ? There is no w a y of telling but if, as seems likely,

the Mon referred to here signifies the area o f pr es en t- da y

Bhutan, an d if any cr edi bil it y attaches to the statement,

then it seems plausible that.these Buddhist scholars w o u l d

have carried with them the torch of religion that was dying

in Tibet, If, as it has been argued, the districts of s'Pa-gro

a n d Burn-thang were already centres for the Buddhist faith

during this period of the s n g a - d a r , then the light from that

torch w o u l d not have fallen on total darkness, W h e t h e r or not

gTsang-ma was himself a monk, there is no doubt that he really

was in the Buddhist camp and since all the indications point

to Bhutan for his banishment, then he too could have helped

to keep the fire burning there. What is sure is that from the

earliest times certain districts in Bhutan pr ovided a natural

refuge f o r people fleeing from central Tibet, These districts

were of a character that encouraged Tibetan refugees to settle,

as the events of 1 9 5 9 have again so recently demonstrated.

What is more, if there existed tenuous political links b e t we en

these districts and central Tibet then they would most certainly

have b e e n fitted to -receive political exiles. Remote enough

to prevent them from br ew in g trouble, these exiles could still

be kept under the eye of the authorities. Such at least was

the usual pra ctice in later Tib eta n history.

Altho ugh the historical associations of the story ahe

most evident, for the traditional audience its func tio n is

myth ica l and conce rne d with remote origins. To a d d a

co nte mp or ar y dimension to the discussion I include below the

translation of a v e r s i o n related to me in rDzong-kha b y Slob-dpon

bSod-nams bZang-po, the most noted lama 'of the 'Brug-pa schdol

in B h u t a n ’ today and himself a native of that part of the country

where these traditions are still just current. The account was
tape recorded ou the 23rd July 1973 Thim-phu. Although

very short, it contrasts most int er est in gly with the ve rsion

contained in Sections 1 and 2 of Ngag-dbang's text.

lHa-sras gTsang-ma was the br ot he r of King m N g a '-

b da g Khri Ral-pa-can. The latter was the eldest
brother, the middle one w a s lHa-sras Dar-ma, that
is to say Glang-dar, and the youngest was gTsang-ma.
Glang -da r consulted with the demon-ministers (b d u d -
blon) about ki ll in g the king and about his plan to
take over the throne, saying that there was no other
w a y he could b e c o m e king. The ministers, however,
declared that even if the king were killed thefre would
still be lHa-sras gTsang-ma and so he w o u l d not be
p er mit ted to become king. On discussing ways and means
b y which they could achi eve their aim, it was said
that since t h e king and lHa-sras gTsang-ma w er e of
the same birth-year, it was not an auspicious year
for them to reside together. The diviners (m o - b t a b - m i )
were pre se nt e d with bribes of m o n e y and told to
spread this about. So the diviners declared that it
was not proper for the king and lHa-sras gTsang-ma to
reside together* that year. gTsang-ma was told to go
a w a y and resile in a monastery, an d s o he was exiled
to the b o r d e r at sPa-gro. Finding-no place at sPa-gro
he w is he d to settle in, and not u nd er st an di ng the
language spoken there, he proceeded on h i s w a y t h r o u g h
Kheng to the eastern region. On arrival there he
found go od land and saying he would stay there, he
built him sel f a b am bo o house and took up residence.
That place was called sN'ga-tshang :("The Anc ie nt Abode").
But h e was not happy there, so he went on his w a y a n d
after crossing the pass of sKo~ra La he a r r i v e d at
bKra-shis-sgang. He found the land there very pleasant
a n d quite unlike any other-he had seen. "If I reside
in this place would it be of benefit to sentient beings,
to myself and others ?" Now his father had given him
a golden arrow and a silver arrow, telling him to use
them as protective amulets at a time in his life w h e n
he f a c e d severe trouble. His father was Mu-khri
bTsan-po. Fi rin g off the golden arrow across to the
opposite side of the valley, w a t e r came out from where
it struck the ground. The so-called g S e r - c h u ("Golden
River") still exists today. Firing of f, the silver arrow
across the river, water a g a i n came out from where it
struck the ground. The so-called dN gu l - ch u ("Silver
River") still exists today. They are the so-called
gSe r- ch u dNgul-chu. "Ah, a good auspice has come forth,"
he declared. Proce edi ng on his w a y he came to Byams-
mk har on the opposite side of the river to b K r a - s h i s - s g an g
and a b i t further down. There was a large crowd of
people asse mbl ed there who all declared: "Such a handso me
and tall person a s you, who is quite unlike ourselves,
should be kept here as our chief, our lordl" And so
they consulted am ong each other. The prince a g r e e d
but said that if he were to reside there as chief, a
palace would be needed. A palace (p h o - b r a n g ) is w ha t
the Tibetans c all mkhar as in "the first of the palaces
Yam -b u bla-mkhar". The people agreed, saying they w o ul d
 easily build a palace, using the w o r d b ya ms (? 1 , 1am)
for 'easy'. So the palace was built and ca l l e d
Byams-mlchar ("The Easy Castle"). It no longer exists
today. Abo ut seven sons w e r e b o r n to the prince
after that. It was the time when the king had b e e n
.killed in Tibet, the doctrine was de cl ining and temples
were b e i n g destr oye d by Glang-dar. A ve r y large
number of Tibe tan s fled fr o m Tibet and a r r iv ed in this
direction. One of the p r i n c e ’s sons, the eldest, was
sent to Mu-khum, and even though a long time has
elapsed since these events took place there are still
descendants of his at wu-khum who say: -"At that time
lHa -sr as gTs ang-ma gave uq his son from w ho m this son
was born, f r o m w h o m that son was born, from wh om that
was b or n - who was sent at that time as a br id eg ro om
/ t o that family/" and so on. All this is co nta ine d in
writing s which they still possess. This village of
Mu-khum is situated above t h e so-called She-ri Bridge,
on the opposite side of t h e valley to s G r a - m i - r t s e .
Then a n o t h e r son was sent to Kheng-mkhar. The story of
this one is al so contained in writings, together with
the story of how Ilia-eras gTsang-ma came down from Tibet.
Then recognising his youngest son as an e m ana ti on of the
Buddha, even though he did not know much about religion,
he sent him off to a place opposite where I / b So d- na ms
b Z a n g - p o / stay at Yong-la dGon-pa which was called
C hu ng -m kh ar ("The Castle of the Youngest"), named af te r
him. Af te r he had taken up residence there, many
people came up from India to see him. They felt great
faith in him, recognising him as the descendant of the
kings of Tibet who were t h e m s e l v e s .of the Shakya lineage
of India. T h e y said they wo ul d present him w i t h all thb
land str etc hi ng towards Bhutan in a line f r o m Gauhati to
Alipur. The writing s concerning this are said to be
kept in Gauhati even now. Having gai ne d po we r over the
Indian borderlands, all the people-of Ch un g-m kha r gai ne d
fa ith in hi m and so he residedithe re as their king.
However, besides the oral traditions, this par ticular
story is not contained in the records / p r e s e r v e d in
east ern Bhutan/. (The slob-dpon ends the ac co un t with
an incident told him by the late rdzong-dpon of gZho ng-
sgar who had mar ried into the family at C hu ng -m kh ar
that claimed descent from gTsang-ma. A p p a r e n t l y when he
once made a trading trip to Gauhati in As sa m he was
acc osted b y a stranger who insisted on giving him a sum
of se ve nt y rupees, saying: "In previous times the king
of Chung- mkh ar was our ruler and we enjoyed great
prosperity a n d good fortune. I have books ( ’k i t a p ’)
about this.")

It is most un li kel y that today more than a hand ful of people

are able to give a connected account such as this. It must be

bo rn e in mi nd that bSod-nams b Za ng -p o has a special antiquarian

interest in old traditions, an avoca tio n which leads him into

the wo rl d of old manuscripts and half- rem emb ere d oral traditions,
i
The ma jor literary source for his version is, of course, Ngag-

d b a n g ’s wo rk of 1728 but since gTsang-ma is pr ese nte d

une quivo cally as a n exile we can be quite sure that he was

f a mi li ar with the story as it appears in at least one of J

the Tibetan histories. However, apart from discrepancies

in place names, it is the rGyal-rigs w h i c h sets the pa tt er n

more or less up t o the point whe re gTsang-ma starts

pro du ci ng the sons from w h o m his descendants v a r i o u s l y

issued at Byams-mkhar, Kheng-mkhar, Mu-k hum and Chung-mkhar.

The lines of diffusion are at total variance w it h that

co ntained in N g a g - d b a n g ’s work, the names of each of the

sons are lac kin g and so al so are the gen ealogies w h i c h so

pre oc cu py the rGyal-rigs. Only the g e n e r a l pa tt er n remains,

that of sons b e i n g invited to districts to b e c o m e rulers,

from w hom lineages are said to be traced. My impression is

that these lineages are today probably .credited to families

w h i c h gained pro minence in the not too-distant past. Howe ver

it may be, w e can at least be sure of one thing: whe re as in

present traditions the lines of descent are credited to

individual families, up to the early eighteenth century they

ap pear to have b ee n the preserve of several families operating

conjointly as a single clan or sub-clan. In poi nt of fact,

none of the clans whose history Nga g-dbang ske tched remain-

today. The reason for this extraordinary example of social

change is all too apparent in the second w o r k of Ngag-dbang

p re sen ted in Part 2 below, the Lo-rgyus g sal-b a'l me-l ong

which describes the campaign organised!.by the great M i - ’g yu r

brTa n-p a in the middle years of the 17th century to subdue,

this part of the country. While we are told (on f. 2^a)

that the hered ita ry clan rulers were reinstated in their

customary rights a f te r bei ng defeated and after sw earing oaths

of allegiance to the ’Brug-pa, it is b e y o n d question that ,

their powers were thereafter most heavily circumscribed.

Reduced to the status of titular heads of th eir clans

pos sessing no real au thority an d wi t h large numbers of

their clansmen fo rced into government service as l ay

servitors and monks, the w h o l e structure of clan or ganisation

d is ap pea red completely. At the same time it should be

str essed that in m a n y parts of Tibet and the Himalayas,

clans seem to have a tendency to va nish almost wi t h o ut trace.

The fate suffered b y the eastern Bhutanese clans t h er ef or e

forms part of a broad process whose true explanation may

perhaps lie more in the realm of social anthropology. Never­

theless, the historical causes here seem to me su ff ic i e n t l y

satisfying as to obviate the need to look to oth er disciplines.

Before trying to consider, on the b a s i s of the

r G y a l - r i g s , how the old clans were constituted, some thought

must be gi v e n to the scope and com position of that work.

Nothing is known about the author b e y o n d the me a gr e information

prov ide d in the colophons to his two wdrks, b u t re ading b e t w e en

the lines it is apparent that he was b br n a m e m b e r of the By ar

clan descending f r o m g T s a n g - m a fs grandson, Gong-dkar-rgyal.

He was pro bably ad mi tte d as 'monk-levy' (b t s u n - k h r a l ) to the

state mo nas ter y housed in bKra -s his -sg an g rDzong (where he

wr ot e the rG ya l - r i g s ) some years a ft er it had been established

in a b o u t 1657. In his old age he set down in the Lo -rgyus

the eye-witness accounts of the campaign as related to him

b y the dbu-mdzad Dam-chos Rab-rgyas and others. In 1728 he

wr ote the rGyal-rigs. Certain passages suggest that he was

w el l- t r a v e l l e d in Tibet wh ere he may have gone f o r st udy

and pilgrimage. By 1728 sufficient time had elapsed since

the tak e-over of east Bhutan for the ancient ruling clans to

realise that the traditional bases of their a u t ho ri ty had

J
b e e n irrevocably altered. Eit he r separately or else in a

group th eir leaders came to Ngag-dbang and a s k e d him to record

their genealogies for posterity. Thus the rGyal-rigs was

oc casioned by sen timents of pr es erv at ion in the face of a

collapsing clan organisati on. Gould these sentiments have

b een directed towards covert political a ct io n ? The answer

depends on how we interpret the opening verses (ff. 1 b-Ub)

w h i c h describe the work as "a secret little song" (g s a n g - b a fi

g l u - c h u n g ) intended for "nobles of equal standing" (ya-rabs

pho-mn.yam) and not for "the audience of all ears" (kun-gyi

rna-ba'l t h o s - r g y a). It was written in the hope t h a t in the

future "a true descendant of the ancient kings might come

forth like a star that appears during daytime" (rje-rgyal

brgy ud- pa nyi n-skar b.yung srid-na // ). There seems no easy

w a y of deciding w h e t h e r it was intended to be a 'secret

history' to be kept concealed from the 'Brug-pa authorities^

(whose overthrow was perhaps desired b y the r u l i n g clans

displaced b y them) or w h e t h e r it was t o be h i d d e n from the

public in general (which might misuse the history). At the

same time it must be remembered that "outbreaks of genealogical

fever", to use t he phrase of J.H. Plumb,, often take place as

a result of the imposition of some form of foreign control.

As David Henige (197U:6~7) comments on it he phrase: "Some of

the greatest hi st or i c a l works of antiquity were w r i t t e n during

periods of foreign domination an d with ;the e x pr es se d purpose

of p or tr ay in g the historians' peoples in a way at once

palliative to t h e i r ,lost sover ei gn ty and impressive to their

new rulers." These' circumstances would seem to fit the case

of the rGyal-rigs v e r y w e l l but for its al le ge d secret nature.

On the face of it, Ngag-dbang must have been a man'of

somewhat divided loyalty. As a m e m b e r of the a n c i e n t ruling

nobility and a co nf idant of the ousted 'rulers, his inh erited

sympathies lay with his own people and their traditions. As a

 6V (
J
monk ded icated to the 'Brug-pa school, e s se nti all y an

al i e n b o d y which had imposed itself by force on the area,

he w a s committed t o the furtherance of that school's

secular a n d spiritual aims. His two surviving works are

separa te ly de voted to these two areas of sy mpathy and it

is an interesting key to the man himself that the two

should have b e e n w r i tt en b y the same person. It is, however,

the monk in Mg a g - d b a n g w hi ch ultimately seems to t r i u m p h a nd

the efforts towards synthesis displayed in both wo rk s d o u b t ­

less provide the only true hint to his character. Ngag-

dbang 'the Harmoniser' would be a fi tt ing epithet.

We have a l r e a d y noticed how he d e pr iv ed gTsang-ma

of certain unacceptable attributes in order to groom him for

his rol© as an an cestor figure, thus re co nciling the story

as it appeared in the textual sources with the oral myths

k no wn to him. In a similar manner he adju ste d the literary

anomalies in regard to the place of g T s a n g - m a 's exile. Some­

thing of his me th odology is revealed in his discussion of

names (on f. 11 a-b) where the Implication of his argument

is that since one person can be -mown b y several names, so

can a single story be recounted in many, apparently conflicting,

ways. Thus for Ngag-dbang an isolated ■version perhaps ne ver

reveals the whole truth. This becomes very clear in two

instances: (1) The v a r y i n g accounts of the origin of the so

called gDung families of U-ra and fol-ba-lung are reconciled

(on f. UOa) b y virtue of the fact that gDung IHa-dbang Grags-pa,

their common progenitor, w as himself the offspring of a

supernatural being, a lha-klu ( 'n a g a - g o d ') . Tims he could

assume different ap pearanc es in the sight of dif ferent persons.

(2) A g a i n a hi gher order is invoked to explain a wa y all the

conflicting interpretations (Bon-po, Buddhist and Brahmanical)

w hi c h could b e brought to b e a r on the subject of clan

origins, p a r t ic ul ar ly the ancient theme of a god's descent

to earth on "the divine rmu-ladders and the gold and silver

phya- c o r d s M (ff. U 5 b-.i4.6 a) # Only an. enlig ht ene d b e i n g can

perceive the real truth that' lies beh in d these interpretations.

Ngag-dbang seems to accord them an equal t e m p o r a r y validity.

Despite these dexterous fe nc e-sitting solutions to

the problems po sed b y variant traditions, Ngag-dbang w o u l d

have found it impossible to write his work wit hou t attemp tin g

to b r i n g order to rival genealogical claims. His w o r k was

intended to be a def initive account that subs tan tia ted

(k h u n g s - b c a d ) some versions find rejected others as apocryphal.

Until m t e r i a l parallel to his own comes to light (and this

seems in cr easingly likely) we have 110 means yet of k n o w i n g w h a t

really constituted his methodology. Very likely the

character and credentials of his "wise old m e n of the world"

('jig-rten rgan-rabs m k h a s - p a , f. 2 b) who a c t e d as his

informants had much to do with it, as also the substance of

his documentary sources and, not least perhaps, his own

natural bias. A real impartiality, however, can be seen in

the w a y he considers all clans, families and groups to be

w o r t h y of mention; none is singled out for special treatment,

ce rtainly not his own c l a n of the Byar, Wh i l e this is not

dispassionate history (does such a thing exist ?), it does,

seem to contain as fair and bal an ce d an account as any local

ch ro nicler can ever achieve. By contrast, the A d d e n d u m

dealing w i t h the history and rights of t h e W a n g - m a clan is

self-congra tu la to ry an d crud ely parochial in tone, just as

we m ig ht expect of its author, the ruler of a 'one-valley

kingdom' in decline. It must represent the kind of text

w h i c h Ng ag- db ang had to assess and use, though this pa rt ic u la r

one seems more or less contemporary w it h his own work.

Both the rGyal-rigs and the Lo-rgyus come cl os er to

the no tion of 'secular' hist ory than a n y other w o r k k n o w n to

me from' Bhutah. The r e a s o n s for this are quite evident.

Whe reas in the rest of the country civil authority lay in the

hands of powerful religious lineages which were closely

asso ci at ed with va rious Buddhist sects, in the east of the

country the si tuation is quite different. There we find

au th o r i t y vested in the ruling families of local clans, each

of w h i c h enjoyed complete control over its territory. Their

le g i t i m a c y depended on their ab ility to trace a lineage back

to a royal figure and in nearly every case their choice fell

on Prince gTsang-ma. By the ear ly 1 8 th century th ere were,

certainly families of ecclesiastical nobles in the east, ^

n o t ab ly those descending from the 't e x t - d i s c o v e r e r s ' Gu- ru

Chos-dbang, Padma Gling-pa and rDo-rje Gling-pa, but these

are not me nt i on ed b y Ngag-dbang at all. It is a l s o clear •

that some of the 'royal' families, the alleged descendants of

gTsang-ma, had acq ui re d a quasi-religious status as suggested

b y their use of the titles of chos-mdzad and l h a - b t s u n . In

Tibet the latter always denotes a monk of royal ancestry. In

the case of the Wang-ma clan of Yo-gdung we can see in the

A d de nd um / i l l / that its rulers entered into the contractual

relationship of mchod-yon ('priest and patron') with the

abbots of a local branch of the 'Brug-pa school. It appears

to have been the threat posed to this branch b y the ruling

dGe-lugs-pa school in Tibet wh ic h acted, as one of the main,

causes of the 'Brug-pa campaign to take over the area. Thus

by the middle years of the 17th century it could be said that

 6!U

eastern B h u t an was ripe for b e i n g absorbed b y the emergent

theocracy of the west. Nevertheless, d e s pi te these frag me nt ed

precursors of a single religious polity in the east, the

ancient unit of rule there is that of the secular pr in cip ali ty

free of. monkish influence. Even though the h i s t o r y of the

clans which ruled these little principalities w a s w r i tt en b y

a monk, the a b i din g tone of that work r e m ai ns secular to a

degree and, w it h the exception of the opening sec ti on a n d the

relevant myths of origin, the course of hi st ory is w r i t t e n in

terms that are ref reshingly down to earth and prosaic. Even
almost,
though the two works of Ngag-dbang are / (together w i t h the

a u t o b i o g r a p h y /of Padma G l i n g - p a ) , the only extant sources fo r

the history of e a s t e r n Bhutan yet known to us, they seem to

have been ignored by the later religious historians b e c a u s e of

their ' p r o f a n e 1 character. Thus the author of L C B II, who had

access to the text an d w h o indeed provides a little synopsis

of gTs ang-ma's doings on the basis of the r G y a l - r i g s . declines

to make full use of it: "Although there .are endless accounts

of the origins / o f noble families in eastern Bhutan/7", there is

no need to count minute atoms in the w o r l d of existence, and

so /ma tt er s that pertain to/ religion ar e chiefly pu rsued

herein. " (.«, b y u n g - t s h u l mtha '-yas-par ;snang-.yang srid-pa'iJ

rdul-phran bgran g- ba 'i dgos-pa med pas / 'dir gtso-bo chos-kyi

r.jes-su 'brangs-te ... f. 6 8 b)

F o r N gag -d ban g and his contemporaries this counting'of

"minute atoms" was a matter of some urg enc y bec aus e the

legiti mac y of clan rule, even though by 'then subject to the

'Brug-pa theocracy, depended on it. D o 1these "atoms" dispose

themselves into a p at ter n and can that p a t te rn be said to

reflect true history V A n y answers atte mp te d t o these questions

must be of an interim nature pe nding the completion of a great

deal of work on the et hn o l og y of the east and on other

surviving texts. The picture thus gained wi ll then have

to he set against that provided b y ot her clan histories in

Tibet a n d the Himalayas. Nepal seems to be a li kely area

for comparison in view of the texts found there b y L ev in e

(1976), Mac do na l d (1971) and Oppitz (1968).

I take the t e r m s g d u n g . gdung-rus and rus as used b y

N gag -db ang to me an 'clan', literally the 'bone' wh ich is

pa ss ed down the male line as distinct from the flesh and

b l oo d which is thought to pass down the female line. In

Tibet the term pha-spun (' cousin-brothers with the same

father') is sometimes used to refer to the .exogamous clan

(Stein 1972: 95) but in this text it seems to retain its most

literal meaning. The term rigs seems to s i g n i f y 'family' or

'lineage' and is used in a ve ry gen era l and vague sense.

pha-tshan (roughly 'paternal relatives') is used more pr ec is el y

for 'family' in the* sense of a "set of parents and children,

or of relatives, living togeth er or not" (Concise Oxford

Dictionary) . The words rus and gdung seem to b e en tirely

coterminous here (the latter being simply the honorific form)

an<3 gdung-rus can be explained as a pleonastic compound.

Stein (1959b: 3) h o w ev er takes gdung as 'issue' or 'progeny'

("lignee") w hi ch in our text appears m a i n l y as b r g y u d - p a .

Cl e ar ly a 11 these terms, and es pe cially th ei r compounds an d

derivatives, cover a multitude of meanings wh i c h have shifted

from area to area and from period to period. All attempts to

find equivalents in our own language must b e a r in mind S t e i n ’s

caution: "Ce n'est qu'un p i s- al le r et une convention qui ne

doit en rien faire prej ug er du contenu sociologique reel de

ces termes." (loc. cit.) Because of the paucity of m a te ri al

on the a n ci ent clans of Tibet and the way in wh ic h they were

heavily schematised, no scho.lar has yet att em pt ed to define

prec is el y their nature and development. It is difficult

even to suggest a makeshif t model to serve as the prototype.

A reading of the scattered literature on the subject leads

one however to expect that a clan should have the following

features: (1) It should trace its descent f r o m a common

p ro ge ni to r and its diffusion from an ancestral homeland;

(2 ) each clan or sub-clan should have its own he r ed it ar y

ruler and he re ditary vassals; (3 ) clan ma rriages should be

strictly exogamous; (h) each clan should have its own god

wh o is in timately associated with the p er so n of the ruler;

(5) clan t e rr it or y should be well defined. Taking each of

these features, let us see wtiut Ngag-dbang's w o r k permits us

to conclude about the nature of his clans.

C o mm o n descent and d i f f u s i o n , it is surely this

element more than any other which gives a clan its cohesion.

The six ruling clans of the Jo-bo, rJe, Byar, Yas-sde, sTung-

sde and .'Vang-ma are alleged to descend va r i o u s l y from the

sons, g r a n d s o n s and great -grand sons of Prince gTsang-ma hi msel f

The genealo gic al table (no. 8 ) constructed on the basis of

Section II of the rGyal-rigs therefore shows these clans as

collateral lineages and sub-lineages issuing f r o m gTsang-ma.

The names of his immediate descendants w h o ac te d as founders

of the clans all ap pe ar in an odd three-syllable form of

antique appearance, and this pattern is ma i nt ai ne d for anythin g

up to five generations of their own descendants. As we shall

see, however, one such name can be fixed to the year 1 5 0 7 .

The names f u r t h e r down the table take on a very local characte r

many of w h i c h (such as sMan-khyi, Kha-khas, So m - d a r etc.) must

have b e e n p e c u l i a r to this region. Interspersed with these

niliififi
mum

bit

1-Hit! liSi!
i Nil!jtt s||ii
= l l i l l i f If!
t ill!fill 1141
! Ifllllll j!|f!
himhi i|Hi
ilililjili ifill
flpililli
i | ! l i i l f i l l Sillit
l l ! IS 8
are standard names such as Tshe-ring, Ngag-dbang, bSod-nams

d P a l - ’b y o r and so on. L e a v i n g aside for the moment the

fascinating case of the 'b a b u s ’ of Dom-kha and Mur-shing,

the only sure evidence t h a t these pedigrees are at least

pa rtl y his torical lies in the appearance of two members of

the Jo-bo clan, Dar-rgyas and Blo-bzang b s T a n - p a ’i sGron-me,

who were followers of Tha ng-stong rGyal-po (1385-1 k&k) and

the 2nd Dalai L am a (1U75-15H2) respectively. A l s o at the

end of the lines we meet with identifiable figures who are

either m e n t i on ed in the Lo -rgyus for the part they played

during the wars with the ’Brug-pa, or w h o a p p e a r in the

colophon to the rGyal-rigs as among those who requ es ted its

composition. The impression we are left w i t h is that large

stretches of these lines must be g e n u i n e l y de rived from va lid

written a n d oral material. The upper reaches of the tree,

however, seem to be m o s t l y mytholo gi cal ly inspired,' The

delightful folk etymologies wh ic h Ngag-dbang app li es to the

names of the clans themselves give us to think that their

true origin had long since b e e n forgotten. It w o u l d also b e

most unreasonable to expect all the clans to descend in fact

from gTsang-ma and we are certainly entitled t o doubt w h e t h e r

he had an y de scendants at ail in the area. Until more texts

are found it is impossible to say where the myths end a n d

true his tory begins. Vhat is important meanwhile is the

claim of common clan origin; the pains taken b y Ngag-dbang

to substantiate the claim were really directed towards giving

the motley peoples of the east a unified identity. A single

structural principle and a single mythological scheme se rved

to account for the heteroge nei ty that existed among the clans

and lineages. N g a g - d b a n g ’s abi ding aim is to give them a ,

corporate existence. Could this aim have caused him to ignore

schemes that did not fit the pattern at all ? The A d d e n d u m

/ I / on the Wa ng -m a shows that it traced its line back to a

certain bzh i- kh ri bTsan-po, but in its h o p e l e s s l y garbled

account of the Tibetan kings the name is ap pl ied to a br o t h e r

of Ral -pa-can whose descendants come to Mon-yul; v er y likely

gTsang-ma in strange guise and not some rival figure* A

feature of th e rGyal-rigs which really a p p ea rs to throw some

doubt on its overall scheme is the treatment a c cor de d to the

rJe clan d e s c en d i ng from Khri-brtan-dpal, and to the ’babus'

of Dom-kha and Mur-shing,

The ext raordinary profusion of the collateral br a nc he s

of the rJe are disposed into a medley of independent units

ge ne r a l l y d esc ri bed as .'royal families' (r g y a l - r i g s ) * By

rights the name rJe should a p p l y t o this wh ol e multitude j

acting as a single clan, but in fact it is foupd only once

or title
either ,
on f. 1hb w h e r e it is given/as the clan name 7 of K h ri - b r t a n -

dpal himself, and it ne v e r recurs in the way the other clan

names do. If a l l the 'royal families' wh o s e descent Ng ag -dbang

traces from Khri-brtan-dpal h a d really co n s i d e r ed themselves

members of this clan, surely its name wo uld have cropped up

again here and there. The Addendum / l and II/ 7 provides a

partial co rr obo ra tio n of the pedigree of the ki ngs of gC en-

mk ha r who w e r e closely as s o ci at ed with t h e Wa n g ~ ma sub-clan

of Yo-gdung. Th ey figure in the main w o r k un d e r the general

clan name of rJe b ut the Adde nd um containing the records of

the Yo- gdung Wan g-ma has no mention of the name at all. Was

there indeed a clan called rJe at all ?■ If not, then seme,

of these ruling families might have funct ion ed outside the

clan system in the same way, for instance, as the gPung of

Bum-thang (see the next section). They may ind eed represent
 some e a rly s t a g e in the "break-up of t h e old clans even

before the *Brug-pa campaign* Whatever t h eir true social

position, they do a p p e a r to have considered themselves as

p r e s erving g T s a n g - m a fs !b o n e f a nd like the true clans they

trace t h e i r g e o g raphical dif f u s i o n back to a p l ace called

„Mi-zim-pa w h i c h is said to be at bTsan-rmkhar in fB r o n g - m d o -

gsum. A c c o r d i n g to one informant, b T s a n - m k h a r is supposed

J
to be in the area be t w eensKur-stod and Mong-sgar, close to

a n o t h e r place c a l l e d sDom-mkhar. However, n e i t h e r the name

Mi-zim-pa n or 1B r o n g - m d o - g s u m seem to be r e m e m b e r e d now* The

Addendum f u r t h e r confirms that Mi-zim-pa w a s r e g a r d e d as

the ancestral h o m e l a n d b y a l l the ruling clans. Its p r o p e r

i d e n t i f i c a t i o n remains an urgent necessity.

The other point which casts some s u s p icion on N g ag-

d b a n g ^ w o r k is his tr ea tm e n t of the so -ca lle d fb a b u s f of

Shar Dom-kha a n d M u r - s h i n g w h o a r e a l l e g e d to descend from

s P r a n g - p o - d a r of the sByar clan. There are some u n e x p e c t e d

references to this line of rulers in the Blue A n n a l s of fGos

L o - t s a - b a , the IHo-brag. c h o s - Tb y ung of dPa'-bo g T s u g - l a g and

in the a u t o b i o g r a p h y of Padma Gling-pa, all of which

complement each o t her in a most p l e a s i n g manner. In the

Blue A n n a l s we read that at a time when the first Karma-pa"

incarnation, Dus-gsurn mKhyen-pa (1110-1193)* was staying in

a m o n a s t e r y called Bya-lkog:

/ der mu- dbon-la m t h o n g - s n a ng b z an g- po m a n g - d u by ung /

sp;am-po-pas lung-bstan-nas tsha bre Inga bs na ms - n a s
mon-gyi rgyal-po "ga-thung-gi sar b.yon / "des yo n - b d a g
byas-nas s h a - 1'ug-stag-sgor byon-nas bzhugs / (Nya fT 33a)

M u - d b o n h a d m a n y excellent visions there. After

s Qam - p o - p a had made a p r o p h e c y ,/Dus-gsurn m K h y e n - p a /
took w i t h him five measures of salt and w e n t to the
place of G a - t h u n g King of Mon, A f t e r he /the k i n g /
h a d b e c o m e his patron, /Dus-gsurn m K h y e n - p ^ 7 w e n t to
S h a - ' u g sTag-sgo and resided there.

Mr, R i c h ardson has pointed out to me that a work in his

pos session wh i c h contains b r i e f lives of the Ka r m a - p a

incarnations has a reference to the same incident. It

adds the in for mat io n that the ling's Tibetan co nsort ac te d

as inter pre te r for Dus- gsu m mKhyen-pa on this occasion.

Further c or ro bor at ion is p r o v id ed b y dPa'-bo gT sug -la g in a

passage wh i c h speaks of a descendant of Ga-thung making a

visit to the 7th Karma-pa incarnation, C h o s -g ra gs rGya-mtsho

( 1 U 5 U - 1 5 0 6 ), w hi l e the la tter was staying in the district of

Dwags-po in so ut h- ea s te rn Tibet:

/ sngon r.je d us- mk hy en mon dom-.tshan.g-du sgrub-pa

mdzad- dus -k yi sb.yin-bdag mon-gyl rgyal-po g w a - t h u n g -
gi rgyud-pa mon / tsang-mi''/ ka -t sa -r a 7 r gy a- ga r-
ste re-re-la khri-tsho re yod-pa 'i bdag -po mon
rgyal-po don-g rub m jal-du sleb /r"1 bul-z hab s dpag-med
byas / sras-po gcig phul-ste m on -d u dgbn^'gnas debs"
pa r zhus "“7 gnas- che n dom-tshang~rong-gi sbyin -b dag .
bg y i d - p a r by as -t e r d o r - 1 dz'in bsk os-pas gnas d a r -
rgya's -s u g.yur / '(P h a ~ f 7 T l 6 a) '

Don-grub K ing of Mon arrived to pay a visit, be in g

the descendant of Gwa-thung Ki ng of Mon who in
anci ent times had b e e n a patron w h i l e the Lord
Dus^-g s u ^ _ m K h y e n / - p a / was me d it at in g at Dom -t sh an g
in Mon, /He, Don -g ru b J was the owner of myriarchies,
one a m o n g each / g r o u p of the/ Mon, Tsang-mi, K a - t s a- ra
and Indians. He made limitless offerings. He gave a
son / o f his to Chos-grags rG ya -mt sh o/ and requested
h i m to found a m on as te ry in Mon, As he d e c l a r e d that
he would act as the patron of the great shrine of
Dom-tshang-rong, an abbot (lit. va,i ra dh ar a) was
appoi nte d there and so the shrine came to flourish.

L at e r in his life t he same Karma-pa met’ a n o t h e r king whom I

take to be a son of Don-grub:

/ der s h a r-mon-gyi rKy a l - p o jo-'bag d p o n - K . y o g

mang-po innal-bar sleb / Tbul-ba m t h a - y a s /
k h on g- ra ng -y an g g t s u g -phu_d_phul-zhi'ng bstan-pa.
'dzugs-par zhus / (Pha f. 127a)

There / i n Ko ng - p o / Jo-'bag King of E a s t e r n Mon

came with a large par ty of attendants to visit
/C ho s - g r a g s rGya-mtsho/. Infinite offerings w e r e i
made an d he__himself offered his tonsure and
req ue st ed / Ch os -g ra gs rGya-mtsho/ to establish the
teachings / i n M org.

As it turns out, Pa dm a Gling-pa corroborates this passage in

a most interesting and detailed account of hi s own visit to

Jo-'bag, b u t bef or e looking at that, here is dPa'-bo

g T s u g - l a g 1s notice of a f i n a l visit b y J o - ’b a g ’s son to

the Karma-pa of his own day, Mi-skyod rDo-rje (1507-155U).

This son is none ot h e r than sPrang-po-dar w h o m Ng ag -d b a n g

claims to be the ancestor of all the ‘b a b u s 1 of Shar Dom-

kha and Mur-shing (r G y a l - r i g s . f . 2b a-b) .

/ ’di-las ches sng on-tsam-du mon rgyal-po g wa -

thung-gi brgyud-pa n o - ’bag-gi sras gces-ming
spran g- po- da r zer-ba-de blon-po kh ri -dpon bzhi
dang-bcas-pas m.lal-du sleb-ste kho-rang-gl
sk ra-yang phul / g o 1i "s h r i !i la s-kha gnang /
' ^ b u l - b a - n i m t h a ’-yas-par by as -c in g blo n-po
sin-ta-kas k ya ng kh ya d- p a r -d u mchod / (Pha f . 225b)

Quite a long time befor e this the pe r so n known b y

the affectionate nickname of sPrang -p o- da r
( ‘Fl our ish ing Beggar') who was the son of J o - ’bag,
hi ms elf the descendant of Gwa-thung K in g of Mon,
ar rived to see / M i - s k y o d rDo- together with
four ministers and my ri ar c hs ^ He even offered
his tonsure. He was g i v e n /the in it iation of
Go i - s h n l l a s - k h a . He made infinite offerings
a n d the minister Sin-ti-ka also made a special gift.

All the above passages are cited in Stein (1959a:

1 8 6 - 1 8 7 ) in his analysis of the geographical framework to

the Ge-sar epic, taking them to support^ his idea that the

people of Mon can be located not only in the Him al ay an ranges

but also in the Sino-Tibe tan marches. He interprets King

Ga-thung (or Gwa-thung) to be a sort of: leg en da ry or divine

ancestor of the Mon, allied to the Ge-thung ‘Ki n g of d M u ‘

who is invoked in a bsangs ritual, to t'he sacred mountain Of

dGe-tho in the Am ny e Machen range, an d to K h r o - t h u n g (alias

Ge-thung or G e r - t h u n g ) , the paternal uncle and antagonist of

the hero Ge-sar. This complex of gods, mountains and epic

figures has its pr oper location in the eastern borderlands,

but S t e i n ’s discovery of Ga-thung in the passage from the

Blue A nnals qu oted above, whe re the king is pla ce d in Mon,

an area no rmally thought to bor der on India, caused him to

review the geographical orientation of the myth. He read the

first passage from d P a ’-bo gTsug-lag as a sort of gloss on

 613

the episode related in Blue A n n a l s * w r o n g l y taking the wh ole

account to re fer t o a vi si t of K in g Don-grub, descendant of

Ga-thung, to the first Karma-pa Dus-gsum mKhyen-pa, whereas

it clearly applies to a visit paid to the seventh i n c ar na ­

tion Chos-grags rGya-mtsho w h i l e the latter was staying in

Dwags-po. In this way Ga-thung acquired a p u r e l y ancestral -

quality in S t e i n ’s eyes, one which aligned with his mythological

preoccupations. The unexplained appearance of somebody called

Mu -dbon in the Blue Annals passage was taken to refer to a

"uterine nephew" of the dMu deities over w h o m Ge - th un g (of

"khe bsangs-.yig) ruled as king, While conceding a southern

location to some of the kings of Mon on the unambiguous

evidence of dPa'-bo g T s u g - l a g ’s first p a s sa ge (but placing

them w r o n g l y in D w a g s - p o ) , Stein then took the reference in

the next passage to Jo -'bag as ’’King of Eastern Mon" to

provide the desired link with the scene- of t h e epic. Finally,

the description of J o - ’bag as "descendant of Gwa-thung" in

the last of the passages quoted from d P a ’-bo g Ts ug -l ag led

Stein to his statement; "II est done certain.que Ga-thung,

roi des Mon, se refere a un pr emier ancetre dont seraient

issus aussi b i e n les Mon du Sud que les Mon de l ’Est".

The Bhutanese records not only contradict these in te r p r e t a ­

tions but serve to put the whole subject on firm ground. The

four "Kings of Mon" (Ga-thung, Don-grub, J o - ' b a g and sPrang-

po-dar) all b e l o n g to a single historical lineage stretching

from the twelfth to the sixteenth centuries and al l of them

were patrons of the Karma-ea incarnations of their day.

d P a ’-bo gTsu g- la g ma y wel l have met sPrang-po-dar on the

occasion of his visit to Mi-skyod rDo-rje who was his own

teacher. He was quite aware of the tradi ti ona l links b e tw ee n

these kings and the Karma-pa; twice he recalls the figure of

J
Ga -t hu ng w h o hud forged the link w'th the first incarnation,

p r e s en ti ng him not as the legendary ancestor of the kings

of Mon h u t as their historical forebear who had initiated

the special relationship with his own school. He was also

pe rf ec tl y aware of the true location of the area ruled by

these kings; "Eastern Mon" (or "The Mon to the East") was

situated east of p ro t o - B h u t a n (i.e. Mon proper) an d not in

eastern Tibet. Thanks to the Bhutanese records we can be

even more exact. The kings had their palace in the village

of Dom-kha wh i c h a Survey of India map for 1917 shows to lie

at an altitude of 6 , 9 7 0 feet, two miles east of Moshing

(Mur-shing of the rGya l - rig s ) in the southern part of the

Ka me ng F r o n t i e r District of Ar un achal Pradesh.

Padma Gling-'':a first met "King J o - ’p ha g Dar-ma of

Shar Dong-kha" in 150U.while he was engaged in constructing

the temple of gTam -z hi ng (iHun-grub Chos-gling) which is

still to be s e e n in the C h o s - fk h o r va l le y of Bu m-t han g to

7
this day. While the king was staying there, Padma Gling-pa

was ch allenged by a rival to demonstrate his mi ra culous

powers and so he claims to have implanted his fo ot print on

a stone. W e e p i n g with faith, the king be g g e d hi m for it but

the chief of Chos-'khor, Kun -t hub b y name, in s is te d that the

stone should be kept in the temple. Later, however, it was

pr es en te d to one C h o s -rje Yan g- ld an rTse-pa. S o m e .four years

later in 1 5 0 7 emissaries from the king arrive to invite

Padma Gling-pa to Dong-kha and so we are treated to a quite

detailed de scr iption of the king's court (ff, l 6 2 a - l 6 I*b).

Af t e r a journey of thirtee n days Padma Gl ing-pa ar rived at a

place called Du ng -mtsho Karma -t han g where he was met b y

ki ng accompanied b y fifteen horsemen and b y soldiers we ar ing

armour. He was invited to sit in "an Indian litte r adorned

 Iw/vl

with a d r a g o n ’s h ea d and precious jewels" (r g y a ’i ’do-li

’brug-mgo dang / r i n - p o - c h e ’l n o r - b us br g y a n - p a - z h i g

f. 162a). He declined it and, riding a horse w i t h silken

reins, he a rr iv ed at an open g r ou nd where all sorts of flood

inc luding sugar cane and rgu-ba (?) had "been p r e p a r e d after

the Indian manner. Padma Gling-pa pauses here in his

narrative to reflect on the result of his visit. The

syntax of this pas sage is quite muddled hut the sense is

clear:

/ de-nas ph o- b r a ng -d u s l e h s - p a ’i dus-nas b z u n g -
s'te /r gya l- p o d e fi yab-mes-nas lo nyi -s hu- rt sa-
lnga T^un^las'"“ml^thub*^pa T T r T ^ d a n g 7 ~ ¥ i ^ u n g ”
Z F sn y u n g / - dus ri m - g r o - l a - y a n g "’
/ mi dang ra l n g a -
br.gya-tsam dang / ha glang gtos-che-ha h s a d- na s
k h r a g - m c h o d - k y i s dbang-ph.yu g -chen-po gs o 1 a g o s -
pa-la / s r o g - g c od d a n g s d ig-pa i nye s -d m ig s - k y i s .
.jlgs-te / sprul-sku zhwa-nag-pa-Ia s k y a h s - z h u s -
dus lo gsum-gyi skyahs m d z a d y de-rjes 'bda g - g i s '*
hskyabs-pas lo so-dgur thuh-cing / de-dus sras-
yang fk h rungs / sdig-pa-rnams hyed ma -d gos-so /
(Pha,"' "f , T 5 2 b )

Prom the time of that k i n g ’s a n c e s t o r ’s they had

to kill ahout five hundred humans and goats and
an enormous number of cows a n d h u l l s to supplicate
the great §iva with bloo d- of fe ri ng s on a c c o u n t
of a demon which pr ev e n t e d them from reaching the
age of twenty-five, and a l s o as a ceremo ny at
times of 'illness. Fearful of the ka rm ic p u n i s h ­
ment w h i c h would befal l him for^killing an d
/ o t h e r such acts of7 evil, h© / K i n g Jo - 'p ha g Dar-
ma/ took refuge with the Black Hat Incarnation who
protected’ him for a p e r i o d of three years.
Subsequently, from the time I arr ived at the
palace I was able to pro/ect h i m a n d so for thirty-
nine years he was able /to refrain f ro m b l o o d
sacrifices/. Du ring that p e r i o d a son was b o r n to
him a n d there was no occasion f o r h i m to commit
acts of evil.

Padma Gling-pa was then led along a path lined with huge :j

butter lamps which took him up to the threshold of the palace.

Inside he was taken to a very fine Indian throne in the

assembly room, to the right of which stood m a n y images

including a, Va jr ad h a r a to the height of a man w hi ch was said

to have b e l o n g e d to the king's father, all su rr ounded w i t h ’

*

i
ritual objects of gold and silver. On the fol lo wi ng day

he b e s t o w e d c e r ta in private initiations on the king and gave

a public b l e s s i n g to his subjects who p r ese nt ed him w i t h

various offerings. There follows a long list of the

pre cious objects, textiles and animals which the king

offered to him on the next day. During-the co ur se of his ~

stay at Dom-kha, a certain Raja of Kamata p a i d h im a visit:

/ de-dus rgya- g ar k a - m a -t a ’i ra-dza yan g m j a l- du

b y u n g - zhing ~7 m j a l - d a r -la dar-yug dkar dmar khra
gsum rbul-zhi ng g u s - p a ri s g o - na s phyap;-- rts ha 1 -b a -
dang / k h on g-yang rgya-gar-gyi rgyal-po stobs-chen
yin-pas""7 b d a g - g i s - k y an g langs-nas "bsdad-paTs 7 ■
bda g-gi rkang-pa-la lag-pas reg-nas / kh o- r a n g - g i
igo-thog-tu^ ya'ng p h y a g ^ "
bt s al -t e p h y i - ’gros b.yas-te song /~( P h a . f f . 1 6 3 b -1 6 Ua )

A t that time the Raja of Kamata also came to see me ^

and offered a length of white, red, and s t r i p e d silk
as a ce re monial scarf and made his obeisance in a
devoted manner. Thereupon, since he was a most
powerful king of India, I my self st ood up and waited.
Touching my foot with his h a n d , ‘he placed.it upon
his own head. A f t e r p ro st ra ti ng once again, he went
outside and departed.

Before reverting to Padma G l i n g - p a fs narr at iv e to

consider w h a t it tells us about the kings of Dom-kha, some

thought must be g i v e n to this Raja and the reason for his

appearance in the area. The ancient Hindu kin gd om of Kamata

was si tuated at a ve r y co nsiderable distance from the scene'of

these events and had its capital, Kamatapur, on the w e s t bank

of the Dharla river in m o d e r n Go o c h Bihar, that is to say in

the plains of Arest Bengal bord er in g on w e s t e r n Bhutan. The

ruins of the c it y ar e carefully described in H u n t e r ( 1 8 7 6 :

362-370), The kingdom w a s co nquered b y Hu sa yn Shah, the

Moslem Sultan or Wawab of Bengal, and the capital destroyed.

The date of this has long been a subject of debate am ong

scholars but af t e r a careful consideration of ail the co n ­

flicting li terary sources and with fresh ep ig raphic and

numi sm at ic evidence to hand, D i g b y (1973:601) has decided

that the conquest must have taken place sometime be t w e e n

the years 1501 and 1505. There appears to have su rvived

into the early nineteenth c e n tu ry a semi-oral tradition

to the effect that Nilambhar, the last Raja of Kamata,

escaped from the destruction of his capital and f l e d to the

mount ain s from wh e r e he wo u l d one day return to restore the

kingdom and drive out the Bhutanese, Assamese, K o c h and

Yavana people (Buchanan-Hamilton 1838:10 and H u n t e r 1876:

370). Although the whole subject deserves much m o r e i n v es ti ­

gation, it seems we are forced t o the conclusion that the

Raja of Kamata w h o m Padma Gling-pa met in 1507 was none

other than Nilam bha r himself w h o mu st have f le d to these

mountains during the Moslem invasion of his kingdom. The

meeting with Padma Gl ing-pa was not as entirely fortuitous

as we might suppose. Nilambhar*s forebears had received

probably included
Buddhist lamas at th e i r court* they / the great br id ge -

build ing saint Thang-stong rGyal-po (1 385-1 ) wh ose visit

is descr ibe d pa rt ly in mythical terms on ff. 1h 9b - 1 5 3 a of his standarc

biography. Long bef ore that Pha-jo ’Br ug-sgom Zhig-po

(1162-1251) r e c e i ve d presents from "King Bhra-nan-la of

rGya K a - m a - r t a ,f (ff, 36b-37a of his r n am -t ha r) . All this

helps to explain the excessive respect which Raja Nilambhar

showed in greeting Padma Gling-pa, which is suggestive of

sentiments one would not n o rm al ly credit to a H i n d u monarch.

The implication of the passage is that, hearing of the

presence of a famous Buddhist in the area, he deliberately

sought him out to receive his d a r s h a n . As we have seen, the

court of King J o - ’phag Darma maintained a quasi-Indian

character and that ■too suggests that N i l a m b h ar w o u l d not

have felt com pletely out of place in this situation.

Alth oug h King Jo-'phag Darma, his lamas and officers

(d p o n - p o ) all requ es te d Padma Gling-pa to stay at Dom-kha

for a wh ol e year, he left af te r eleven days on a return

journey that took him north to Oirang. He was a c c o m p a n i e d

part of the w a y h y the king and a party of musi ci an s w ho

pla y e d "lots of music af t e r the m a n n e r of the co untry" (y u l -

lugs-k.yi rol-rtsed du-ma dang-bcas-te / f. 1 6 l|.a) . He had to

w e a r ar mo ur h i m s e l f on this journey as a pr o t e c t i on against

the K h a -k hr a (lit. "The Striped Mouths", pe rhaps the A ka

tri besmen wh o live in the area immediately to the east). The

ki ng took his leave at Phu-dung. Padma Gling-pa at this

point explains that the king was m e nt io ne d in the ’p r o p h e c y 1

of the Ku n - g s a l me-long as an incarnation of ’O- b r a n dBang-

phyug wh o wo u l d perform services to Padma Gling-pa. The next

stage of the journey took the saint to the King of Di rang

(Dung fDi-rang) w h o s e ped ig re e is t r a c e d in the rG.yal-rigs

(f.29a) to the Jo -bo clan of lHa'u. The A d d e n d u m places

the Kings of sDi-rang (sic) among a list of s e v e n k in gs who

sp r e a d from the ancestral homeland of Mi-zim-pa. A f t e r be in g

en te r t a i n e d b y the king, Padma Gling-pa pr oc e e d e d to the

temple of O - r g y a n - g l i n g close to rTa-dbang rDzong (not yet built)

v/here he had m a n y famil y connections. (The 6 th Dalai Lama wjio

was born in the vil la ge of Be r- mkhar close b y t r a c e d his

descent from Padma G l in g- pa on the strength of these connections,

b ut more of that later.) Next he went to b D e - s t o n g - m k h a r wh e r e

he was re ceived by sTong-sde rGyas-pa-dar (f. l 6 ifb). This is

w i t ho ut que st io n the place called ’D u s - s t u ng -m kh ar in the

rG.yal-rigs (f. 26b) w h e r e a branc h of the sTung-sde clan is said

to have settled. That work locates it in the vi llage of Zangs-

lung(-pa) wh ic h fe atures as Sanglung in the Survey of India,

map of 1920, just insi 1e the present b o r d e r of Bhutan, north­

east of b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g rDzong. The qual ifi cat ion of

rGyas-pa-dar as sTong-sde (~ sTung-sde) is the second of

just two references I can find in Padma Gling-pa to the

clan names that appear in the r G y a l - r i g s ; the first, to the

Jo-bo clan of L a - ’og Yul-gsum, comes on f. 95b. However,

he only seems to have visited this area on ab ou t three

occasions and his accounts are extremely brief. Nevertheless,

they do provide independent testimony to the existence of

these clans in the sixteenth century. P/hat is more, the

transposition a n d al te rnation of ’Dus-stu ng -/ sT un g- sd e a n d

bD e - s t on g- /s To ng -s de must have some bearing upon the formation

of clan eponyms and toponyms, and on the nature of the other

- sde clan ( Y a s - s d e ) .

While' the term ’b a b u ’ does not carry in Bhutanese

the pejorative associations which it has in An gl o- I n d i a n

idiom, for Ng ag- dba ng it certainly refers to a pe rson of

lesser status than a ’king'. He uses the t e r m in his work to

refer to the pe tty mlers from t h e north wh o obtained a degree

of po we r over Indian subjects to the south. In the case of

the ruling f a m i l y of Dom-kha he wa s aware of only one of

th e i r line, sPrang-po-dar, w h o had flourished in the 16th

century some two hundred years or so before he wrote his work.

As we have seen, Ngag- dba ng was absol ut el y m i st a k e n in

supposing that sP rang-po-dar was the founder of the lineage^

There existed a long line before him s tr etc hi ng b ac k at

least to the 1 2 th ce nt u r y a d probably further still, of

wh ich Nga g-d ba ng was quite ignorant, Somehow these ’babus?'

had to be a c c o u n t e d f o r and so they were squ ee ze d into the

sByar clan alle ged ly descending from Prince gTsang-ma. The

successive demotion of the ruler from ’Ki ng of M o n ’ and

’King of Eastern M o n ’ (in d P a ’-bo gTsug-lag), to 'King of

Dom-kha* (in Padma Gling-pa), to *babu* (in Ngag-dbang)

must surely reflect certain social and political realities.

The A h o m dynasty of A s s a m b et ween the 1 6 th and 18th

centuries was on the ascendant, cutting back the aut ho ri ty

of the hill people on the fringe of the plains. Pr o m t h e

other end, the dGe-lugs-pa School of Tibet was a l r e a d y J

estab li sh ed in the area of Mon-yul by the 1 6 th century, and

later converted some of their monasteries into forts. The

mo na st e ry of Shar sTag-lung founded by' Jo -b o gSum-pa, alias

Blo-bzang bsTan-pa*i sGron-me (see r G y a l - r i g s . f. 30b) is .

shown on the Survey of India map of 1917 as a fort ('Talung

D z o n g 1), an d it lies just a few miles south of Dom-kha.

Sand wic hed b e t w e en the expanding sovereignties of Tibet and

Assam, the kings wh om dPa'-bo gTsug-lag tells us once

po ss es se d *m y r i a r c h i e s * (k h r i -t sh o) among their own Mon-pa

people, among the Tsang-mi (now the Tsangla speakers of

eastern Bhutan spilling over into K a m e n g ) , the Ka-t sa- ra :

(probably the Akas or i J i s )., and among the Indian border

peoples, ult imately b e c a m e just one noble fa mily among many.

Almost certainly the chief of the family was one of the

'Seven Rajas' known to the Ahoms towards the end of their

dynasty, w hos e fate was described by Gait (1926:311-312) in

these words: "East of the Bhutan Duars of Darrang is another,

k no wn as the Ko ri a p a r a Duar, wh i c h wa s held b y c e r ta in Bhutia

chiefs ca lled Sat Rajas, whose hills form part of the province

of Towang, an outlying dependency of Lhassa. here also, there

were numerous outrages and disputes until 181|3 , w h e n the local

chiefs ceded t h e Duar in return for an annual payment of

Rs. 5 >0 0 0 , or one-third of the supposed revenue, w h i c h is

h an de d over to them e v er y year at the time of the Udalguri

fair." Unlike the ruling families of eastern Bhutan w ho did

not survive the i mpo sit io n of fBrug-pa rule, those of the

Mon-yul corridor seem to have outlasted the dGe-lugs-pa

regime that was thrust upon them. Do they survive today ?

Who were the 'Seven R a j a s ’ of the area and can we identify

them in the rGyal-rigs ? Did they al l make h u m a n sacrifices

to Siva on one side a n d act as 'patrons' of famous Buddhist

saints on the other ? Who indeed were these Mon-pa and

wh er e did they come from ? What was the true substance

of their myths of origin 7 The answers to th ese riddles,

and. to m a n y of those which also confound the early history

of eas te rn Bhutan, all lie locked a wa y in t h e Ka m e n g

F r o n t i e r District to which access is not now possible. Mean­

while we shall have to be content with stumbling ar ou nd the

rG.yal-rigs in order to continue the discussion on N g a g - d b a n g 's

clans, some of w h i c h have begun to look like pseudo-clans.

He re di t ar y rulers and v a s sa ls . : Al l the ruling

families are shown to have origins external t o the communities

wh ich they govern, ha vi n g attained their p o si ti on e i t h e r b y

conquest or, more usually, b y invitation of their subjects.

Once establ is hed the office of ruler passes down the male line,

but not ne ce ss ar ily ac cor di ng to primogeniture. Thus

'kingship* should n e v e r arise spo nt an eo us ly wi t h i n a commu nit y

but always by external intervention. The claim to a 'foreign'

origin may si m p l y derive from a need to invest the line with

prestigious attributes that were felt lacking in the c o mm un it y

itself. The true co nditi on of barbarism is "the absence of a

gra ded or de r be t w e e n ruler and s u b j e c t s '1 (rje-'bangs-kyi r i m -

pa m e d - p a ) ; all the benefits of civilisation ensue from that

order once it is established. What is never really made clear

in Section II is the relationship b e t we en the ruling clans and

their subjects. Was it one of kinship or one of social

position ? The picture gai ne d from the fr agm ent ar y testimony

provided in the A d de ndu m suggests that the rulin g families

w h ic h constituted the sub-clans of the W a n g- ma were an elite

group w h o w e r e not related b y b lood with their subjects.

Section V of the rG.yal-rigs provides a list of twenty-six

"clan names w h i c h differentiate the families </of subjectsT*"

(pha-tshan so-sor 'phye-ba'i rus-k.yi m i n g . f. 45a) • Althou gh

I showed the list to m any people native to the area, none of

them could recognise a single name or provide a n y information.

We must conclude that these subject clans, like those of t h e

ruling clans, have also disappeared without trace. One

wonders if they each h a d th e i r own he re di t a r y leaders who

acted as vassals to the ’kings' and if the office of gt so -rgan

(literally, 'chief elder') might have been their traditional

privilege. The A dd en dum ^ T l l / p r o v i d e s ;a list of eleven

incumbents (one of them a c t i n g jointly w it h his son) but it

does not really indicate w h e th er the office w a s here di tar y in

a single family or w h e t h e r it rotated in the community at large.

In ea st ern Bhu ta n and am ong the Mon-pa of Ka m e n g today the

gtso-rgan is the district headman, the equivalent of the 'gap'

(r g a d - p o ) in w e s t e r n Bhutan. Opinions v a r y as to w h e t h e r the

office should rotate in the district or pass down in a family.

O nly in one instance can we be sure that there ex is te d a

vassal lineage. The A d d e n d u m l y j provides a list of eleven

generations in the lineage of an Assamese fam ily called the

Tha- khu r who owed allegiance to the Yo-gdung Wan g-m a clan. The

' m yr ia rc hs 1 (K h r i - d p o n ) of the Dom-kha kings w e r e certainly their

vassals bu t we do not know how they obtained office.

Exogamous m a r r i a g e . The genealogical table unfortunately

does not reveal much information about the prevailing marrih ge

 <263

system but we can c o n f i d e n tl y assume that the ruling

families never obtained wives from wi th in their own clans.

Exogamy appears to be a sine qua non for al l true clan

systems in the area of Tibet and the Himalayas. The only

marriages noted in the rGyal-rigs are those of ( 1 ) gTsang-ma

himself to a lady of the Tibetan A-mi clan, (2) Gong-dkar-

rgyal and rGyal-gdung *Ji g- stang-la wh o took two a n d four

wives respectively, from w h o m separate clans a n d lineages

descend, and (3) rGyal-mtshan Grags-pa and Dar-rgyas, b ot h

members of the Jo -bo clan, whose marriages were most probably

intended to create political alliances with o th er clans.

Except in the case of the p ol ygamous marriages for which the

details are lacking, all these unions w er e u n q ue st io na bly

exogamous. However, they cannot be taken b y themselves to

prove the general rule of exogamy. 7/e can per haps find a

hint of it in N g a g - d b a n g ’s opening verses where he speaks of

"^/this/ 7 ve r y time w h e n families and lineages (or clans) have

become d i s o r d e r e d 1' (rlgs-rus 'chol-bar s o n g - b a !i du's-nyid,

f. 2b). How else could this confusion have occurred except

b y a b r e a k i n g of the marriag e rules ? Today the western

Bhutanese s o m e t i m e s .say that the easterners are "extremely

choosy" when it comes to matters of marriage, as compared with

themselves and o th er groups in the country. If this is correct

then the greater ci rcumspection which the ea st erners display

in selecting a br ide may perhaps be a vestige of the old and

strict rule of clan exogamy.

Clan g o d s . The clans that survive a m on g the Sherpas

and Nyinbas of Nepal each have an ancestral god whose cult

reinforces the clan's unity on specific, seasonal occasions.

These are called pho-lha ('god of the male'), b u t in Tibet they

w ere in rec ent times called p h a -lha ( 1 fathe r - g o d ’) or phug-lha

( ’god of the inner c l o s e t ’). ‘ The clan myths link these

deities to the person of the c l a n ’s founder and f ro m him

the relationship is passed down his lineage encompa ssi ng

the whole clan. M u c h of the early my tho log y of Tibet and

her kings is concerned with.gods who must have first

functioned as clan gods. However, with the exception of

the ’r o y a l ’ deities, it is difficult to trace the associ ati on

of any of the early Tibetan clans (whose interactions would

be the m a i n concern of the hi st o r i a n if their texts had

survived) with one partic ula r deity. Similarly, the total

silence which Ngag-dbang preserves on the subject does not

nec essarily indicate the ab sence of such cults among the

clans of eastern Bhutan. Even he, ’the K a r m o n i s e r ’ , w o u l d

have found it impossible to maintain the pre -eminence of

gTsang-ma as their common ancestor and at the same time

speak of their individual hierophanies. Nevertheless, as

we shall see in t h e next section to this chapter, w he n

Ngag-dbang turned his at te nt io n to groups w h o m he did not

wish to include in his structured principle of descent from

gTsang-ma, i.e. to subject clans w it hi n his area an d to

ruling families bo rde rin g on his area, he was able to aba ndon

his art ificial framework in such a way.as to give us a

glimpse of these hierophanies.

Clan ter r i t o r y . It is quite clear from the Ad den dum

(IV and V) that the clan principalities had well rec ognised

bor ders (s a- mt sh am s ) . The ’k i n g s ’ of these pri ncipalities

ruled their territories from defensive buildings called

'royal castles' (rgy al -m kh ar ) wh ic h provided the names for

their respective capitals. No less than tw en ty- fou r place-

names appear in the text with the -rnkhar affix. ~ The area

covered b y these names extends far beyond the Tsangla speakin

districts: to the west as far as Nya-mkhar in the Kheng

district of Mang-sde-lung, to the east as far as dPal-mkhar

in Arunachal Pradesh, and to thu north across the main

watershed to a place called mTsho-sna bSe-ba-mkhar. The

latter pr o b a bl y represents the uppermost reaches of the so-

called Mon-yul Corridor. To these can he added a fur ther five

sites in the C h o s - ’kh or valley of Burn-thang whose names were

supplied to me b y Slob-dpon Padma-lags: lCag-mkhar, gSham-

9
mkhar, lCam-mkhar, rGyal-mkhar and G o n g - m k h a r , It was

tentatively suggested in Section 2 above that ICags -m kh ar might

o riginally have been.a defensive settlement of the prehistoric

period. All that we can say with reasonable certainty is that

rakh&r of C h o s - ’k hor do not ap pe a r to, fit the ge neral

pat ter n for the area fur ther east which is made up of single

castles dominating entire principalities of the nature of ’one-

valley k i n g d o m s ’. A detailed investigation of the present

toponomy of eastern Bhutan in contrast to the pl ac e-names

preserved in the rG.yal-rigs and L o - r g y u s , combined with a

physical examination of the surviving ruins of these m k h a r .

wi ll eve ntually tell us a great deal about the h i s t o r y and

ancient function of these buildings among the peoples speaking

the languages of Bum-thang, Tsangla and Mon-pa. Those who have

seen the ruins- describe them as stone towers of square c o n ­

struction and we do not have to look fa r to find parallels in

Tibet: "Prom the seventh century onwards Chinese historians

associate these people ,/the C h ’iang7 with monumental stone

structures, like towers or fortresses, which are still fo und

among them, but are al so to be seen in Kongpo and L h o tr ak (in

south-eastern T i b e t ) , and are app arently the prototypes of ;

Tibetan a r c h i t e c t u r e •in general." (Stein 1972 : 29. See also

1959a : 80-81 note 222) The latter group a r e said to have

"... nine or ten stories an d are sometimes octagonal,

sometimes square, with very thick walls. A si milar nine-

storied tower is reported in Kongpo, "back in the early

twelfth century." (op. cit. 120) The eastern Bhutanese

mkhar are pro bably every bit as ancient as N ga g- db an g w o u l d

have us believe.

Just as the ac count of these castles carries b r o a d

historical credibility, so also does the general pattern

revealed on the subject of the southward ex tension of clan ^

territories into the Indian planes of Assam. The fertile

tracts of land adjo in in g the approaches to the Bhutan

Himalaya are com monly c a l l ed the d u a r s . a wo rd re la ted to our

own 'door'. The term used in our text to refer to these areas

be l o w the foothills in las-sgo (lit. Tw o r k - d o o r T) wh ich always

carries the sense of a bo r d e r mart at the foot of a pass and

the area in its immediate vicinity. The wi nter mig ra ti on of

large sections of the eastern Bhutanese towards the warmer

areas of the south must have brought them into contact at a n

ea rly date w i t h the local tribes inhabiting the plains. The

clan rulers of eastern Bhutan appear to have g r ad ua ll y won

traditional rights of taxation over these b o r d e r people and

b o t h the rG-yal~rigs and its Adde nd um are replete w i t h cases

of such rulers regarding themselves as the absolute owners

of their d u a r s . The same pattern recurs further to the east

where other groups who were bro ad ly 'T i be ta n 1 w o n a measure

of control over the plains. As we have seen, the Mon-pa of

Ka meng ga ined au thority o ve r the large Kariapara Duar and

further east still t her e existed the 'Bhutias' of Char Duar

and of Thebengia (B.C.Allen 1905: 53-55* and Gait 1926: 312).

Many other tribal groups in Arunachal, including the Akas,

Daflas and Miris, similarly won rights for themselves over

the adjoining plains. The policy of containment w h i c h the

Ahom empire of Assam directed towards these southern

incursions has been studied in detail b y Devi (1968). Her

work throws much light on the extremely complicated h i st or y

of the seven As s a m e s e duars which wer e for mally ceded to

the Bhutanese government during the reign of Jayadhvaj Singha

(16U 8- 1 6 6 3 ) . The seven duars divide into five in the districts

of Goalpara and Kamru p (namely Bijni, Chapakhamar, Chapaguri,

Baksa and Gharkola) and two in Darrang (Buriguma and K h a l i n g ) .

The last one is mis-spelt Killing in Devi (op. cit.) but

appears correctly in Al len (1905:53). It is un qu estionably

the K h a- gl in g of our text (f. 19a). It was one rGyas-mtsho,

son of Cho-ka rDo-rje King of gCen-mkhar, wh o w a s responsible

for subjugating the area and building a royal castle there.

rGyas-mtsho was probably following in the footsteps of his

father, Cho-ka rDo-rje, who is alleged (on f. 18b) to have

wrested the whole tract from the rDo-rong Rwa-dza who is the

Darrang Raja of the Ahom histories. This ho wever does not

accord wi t h the Ad dendum /YLf where we learn that the Wan g- ma

sub-clan of Yo- gd un g was al re ad y in possession of these duars

before the time of mChog-ka rDo-rje (sic) and that it wa s

from them instead of from the Darrang Raja that he had won.

them in a battle fought at rGyal-gdung .sMan-mkhar. L a t e r the

ruling clans of Y o - gd un g and gCen-mkhar made plans for a peace

settlement. It appears that the Yo-gdung clan sent a girl to

ma rry into the clan of their forme r enemies in r eturn p e r ha ps

for a partial restitution of their rights o ve r the d u a r s .

Cert ai nl y at the time of the Addendum's composition, the Wang-ma

had regained control over a very considerable tract of the

plains, as shown in the long list in part ^ ~ V J of w h a t must

be Assamese villages and districts, all of them described as

 234

las-sgo. Two of them had been lost: Nye-ba-li as a result

of what appears t o be a co mp licated family squabble ^VIl 7 ,

and M o - l o n g - d g a ' b y reason of its having b e e n p r e s e n t e d b y

them to the fBrug-pa authorities, perhaps Zhabs-drung Ng ag-

dbang rNam-rgyal himself </VT1i/.

It is most regrettable that none of this material ■

is objectively q u a n t i f i a b l e , nor can a single date b e extracted

to provide a chronological framework to the whole movement.

It must also be stressed that the <Vang-ma of Yo -gdung were '

just one clan among several w h o enjoyed pr op rietorial rights

over the As samese duars wh i c h together encom pa ss ed an a r e a of

1,600 square miles. The biographer of b s T a n - ’dzin Rab-rgyas

( 1 6 3 8 - 1 6 9 6 ) maintains that it was in 1 6 5 5 that the w h o l e of

the area ’'up to Kh a-ling in the east" (f. 59b) fell t o the •

aut ho ri ty of the 'Brug-pa. This refers p r es um a b l y to the

campaign led b y Mi - ^ g y u r brTan~pa but the ho-r&yus which

narrates the course of it has nothing to say about this duar

or any other. It seems likely that for a time these continued

to be controlled by the clans until their rights were ceded to

the government, as in the case of the M o - l o n g - d g a 1 duar.

La t e r the government must have tried t o 1 take over full control

of the Indian territories. Several officials calle d the

rGya-drung were a p po in te d to manage them, as w e see in the

bKa'.-khrims (ff. 107a and 109b), The tempestuous relations

w h i c h developed b e t w e e n the A ho m a n d Bhutan go ve rnments as

outlined In Devi's w o r k must surely be set against a picture

of the a n c i e n t clans trying to maintain their hold on the

duars in defiance of their government, or stepping be yo nd

the terms ag re ed upon in the treaty sig n e d with Jayadhvaj

Singha. This stipulated that in return for an annual tribute

to the A ho m ruler and presents to his vassal the Darrang Raja,

the right of the Bhutanese to the entire area h o u n d e d on

the south by a high way called the G-ohain Kamal Ali was

pe rma nen tly recognised. (Devi op. cit. 203) E ve ntu al ly

an arr angement was reached wh er eb y the three passes leading

to Bhu tan from the Darrang district were co nt rolled b y the

Ahoms for a p'eriod of four months every year. Th e later

history of these duars lies well outside the scope of the

present study but it may be mentioned in passing that th ey

fell par tl y un der the control of the Burmese during their

oc cupation of Assam. They were fo rm all y annexed b y the

British in 18U1 in payment of a ’q u i t - r e n t 1, and pe rm anently

w re st ed from Bhutanese control during the B h u t a n W a r of

1 8 6 ^ - 5 . 10

While the formal claims of the Bhutanese to these

Indian lands underwent m an y changes in fortune, in at least

J
two respects their relations with Assam show remarkable

continuity. The themes of Indian trade and pilgrimage w h i c h

find mention in the Add en du m / I and 1^7 are still today a

major preoccup ati on of the easterners during the w i n t e r months

Pa rt ic ul ar ly in ter est ing is the proud boast of the Yo-gdung

Wang -ma that th ei r ki ng INga-rigs rG-yal-po and his lama, the

’Brug-pa bKra-shis dBang-rgyal, were responsible for d i s c o v e r ­

ing and opening the pilgrim route to 'Kusinagara' (rTswa-

m c h o g - g r o n g ) , the place where the historical Buddha died.

The place identified to be Kusinagara was the f a m o u s Hindu -

temple of Madhava at Hajo which lies nine miles north-west of

Gauhati on the banks of the Brahmaputra. It was of course a

mistaken identification, the real Kusinagara bei ng some thirty

five miles east of Gorakhpur in modern Uttar Pradesh. Yet for

centuries it was to the temple of Hajo in Assam that Buddhist

pilgrims are reported to have come from' all over Bhu tan and
Tibet, and even from as far afield as Ladakh and south­

west China. Wa dde ll (1 89h: 307-311+) is the only person

who gives a n y information on the site and its Buddhist

traditions. He explains the mistaken ascription b y the

fact that a village in the neighbourhood of Hajo has the

name Sal-Kusa, and maintains that this must have sparked

11
off a chain of associations that led to the identification.

The eastern Bhutanese today maintain a tradition that it was

Karma Paksi (1206-1283), the se cond Karma-pa incarnation,

who re ceived a visio n which caused him to search for the

place and find it. My informant Slob-dpon b S o d - n a m s bZ ang-po

claims that in this vi sion the Buddha rev ealed how since all 5

the other holy places in Lndia were inaccessible to pilgrims

from Tibet, this one had been given a status and value equal

to the true Ku si nagara in the west*. Unfortunately, I can-

find no me ntion of this in Karma P a k s i 1s biography. The

first Karma-pa incarnation came closest to the area, to Dom-

tshang in Kameng, but that is still far fr om Hajo. Ac cor din g

to my informant, the Bhutanese never gained rights over the

Hajo temple in the w a y they did over temples in Nepal and

the Kailash area of w e s t e r n Tibet. Ap pa rently gu ar dianship

of the ’B u d d h i s t 1 shrine was committed to pe op le of Khams-pa

stock by the temple authorities. It was in fact a lama from

Khams at Hajo wh o told Waddell all the traditional stories

concerning the site. The identification of Hajo as

/
Kusinagara seems to have b e e n fully a c ce pt ed by ma ny Tibetan

authorities, including bSoi-nams rGyal-mtshan (see Jaschke

1881:1+37), Taranatha (see Wa dd el l op. cit. 313) and Sangs-

rgyas rGya-mtsho (V a i d u r y a - s e r - p o . p. 396). It was certainly

known to the w e s t e r n Bhutanese in the 17th century, as it is

men tione d in the biography of Zhaba-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-

rgyal (f. 87b).

Certain other ancient sites in Assam were also

wr on gl y recognised as Buddhist by the Bhutanese and Tibetans,

notably' Singri which lies some twenty miles or so w es t of J

Tezpur,

No less a

p er so n than Tsong-kha-pa (1357-1U19) tried to make the journey

there, but turned b a c k a f t e r reaching Bu m- thang where he

heard about the dangerous paths that lay a he ad (dPag-bsam

l j o n - b z a n g . p . 226). In the Blue Annals (p.693) we find

gTsang-pa Blo-gros bZang- po (1 360-11+25) , disciple of TBa'-ra-ba

rGyal-mtshan dPal-bzang, a l s o visiting the place. No doubt

many more references to such pilgrimages can be found. In

fact Assam ne ve r seems to have b e e n a centre for Buddhism

in any p e rio d and it was perhaps the vague reports concerning

the activities in that area pf certain Tantric mahasiddhas

like Saraha w h i c h prompted the search for ear ly Buddhist

sites.

There is no par tic ul ar reason to discount the notion

that the eastern Bhutanese were the people responsible for

discovering ’K u s i n a g a r a 1 since they were ce r t a i n l y situated

closer to it than a n y other group which - might have had a

similar incentive to .find it. News of its discovery wo uld

have travelled qui ckly to central Tibet an d Khams from where

Assam is one of the most accessible parts of India. The

Bhutanese were classed as ' r aid er s’ (Gongar) b y the Assamese,

a w o r d wh ic h th ey continue to apply both t o them and their

language. Similarly, in the eyes of the British in the 19th

century the Bhutanese we re seen as an intractable hill

people who despoiled the plains. Yet for their part it is

clear that the Bhutanese regarded the Indian lands to their

south not only as their rightful property upon w h i c h a

great deal of their traditional wealth depended, bu t also

as the gateway to the sacred land of their faith's origin.

Although f o rm al l y deprived of these lands, they still travel

there in large numbers for trade every w i n t e r and alt ho ug h

few of them still believe Hajo to be the place w h e r e the

Buddha died, the myth of Karma Paksi's v i s i o n still permits

them t o hold it in reverence. The Indian at titude to their

northern neighbours is much more ambivalent. Wh ile the

Bhutanese stand beyond the pale of Hindu culture, the moun­

tains they inhabit are romantically held to be the seat of

their Hindu gods. The incarnation of Zh abs -dr ung N ga g-d ba ng

rNam-rgyal's son r e ce ive d his Indian name of Ganapati from

two Indian yogins w h o were on pilgrimage in the area (LGB I,

f. 62a g o n g ) . The devotion shown to Buddhist lamas b y the

succeeding dynasties of Kamata and Cooch Bi har cannot be

explained in political terms alone,

Ifs *

The nature of the eastern Bhutanese clans as

revealed in this b r i e f survey of broad historical patterns

j
remains quite elusive. Except in regard to the h e re di ta ry

and territorial aspects, the evidence of the rGyal-rigs is

inconclusive as to those qualities we should expect the clans

to possess. We cannot make a clear distinction betw een

'ruling clans' and 'local kings', or perceive their true

relationship. The discussion, however, has at least serve d

to underline the way in w h i c h the schematic preoccupations

of a local historian, can so colour his writing as to

alter the true order of reality. By intent and ignorance,

lineages were f o r e s h o r t en ed and some clans appear to have

b e e n invented. Ngag-dbang cannot be wh ol ly b l a m e d for this

b e c a u s e m a n y g r o u p s had no do ubt already fo rgo tte n their

origins and had acc ept ed gTsang-ma as their founder. Indeed,

they scrambled over each other to win him as th eir ancestor.

For the present then, the testamentary value of the rG.yal-rigs

relates perhaps more to its own age than to the past of w h i c h

it speaks. W e shall obtain a much sharper view of the an cient

clans w he n more texts come to light and w h e n det ai le d f i e l d ­

work has b e e n comp le te d in the area. The c o nt ra st ed picture

thus gained of the rGyal-rlgs will tell us a great deal about

the formation of its schema a n d that of. sim il ar w o r k s from

other areas.
 240

Notes to Ch. 2 Section It

1) These passages are taken from the Sa-skya b k a ' - ' b u m .

Vol. Ta, pp. 295 and 296 respectively. The text can "be

found (with some inaccuracies) as an a p p e n d i x to T u c c i fs

edition of the Deb-ther dmar-no gsar-ma (Rome, 1971* ),

and a trans la tio n of it in Tucci 1 9 U 7 : 310 - 315. He

appears to have missed the sense of be up; and d b y u g , both

of which are forms of the be t t e r known s p y u g . fto b a n i s h 1.

2) There is also a n o t h e r Sa-skya history w h i c h preserves the

title Khri app lie d to gTsang-ma. It is- the Deb-ther >

b r d z o n g s - d m a r . of which only one copy survive s in the

British Museum (Or 6751). A c c o r d i n g to Arianne Ma cdo nal d

(1971:391), it was composed by S'hakya dPal -bz ang -po at sNar-

thang in 1376. I am indebted to Mr. R i cha rd son for pointing

out to me this reference. We can probably assume that it

follows Grags-pa rGyal-mtshan in referring to gTsang-pa

(sic) as K n r i .

3) Bum-thang lha'i sbas-yul-gyl bkod-pa me-tog skyed-tshal.

f. 23b. On f. 22b Bum-thang is also iescribed as "a land to

w h i c h the excellent rulers and ministers of ancient times

did g o ” ( / sngon-gyi rgyal-blon mchog-rnams byon-pa'i yul / )

iu I do not quite understand th e sense of lcags-kyi srog-pa tsa

sgrub -pa m a - g r u b - p a r / snyan - 1 phra /j= s n y a n- ph ra / b t s a n - p a r

byas-te. The text is c e r t a i n l y corrupt here but it carries

an allusion to a story fully recounted in dPa'-bo gTsung-lag,

Vol. Ja, f. 13Ub, ki nd ly indicated to me by Mr. Richardson:

Bran-ka dP al-yon fled to the north and "in a place underground

carried out the rite of ma ki n g his life so urce into iron.

When he had accomplished this except for about four f i n g e r s 1

s.t s cz o r m = d e a l s iliii ma.* z \.i ne tt<5>

that part."
5) The same holds for LGB II (ff. 2ha-b and 6 8 a-b) wh ic h

draws on b o t h the rGyal-rabs and the rG.yal-rigs. LCB I

has nothing on gTsang-ma at all. It was w r i tt en at a

time before the Yestern Bhutanese became a c q u a i n t e d with

these eastern traditions.

6) 'My interpretation of this most difficult passage in the

sBa-bzhed. is tentative, bu t the general purport seems fairl y

clear.

7) gTa m-shing was beg un in 1 301 and completed in 1f>05. See

the autobio gra phy of Padma Gling-pa, Pha ff. iUOa - 15ha

passim,

8) sKya-sa-mkhar, sKyed-mkhar, Kha-gllng-mkhar, Khas-mkhar,

gCen-mkhar, Nya-mkhar, (Was-chur) Thum-nang-mkhar,

*Dus-stung-mkhar, sDom-mkhar, (Be-tsha) Nang-mkhar, dPal-

mkhar, Phang-mkhar, Beng-mkhar, Ber-mkhar, Byas-mkhar,

sBis-mkhar, M u g -1t a n g - m k h a r , sMan-mkhar, bTsan-mkhar,

Wang-ma-mkhar, Rus-po-mkhar, Shing-mkhar, bSe-ba-mkhar.

Other place-names, such as IGags-mkhar-bzung, dGa'-gling

mKhar-mi and so on, which do not preserve quite the same

p at tern have been omitted from the list.

9) The sites of iCags-mkhar and Gong-mkhar are now occupied

by temples, that of gS ha m-mkhar by the palace of d B a n g - fdus

Ghos-gling, a n d those of ICam-mkhar and r Gy al -m kh ar by

villages. A ’district c a s t l e ’ (yul -m kh ar ) seems to have

survived at the latter place into the 1'hth century, if we

give credit to K l o n g - c h e n - p a ’s allusion to the Khy i- kha Ra-

thod story quoted in Section 3 above. Speaking of the Ch os-

’khor va ll ey in general Klong-chen-pa says:

y i d - ’ong grong-rnams ’phy o ng kha-ph.yed phibs-can / /

sn.yug-ma ’i sbag-khanig-dag-kyang g rangs mang-la / /
mkhar dang khang-bzang shing-ni rg.ya-phibs-can / /
rgyang-nas 1 -ha'i' kh an g-bzang mt hong-ba-'dra // (f . 2 ha)
 There are beautiful v i ll ag es which are 'phyong
kha -p h y e d (?) and have roofs,
And in a d d i t i o n to numerous bamboo huts (lit. 'cane-
houses of b a m b o o 1)
There are castles and mansions w h i c h have 'Chinese
r o o f s ' of wood.
Seen from afar they look like divine mansions.

The passage of course expresses the surprise an d delight of

a Tibetan on first seeing the free use „of wood in Bhutanese

architecture. The 'mansions' must be the same buildings

we see now in Bum-thang. The 'castles' have disappeared.

A l t ho ug h the Bri tish records on the As sam duars are now well

known (see the b i b li og rap h y and index in L a b h 197U), not

much use seems to have b e e n made yet of the As samese records

of the A h o m dynasty. It may be useful to give some notice

of these p ri mar y sources and references to them in secondary

works on Assam: B.C.Allen 1905:53-55, 65-66; Barua 1951:100-

102, 16 1 -1 6k ; B as u 1970:135-136, 192; Bhu ya n 1930:293, 302,

332; Bh u y an 1933:123, 175,.151-155, 167-169, 317; Devi 1968:

1 9 h -209.

References to Ahom embassies and 'tribute' received by the

Bhutanese are found in the b i o g r a p h y of Zhabs-drung Ng ag-

dbang rNam-rgyal, f. 87b and in the eulogy of Shes-rab

dBang-phyug, the 13th 'Brug s D e - s r i d , ff. 2 lfb, 3 6 a and 73B.

It seems Csoma was the first wes te rn scholar to learn about

the Assa mese 'Kusinagara'. It was late’

r c o nf la te d w i t h

Cooch Bi ha r b y the edito r of Buchanan- Ha mi lt on 1 8 3 8 (15 note).

5• The gDurqy a n d their legends

The only pat ri li ne al noble families pres er vi ng a .

lay, as distinct from a religious, character to' have

survived the vicissitudes of theocratic and monarchic

government in Bhutan are the so-called gDung who live in

the districts where the language of Bum- th an g is spoken,

that is to say in Bum -thang proper, Kheng and sKur-stod.

Elsewhere in the country, and in the a f o r e - me nt io ne d districts

too, there are a n y number of families who may be termed

'aristocratic' b y reason of their descent from some famous

religious teacher of the rNying-ma-pa or 'Brug-pa schools.

The heads of such families are usually called Chos-rje

(D h a r m a s v a m i n . 'Lord of Religion') and their line generally

passes down through t h e eldest son. ■ A l t ho ug h from the point

of view of their economic status they are today often

in distinguishable from the pe asa ntr y at large, they still j

enjoy a respected place in the local community bec au se of

their vener abl e ancestry. Lo ca ted throughout the country,

they introduce a strain of cultural ho mog ene ity to the pat ter n

of ethnic and linguistic diversity. Fo r the present at least,

the early history of the country has to be w r i t t e n largely in

terms of th e interactions of these ecclesiastical nobles not

only because we arc the slave of sources which relate the

course of history in this way, but also because it is clear

that for long periods civil auth ori ty lay truly vested in

their hands. Nevertheless, w e are bound to ask who the local

rulers were before the establishment of these powerful

religious lineages. 7ere it not for Ngag-dbang's work we

w ou l d not have the slightest inkling that in ea st er n Bhutan

there existed a whole complex of 'one-valley kingdoms' each

with its h e re di ta ry ruler. The impression one receives of

 b l.i ^

we stern Bhutan is t h a t the authority of the religious

nobility was implanted there so strongly an d at such an

early date that if there did exist a literate culture

associated w i t h indigenous forms of rule be fo re its arrival,

then the records never survived. Certainly they w o u l d not

have be e n of much interest to later historians who w e r e

anxious to propound the glories of their own schools in

contempt of all that went before. The fate of the rGyal-

rigs itself is a witness to this in regard to the east. As

we have seen already, the ’rediscovered' texts of Padma

Gling-pa gave expression to certain feelings of independence

on the part of the central Bhutanese in Bu m-thang b y re con­

stituting old myths and stories in a w a y that shed great

prestige on the area. These stories, however, w e r e formed

more b y ad ap t in g an external mythology to the local conditions

of Bum-thang than b y d ev el op ing the local myths themselves,

and they tell us virtually nothing about his torical conditions

obtaining there. It is to the rG.yal-rigs once more that we

owe an insight into the anc ien t mythology of the gD ung

families of Bum-thang. Section III of the work is devoted

to this subject and provides two alternative versions of their

origins. A third version is contained, in the biog ra ph y of

the 2nd Gang-stengs s Pr u l - s k u , bs Ta n-'dzin L e g s - p a ’i Don-grub

(1 6h 5~1 726) who descended from one of these families. Before

examining these in some detail, notice should b e given of the

present conditions of these families so far as I could determine

it during a long stay in Bum-thang in 1970.

The term gdung (honorific fo r 'b one ’) should suggest

something of a clan organisation b y an alogy with the use of

the term in Section II of the rG ya l- r i g s . However, not even

the vestige of an organisation binding t o g e t h e r these

families is to be found today. They ne ve r seem to claim

relationship with each other except b y vi rtue of common

ancestorship. This places t he m on the same el evated social

footing but does not prevent them from occasio nal ly i n t e r ­

marrying. Th e i r corporate existence is referred to in a

modern work by the term g d u n g - r i g s . literally "the gPung

families" (L C B II, f. 79b), The term gDung itself functions

as a title of the h e a d of the family (e.g. gD un g lfia-dar,

gPung Grags-pa dBang-phyug etc.). By quali fyi ng it with a

place name (e.g. U-ra g P u n g , Dur-ba'i gDung etc.) it is used

just as specif ica lly to refer to their individual households.

There is no dif fe re nc e at all between the use of the term in

the literature of the 1 8 th century and t hat found in common

speech today. It is, as far as I can see, an institution

pecu lia r to this region of the country and to m y k n o w l e d ge no

exact Ti be tan parallels exist. The gDung surviving today in

the villages.-of rGya-tsha and Pur are in a gr ea tly depressed

condition h a v in g no a u t h o r i t y over their communities w h a t ­

soever and there seems to be no sense of divine mystique

se pa rating them from their n e i g h b o u r s . ' All they retain is

public respect for their ancient ancestry. Hobody, however,

seemed to remember their origin myths except for one or two

scholars who had read the r G y a l - r i g s . While their origins

were never a ss oc i a t e d w i t h religious sects as w e r e those of

Chos-r.je, an d although they never functi oned (except

somewhat fortuitously) as lamas, it would have b e e n impossible

for them to claim legitimacy for their rule w i th ou t investing

their line with certain divine properties. All the myths

discussed be low have p r e c i s e l y that aim, but the search fo r

divine origins does not seem to have altered the fu nd am e n t al ly

lay cha racter of the institution. There seem to be only

two ex ce ptions to this pattern. The gDunp; families of

L u g - k h y u and Nya-la in sKur-stod claim u n i nt er ru pte d descent

from the great lama gTer-ston Gu -r u Chos-dbang (1212-1273)

through his son Padma dBang-chen (hCB II, f. 71t>) . It is

possible they appropriated the title from the ’o r i g i n a l ’

gPung families as they do not appear listed among them in

the rG ya l - r i g s . A l t e r n a t i v e l y they might have sub stituted a

’r e l i g i o u s ’ myth for an earlier ’r o y a l ’ myth. The other J

exception to the pa tt er n of lay descent is prov ide d b y the

gPung of Chu-smad in Bum-thang who a r e intimately as so ciated

with the lineage of Padma Gling-pa through his son Thugs-sras

Zla-ba rGyal-mtshan. Ag ai n this claim may represent a late

’f e e d b a c k ’ as their family is certainly listed among the

original set in the rGyal-rigs (f. 35h) . It may be that

Zla-ba rGyal-mtshan married into the family and in later

generations was credited with the role of an ancestor. Be

that as it may, as a collateral bra nch of the same powerful

lineage that ultimately produced the present royal family,

the gP ung of Chu-smad escaped the fate of the other gPung

families in Bum-thang. The only others wh o maintai n the

title today are those of rGya-tsha and,Pur. The sPom-mkhar

gPung a pp ea r to have disappeared without trace. The Ngang

gPung left the area and went to sBon-sbis where they be came

a Chos-rje family. That at least is t h e implication of a

passage in the bi ogr aph y of bsT an-'dzin L e g s - p a ’i Don-grub

(see below) and I could find no trace of it in their original

village. The line of the U-ra gPung is said to be extinct.

Un for tu na te ly I have no up to date i n f o rm at io n about

^ ie gDnng of the Kh eng district. The rG.yal-rigs (loc. cit;)

maintains that they lived in the villages of s T u n g - l a - s b i ,

Go-zhing, Phang-mkhar, Ka-lam-ti and Nya-mkhar. A further

four families of MgDung and chiefs (d po n) ir are listed in the

Lo-rgyus (f. 13"h)» those of Su-brang, Go-phu, Ta-li and

’Bu-li. There is no doubt that as late as the 17th century

gPung of Kh en g still re g ar de d themselves as the absolute

rulers of th eir territories alt hough it is clear that one of

them, the gPung of Nya-mkhar, was trying to create some sort

of a hegemony. This met with a good deal of local opposition

and Nor-bu dBang-phyug, the rival gPung of s T u n g - l a - ’bl (or

sT un g- l a - s b i ) , seized the chance of destroying him b y inviting

the ’Brug-pa forces that had ste adily been taking over the

areas further east to join the fray. It seems to ha ve been

one of the principle policies of the ’Brug-pa campaign to

interfere in local squabbles in such a way that wh ole areas

came into their sovereignty. In Kheng, as in gZ ho n g - s g a r and

Kur-stod, the leaders of the campaign took the side of those

that harboured grievances against the Nya-mkhar* g P u n g . the

most powerful of the local rulers. In vo lun tar ily submitting

to ’Brug-pa sov ereignty or being compelled to do so b y force,

the local rulers always seem to have e x pec te d a confirmation of

their traditional privileges after making suitable display of

their surrender. This was granted in return for oaths of

loyalty to the ’Brug-pa and an ac ce ptance of their right to

levy taxes a n d impose government corvee. Thus it seems in

Kh en g even the gPung of Nya-mkhar was able to come to terms

w i t h the invading power, though in his case he had to provide

hostages as a pledge for his good behaviour (L o - r g y u s ,

ff. 13a-1ifb) . It is not clear from the sources presently

availabl e how long these temporising solutions wor ke d or w h e n

ffPuoK of K h e n g had. their traditional powers abro ga te d

completely. Nor can it be said with c e r t a i n t y that today

they even preserve titles as some of their peers do in Bum-

thang and Kur-stod.

Except for the U-ra g P u n g . all the other gPung

families in Bum-thang proper appear to have lost t he ir powers

long before the establishment of the 'Brug-pa theocracy. In

the valley of Cho s- 'k ho r at least it was the line of he re ditary

chiefs called the Ch os -'khor sde-pa (or Chos- 'kh or d p o n - p o )

which seems to have supplanted the gPung. In Padma G l i n g - p a fs

biography' there is constant reference to dPon-po Kun-thub who

must have been the incumbent of his day. P ad ma Gling-pa

enjoyed his patronage for most of his life but in one passage

he remarks; "In the Year of the Ti ger (1506) I was greatly

di st racte d b y involvement in litigation on many matters with

dPon-po Kun-thub an d so there were not many initiations,

instructions and so forth / g i v e n by me that y e a i / f ( / stag-

l o ’i skabs-su dpon-po kun-thub dang / rtsa-ba m a n g - p o ’i k h a -

mchu thug-nas g.yeng-ba che-bas / dbang kh r i d sogs cher rna-

b y u n g / Pha, f. 159b) . The legal authority to w h o m these

matters would have been put must have b e e n the official known
J
as the Nang-so of lHa-lung who con trolled the area of IHo-brag

which borde red on Bhutan, The Ida-lung Nang-so was an other

hered ita ry office and several incumbents acted as the patrons

of Padma Gling-pa during his long life from 1U50 to 1521, On

one occasion Padma Gling-pa addresses one of these in uhmistakable

terms as the ov er lor d of the districts surrounding Bum-thang:

"/Y° b 7 Nang-so are yourself the chief of the southern region,"

{ / nang-so yang lho-rgyud-kyi dpon-po yin / P h a . f . 223a)

This official was in turn subordinate to the sde-pa of sNa-dkar-

rtse on the banks of the Y a r - fbrog lake due north of this

region of IHo-brag. The ultimate authority in Tibet during:

this period was held of course by the princely house of Rin-

spungs which had gr a d u a l l y ousted the rule of the Phag -m o-

gru-pa princes of sNe-gdong, although the latter c o nt in ue d

to play an important role in politics. Tadma Gli ng-pa

appears to have been g re at l y respected b y both the Rin-spungs

and sNe-gdong families, though the former were presumably

unaware of the fact that in 1 5 0 2 he had p e rf or me d a d m a g -

zlog ce remony to a v e r t their threat of invading the territory

of the 1 Ha-lung Hang-so wh o is said to have an no yed them for

some reason (P h a . f . 1h3a) . In a n y case, Pa dma Gling-pa wai

summoned b y the Rin-spungs authorities in 1503 to meet their

most res p ec te d lama and ally, the 7t h Karma-pa, Chos-grags

rGya-mtsho, (It will be recalled that this Karma-pa was the

one w h o m King J o - ’phag (or J o - ’bag) Darma of Shar Dong-kha

met and that the k i n g later turned from him to Padma Gling-pa

as his principal guru.) Most of the Karma-pa incarnations

seem to have been at ta c h e d to rNying-ma-pa ’text d i s c o v e r e r s ’,

regarding it as one of t he ir main duties to promulgate these

teachings. Padma Gling-pa entrusted a number of his d i sc ov er ­

ies to Chos-grags rGya-mtsho, and this is cor rob ora ted in the

l e t t e r ’s biog rap hy (f. 137b). The gift gr eatly pl e a s e d the

Rin-spungs ruler, Don-yod rbo-rje. Padma Gling-pa points out

that this ruler of Tibet was mentioned in one of his prophecies

as "the subduer of dBus, gTsang and lHo-rong wi thout e x c e p t i o n ”

( / dbus gt sang lho-rong ma-lus dban.g-du sdud / P h a . f . 1^7a)

lHo-rong is certainly here the area of Bhutan and we c a n take

this passage as confirming that in theory the Ri n- spungs

hege mon y extended at least to Bum-thang where t h e C h o s - ’khor

dPon-po occupied the position of a minor vassal. At all events,

even if nothing can be said a b o u t the crucial question of

taxation, the area was only loo sely a t t a c h e d t o the complicated

w o r l d of Tibetan politics and Padma Cling-pa always makes a

clear distinction in his writings b e t w e e n Mon (Bhutan) and

Bod (Tibet), as if the two were quite separate entities.

Some eight years a f t e r me eting the Rin-spungs ruler, Padma

Gling-pa was summoned in 1511 to the princely house of

rGyal-rtse whose members were one of the foremost enemies of

the Rin-spungs-pa (P h a . f. 173a) and in 1513 w h i l e helping

to perform the consecr ati on of a new te mp le at b,9 am-yas he

was invited to meet the sNe-gdong Gong-ma himself (P h a .

f. 1 82b). This must have been bKra-shis Grags-pa who in

the preceding year had even succeeded in calling a m e e ti ng of

ministers above the head of the Rin-spungs ruler (Shakabpa

1967:89-90). A l th ou gh Padma Gling-pa seems to accord to the

Rin-spungs a degree of precedence over their rivals who also

patronised him, they are all treated in his accounts more or

less equally as powerful nobles w h o showed him favour. The

impression conveyed by his wr it ing is that if the Rin-spungs

writ ran in Bum -thang then it did so as the successor to an

ear lier authority which had imposed itself for a time on the

area, perhaps creating the office of C h o s - ’k h o r dPon-po in

order to kee p a hold on it. A vestige, of this control remained

in the links between the lila-lung Kang-so and the C h o s - ’khor

dPon-po. Lower down the scale in the C h o s - ’kh or v a l l e y we find

very mi nor officials called m i-dpon who acted as village

headmen (see for instance P h a . f. 11 6 a-and Lo-rgyus f. 7a).

These were directly ac co un ta bl e to t h e dPon-po and ar e again

-i
suggestive of a political organisation-:imposed from outside.

If that was the case, then we can perhaps assume that it

might have bee n the same external intervention w h i c h deprived

RPung families of Chos-'lchor and Chu-smad of their

traditional powers in the area.

It is in the light of this hypothesis that I s h o u l d

like to interpret certain passages in the "Chronicles of

Gyantse" translated b y Tucci (I9h9: 662-670). I believe

that they provide an independent glimpse into the early

hi st pry of Bhu tan in the same w a y that dPa'-bo g T s u g - l a g ’s

history does for the area just east of Bhutan. In addition

to this, although we have to depend here on reasonable

guess-work , the Chro nic le s appear to provide confirmation of

the historical c onn ect io n be tween the areas of Bu m-thang and

rTa-wang, As we shall see, this is a relation the existence

of which w e are encour age d to suspect b y the fact that, even

though geo gra p hi ca l l y separated from each other, they still

share a unique and ancient language.

The prin ce ly house of rGyal-rtse traced the inception

of its powers back to the period of Sa-skya rule in Tibet.

Later they b e c a m e ministers of the Ph ag-mo-gru-pa and supported

them in their struggles with the R i n - s p u n g s - p a . Although they

were patrons of the dGe-lugs-pa school they seem to have lost

their autho rit y by the time of the 5th Dalai La m a and they

never survived as one of the ma jor aristocratic families.

Their chronicles we re ,vritten 'between 1U79 and 1^81 b y the

Sa-skya monk ’Jig s- me d Grags-pa. The first of th ei r line to

really make a name for himself was dPal-ldan bZa ng -po (1 3 1 6 -

1 3 7 0 ) and the details of his long and dis ti ng ui sh ed career

as a high official of th e Sa-skya government occup y most of

the first nine folios of the chronicle (Tucci 19U9:662 —662q) .

His rise to p o w e r was intimately connected with his (and his

b r o t h e r ’s) handling of a series of mili tar y campaigns that

were directed against a people known as the Dung, divided

into a southern branch (thd lilo-dung) and an e a s t e r n br a nc h

(the Shar-dung) . Five of these campaigns took place be tween

the years 1 3 h-0 and 1 3 5 U and because most of them seem to have
be en conducted in the region of lHo-brag, Tucci (op. cit.

702 note 7h-6) has assumed that the Dung were tribes bel on gi ng

to the area of lHo-brag itself, I would myself identify the

lHo-dung with the ancestors of the present gpung families of

Bum-thang, and the Shar-dung with the Mon-pa people living

in the vicinity of rTa^-wang. If the Dung had tr uly be lo n g e d

to lHo-brag some information on their subsequent history w o u l d

surely b e av ai l ab le since that province is well known in later

periods. All the indications point to their being foreign

invaders and the most likely direction they w o u l d have comej

from would have be en the south. We can acc ept the Dung of

the South as the gDung of Bum-thang on the simple grounds

that the latter must at one time have possessed sufficient

po wer in this region of the Himalayas to be capable of foreign

invasion. The local spelling of their name does them credit

wi th its associations of ancient descent, but as invaders

their name is recorded ph on et ic al ly (without the ga prefix)

an d takes on a strongly pejorative note in one passage wh e r e

it appears as D u n g - r e n g *("the obstinate D u n g ” f. U a ) . One

important question wh ich must be left to h a n g in the air until

more material comes to light is the one which looks f o r an

explanation as to how the nam e of a whole peo ple in one pe r i o d

turns up much later, as the he re ditary title of just a few

families.

Tur ning now to the east ern group, the leader of the

Shar-dung in 1353 was called Don-grub-dar (f. 5a), a name

wh ic h exactly matches the -dar names so favoured b y the ruling

families of e a s t e r n Bhutan and Ka meng listed in the r G y a l - r i g s .

Just as the term Shar-mon in the lHo-brag c hos - ’by ung refers

to the Mon-pa living east of the main group to the south, so

also the Shar-dung can be taken to live east of the lHo-dung,

and not in some vague area to the east of Tibet. Alt ho ug h

to m y know le dg e there are no families on the ea st ern b o r d e r ­

land of Bh utan wh o use the gDung title, ma ny of the place

names of the area contain the syllable g dung as a suffix.

The rG.yal-rigs has mKhar-gdung, Ar-rgya-gdung, s P a ’u-gdung

and rGyal-gdung (ff. 2 0 v, 30b, 31a, 50b respectively). The

Lo-rgyus has Gung-gdung (f. 8 b). Das Gupta (1968: i-vi) has

Nyug-ma D u n g , Kudung, Phudung and Mathalang-phudung. Most

of these places can be found on the maps prec is ely in the area

we would expect, that is to say a m o n g the so-c al le d ’Northern

M o n p a ’ who live in the v i c i n i t y of rTa-wang, Similarly, the

contains several personal names with the gdung

syllable: gSer-gdung, Me-gdung, rGyal-gdung-dar, Yo-gdung

and Du ng -b u (= g D un g- bu ?; ff. 18a, 20b, 2ha, 50b respectively),

Lo- rgyus has dKar-p o- gd un g (f. 9b). However, the most

concrete proof of the f a c t that the Bum-thang people are in

reality one and the same with the Mon-ea of rTa-wang is of a

linguistic nature. Table IX lists the pr on un c i a t i o n of the

numerals 1 to 1 0 in-all the relevant major language groups of

Bhutan and Kam en g. Those for Bhutan are taken from my own

field notes and those for Kameng from Das Gupta (1968:16U).

According to Das G u p t a ’s classification, ’No rth ern M o n p a ’ is

'spoken in the vi ci n i t y of' rTa-wang and ’Central M o n p a ’ in

the vi c i n i t y of ’Di-rang. ’Southern M o n p a ’ has been omitted

from the list for lack of data.

It may be argued that a comparison of numerals alone

provides a rather crude w a y of showing linguistic aff inity

but it does seem to me the table indicates that while Tsangla

and ’Central M o n p a ’ remain absolutely identical, the languages

of Bu m-thang and ’Northern M o n p a ’ t o d a y 'reflect different

stages in the development of the same basic speech. W it h the

 Table IX* The numerals I to 10 in the languages of Bhutan and Kameng

B H U T A N K A M E N G

Written Ngalong Burnthang T sangla ’Northern ’Central

Tibetan Monna* Monoa*

I ohi tek thur hi thur

2 nyi zon nigtsing nei nitsing

3 gsum sum sum sam sum sam

4 bzhi zhi ble pshi pli(h) b(i) oi

5 1 np;a nga yanga nga lyange nga

6 drug dru grok khung gro khung

7 bdun dun nyit sum niss zum

8 brgyad jyat yen get yen

9 6 gU gu dogo gU tugu gu

10 bcu ohu ohe S0 ci(h) se

’Northern
Monpa*

’Central
Monpa’

KAMENG
Tsangla-speaking peoples sandwiched between them, these languages have

clearly taken different paths of evolution. There is today very little

contact of any sort between the two areas but one or two of my informants

in Bum-thang who had h$d occasion to go to rTa-wang assured me that they

could make out a good deal of what was said to them by the lochl

inhabitants. In the middle years of the Ikth century the two groups could

still be recognised by outsiders as branches of the same people, the Dung.

On folio 5& of the 'Gyangtse Chronicles’ we read that in 1352 the

lHo-dung were defeated by dPal-ldan bZang-po not,in lHo-brag but rather

"in Rin-chen-sgang and in the environs of Phag-ri" (Tucci 19^9:663)• This

statement could be adduced as an obstacle to the identification proposed

above since Phag-ri is situated way over to the west in the Chumbi Valley

and it is difficult to imagine what an invading force from Bum-thang would

have been doing in that area. The most likely direction from which that '

invasion could have ccme is western Bhutan and, most conveniently, there,

is plenty of evidence pointing to the existence of a further branch of the

Dung in that area. The sp.yi-dpon ('headman'?) of the gDung is said to have

been among the leaders of western Bhutan who sworfe allegiance to Pha-.jo ;■

*Brug-sgom in the 12th century (see f. 28b of his rnam-thar). We have

already met the Wang-gdung above (p .196 ) as descendants of gTsang-ma

in a biographical tradition peculiar to western Bhutan. They were perhaps

ancestors of the Wang people who still migrate between Thim-phu and

sPu-na-kha. It was also noticed that the rG.yal-rigs (f. lib) records a j

local tradition concerning two "important clans" (rus che-ba) in the west,

the rGyal-gdung of sPa-grp and the gDung-'brog of Thim-phu, both of whom it

is claimed were descended from a son of Prince g/Tsang-ma. It is the only

mention I can find of clans in western Bhutan and it may be wondered

if rus here does not perhaps indicate 'tribe' rather

(contd# next page)

than 'clan'. As far as I could determine, nothing is

remembered of the rGyal-gdung and gDung -' br og today.

However, my informants insisted that th ere does survive

a m o t l e y g ro up of jungle-dwellers living far to the south

of sPa-gro w h o are still called the gDung. They all fall

under the jurisdiction of an official called the gDung

Rab-'b.yams (formerly the gDung gN,yer-pa) who used to be

appointed
appointed b y the sPa-gro dPon-slob but is no w/by the central

government. Th eir conversion to Buddhism is said to be

fairly recent and is attributed largely to the activities

in that area ,of the famous lama Grags-pa rGya-mtsho (1 6 I4.6 -

1 7 1 9 )* the disciple of the equally famous refugee teacher

gT sa ng mK han-chen 'Jam-dbyangs dPal-ldan rGya-mtsho wh o was

the b i o g r a p h e r of Z ha bs - drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal.

Unfortu na te ly the account in Grags-pa rGya-mtsho's b i o g r a p h y

(ff, 7ha~76b) of his visit to gDung-yul (sic) is most

uninformative. All we learn about the inhabitants is that

they w e r e hunters and that Grags-pa rGya-mtsho made them

swear oaths to fo re g o this occupation in the future. If they

are indeed the remnants of one br a n c h of the lHo- dung we ma y

conjecture that they were pushed south to this present J

location either b y one of the Tibetan campaigns directed

against them or else b y a fresh wave of mi gr at io n from the

north.

Somewhere in the huge corpus of Tibetan literature

there must survive fu rt he r references to the lHo-dung and

Shar-dung but until these come to light we are w h o l l y

dependent on the scanty information provided in the 'Gyangtse

Chronicles'. Nevertheless, the identification of the lHo-dung

w i t h groups in Bhutan and the Shar-dung witfr the, 'Northern

Monpa' g r e at ly helps the interpretation of later p at terns and

events which remain otherwise inexplicable. The 'Chronicles'

claim success for the Sa-skya campaigns and we ma y infer J

that some measure of control v/as thereafter imposed on the

Dung. This ma y have ta ke n the form of creating the office

° £ Chos-'khor dpon-po in Bum-thang. It is interesting to

note that in the artificial scheme proposed in the rGyal-rigs

(Section IV) to account for a single origin for a number of

noble families, the first C h o s - rk ho r dpon-po is, according

to one local version which does not fit the scheme, supposed

to have come from sPa-gro in w e s t e r n Bhutan. The Hum-ral

gdung-rabs (f. 16a) confirms this and says the first Chos- 'kh or

dPon-po was in fact the ousted king of dPal-'byor-gling in

sPa-gro. These references at least indicate that there was

in the 1 8 th cen tury a distant memory of the office having been

imposed by external authority. The creation of the office:

must surely have coincided with the collapse of the indigenous

rule of the gDung in Chos-'khor and Chu-smad and very likely

explains w h y those families never posed a threat to the 'Brug-pa

gov ernment in the 17th century. The gDung families which did

survive to offer re si stance to the 'Brug-pa lived in areas to

the south wh e r e they had lain b e y o n d the reach of Tibetan

incursions in earlier periods, that is to say in U-ra and

Kheng. As we have seen above, the Kheng group were taken

over in the middle years of the 17th century b y the mi l i t a r y

campaign led b y Mi-'gyur brTan-pa, We cannot yet be certain

of the date of this ca mpaign but it must have occurred a few

years before or after the large scale invasion of Bhutan b y

the dGe- lugs-pa government of Tibet in 1657. This took the

form of a concerted attack b y Tibetan and Mongol troops who

made simultaneous incursions at several points along the

border be t w ee n sPa-gro an d bKra-shis-sgang, T h e y were

assisted b y some of the traditional leaders w i t h i n the

country w h o w e r e disaffected with the new 'Brug-pa regime.

A mo ng them we find mentioned gDung Nag-po of U-ra (LCB I,

f. 51b). Although the invasion lasted more than nine months,

it was- unsuccessful and the le ader of the Sa-skya school

finally n eg ot ia ted a peace treaty which is said to have led

to stable relations be tw ee n the Tibetan and Bhutanese

authorities du ring the next thirty-seven years. The literary

sources are silent about the fate of gDung Nag-po of U-ra

but the oral traditions (see below) affirm that he was

defeated b y the 'Brug-pa government and it seems probable

that this occurred in 1657. Nevertheless, his line quite

clearly c o n ti n ue d into the 1 8 th century, as Ngag-dbang

fortunately gives us to see in Section III of the rGyal-rigs.

To d a y the line is completely extinct but there does survive

in the village of sTang-sa-sbe a family which claims

collateral descent from gPung Nag-po. ,Ve may perhaps con­

jecture that, following the usual pattern during this period,

his defeat and subjection were acknowledged in an oath of

loyalty to the 'Brug-pa gover nm en t which p a r t i a l ly restored

to him his hereditary rights an$. privileges. This a r r a n g e ­

ment pro ba bl y cont in ue d under his successors until, for some

unknown reason, the line died out sometime in the later 1 8 th

or 19th centuries. Nor Ngag-dbang writing in 1 728 the U-ra

gPung still occupied the po s i t io n of primus inter pares

because, acc ording to the origin myth of his family, all the

other gP un g families in the region w e r e sup posed to be the

offshoots of the U-ra family. Whatever the h is to ri ci ty of

the claim, it must have reflected certain social and political

realities which obtained bef ore and during the pe riod w he n

"kke rG.yal-rigs was composed. The substance of this U-ra

tradition contrasts interest!ngly with the origin myths of

some of the gDung families in ot h e r areas.

The U-ra tradition

The le gendary origins of the U-ra gB u n g centre

around the simple story of a god descending from he a ve n on

a divine rope which links the w o rl d of humans w i t h that of

the gods. This is a n ancient pre-Buddhist theme wh ich a p pea re d

at the beg in ni ng of Tibetan history in the legends of the ea rly

dynasty. The wh o l e notion of ropes or ladders connecting sky

to earth is thought to derive from the mythology of the

Ch*iang people of we st er n China with w h o m the Tibetans were

in contact from ea rl y times. The words for these divine ropes

and ladders are qualified b y the syllables rmu (or dmu) and

phya (or p h y w a ) both of which come from a w o r d in the Ch^i aig

language m e a n i n g Sky or Sky God (stein 1972 : 211) . Under

Buddhist influence, the account of the first kings' descent

to earth f r o m their original home in heaven was gradually

replaced by legends wh ich sought an Indian origin for Tibetan

kingship, but the early my tho log y survived in various tr ans ­

muted forms. The significance of the U-ra tradition lies in

the w a y it preserves a relatively unadulterated vers ion of

'royal' origins according with the most ancient Ti be tan ideas.

In the 1 8 th century the legend v/as still held to provide a

valid account of the origins of the gPung of U-ra and of the

other gDu ng in the area who were regarded as offshoots of

the U-ra g P u n g . Even more Interesting is the fact that this

was b y no means the only survival in Bhutan of the old theme

of descent on a rope or ladder. Ngag-dbang makes this quite

clear w h e n he says: "... some people, in recounting the

various oral traditions say that the origins / o f their

ancestors lay in a / descent to the land of humans af ter

grasping the divine rmu-ladders and the g ol d and silver

 TABL E X: Origins of the g P u n g families: the U-ra
tradition ("according to Section III of
rG.yal-rlgs ^ y u n g - k h u n g a g B a l - b a 1! s g r o n - m e ,
ff. 32a-hQa)'

bSod-nams dPal-'dren
(of Bum-thang U-ra)

lHa-mgon dPal-chen
(incarnation of
Gu-se Lang-ling,
divine son of the deity
’0-de Gung-rgyal)

lHa-bzang-rgyal

Dung Grags-pa dBang-phyug I

f
Ral-pa sTobs-chen, alias
Bar-skyes, acc. to the-
variant tradition of
g Z h on g- sg ar and gDung-bsam)

Interregnum

gPung lHa-dbang Grags-pa = A - l c e sGron-'dzom

( reincarnati on of gDung (of Bum -t ha ng Chos-
Grags-pa dBang-phyug, -'khor)
claimed to be the son of
Jo - b o K u n - d g a T Grags-pa
of Yar-lung, descendant
of ’Od-srungs)

j r------------------- ]
dPon-mo b K r a - gPung Grags-pa lHa-dbang P hu n- ts ho gs
shis dBang-mo dBang-phyug II bKra-shis Don-grub
(ancestors of th e gDung gamilies of Bum-thang:
U-ra, Chu-smad, rGya-tsha, sDom-mkhar, Dur and
Ngang)

gPung Yyi-imk dBang-rgyal

(ancestor of the gPung families
of Kheng: s T u n g - l a - s b i , Go-zhing,
Phang-mkhar, Ka-lam-ti and
Nya-mkhar; an d of the Yong-Iam
rJe of gZh on g- sg ar Mol-ba-lung)
p h y a -cords" ( rGya l - r l g s , f • 45b) . This comment and the

ensuing passage wh i c h looks for a theological interpretation

of the theme come in Section V of the rGyal-rigs which deals

with the ’s u b j e c t ’ peoples in east Bhutan. Thus, whereas the

concept of heavenly descent was originally the preserve of

roy alt y and nobility, later it appears to have b ee n

appropriated b y ind ividual communities who stood m u c h lower

on the social scale. In the case of eastern Bhutan we can

probably assume that these communities were const it ute d into •

clans wh i ch occupied a pos ition subordinate to the ruling

clans. The latter, we must conjecture, held that their

first an cestors had come down on 'golden p h y a - c o r d s 1. while

the servants of those ancestors had descended on the ’silver

p h y a - c o r d s f to act as the progenitors of the subject clans.

To w h a t extent the latter ac cepted this arrangement we have

no means of telling. Ngag-dbang is most ann oy in gl y silent

on the whole matter. Nevertheless, f u r th er evidence on the

all ocated use of ropes and ladders made of different substances

can be found in the m y t ho lo gy of the Aka people who live in

the K am en g district of Ariinachal. These ’t r i b a l s ’ are also

of Tibeto-Burman e x t ra ct io n a n d were till quite recently in

contact with the eastern Bhutanese. The fol lowing extract

from Ke n n e d y 1914 (quoted in Elwin 1959 : 436 note 2) relates

the Aka origin myth. The passage in parenthesis is E l w i n ’s

summary of Kennedy.

Lon g long ago all men descended f r o m heaven b y j

means of ladders. The Assamese and the Akas of
the royal bl oo d came d o wn by a golden ladder;
the remaining Akas had a silver ladder; the
Tibetans and F/onbas ^/Mon-pa/7* w er e given a ladder
of iron; the Daflas and Abors had to b e satisfied
w i t h a bamboo ladder; while the Cacharis and
Khoas shared a plantain ladder. ( A H these people
came to earth on the Longkapur Hill in the Lohit
Valley, whence they scattered in search of land.
The Assamese were the first to start and chose the
plains. The Akas spent so much time resting and
drinking b ee r that the others got the best land and
they had to accept what was left.)
G i v e n the broad universality of the descent theme and its

wide occurrence in the myths of Asia, it is perhaps difficult

to argue in favour of direct contact between the Aka and

eastern Bhutanese versions. Nevertheless, they provide the

only examples known to me of the means of descent be i n g made

of various materials in a manner that differentiates social

groupings; for the e a s te r n Bhutanese the myth aff irmed the

distinction be tween ruling.and subject clans, while for the

Aka it relates to the view of their place in the wo r l d at

large by deter mi ni ng their attitude to all their neighbouring

peoples, besides making t he distinction be tween ,fthe Akas of

the royal blood" and "the remaining Akas" on exactly the

Bhutanese pattern. Their common feature of a specific means

of descent allocated to each group is a late development of

the theme. It appears to be quite absent fr o m Tibetan sources

of a n y period. In v ie w of .the close geogra phi cal pro ximity

the
of the Aka an d/ ea ste rn Bhutanese, it would be surprising if

one vers ion had not inspired or influenced the other. If we

accept the likely fact that many of the clans of eastern

Bhutan or ig inally claimed direct descent from heaven and only

later accep ted the prestigious figure of gTsang-ma as their

ancestor, then it seems quite conceivable that the culturally

’i n f e r i o r ’ Aka might have borrowed the- descent theme from

them at a time when it was still current in eastern Bhutan.

Returning now to the U-ra tradition, it is clear that

although it preserves an early version of the theme, some

Buddhist influence is a l s o apparent. The people of Bum-thang,

actually the original companions of Khyi-kha Ra-thod, are

without a ruler to settle their quarrels and so they s u pp li ­

cate the God of heaven, ’O-de Gung-rgyal. The god despatches

his son, Gu-se Lang-ling, to U-ra on the ’’divine rmu-cord"

and he enters the womb of bSod-nams dP al -'dren who possesses

the marks of a daklnl of gnosis, despite the curses of 'Dzom-

pa-sgron w ho is the wi fe of the headman of U-ra, lHa-bzang-

rgyal is horn to bS od -nams dPal-'dren as the incarnation of

Gu-se Lang-ling. He is in fact referred to as "the divinely

emanated g P u n g " (l h a 1i sprul-pa'i g d u n g . r G y a l - r i g s ♦ f . 3 2 b ) .

If the legend had conformed exa ct ly to the e a r l y non-Buddhist

tradition, Gu-se L an g- li ng w o u l d have come down the rope in

corporal form and not as a "divine emanation". Ac co rding

to Tibetan mythology, the first kings not only descended to

the hu man worli on ropes or ladders but at their death they

went back to heaven the same way. This continued until the

time when one of them, Gri -gu m bTsan-po, in ad ver te nt ly sev ered

the means of communicati on.

Much significance attaches to the names of fO-de

Gung-rgyal^ and Gu-se Lang-ling. The fo rm er appears in a

document from ,Tunhuang as the name of a god wino tu rns up later

in the complicated genealogies which reveal the divine origins

of the Tibetan kings and clans. As the youngest of the six

Yab-lha (or Yab-bla) bDag-drug, fO-de Gung-rgyal is regarded as

the ancestor of the primitive clans, p a r t i c u l a r l y the Rlangs.

He is also a sacred mountai n in f01-kha which is held to be

the 'fa th er ’ of eight other such mountains th ro ug h o u t Tibet.

These god-mountains are termed "the nine gods w h o created the

world" (sr ld- pa chags-pa'i lha dgu) and a r e ge ne rally c l a ss ed

as mGur-lha, divinities whose special fun ction is to protect

the royal line. Ar ianne Macdonald (1971: 292-309) has J

recently examined the royal cult of the sKu-lha (or Sku-bla)

gods and h e r researches show beyond doubt that these were

identical with the mGur-lha. Their intimate ass ociation w i t h

the person of the king is brought out in her words: "Lee

Sku-bla de la tradition ancienne paraissent done av oi r

ete consideres a la fois comme dee divinites-montagnes,

A
dee ancetres et les supports du principe vital dee rois

(srog ou b l a ) dont ils aesuraient la protection et

* • / "i
l ’existence tant q u ’ils restaient lies a sa personne, mais

dont ils provoquaient la mort quand ils Tab an donnaient leur

vie' " (op. cit,, 303). fO-de Gung-rgyal is the foremost

sKu-lha be cause it was from him that the first mythical kings,

'O-lde sPu-rgyal a n d g N y a T-khri bTsan-po, w er e descended.

Our text omits the intricate theogony in wh ich fO-de Gu ng-

rgyal is n o r m a l l y place d an d instead presents him simply as

the fGo d of H e a v e n 1 (g n a m - l h a ) . It is under this epithet that

he is in voked later in t h e legend w h e n the men of U-ra go to

Ya r -l un g in search of the re in carnat ion of gPung Grags-pa

dBang-phyug (r G y a l - r i g s . f, 33"b) and again in the variant

tradition of gZhong -s gar and gPung-bsam w h e r e he is conflated

w i t h the Hi ndu god Indra (op. cit., f #i36a).

Str angely enough, the son of fO-de Gung-rgyal who

comes down f r o m heaven on the "divine rmu-cord" to become the

p r o g e n i t o r of the gP u n g families, that is Gu-se Lang-ling, is

not k n o w n elsewhere in Tibetan tradition. In fact, the name

j
seems to be preserved only In the r G y a l - r i g s . However, it

can be tentatively su gg es te d that the name m a y derive from

a toponym: Gu-se or Gling Gu-se (also spelt TGu-zi, mGu-zi)

is the name of a small p r i nc ip al ity in e a s t e r n Tibet that

was formerly ruled b y a chief claiming de scent from the

adoptive son of the epic, hero Ge-sar (Stein 1959a : 128).

It is a place intimately as so ci a t e d with the Rlangs clan,

a n d the a l t e r n a t i o n Rl an gs/Gling seems well attested (Stein

1959t> : 78-79)* A lt er n a t i v e l y L a ng -l in g can b e taken as a

descriptive word s ug ge st in g Tswaying, dangling, hanging1

(Goldstein 1975 : 1 1 1U) . Me nt io n of a certain Jo ~bo

IHo-bu La n g- li n g is found in the Tunhuang document P. 1289

(Stein 1971 : 517) .

If the legend of Gu-se La ng- lin g is as ancient as

it wo uld appear to be, then in its pristine fo r m the god

surely came d o w n in person on the divine rope to the peak of

a mo un ta in in the vic in it y of U-ra, The most sacred m o u n ­

tain in the area is sKu-lha mKha ’-ri (note the form of the

name; 1 sKu-lha S k y - M o u n t a i n 1) which lies on the Tibetan

b o r d e r just a few miles north of Bum-thang, Nebesky (1956 ;

2 OJ4 ) noted the iconography and some of the traditions about

sKu-lha m K h a ’-ri from the Tibetan viewpoint without, however,

giving its location. The cult of the god in Bu m-t han g

survives today only in local gsol-kha invocations but in

Pa d m a G l i n g - p a fs day he seems to have been more important.

That at least is the impression conveyed by a long passage

in Padma G l i n g - p a ’s bi ography (f f ,1 6lfb-1 70b) describing a

vision in w h i c h this deity figures promi ne nt ly under the name

dGe-bsnyen m K h a ’-ri, He introduces himself b y saying; "I

protect the teachings of the dharma in the area of the S o u t h ”

( / Iho-rgyud chos-kyi bstan-pa nged-kyi skyong-ba-.yin /

f.l67b). Nevertheless, he does not figure in a n y of the

Bhutanese legends k no wn t o me and his true importance doubt­

less lies more in his role as a Tibetan sKu-lha a s so ci at ed

w i t h the s o u t h e r n border o f that country. W i t h i n U-ra itself,

however, there does survive a mountain cult unique to the

valley and f u r t h e r investigations may one day prove it to have

connections with the figure of Gu-se Lang-ling, In the

aut um n every year a group of ladies g o ,t o the top of a

mou ntain in U-ra and perform a circular dance ac co mpanied

on a hand-drum. The performance is now described as A-lce

lHa-mo ('The La dy Goddess'), a term which is usually applied

to the well known dance-dramas of Tibet, also perfo'rmed by

the Dag-pa and fBrog-pa pe ople of eastern Bhutan, The U-ra

version of A ~l ce l H a - m o , however, has no dramatic function

at all a n d consists solely of the circular dance. A n extract

from the a c c o m p a ny in g song has appeared on a gramophone

record prepared b y the late John Levy entitled Tibetan and j

Bhutanese Instrumental and Folk Music (L y r i c h o r d L L S T 7258*

Side B Band 5, not 6 as l i s t e d ) . We recorded the song at the

palace of dBang-'dus Chos-gling where the U-ra ladies had

come to perform it for us. There is some con fu si on surrounding

the text of the song which, according to our informants, is

supposed to be sung in gsang-yig ('secret letters'). The

text w r i tt en down for us at the time of the performance is a

hymn of praise to the goddess A-lce lHa-mo h e r s e l f and does

not correspond to the words ac tu a l l y sung on the record.

The solution to this conundrum and t o the important question

of w h y wom en , rather than men, should p la y such a vital role

in the cult of U-ra will have to await f u r t h e r invest!gations.

Meanwhile it is worth noting that their ritual role has a

social parallel.

A noble fam ily whose line passes down from mot he r to

daughter still lives in U-ra, the head of die fam ily being

called the U-ra A- lce ('The L a d y of U-ra'), Mat rilineal

families such as this one also survive elsewhere in Bum-thang

(at Zangs-gling, bSam-gtan-gling, Ngang, gTam-shing, Dur and

lCags-mkhar) and in sKur-stod (at mTsho-gling, mKh os-ma and

Na'i). Nothing is kno wn about the origin of all these A-lce

an d today t he y are in a v er y reduced condition. It is with

some amusement that people today explain how many of the A- lc e

are unable to find themselves husbands because of their

straightened circumstances* This is contrasted with the

distant past w h e n they are said to have been rich and powerful.

The marriage of g Pun g lHa-dbang Grags-pa of U-ra to A-lce

s G r o n - ’dzom of Chos-' kho r (r g y a 1 - r i g s ♦ f* 35b) must have be e n

of the nature of a political alliance. The same may hold for

the liaison "on the s i d e ” (z u r - d u , loc, cit.,) of their son

gPung Grags-pa dBang-phyug II with the fC h i e f t a i n e s s f (d P o n - m o )

bKra-shis dBang-mo of gZhong-sgar; theirs seems t o have been

an a f f a i r of the heart but it still carried important political'

implicati ons f or it was their sons and grandson wh o spread the

institution of the gPung to all the surrounding areas. Doubt­

less the tra dition at this point is still of a le gendary

character. It ma y relate to po pular ideas ab out how some of

the ancient ma trilineal families w er e absorbed into,’ or became

subordinate to, those of the g P u n g ,

One of the most interesting points to be noted in the

development of the U-ra tradition is how the theme of divine

descent is ultimately replaced by one of descent from the

ancient royal dynasty of Tibet, gDung Grags-pa dBang-phyug 5

dies w i t ho ut issue but his line continues af ter a brief

interregnum through his incarnation, gPung lna-dbang Grags-pa,

w ho is abducted from Yar-lung. Investigations made later b y

the U-ra people confirm that the child is d e sc en de d from the

Pharmarajas through a br an c h of their descendants that had

settled at Ya r-lung (r g y a l - r i g s , f f . 3 3 b - 3 5 a ) , E x a c t l y the

same story of abdu ct io n is found in the tradition o f gZh on g-

sgar and g Du ng -b sa m (op. cit., ff. 39b ro hOa) . This d e v e l o p ­

ment of the legend may have arisen from a genuine break in the

line of the g P u n g . or perhaps the br eak wa s introduced

artif ic ia ll y in order to allow for the development. In a n y case

it must have taken form at a time w he n the old pre-Buddhist'

notion of heavenly descent was no longer held to con fer

sufficient prestige upon ruling families. Le git ima te rule

by this stage .depended upon the ability to claim a c o n n e c ­

tion with the true kings of history. Fortunately, in the

traditions of the gdung this later claim ne ver ob scured

the earl ier versions which continued to 'exercise a tenacious^

hold on the popular imagination, as we shall also see below.

The gZhong-sgar and gDung-bsam tradition

Properl y speaking, the le gend recounted on ff. 36a-

39b of the rG-yal-rigs should have nothing to do with the gPung

families as it really contains the origin myth of a quite

separate family, the rJe of Yon g- lam in gZhong-sgar. The

reason why it was set dcwn as a valid alternative version of

the gPung origins appears to be quite pimple. The people of

U-ra today still migrate south to the wa rm er region of

gZhong -sgar every winter. There they have estates producing

rice which cannot grow at the high altitude of their original

homeland in U-ra. This pattern of transhumance br ought them

into contact at an early date with the Tsang la- spe ak ing people

of gZhong-sgar, and the records suggest that the latter came

under the sway of their northern neighbours. Thus the ruling

rJe fa mily of g Z h o n g - s g a r was, a c c o r d i n g to the U-ra tradition,

the offshoot of the U-ra gPung. From the point of view of

gZhong-sgar, however, the position is reversed: the U-ra gPung

is held to be the offshoot of the ruler of gZhong-sgar, but

not necessarily of the Yong-lam rJe. Mgag-dbang belon ged to a

different area of the country and could therefore adopt in his

r G y a l - r i g s ♦ an impartial view towards these rival claims. The

two vers io ns are neatly harmonised on ff. 39b-UOa in a manner

that has already been alluded to in the previous section to

this chapter. The southern tradition, like the no rthern one

of U-ra, 'begins w i t h certain ancient themes upon w h i c h the

story of abducting a royal ch ild is superimposed. However,

its true substance is made up more of a compendium of

themes drawn from several sources, in contrast to the U-ra

tradition whose kernel revolves around a single theme.

Before attempting to separate these strands, here again is

the legend as it survives today in a a oral tradition related

to me by S lob-dpon bSod-nams bZang-po in the rDzong-kha

idiom of the Ngalong language (tape recorded in Th im-phu on

23rd July, 1973. The rescrvations voiced a bove about his

account of the 'Sindhu R a j a f also apply to this one, namel y

that it pr ob ab ly owes much to the literary account contained

in the rG-yal-rigs itself. Nevertheless, a comparison with

that account shows quite cl early that the legend still survives

in an oral line and this is as connected a ver sion of it as

one can hope for today.

The gPung families ''ere actually descended from

King ’O d - s r u n g s . At that time a powerful ruler
on the Indian border at a place called Khang-pa-di
(sp ?) obtained for himself a wife who was the
d au ghter of the ruler of mTsho-sna, the mTsho-sna-
pa. As she was coming down for he r wedding the
guardian spirit (g n a s - b d a g ) , in fact a n a g a -demon
(k l u - b d u d ) , of a place called Tsong-tsong-ma (sp ?)
which is near, or rather on the opposite side to
b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g , made its ap pe arance as she was
sleeping the night in that place. The n a g a-demon
took the form of a white snake and crossed back and
forth over her b o d y thr .e times and so she conceived
a child, a boy. Knormously strong being the child
of a non-human, he grew up very quickly, taking but
a few months whereas ordinary childr en require years.
When he grew up he went down to India on a trading
trip and on his wa y there was a lake which normally
did n ot hin g to people passing by. Since, however,
he w a s the son of a non-human it became agitated,
raining hail and stones on him so that he could not
proceed on his way. He found no w a y of solving the
problem and so fell to wondering what he should best
do. "If 1 knew who my father v/as I co uld ask him
for help but my mother will not tell me wh o he is.
Before trying anything I should get the assistance
of my f a t h e r ’s brothers and his people." On the
w a y home he sharpened his sword and then went to
his mother. "Are you going to tell me who my father
is ? If you are, th en tell me immediately.
If not, then I am going to kill you right now,"
"You have no father," said his mother, " I t ’s
no good saying I have no father," he replied.
So she told him the st or y about wh a t had bef al le n '
her at the lake while she had been s l eep in g there
for throe nights, how it had ha >pened and how he
had b e e n conceived. Co ll ec t in g tog ether three
.white kinds and three sweet kinds of medicine
(sman dka r-gsum dnp^ar-gsum) he went to the lake,
threw them in and cried out: "Father, fa t he r I"
At that instant a figure emerged from the lake,
the top part of his b od y being human in shape
and the lower part a serpent, asking: "'/Vhat is it ?"
"Are you my father ?" "Yes, what do yo u want ?"
"There is this lake which does nothing to harm
other people when they pass by, but being my enemy
it will not ailow me to pass. I have to fight a
battle with this lake and for this I need assistance."
" T h a t ’s easy. Y o u n e e d n ’t worry. I ’ll do it. Today
you stay here and I ’ll bring you plenty of food.
Tom orr ow you go down there and I ’ll h e l p you." When
he got up the next morning his f a t h e r brought him
many kinds of food. "-Vhat sort of help are you
going to give me ?" he d e ma nd ed .: " T h a t ’s easy.
T h e r e ’s nothing for you to do," replied his father.
He gave him a tube of bamboo with its opening
c ar efu lly sealed. "Now take this off with yo u to
the lake and open it up w h e n you-get there. Don't
open it until you arrive." "All right," he said
and set off. On his wa y he became uneasy and
thought to himself: "There :i.s probably nothing in
this to help me. ,'/hen I get to the lake I shall
proba bly drown and die." He opened up a minute
crack in the bamboo and two or three snakes looking
like monkeys (?) escaped. He quickly closed it up
again. The place and house .here this happen ed is
called sBrul-chu-gling ("Snake-'.Vater-Place") and
even today there are snakes there which are descended
fr om those ones. La te r w h e n he ar rived at the l a k e­
side he opened the tube and masses of snakes issued
forth and w ent into the lake, tearing it up at its
top and bottom so that in an instant it all emptied
of wa te r leaving just white stones lying around. He
went down to see what it was like and in the middle
of where the lake used t o be he saw a large bronze
vessel turned upside down. Th inking this must be
the palace of a naga he went and turned it over.
Inside there was a most beautiful and at tr active
irl holding a golden ladle with which she struck
him on the head, cracking his skull an d ki ll ing him
there. His brain was eaten b y a fish and since he
was the son of a non-human his consciousness entered
the fish. 'Pondering how he could obtain a'h um an
b o d y he went down the river and then up the river
which passes bKra-shis-sgang, rTa-wang and so on up
to Mon mTsho-sna. He went whe rever the river took
him but could find no wa y out. Then he went up the
K u - r u Ghu river to Kur -stod but there was no means
of exit that way either. Then he went to Grub-thob
Zam-pa in gZh ong-sgar on his way to Bu-t han g (sp ?)
but at True-thang (sp ?) he got caught in a
fish net wh ic h a man had left in the river there.
As the man approa ch ed to kill him he cried out:
"Don't kill me. I shall help you." "My, this
fish speaks in our hu man tongue. It is a bad
auspice. Vhat can this mean ?" said the man.
He did not let the fish go but instead placed
it in a box full of water and took it away
thinking that in a day or two the fi sh would
die and that he wo ul d then eat it. But on the
next day it-hadn't died, nor on*«the follo win g day,
staying just as it was. One day he w e n t off to
work and w h e n he came back he found his food
alr ea dy prepared and ready to be eaten. "My
goodness, what can this be U Vho could have
come to my house today i I have nobody myself
who could have done this. Vhat could have
caused it ?" Saying this, he fell to eating the
food and then went to sleep. On the next day he
went off to do his work at some distance and the
same thing had b e e n done for, him on his return.
"Now what can this mean? It must be the c o ns ci ou s­
ness of the fish which is helping me. It must
surely be a magical trick played by the fish."
Having said this, he went out of his house, entered
the forest and returned through the jungle until
he came to a large tree from the top of w h i c h his
house could be seen. Climbing this, he stayed to
watch his house. From inside the fish which was
inside the box of water there emerged a handsome
youth who proceeded to light a fire and prepare
food. Going as quickly as he could, the man
returned and flung the corpse of the fish into
the fire. "Oh, you've burnt it. That was a b a d
mistake. I must pull the tail out." The youth
pulled his tail out of the fire and so later there
came about a great abundance of meat, butter,
clothes and everything in the man's storeroom.
W h e n the youth had gained immense po w e r the people
said he should become their king, the king of
Trus-thang. It is said that the fortress, of
gZhon g- sg ar w hi ch nowdays still exists ^ i n ruins/
was built b y him. He has a name but I ... Then
everyone in that place became afraid of h i m an d
there was nobody who could match his power. He
subdued everyone to his authority, treating those
beneath him v e r y well, giving them food an d c o m ­
pelling them not to b u ll y ot hex's. Ev e n t ua ll y when
he came near to death the people declared: "There
is nobody now who would be able to support us after
you die. You must take a consort now so as to
produce a son who w o u l d act as your heir." He
replied: "I am myself the descendant of a non-human
and so you would not derive any benefit from my
lineage." He had no son therefore, and w h e n he was
dying he said: "When a time comes that you are in
trouble about five years from now, take this and go
to Yar -l un g in Tibet, In the lower part of Y ar-
lung there is a school for all the children. The
children there will be playing dice and at that
 time you must show them my dice. The child who
recognises my dice is the one who will be_of
"benefit to you. Bring him down here." ^S ay ing
this, he d i e d ^ ,Vhen in accordance wit h these
words they went to Yar-lung, at the lower end of
Yar-lung there v/as a large school in which there
were v e r y many children, just as they had "been
told. They were playing dice and wh e n the dice
,/the men had "brought w i t h them/ was thrown amongst
them, one of the children grabbed it and said:
"OhI ;Vhere have you brought my dice fr o m ?" They
immediately caught him by the hand and took him off.
Placing him in a wickerwork basket, they brought
him down to Trus-thang which is the place where the
g Zh on g- sga r rPzong now stands. The large estate
which /the palace of7 d B a n g - ’dus Ch os- gli ng /(i.e.
the present royal family / 7 owns at Trusythang used
to be h‘is estate. Af ter he had come tTiere he grew
up and became chief, he the descendant of the kings
of Tibet, the reincarnation who had b e e n taken down
from up there. Then he went up to U-ra a nd became
U~ra gPung Nag-po. Every w in te r he used to go
down to gZhong-sgar and so he went back and forth.
His sons who settled in villages in Bum-thang and
Mang-sde produced the families known as gPung who
are the descendants of the U-ra gPung Yag-po. Af te r
he had come this way, having become a man again
after be i n g a fish, he went to see the lake. The
copper vessel was still there and he took it away
w i t h him. Inside the vessel there was an image
of Phyag-na rDo-rje (Vajrapani) one cubit in height.
Somebody made off with it at some time and it is
now at a place called Bi-gdung (sp ?) near bKra-
shis-sgang. It can be seen to this day, a kind of
'l a k e - t r e a s u r e 1 (mt s h o - gt er ) . The copper vessel
w hi ch had been taken away v/as brought to U-ra and
kept b y the U-ra gPung Yag-po. During the time of
Zhabs-drung ^Y ga g- d b an g rYam-rgyal / 7 the U-ra gPung
Yag-po refused to submit, t o him and a force of the
Shar-bod and .Vang-bod </i.e, the militia from the
district of Thim-phu, sPu-na-kha and dBang-'dus Pho-
b rangy7 was sent to destroy him. Af t e r his defeat
the vessel was t a k e n away; and brought to sBu-na-kha
wh ere it is still kept ,/in the fortress/7" end k n o w n
as the m Ts ho -c he n rG,yaI-poTi rPzam ("The Pot of the
K in g of the Great L a k e " ) .

The main divergence b e t we en bgod-nams bZang-po's oral

account of 1973 and Ngag-dbang's written account of 1728 is

the complete absence in the forme r o f the complicated preamble

to the story occupying f . 3 6 a-b of the r G y a l - r i g s . This preamble

appears tp be derived from a textual tx'adition, namely the

gter-ma of Bon Thang-la 'Od-dkar which Ngag-dbang lists as one

of the sources of the legend. The oral traditions of gPung-bsam

and gZh ong-sgar which tog et her form the rest of the

legend seem to have been grafted upon this textual t r a d i ­

tion. Un til the gter-ma comes to light once more, that

seems to be the basic picture of the l e g e n d ’s structure.

The fragment of the gter-ma that survives in th e preamble

has an ancient quality despite its mention of the Hi ndu

god Indra (posing as the God of Heaven T0 -de Gung-rgyal

in the Buddhist heaven of Tr ay a s t r i m s a t ) . Apart from

these accretions, the names that appear are all pre-Buddhist

in origin (Gu-se Lang-ling, rMu in rMu-yul, r M u ’i rje-dpon,

rMu-btsan lHa-gnyan Ohen-po and perhaps Mu-ku-lung; bS e-ba-

mkhar and gDung-mtsho, see below). The name of the gter-ma

itself is that of a Bon-po god, Thang-la TOd-dkar; the form

of the name (which does not seem to be found elsewhere)

variously reminds one of the Bon-po god and saint sTag-la

Me-'bar, of Tha-le fOd -d kar the sister of the epic hero

Ge-sar (Stein 1959a : 535), and finally of the mo un tai n god

Thang-lha (Nebesky 1956 : 205-208). Despite these consider^

ations, the textual tradition really seems extraneous to the

original form of the legend and its inclusion may simply

represent a n attempt on the part of Ngag-dbang to give a

greater depth a n d significance to the whole tradition. This

interpretation is borne out b y the w a y the preamble is

aligned to the local tradition as j^reserved in the rGyal-rigs

and by the fa ct that it is quite missing in the contemporary

oral account.

The main point of the legend,taken as a logical and

consistent whole, is to show the series of adventures a

divine be ing must experience if he is to act as a ruler of

ordinary mortals. His essential nature is incompatible with

that of humans and must be gr ad ua ll y tran sfo rme d and tamed.

Upon this assumption rest all the odd permutations of

existence through which Bar-skyes (alias Ral-pa sTobs-

chen, alias lHa-dbang Grags-pa) has to pass Be fo re he can

act as the true founder of a ruling line. Bach of these

permutations is associated w it h a particular locality in

eastern Bhutan and very likely enjoyed to Be g i n with an

independent currency. The legend evolved By assimilating

to it these local stories, one B y one, until it developed

into the final c o m ple x form recorded By N g a g - d b a n g . The

oral recension of B&od-nams BZa ng -p o emphasises the con ti nu­

ing associations w h i c h each part of the legend has w i t h

specific places; one possiBle approach to the analysis is

therefore ge og raphical in nature. In fact there seems to

Be no proBlem in determining the original setting of each

component of the legend. The 'preamble' is set in the v i c ­

inity of Me-rag Sag-etengs inhabited By the 'Northern

M o n p a 1, the story of Bar-skyes is set in gDung -B sa m (Mon-

yul s T o n g - g s u m ) , the story of Ral-pa sToBs-chen in gZ hong-

sgar (Mol-Ba-lung) and the ac count of the l a t t e r 1s abduction

from Yar-lung as lHa-dbang Grags-pa seems to Be a direct

Borrowing from the U-ra tradition.

Un de rlying all these separate plots (except the last

one) is the theme of lakes and rivers and their divine or

semi-divine inhabitants. The wa tery element dominates the

legend and helps to conceal its syncretic structure. mTsho-

sna ( ' L a k e -B eg in ni ng s' or 'Diverse hakes') in the preamble

is very important in Tibetan mythology for its ass oci ati ons

with the origins of Tibet and the Tibetans (Stein 1972 : 37-

38). It used to Be the administrative capital of Mon-yul and

lies just Be yo nd the present bo r d e r with Kameng, According

to the preamble, wh en the ancestors of the Me -rag Sag-

stengs people were fleeing from their ruler at mTsho-sna,

Gu-se Lang -li ng was sent by the God of Heaven to help them.

This took the form of assisting the god of the lake at lHo

gDung-mtsho sKar-ma-thang, perhaps a local pr ote cto r of

those people. The lake is certainly a real, not imaginary,

one as it appears in Padma Gling-pa's au to bio gr ap hy (f. 62a)

spelt, perhaps s i g n i f i c a n t l y , as Dung-mtsho Karma-thang, A

Dung-mtsho ('Origin Lake') is mentioned in the Po-ti b s e - r u .

ac cor din g to the 5th Dalai Lama (Haarh 1969 : 256-7, 287-8).

A ft e r various t r a n s m ut at io ns , Gu-se Lang- lin g turns up again

as the lake-god of Mu-ku-lung, where in the form of a white

serpent he impregnates the bride of the king of gDung-bsam.

She conceives Bar-skyes who later unwittingly upsets the

rival n a g a -demon (k l u - b d u d ) of the lake at Ngas-tsang-long-pa.

Despite the gift of a snake arm y b y his father, Bar-skyes is

kil led b y the rival god and his consciousness enters a fish.

The fish is eventually caught b y a bachelor whom it assists

b y performing household chores, tr a n s fo rm in g itself into a

youth for this purpose when the bachelor is wo r k i ng in hie

fields. The bachelor discovers this, destroys the body of

the fish and so the youth is left in his human con di ti on and

becomes Ral-pa sTobs-chen, the ruler of gZhong-sgar. The

concept of a primal lake seems to be muted and ove rshadowedj

in this narrative by the idea of lakes as the home of

dangerous spirits, principally the klu wh o ap pr opr iat ed the

character of the Indian naga spirits. The 'tshomem' (m t s h o -

s m a n- mo ) are a n o t h e r class of such semi-divine beings

sp eci fically associated with lakes in Bhutan. The uncanny

b e h a v i o u r of the Ngas-tsang-long-pa lake (somewhere be tw een

gDun g-b sam and India) is a typical example of the ominous and
sinister nature still credited to lakes in popular folklore.

The strength of these bel iefs is suggested b y the fact that

Gu~se Lang-ling, wh o should pro perly be a s so cia ted with a ^

mou ntain (and is in fact b r i ef ly linked in the preamble with

the mountains of Gangs-ri dKar-po and TVang-seng) , is fi nally

transform ed into a klu-bdud ( 1n a g a - d e m o n ' ) in the gDung-bsam

tradition.

The point of most c entral interest in this latter

tradition concerns the episode when Bar-skyes, having turned

into a fish, is caught by a batchelor wh om he secretly assists

around the house until he regains a human body a n d becomes the

m a n ’s adoptive son, A very close parallel to this story is

found in the m y t h ol o gy of the Thulung Rai of east Nepal. The

Th ulung version has been di sc ussed at length b y Nicholas Al le n

(1976; 102ff.), He traces the story back to one that is

recorded in two separate recensions in the Tun -huang li t e r a ­

ture, namely the marriage by capture of rBeg-ga rBeg-shi (or

T s e n g - ’gi rRag-zhing) b y Gyim-po Nyag-cig (edited and tr an s­

lated b y F.'.'V. Thomas 1 957:1 6 -hU) . The first of several

Thulung versions recorded b y Al len may be b r i e f l y summarised

as follows:

Khakcilik, a poor orphan w h o tw o r k s as a fisherman,

catches a stone in his net one day. Each time he
casts it back into the water it gets caught again
until finally he decides to take it home with him.
The stone is actu all y a girl, Wayelungma, and while
Kh akc ili k is away fishing, she slips out to sweep
the house and prepare a meal. Khakc ili k returns and,
astonished, declares: "Who is this who has been
looking after a poor orphan like me c: Come and we'll
eat together." One of his neighbours, an old woman,
pretends that she has been helping him an d so he
shares the food with her. The whole business is
repeated two or three tines until the truth of the
matter is explained to khakcilik b y another neighbour:
"Pick up your net as if to go fishing. Then take a
w i n n o w i n g fan and broom, and hi die in the corner b y
the doorway. Then your helper ^ W a y e l u n g m a 7 comes to
get the broom, grab hold of her," Khak ci li k does so
and the two of them settle down as man an d wife.
The two recensions of the Tun -huang version co nt ain m an y

unsolved textual problems a n d there are a nu m b e r of fa ir l y

minor discrepancies in their accounts. However, their

basic unity is quite evident. The following precis of

Allen's pa ra phr asi ng of Thomas' somewhat doub tfu l tr an sl a­

tions allows itself some license in order to bring out the

common features of the two recensions:

A girl (rBeg-ga rBeg-shi or Tseng-'gi rBag-

zhing) changes herself into a peacock (or takes
on the character of a bird) to save he rself from
a fiend which has killed all ox* most of he r
close kin. Gyim-po Nyag-cig, a poor and solitary
figure separated from his six rich brothers,
catches the peacock in a snare and takes h e r home.
(in one ve rs ion she ip caught and released b y him
several times.) :fnile Gyim-po is aw a y pasturing
goats or ga the ri n g wood, the girl-peacock secretly
sets out a meal which he eats on returning. Pre­
tending to go out to cut wood, he hides be hi nd a
dung-heap. The, peacock-girl comes out from her
place of hiding to lay out another meal. Gyim-po
catches her and makes her his wife.

All three vers ion s (Tun-huang, Bhutanese an d Thulung)

form part of extended legendary cycles having different aims

and functions but in each one the man is a lonely figure

(orphan, batchelor, separated brother). His bride or

adoptive son is captured first in a snare or net while in a

state of disguise (as peacock, fish or stone). They are

finally caught red-handed in their true form wh il e secr etl y

per forming household chores for the man who, suspecting, had

pretended to go off on his work in order to lure them out.

The shift from 'captured w i f e 1 to 'adoptive son' in the

Bhutanese story may be e x p l a i n e d by the fact that the latter

forms a sub-plot in the legendary origins of a line of male

rulers. The common motifs, however, s e e m to outweigh the

obvious points of contrast so strongly as to suggest that

the stories are truly ve rs lo ns of a single legend and not

merely vague and fortuitous parallels. Many explanations

can be used to account for a- single story occurring in

several areas. The most likely one in this case wou ld

ap pear to be that the Bhutanese and Thulung versions share

a common external ancestor derived from the Tun-huang version,

though there are no means to hand of proving this in t e r pr et a­

tion. The peripheral survivals in Nepal and B h u t a n m a y at

the least be said to carry ancient associations with the

mythology of T i b e t ’s dynast.c period. In B h u t a n ’s case this

tends to underline many of the conclusions reached in this

chapter. It is, however, particularly apt that the old story

should be f o u n d in the legends of a family calling itself r J e ,

for it probably represents part of one of the original myths

of the huge rJe clan; all these became buried la ter under

the scheme that claimed the figure of gTsang-ma as a royal

progenitor.

The Ggang tradition

Two wo rks which must have been composed at almost

exactly the same time as the r G y a l - r i g s , namely the biographies

c
of b s T a n - ’dzin L e g s - p a ’i Don-grub (16U5-1726) an d of Mi-pham
*7

dBang-po (1709-1738), clearly indicate that the supremacy

accorded the U-ra gDung family in the rGyal-rigs was not

always accepted b y the gDun g families of o t h e r areas. bsTan-

’dzin fegs-grub was the se c on i incarnate head of the great

mona st er y of Ga ng -s t e n g which belongs to the school of Padma

Gling-pa and is situated in the Shar district of west ern

Bhutan, he was b o r n in a chos-rje family of sBon-sbis that

descended from the gPung family of G ’;ung and it was for this

reason that the origins of the Ngang gPung are expl ai ned in

his biography (ff. 22b-2ija) . A closely similar account is

 & I

Table X I : Origins of the gPung families: the Ngang tradition

(according to the biographies of bsTan- 'dz in L e g s - p a fi Don-grub,
ff. 22b-2^a, and Mi~pham dBang-po, ff. 5b-6b)

K i a g Khri Srong-lde-btsan of Tibet

IDe-chung Don-grub
(La- yags Chos-rgyal of 1 Ho “brag Ya-gsum)

IDe-mal lDe-cThung
( i
1
_ _

La-ba rDo-rje K h y e ’u rDo-rje s ? r e Tu rDo-rje

(ruler of mTshams-pa, (gPung of Ngang) (dPon of sTang)
ancestor of Padma
G l i n g - p a ’s mother)

Bu-khrid = gPung lHa-dar

(d. of Bla-ma ( d i s c . of Zla-ba rGyal-mtshan,
Ku n-b zan g Gling-pa) son of' Padma G l i n g - p a , 12+50—
1521 ; b ec am e the 1st sBon-sbis C ho s- rj e)

rGyal-ba

mDo-sngags T she -d ban g Bu-khrid TPhrin-las dBang -

Grags-pa Sri-thar lHa-mo chen (alias ? Ka-ka
(d. of Zhal-ngo Tshe-ring, disc, of
of 7/a-can Ygar-ba, Padma 'Phrin-las, son
desc. of Pha-,jo of Zla-ba rGyal-
*Brug-sgom) mtshan)

rNam-rgyal Tshe-dbang bsTa n-'dzin Legs-pa'i Don-grub

(incarnation of Zhabs- (1 6U5-1 7 2 6 , 2-nd sGang - steng sPrul■
drung Ka-thog-pa) sku; incarnation of Padma
1Phrin-las)

dPal-'byor rTa-mgrin Tshe-dbang = N ga g- db an g Bu-dar

(11th 'Brug s D e - s r i d .
r e g n . 1736-3 9)

Mi-pham dBang-po 'Jigs-med Yor-bu

(1709-38, 1st K h r i - s p r u l : (1717-35, 2nd rGyal-sras
r e g n . 1 729-3^ as lOth"” sPrul-sku)
r Brug s D e - s r i d )
found on ff, 5b - 6b of the b io gr ap hy of hie nephew, Mi-pham

dBang-po, who w a s the first incarnation of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-

rgyas ( 1 6 3 8 - 1 6 9 6 ) and who ruled as the 1 0 th *Brug sDe-srid

from 1729 to 1736. As we might expect, in the scheme wh i c h

these works adopted (illustrated in Table XI) the line of

descent of these two important figures is t r a c e d b a c k to the-

Tibetan kings in a late and artificial manner, but one that

is not devoid of interest,

King Khri Sr ong-lde-btsan of Tibet is said to have

had Ma be loved natural son" (t h ug s- n y e - b a 1i sras z u r r p a , f,22b)

called lDe-chung Don-grub upon whom he conferred the province

Q
of lHo-brag. Two of his descendants IDe-mal and lDe-chung,

became the so-called Pharmarajas of La-yags, a village

located somewhere across the b o r d e r with Bhutan, as we know

from the b i o g r a p hy of Padma Gling-pa who knew the place (see

J
for instance f.7Ub). IDe-mal and lDe-chung can very likely

be identified with lDe-po and lDe-chung, historical figures

who appear in a recognised branch of royal descendants settled

in this area (see Deb-ther dmar-po g s a r - m a , p. 1 6 7 ). The

rGyal-rabs g s a l - b a ’i me-long (f. 99a) notes that lDe-po took

control of a place called ’Ban-tshigs and that the f a m i l y ’s

line passed down through his immediate descendants. IDe-chung

died without issue. At this point the Ngang tradition picks

up and adapts part of a scheme which is fully expl ai ne d in

Section IV of the rG.yal-rigs w h e r e it is used to account for

the origins of a motley group of ruling families, but not

those of the g P u n g . Three brothers (La-ba rDo-rje, K h y e ’u

rDo-rje and sPre'u rDo-rje) who descend from IDe-mal and

IDe-chung come south to Bum-thang. Bach becomes the first of

a line of local rulers. K h y e ’u rDo-rje settles in the two

villages of Dur and Ngang and subdues b y magic a large snake,

the emanation of a k l u - b d u d , which had been devouring the

local inhabitants on the path b e t w e e n the two villages. The

people of Ngang are delighted, appoint him their ruler and so

he becomes the first gPung of Ngang. His elder b r o t h e r settles

in mTshams-pa (some miles north of Ngang) and we are told that

the mother of Padma Gling-pa was bo rn in his lineage. The

youngest bro ther becomes the ruler (dpon) of sTang. The two

ke y figures in whose biographies this tradition was recorded

were descended f ro m gDung lH a- dar of Ngang, himself the sup posed

descendant of the legendary K h y e 'u rDo-rje.

A cc ord ing to Section IV of the rGyal-rigs (ff. U0a-h3b)

the three leg endary brothers arrive from sPa-gro, not lHo-brag,

and are among the so-called Six Vajra Brothers of lHa-lung

dPal-gyi rDo-rje, the famous assassin of King Glang Dar-ma

’the A p o s t a t e ’. The three brothers who do come b y w a y of lHo-

b ra g are Kha-rtsing Las-kyi rDo-rje, Pbo-mtshar Grags-pa

rDo-rje and sMras-mkhas sPyang-rig rDo-rje, each of w ho m be co me

rulers in the areas south and east of Bum-thang. F o u r out of

9 /
the total of six become dpon (or d p o n - p o . d p o n - c h e n . dpon-chen

z ha l-n go) in Bum-thang and the area east, among them the

G h o s - ’khor dPon-po (discussed above) who occupies here the

-i
position taken by the Ngang gDung in the bio graphical tradition.

Could all these dpon have been established by Tibetan a u t h o r i t y

as vassal rulers in the manner suggested for the C h o s - ’khor

d P o n-po ? '.Ye have no means of knowing. One of the remaining

two brothers becomes the untitled head of the pastoral fa mi lie s

of mTshams-pa and the other the progenitor of the Kh eng-po

families of gZhong-sgar, a name one would .like to link to that

of the Kheng people who extend into this area.

 The wh ole schema of these paired triads with their

matching names and epithets must derive from a much earlier

tradition that is now lost. Indeed it must have disappeared

already b y the 1 7 th century,

early , leaving b eh in d simply a

convenient formula that could be variously a p p l i e d to fit

ancient ruling families into an acceptable, unified pattern.

What is not clear is the extent to wh ich the three authors,

Ngag-dbang, Shakya Rin-chen and bsTan-'dzin Ohos-rgyal, w e r e

using or adapting the formula on their own initiative. Or

were they recording oral traditions in a tr uly untampered

form as t he y wo uld have us believe U The wh o l e twilight area

of these partl y oral, pa rtly literary traditions tend to defy

such an a n a l y s i s .
 Motes to ch. I Section 5

The nii-dpon were certainly part of the system of local

adm inistrution in Tibet during this period. They are

mentioned to ge t he r with the brgya-dpon ( fc e n t u r i o n s ')

in the 'Gyangtse Chronicles' of 1481 (Tucci 1949:667).

They pr ob abl y had their origin during the pe r i o d of

Sa-skya or Phag-mo-gru~pa rule.

Here are the references to these five campaigns in Tucci* s

translation:

(1) "Having become his intimate and ha ving attended to

the most important affairs, he </dPal-ldan b Z a n g - p o / urged

that dGe-bshes dGe-'dun rGyal-mtshan of Ro ng -po might

accept him in his retinue in the e xp edi ti on against the

I H o - d u n g , (which he was preparing) • At the age of twenty-

three, in the year of the iron-dragon (1 3 4 0 ), he went as a

lay compa nio n (in the retinue) of dGe-bshes, and in lHo-

dung the enemies were destroyed." (f, 3 b ?)

(2) The dge-bshes appears to have died in the first

campaign and dPal-ldan bZang-po was a p p oi nt ed in his place.

"At the age of twenty-five, in the year wa te r-horse (1 3 4 2 ),

he went to bZang-yul. Among the f ou r offices corresponding

to the (four) sections in which Sa-skya w as divided, the

dGe-bshes dGe-'dun rGyal-rntshan had that of Shar-kha

/ t h e eastern section/*1; as he /d Pa l-ldan bZang-po/r was

appoi nt ed in his place he was exalted as the glorious

Shar-kha-pa. Having conquered the Dung-reng, as the clergy

and laymen wer e pacified, the Sa-skya-pa hierarch too had a

high opinion of h i m . ’1 (f, 4a) In 1347 he is appointed

"a dm inistrator of /estern lHo-brag".

(3) "In. that y ea r / J 3 5 2 / he </dPal~ldan b Z a n g - p £ 7
destroyed the IHo-dung in Rin-chen-sgang a n d in the

environs of Phag-ri." (f. 5a)

(4) "In the following year the Shar-dung led b y Don-grub-

dar,. ha vi ng vanquished the Gur minister of Gru m-pa and

having asked to make an act of submission, it is said

that he / d P a l - l d a n b Z a n g - p o ^ let than remain in his re t ­

inue." (loc. cit.)

(5) "In the year wood-horse (1354) his younger b r o th er

'Phags-pa Rin-chen-pa went to lHo-brag and conquered the

IHo-dung and hence deserved we l l of dBus." (loc. cit.)

The 5th Dalai L a m a ’s Chronicle (f. 100a) confirms

the gist of the above: "Prom Sa-skya he received the

insignia and the diploma of rgan-po to subdue Shar-dung

and IHo-dung and of valiant archer." (Tucci op. cit., 646)

The sketchmap accompanying this table does great injustice

to the m any different languages spoken by small pockets of

people throughout the area who do not fall into the major

groups. A fully documented language map produc ed after

an exhaustive linguistic survey of the whole region w o u l d

reveal the interconnections of these minor 'b or der ’ languages

but would not, I believe, greatly alter the b ro ad outlines

suggested in this sketchmap. The dotted b o u n d a ry of

'Northern Monpa' encompasses the area now under the control

of China. The innabitants of Me -rag/Sag-stengs in Bhutan

(between the sGam-ri Chu and rTa-wang Chu valleys) are

almost certainly speakers of 'Northern Monpa' also. If we

accept the identification of t h e Shar-dung (once an

independent people enjoying a corporate identity) with

the 'Northern Monpa', then we are today faced with the sad

picture of their present dispersal under the governments

 £33

of China, Bhutan and India. An objection may be raised

to this pro po se d identification when it is recalled that

in the previous section to this chapter we noticed how

Padma Gling-pa arrived at the court of the king of Dung

'Di-rang (f. 164b of his r n am -t ha r) . This might indicate

that th e Shar-dung once extended south into the area

occupied b y the Tsangla- sp ea ki ng 'Central Monpa'.

Elsewhere (f. 100a), Padma Gling-pa seems to speak of the

whole areas as Durig-rong ('The Ravine Cou nt ry of the Dung').

J
4. On '0-de Gung-rgyal as tne divine a n c e s t o r of kings and

clans, and as a sacred mountain, see Tucci (1949 : 728,

730 and 733), Nebesky (1956 : 208-209), Stein (1959b :

83 note 226), Haarh (1969 : passim), A. Mac do na ld (1971 :

302).

5* The following is Ph i l i p Oenwood's translation of part of

the text supplied, the original of which is presumably

still among the late John Levy's papers now preserved at

the Institute of Scottish Studies in Edinburgh:

Ache Lhamo's conveyance is a horse.

Ache Lhamo's incense is from m u l u and pulu wood.

Ache Lhamo'r drink is arak and ambrosia.

Ache Lhamo's couch is a white wo ol len cloth.

Ache Lhamo's tea has ginger and sugar.

The land of Gangto is pleasant

Surrounded b y a wall of jewels.

6. rGyal-kun k h y a b -bdag V r o - b a ' i b l a-ma bstan- 'dz in rin-po-

che legs-pa'i don-grub zhabs-kyi rnam-par thar-pa ngo-

mts ha r nor-bu'i mchod -s do ng (123 folios, undated) by

b s T a n - ' d z i n Chos-r yal, 10th dead Abbot of Bhutan

(1 701 -67, r e g n . 1755-62).

7♦ B.yang-chub s e m s - d p a ’ chen-po nggg-gi dbang-phyug bstan-

’dzin mi-pham .1igs-rr.ed bhub-bstan d b a n g - p o ’i s d e ’i

rtogs-pa br;}od~pa 3b.yangs--can rgyud-mang (83 folios,

undated) b y „Shakya Rin-chen, 9th Head Abbot of Bhutan

(1710-59, r e g n . 17h h - 5 5 ) .

8. The texts reiser specif ic al ly to the Y a - g s u m (or* Ya-bo-

K s u m ) of lHo-brag, an a n c i e n t territorial division o f a

province into three parts (cf, K l u m - r o fi ya-sum in a

Tun-huang ms. quoted in Haarh 1969:2^2). I would take

ya or ya-bo as cognate to y a n - l a g . ’limb', ’m e m b e r ’,

1s e c t i o n ’ .

9. The kings of the present dynasty in Bhutan, the TBrug

rGyal-po whose ancestral home is Bum-thang, a r e still

referred to by members of their family and by people

from that area as d p o n , pronounced 'p o n ' in the local

n ,
manner, not 'pon .

10. It is perhaps worth noting that the d'Pon of sTang is

(sTobs-ldaii) La-ba rDo-rje in the r G y a l - r i g s , but

s P r e ’u rDo-rje in bs Tan -'d zin Legs-grub's biography.

Similarly, the ruler of mTshams-pa is (mGar-ba) K h y e ’u

rDo-rje in the former and La-ba rDo-rje in the latter.

6. Patterns and prospects

In this chapter an attempt has been made to examine

the historical background to the themes which imbue those myths
which survive today as accounts of what happened at the dawn of
Bhutanese history. As a convenient basket into which the best
known of these stories have been placed, the chapter reflects
the diverse nature of the material itself. The texts which form
that material have been studied on their individual grounds
and merits, and the conclusions reached are those which have been
suggested in the course of analysis. Underlying these conclusions,
however, are a few common factors which can now be briefly summarised.
One generalisation that holds true for the early myths
of Bhutan is that they are 'early' only in regard to the events of
which they speak. In the form in which they have come down to us
they date from the 15th to the 18th centuries, ignoring here the
legend of Srong-btsan's temples which is properly speaking Tibetan.
In a certain sense, these 'early' myths of Bhutan may be said to
be the 'late' myths of Tibet but the latter carried direct echoes
from the dynastic period that led to Buddhist conversion in the 7th
to 9th centuries. By picking up these echoes in the written and
unwritten traditions of their own age, Padma Gling-pa and Ngag-dbang
were able to adapt them to their own circumstances of place and tlmjs.
Not only could their reconstituted versions carry validity precisely
because of these ancient associations, but' they gave powerful
expression to the local aspirations of their audiences in Bhutan in
a way that ensured their works success. Their authors were not

inventing fanciful tales for the entertainment of illiterate peasants

but rather fulfilling a basic need in their respective societies for
a share of -‘the divine source. Without that source lineages would
remain meaningless, the ground unhallowed and all institutions of
rule unfounded, (The phrase 'byung-khungs med-pa (lit. 'sourceless')
is most often used in Bhutan with the derived meanings of 'stupid'
and 'upstart',) For the historian the chief interest in texts
which 'substantiate the source' ('khungs chod-pa) , whether by
revelation in the case of gter-ma or by simple investigation in
the case of chronicles, lies in the way these reveal the local com­
plex that is adapted to the source. Here we meet with truly historical
phenomena and the search for these has taken us to temples, pillars,
rulers, clans and families. It has been no part of the afro to ^
'debunk' the myths, but in the meantime the line between fact and
imagination has become a little clearer. It may be argued that
this is a rather circuitous way of revealing the past, but in the
absence of other source material of a!more concrete nature we are
forced to consider this chain of mythological testimonies. In any
case, surely the substance of myth is as revealing of a people's inner
aspirations and history as hard fact.
If there is a single thread which more than any other
links together the myths examined above it is the way they all
look upon the region that later became Bhutan as a borderland where
foreign rulers could find refuge and pe-establish their authority.
They arrive as exiles, refugees and outcasts, or are brought there
by abduction or sent as emissaries or generals. All these figures
carry the divine aura of kingship and' the local inhabitants,
yielding to them as subjects, come to partake of that aura in a
relationship that is passed down from generation to generation
among their descendants. At no time does there arise a universal
king and the local polities seem everywhere circumscribed by the
ethnic boundaries which divide the land into its many units.
The traditions of east Bhutan were recorded by
Ngag-dbang during a period when the ancient institutions of rule
peculiar to that region had already been undermined by the
expansion of the 'Brug-pa theocracy from the west. The traditions
very soon ceased to have any relevance and are today almost for­
gotten. Certainly they never passed into the mainstream of Bhutanese
historiography whose inspiration and provenance has since the
17th century been largely limited to the west of the country. On
the other hand, the traditions ’rediscovered1 by Padma Gling-pa,
himself an easterner, survived into quasi-orthodoxy because they
were cast in a legendary religious mode acceptable to all forms of
rule in all periods. Moreover, they were not concerned with real
institutions as in Ngag-dbang's case, but rather with remote
figures who had never given rise to ruling lineages that survived
into the period of 'Brug-pa dominance. The ultimate success of
Padma Gling-pa's portrayal of the 'Sindhu Raja' and Khyi-kha Ra-thod
was above all due to the inseparable associations which these
kings had with the key figure of Padmasambhava, the 'second Buddha1.
The traditions concerning Padmasambhava himself form
a constant leitmotif. Here we move into a world of mystical
revelation that stands apart from our present concerns, rooted as
they are in the sphere of the mundane. For the loca,l chronicler
Bhutanese history really begins with Padmasambhava who is said
to have visited countless places throughout the country which
later became his shrines (see particularly LCB I, f. 6a-b,
LCB II, ff. 62b-67a and gTam-tshogs, f. 118a-b). He quite overshadows
the person of Srong-htsan sGam-po who is credited with the
foundation of the two temples in Bhutan at a period earlier
still. All the mythic complexes reviewed above can to a greater
or lesser extent be linked to historical phenomena, but this
is not possible in the case of Padmasambhava's traditions in
Bhutan, whatever significance the manuscript Pelliot tibetain 44
may have for his associations with Nepal and Tibet. For this
reason it has been thought best to leave him mostly in the
heaven from whence he came. Nevertheless, a study of the last
of his eight forms, rDo-rje Gro-lod, will eventually tell us
much about the growth of the Bhutanese tradition for it was
under this aspect that he is said to have travelled to thirteen
'tiger's nests' where he revealed the teachings on Vajrakila
(gTer-rnam, f. 13b), Foremost among thesei is the shrine of
sTag-tshang in the sPa-gro valley. Another of them is Senge
rDzong north of Kur-stod. Some traditions hold that the pregnant
tigress which acts as the mount for this form of the Guru
is none other than the transformed daughter of the 'Sindhu Raja’.
The child she is to conceive is the wisdom latent in all beings
but, given the ancient association of the country with tigers,
she symbolises in particular the inhabitants of Bhutan whose
barbarism is transmuted by the wrathftil activity of the Guru
into spiritual awakening. The country as a whole is transformed
by him into the spiritual Arcadia of a 'hidden land'
(LCB I , f. 6b, LCB II, f. 59a et. seq.). The role attributed to
Padmasambhava in Bhutan as the first bringer of religion, who
came both in person and by magic to tame the country, has of course
many parallels throughout the Himalayas and in many parts of Tibet
too. His direct, though legendary, associations with each locality
 zyi

give the inhabitants a new and special status which is

contrasted with the one they had in the age of darkness before

his arrival* This did much to offset the Buddhist notion that

border people stood beyond the pale of the doctrine. Indian

tradition sometimes identified the border barbarians with the

"mleccha-rajas who dwell in the Himalayas" (Blue Annals* p* 45)*

Tibetan traditions took this up without hesitation, as we see

Tin the words of the Kun-bzang bla-ma*i zhal-lungi

kLa klo JltilQcch£j[ is a designation of the inhabitants of

any of the thirty-two border regions beginning with the
kLo.kha.khra. It is the habit of the kLa.klo to oall
killing a virtue and so they oount the slaughter of
living beings as something good. Although the kLa.klos
of the border regions look like hhman beings, their minds
do not work properly and so they cannot be turned toward
the Noble Dootrine (Guenther 1959*23) .

The Bhutanese sometimes see themselves as descendants of the

Kha-khra ( 1Striped-Mouths*) referred to here, a vague term

applied by the Tibetans to the pre-literate tribals of Arunachal

(of, note 23 to Section I above and the rGyal-rigs note 20),

As late as 1714 Lajang Khan could address the ®th 'Brug sDe-srid

of Bhutan in writing as "barbarian king"(kla— klo* i rgyal-po/mleccha-raja,

in MBTJ, f. I04b). The term kla-klo is still occasionally used

by Tibetans today when seeking to insult the Bhutanese. The

sting lies particularly in the way the term repudiates, even

ignores, their ’historical' conversion to Buddhism by Padmasambhava

and the many centuries that were filled with their owh Buddhist

saints.

J
 Returning now to the vestiges of true history, what
scope is there for finding further material, written or

otherwise, which might help us achieve a sharper picture

of the country before the arrival of the Buddhist saints
and rulers who oocupy the next chapter ? Unless some
particularly interesting trouvailles, real gter-ma in
faot, should com© to light, it seems unlikely that
we shall ever learn much more about the west of the
oountry from the literary records. In the east, however,
there must surely be considerable scope for enhancing the
pioture given by Ngag-dbang in his works, particularly
if some of his own sources are found. These may, well be
preserved in scattered private collections on both sides
of the eastern border. Not only will these tend to illuminate
eaoh other, but their true import will gradually be
revealed as corroborating material is found in the
independent sources of Tibet; so far the best interpretive
J
insights seem to have been those afforded by the Rin-chen
gter-mdzod, dPa'-bo gTsug-lag and the 'Gyangtse Chronicle*,
but many more 'tie-ins' can surely be culled from the
bottomless pit of Tibetan literature. Of equal potential
value would be the pursuit of archeological, ethnographic

and linguistic research throughout the country. These

would help to determine the early pattern of diffusion
and settlement in a manner that would certainly demand a
re-appraisal of the existing reoords, The tools of social
anthropology as applied to the oontent of oral traditions
and the nature of social change could also perhaps be used
hoped
with some profit in this area.It may be / these disciplines
will one day produce solid grist to the historian3s mill
whioh has here revolved almost exclusively around the
fragile hu.sk of the texts available to date.
 CHA PTE R TWO

THE EM ER G EN CE OP BUDDHIST SCHOOLS

Just as the early mon ar ch y in Tibet came to be followe d

b y diversified religious polities w h i c h w e r e f i n al ly dominated

b y a single school, so also in Bh u t a n secular p r in ci pal iti es

app ea r to have given w a y to small units of eccl esi ast ic al rule

whi ch were in the end replaced b y a single, unified theocracy

as so ci at ed w i t h one particular school. The comparison is,

however, a crude one in that it does not take into account the

direct trans it io n fr o m secular pr incipalities to full theocracy

in eastern Bhutan. As a n historical model, therefore, this

picture of development re ally only holds for the w e s t of the

country a n d even there it rests on hypothesis; w e still lack

means of revealing the units of lay rule which must have

existed there p r i o r to the arrival of Buddhist princes. It was,

however, the area that la ter forme d the territorial ba si s for

unification, and s o the model may perhaps stand - together wijih

its imperfections.

To separate the mundane from t he spiritual concerns of

those iconesque figures w h o fill the pages of ea rly Bhutanese

h i s t o r y is an invidious task. Not only do these levels

contin ua ll y overlap bu t in the last resort both are p r e s e n t e d

as reflections of a h i g h e r order just as, in philos op hi ca l

terms, the relative tr uth of kun'-rdzob a n d the ultimate truth

don-dam are h e l d to disappear into something altogether

removed from present dualities. Thus to subject the literature

to a se arch for the secular is to do it enormous injustice and

an y such survey is bo und to give a very distor te d account o f ’

the culture from w h i c h it sprang. Nevertheless, a Buddhist

te acher in the ca p a c i t y of ruler always demanded, a n d sometimes

even received, the same unquestioning obedience f r o m his

subjects as he wo u l d have f r o m his immediate persona-1

disciples. The perpetu ati on o f his rule, using that term in

the widest sense possible, dep en de d on a hu ma n lineage (as

distinct from an ordination or disciple lineage) w h i c h pa s s e d

down his authority. The interact!on.of these lineages

(whether from f a t h e r to son, uncle to nephew, or from i n c a r n a ­

tion to incarnation) with their subjects, spiritual and

temporal, is w h a t constituted h i s t o r y 1 as we know it. All

these human lineages were id ent ifi ed w i t h pa r t i c u l a r schools

of Buddhism w h i c h ha d ac hieved distinctness more f r o m efforts

to promu lga te th eir individual traditions t ha n f r o m overt

doctrinal differences. Cer ta in ly each ha d its own set of

ritual cycles, meditative techniques and phi los ophical i n t e r ­

pretations, bu t they rarely stood in conflict wi t h those of

an y other order. The late fr e f o r m e d 1 school of the dGe-lugs-pa

did contradict some of the doctrinal foundations of the older

schools b u t it n e v e r h e l d full sway in Bhutan.

All the schools that came to be e s t a b l i s h e d in Bhutan

were implanted there from Tibet w he re they had their origins.

The most that can be attempted here is a minimal account of

t he ir Tibetan antecedents, the st or y of their introdu cti on and

development in Bhutan, an d t h e i r subsequent fate at the hands

of the *Brug-pa theocracy. Little attempt wi ll b e made to

distinguish be tw een their individual teachings as that w o u l d

take us into mat ters too abstruse and rarefied. The present

concern is sim pl y to establish something of the h u m a n record

of these schools, be ar ing in m i n d however the reservations

expressed above on the dif ficulty of sep arating the mundane

from the spiritual. Ea ch school will b e tr ea ted in what

appears to be the chronological order of its arrival in the

country. Some attempt w ill b e made to determine the nature J

and reliability of their historical traditions, probing

b e h i n d the formulaic character of the texts to try and

determine the substance (or void) upon wh i c h they rest.

I. Bon-po

Despite contin uin g Tibetan assertions to the contrary,

the 'as sim ila ted 1 Bon tradition which developed during the so-

called 'later flowering of the D o c t r i n e ’ from the late 10th

century onwards so concerned itself with adaptations of

Buddhist doctrine a n d ritual that it lost its 'pagan' character

an d became one among m a n y schools of Buddhism. It did, however,

m ai nt ai n a complex sub stratum of pr e- Bud dh ist b e li ef s a n d

practices in a more overt manner than the followers of the

'true' chos. The process of adaptation w a s achi eve d la rgely

through the medium of 'rediscovered* texts a n d this movement

seems to have b e g u n at about the same time as the rNying-ma-pa

rediscoveries. Bhutan is alle ge d to have b e e n one of the ma j o r

centres of rediscovery in the 1 1 th and 1 2 th ce ntu rie s b ot h for

the Bon-po and the rNying-ma-pa. We find the same figures

claimed b y both traditions making their rediscoveries in the

sPa-gro and Bum-thang districts. The most imp ortant of them

is pro ba bl y K hu-tsha Zla-'od who is cre di te d w i t h the disclosure

of a large group of Bon-po texts kno wn collectively as the

*1
sPa-gro-ma. These in turn constituted one of the major

components of the 'southern Textual Treasures', al l of w h i c h

are said to have had their provenance in Bh utan a n d the

p
T i b e t a n bo r d e r region adjoining it. Khu-tsha Zla-'od's

recoveries were made at a place called Phu g- gc al in Spa-gro,

where the texts in question had b e e n hidden b y Mu- thug

bT san-po a n d Khyung-po Gyer-zla-med (see,p. 16 4 above). They

included Bon, Buddhist, astrological and m e d i c a l texts, and

among them is me nt io ne d a gr oup dedicated to the V a j r a k i la

cycle with which sPa-gro always seems to he associated.

Phug-gcal, the site of the discovery, must be identical w i t h

gCal (or gCal-kha, 'Chekha* in Bhutanese pronunciation), a

place to the north of the main sPa-gro valley, now occupied

b y a m i li ta ry check-post. The Buddhist tr adi tio n claims

Khu -ts ha Zla-'od as one of its gter-ston u nd er the name Ku - s a

sMan-pa ('Ku-sa Doctor'), but denies his identit y with the

famous phy si ci an g.Yu-tljOg as maint ain ed b y the Bon-po.

mGar- sto n Khro-rgyal, son of his disciple mGa r- na g 'Bum-chung

is also he ld to have found texts in sPa-gro at the Yang-'dul

temple of sKyer-chu. They t o o included rites dedi ca ted to

Vajrakila.^- Oth er gt er- sto n k n o w n t o Buddhist tradition w h o

are as se r t e d to have found b o t h Buddhist and Bon-po texts in

Bhutan dur ing this early pe ri od are Bon-po Brag-tshal,^

Khyu ng- po dPal-dge^ an d Ra- shag Chos-'bar.^ T h e i r dates are

never given but they are. said to have lived in the 1st

r a b - b y u n g : 1027-1086.^ The last of the Buddhist gter- sto n in

Bhutan t o be appropr iat ed b y the Bon t r adi ti on seems to have

Q
b e e n rDo-rje Gling-pa (I3h6-1h05) > w h o m w e shall meet again

in the rNying-ma-pa context.

The interdependence of the Bon-po an d rNying-ma-pa in

the mat ter of their gter-ma is attested in the late histories

but its true nature will only be revealed after a careful

survey of the contents a n d colophons of 'the texts in question

Meanwhile it can be noted that the Bon tradition in its

developed form never gained a proper h old on Bhu tan and the

tradition of Bon-po texts discovered there is pr o p e r l y

speaking Tibetan. A single exception is pro vi de d b y the

undocumented claim that some Bon-po monasteries were founded

in the Shar district at the start of the ’later flowering of

 10
the D o c t r i n e 1. One Zhabs-drung m T s h a n - l d a n bDe-b a from

the mo na s t e r y of Ra-la g.Y ung -drung-gling (Ma seat of the

upholders of the order of gShen-rabs, Teacher of the E v e r ­

lasting B o n M) is said to have fou nd ed the m o n a st er ie s of

sKu-'bum, Se-ba-sgang a n d others. Nothing of them remains,

but "... the continuity of the oblations (b s k a n g - g s o )

according to the Bon tradition and the invocations (g s o l - k h a )

of Srid-rgyal-mo survives up to the present." Here the

au tho r is speaking from direct experience and w e ma y

conclude that although the formal institutions of Bon never

survived, some of their ritual practices still hold sway on

I
the village level. These no doubt form part of the

liturgical reper toi re of certa in local priests called Pha-,1o

wh o are today es pecially found in the districts of Shar and

Krong-sar. They are said to be adepts in d i vi na t i o n (mo)

and 'village rites' (g r o n g - c h o g ) . In his youth Padma Gling-pa

12
(1U50-1521) studied Bon rituals at his home in Bum-thang.

Those perfo rme d today by the Fha-,1o could well be the same

ones, though it is perhaps unlikely that a n y p riest w o u l d now’^

refer to hi mself or his practices as Bon-po. A quite separate

issue here is the survival of genuine, non-ass im il ate d

pre-Buddhist folk rituals standing outside the domain of Bon

as it is now conceived. The cult of the d p a 1-bo med iums

comes most readily to mind in this regard.

2. rNying-ma-pa

Loo sely con st it ut e d and lacking a un iv ers all y accepted

hierarchy, the 'Old Order' of the rNying-ma-pa is one of the

most complex phenomena in the Tibetan world. What separates

this school from the other Buddhist orders is the claim that it

maintains intact the teachings a n d traditions intro du ce d into

Tibet during the royal period. These are said: to have

survived the collapse of Buddhism in the 9th c e n t u r y through

to the official restoration in the 10th century a n d beyond.

In contrast to the rNying-raa, all other schools are known

c ollectively as *the N e w ’ (gSar-ma) a nd they trace their

origins without h e s i t a t i o n to the period of restoration. The

u n b r o k e n continuity of the rNying-ma-pa t r a dition is h e l d to

have b e e n a c h i e v e d in two ways: b y the direct t r ansmission of

doctrinal texts (known as b k a ’- m a ) from the time of their

founder, Padmaeambhava, and b y the r e d i scovery of texts

h i dden b y Padmae a m b h a v a (known as g t e r - m a ) . A third method, $

that of direct revelation (d a g - s n a n g ) . ca n pe r h a p s be regarded

as another form of gter-ma in that it is allied to the notion

of 1m i n d - t r e a s u r e ’ (d g o n g s - g t e r ) . W h a t e v e r critical vie w is

ad o p t e d towards this arrangement (though none seems to be

war r a n t e d yet b y detailed research), it reflects a p e c u l i a r l y

T i b e t a n solution to the p r o b l e m of authentic!ty. Moreover,

it is one w h ich encourages' constant attempts towards

resynthesis in a w a y that permits new formulations to develop.

The history of the rNying-ma-pa is scattered w i t h the names of

famous teachers w ho succeeded in bringing order to the mass of

'original* texts* At the same time there were others who

a p pear to have b e e n independent and original scholar-sages

wi t h i n the traditional framework. The distinctness of the

doctrinal expressions that lie b e h i n d the rDzogs-chen ( ’Great

P e r f e c t i o n ’) system of m e d i t a t i o n was one of t h e i r p a r t i c u l a r

1^
achievements. Despite their cultivation of disciplines as

rigorous as those of the ’N e w ’ schools, the rNying-ma-pa were

so closely a s s o c i a t e d with the everyday life of the people in

their ca p a c i t y of m a r r i e d tantric priests that whe n rivalries

arose it was e a s y to charge t hem with b e i n g bogus h edgepriests

(no doubt some of t h e m were). The slur tended to cast its

shadow on t h e i r monastic life which, however, does not seem

to have b e e n a n y the more lax, generally speaking, than

that of the o t h e r 1non-reformed* schools. All this, combined

w i t h theological attacks on the nature of t h e i r scriptural

texts and on t h eir doctrinal positions, f o r c e d the rNying-ma-pa

into defensive arguments a n d justifications. The s t r ength of

these, t o g ether with the pervasive, practical role of the

rNying-ma-pa on the village level a n d the fact that they never

ceased p r o d u c i n g saintly figures, are some of the reasons f or

their continuing survival. A n o t h e r cause seems to b e the

fact that in s o f a r as a ny Buddhist school.in Tibet could remain

apolitical, the rNying-ma-pa n e ver w i e l d e d c o n c e r t e d temporal

p o wer and this was ultimately a source of strength rather than

weakness. T h e y remained diffuse, popular a nd w h o l l y credible,

even if on o c c asion not entirely respectable.

A full account of the rNying-ma-pa in Bhutan, as that

of a ny other school se t t l e d in the country, w o u l d have to take

into account all the subtle permutations of t h e i r h i s t o r y and

doctrine in Tibet. That lies w ell b e y o n d the scope of this

study. All that can be d one here is to point to names, dates,

places a n d lineages as these dispose into a general pattern.

(i) lHo-mon Ka-thog-pa

The first rNying-ma-pa to a r r i v e in a formal sense

came from the m o n a s t e r y of Ka-thog in e a s t e r n Tibet, s i t u a t e d

on the east bank of the Yangtse in the sPa-yul district. ^ It

was f o u nded in 1159 b y Shes-rab Seng-ge (1122-1192), the first

of a line of thirteen abbots (known as rG-yal-tshab)

16
A c c o r d i n g to sources available to the a u thor of L C B II, the

fifth incumbent in this line, d B u - fod Ye-shes 'Bum-pa (12^5-

1311), came to sPa-gro s T a g -tsang on his w a y to Sikkim and

founded there the m o n a s t e r y of O-rgyan rTse-mo. The

b u i l d i n g today, w h i c h stands on a cliff i m m e d i a t e l y above

the m a i n shrine of sTag-tshang, is a m o d e r n c o n s t r u c t i o n

on the site of the old K a - t hog-pa monastery. Two of the

disciples of Ye-shes 'Bum-pa, n a m e l y bSo d - n a m s rGyal-mtshan

a n d his son, rNam-grol bZang-po, s e t t l e d at sTag-tshang and

built a further two temples at a site c a lled sPang-dkar-po.

I have myself s een an old dbu-med manuscript containing a

work b y b S o d - n a m s rGyal-mtshan, dated Iron T i g e r (?1290)

17
which he w r ote at O - r g y a n rTse-mo. There are reputed to

be various versions of his biography by a c e r t a i n rNam-grol

bZang-po, and an autobiography. The p r o l i f e r a t i o n of the

sub-school of the K a - t h o g - p a k n o w n as the lHo-mon Ka-t h o g - p a

or Mon-1 ugs Ka-thog-pa seems to be a t t r ibuted largely to the

w ork of bS o d - n a m s r Gyal-mtshan a n d his son. It divided into

two main branches, the one founded in sPa-gro and the other

founded in the Shar district b y Ka-thog s P r u l - s k u b s T a n - ' d z i n

Grags-pa w h o s e dates I cannot give. The m a i n monastery was

sPyi-rdzong at Lud-mtsho-ri w ith its principal b r a n c h

monasteries of Ba-ling and Theg-chen-sgang in the region of

mKho-thang. However, the sPa-gro branch seems to have b e e n

more important and a number of Chos-rje families b e l o n g i n g

to this br a n c h of the Ka-tho g-pa school gain e d prominence

there. T h e y w e r e at t a c h e d to the monasteries (or temples)

of Dol-po Sha-la-brag, mKha'-'gro sPyi-'dus, bTsan-stong

C hos-sdings and Byi - d g o n Gong-ma. Most o f the information

p r o vided in L C B II concerns the f a mily of Dol-po Sha-la-brag

w h i c h seems to have, a c q uired considerable holdings in and

a r ound the side vall e y of Dol-po ( ' D o p f in the vernacular). ^

The names of six of t h e i r successive chos-rje are given, the

line pa s s i n g either f r o m father to son or from uncle to

nephew. The third, gSang-sngags Kun-legs, w as a disciple

of the 10th Karma-pa, Chos-dbyings rDo-rje. There is

nothing to suggest that they maintained connections w i t h

the mother house in e a s t e r n Tibet a n d b y the time the 3

’Brug-pa w e r e f i rmly e s t a b l i s h e d in the country t h e y s eem to

have b e e n a b s orbed into the new state, b u t not without

difficulty. Two K a-thog-pa monasteries (or perhaps lineages)

which were opposed to Zhabs-drung N g a g -dbang rNam-rgyal are

mentioned in a letter he w r o t e in 16I4O to the gTsang sDe-srid

with w h o m he was a t t e mpting to come to terms after a long

p eriod of e n mity (P B P . f. 1 0 9 a - b ) . The K a - t h o g - p a m ay have

b e e n included in the so-called ’five groups of l a m a s ’

(bla-ma kha g I n g a ) w h o opposed his creation of the unified

state. No trace remains of t h e i r families today, but their

temples are a l l said to be standing. ' The g u a r d i a n s h i p of the

great shrine of sTag-tshang is said to have p a s s e d into the

hands of the Zhabs-drunei:. w h e n he went there in c o m pany w ith

the famous rNying-ma-pa teacher, Rig-'dzin sNying-po, in 1645

(LCB I, f. 42b, PBP, f. 133b & f. 301b of b s T a n - ’dzin Rab-rgyas

rna m - t h a r ) . N o t h i n g is r e m e mbered locally a b o u t the K a - t h o g - p a

school e x c e p t that it once had charge of this important shrine.

Much more w ill come to light w h e n the sources used so b r i e f l y

by d G e - ’dun R i n - c h e n in L CB II are made available.

(li) rDsogs-chen-pa

The ’School of Great P e r f e c t i o n ’ never appears to hav e

b e e n an o r g a nised sub-sect associated w i t h a n y p a r t i c u l a r

monastery o r group of a f f i l i a t e d monasteries. It was more in

the nature of a religious movement w i t h i n the rNying-ma-pa,

one w h i c h pass e d down the ’heart-drop p r e c e p t s ’ (s n y i n g - t h i g )

in a line that is said to s t r e t c h b a c k to the Indian teacher

Srisitfiha. Other formulations of these m e d i tative precepts

are claimed to have been revealed in v i s i o n or as g t e r - m a .

A n important set of the latter is said to have b e e n h i dden b y

the Indian V i m a l amitra a n d discovered in the 11th or 12th

ce n tury b y one IDang-ma IHun-rgyal. They are k n o w n as the

Bi-ma sNying-thig a n d formed one of four grou p s of such

precepts codified l a ter b y Klong-chen-pa (see below) in his

sN.ylng-thig y a - b z h i . Long before this c o d i f i c a t i o n t ook place

the chief disciple of IDang-ma IHun-rgyal k n o w n as K h a - r a g

sGom-chung is supposed to have come to B u m - thang w h e r e he

founded the little temple of Lug-gi Rwa-ba, perhaps at the

instigation of his disciple lHo-pa ('the S o u t h e r n e r 1) w ho

finds mention in the Blue Annals (p. 557). N o t hing is k n o w n

about the h i s t o r y of the temple, and e v e n its a s c r iption to

K h a - r a g sG-om-chung depends on oral traditions. Some affirm

that it later became the head of a group> of m o n a s t e r i e s in

Bum-thang. A stupa a l l eged to contain the relics of the

founder is preserved in t he temple whose w a l l s are c o v ered

w i t h paintings of different periods a n d schools, including

those of the Karma b K a 1-brgyud-pa a n d the rNying-ma-pa,

The importance of Klong-chen-pa (1308-1363) is best

summarised in the w o r d s of Gene Smith (l969a:h-5): "The

figure of K l o n g - c h e n r a b - !byams - p a was for the R d z o g s - c h e n

school what St. Thomas Aquinas was for Christian scholastic

philosophy. In a number of magnificently original treatises

like the Mdzod b d u n K l o n g - c h e n ordered the ph i l o s o p h i c a l

and psychological truths a n d corollaries of R d z o g s - c h e n into

a cohesive system. For stylistic lucidity a n d structural

organisation K l o n g - c h e n has seldom b e e n e q u a l l e d in Tibetan

literature. N-yingmapa p h i l o s o p h y i^s K l o n g - c h e n rab-'byams-pa.

His personal name was D r i - m e d 1Od-zer b u t he is more commonly

referred to b y his epithet w h i c h he received from the great

Ta'i Si-tu Byang-chub rGyal-mtshan, the effective ruler of

Tibet during this p e r i o d of the e a rly Ph a g - m o Gru-pa

supremacy. It was a p r o t r a c t e d quarrel w i t h Byang-chub

r Gyal-mtshan lasting ten years w h i c h caused K l o n g - c h e n - p a to

take refuge in Bhutan a n d some of the s u r r ounding areas. In

18
B h utan h e f o u n d e d eight monasteries and w r ote some of his

finest treatises, i n c l uding the short but important guide to

Bum-thang referred to in C h a pter I above. Padma Gling-pa

(1U 50 - 1521) claimed to be his incarnation and p r o vided a

fascinating sketch of his life at the start of his own a u t o ­

biography. It was surely b a s e d on local traditions concerning

the master as they sur v i v e d in Bum-thang a ce n t u r y or so after

his death. Padma G l i n g - p a explained the w h o l e question of how

Klong-chen-pa, a monk, came to have a son by a nun at the

m o n a stery of Thar-pa-gling. The son, Zla-ba Grags-pa, w as

later incarnated in a long line of rDzogs-chen teachers k n own

as the Thugs-sras ( 1M i n d - S o n s '), the first b e i n g Grags-pa

20
'Od-zer (b. i 6) . Several of them w e r e b o r n in Bum-thangj

w h ere they held the seat of bSam-gtan-gling. The formal

continuity in B h utan of K l o n g - c h e n - p a 's s y s t e misation of the

r Dzogs-chen t r a d i t i o n must have b e e n p a rtly en s u r e d b y the

existence of this and other related lineages. In the west

of the c o u ntry the monasteries he founded do not appear to

have lasted long in their original form. Two of his sPa-gro

monasteries w e r e taken over b y the Hum-ral f a m i l y of the

21
'Brug-pa school. dPal-'byor rGyal-mtshan, one of Klong-

chen-pa' s chief disciples, had founded a number of monasteries

22
a nd temples dedicated to his master's teachings to the east

of sPa-gro in the Shar district, and these seem to have fared

be t t e r than the w e s t e r n group. dPal-'byor rGyal-mtshan

was himself r e i n c arnated in the line of the m D a '-stong

s P r u l - s k u . one of the v e r y few, a n d certainly the most

ancient, of the incarnation l ineages'in the west of the

co u ntry to survive today. However, during the time of the

m D a '-stong s P r u l - s k u .O - r gyan Phun-tshogs their rDzogs-chen

traditions are said to have m e r g e d with the gter-ma

traditions of Padma Gling-pa.

The rPzo g s - c h e n school is generally d i v i d e d into

two historical streams: the sNying-thig Gong-ma ('Upper

Heart-Drop Teachings') of K l ong-chen-pa and the sNying-thig

'Og-ma ('Lower Heart-Drop Teachings') of 'Jigs-med Gling-pa

(1730-1798). The latter stream is said to have a c h i e v e d a

revitalisation of the school, and certainly in the case of

B h u t a n it gave won d e r f u l impetus to the founding of new

monasteries b y 'Jigs-med Gling-pa's mai n Bhutanese disciple,

Byang-chub r G yal-mtshan (alias 'J i g s - m e d K u n - g r o l ) . He had

started his career as a lay s e r v i t o r in the 'Brug-pa fortresses

of w e s t e r n Bhutan, rising to the post of 'keeper of the meat-

store' (sha-gn.yer) in K r o n g-sar rDzong in central Bhutan.

Revulsion for his work caused him to flee to the great rNying-

ma-pa m o n a s t e r y of sMin-grol-gling in Tibet w h ere he took up

studies that br o u g h t him into contact w i t h 'Jigs-med Gling-pa

at bSam-yas. A f t e r a peri o d of close a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h the

master, Byang-chub rGyal-mtshan returned to e a s t e r n Bhut a n

where he introduced monastic communities at m T h o - b a - b r a g in

B u m - thang and at Yong-legs dGon-pa in gDung-bsam. This second

w a v e of the rPzogs-chen was taken from there to the we s t e r n

region of the country b y his disciple, Sangs-rgyas rGyal-

mtshan, founder of the monastery of b D e - c h e n C h o s - g l i n g in the

Shar district. Byang-chub rGyal-mtshan figures st r o n g l y in

the biographies of the 1st a n d 2nd Fad-tsh a l - g l i n g
25
B?rul-sku of Bum-thang: rNam-rgyal lHun-grub a nd 'Jigs-med

bsTan-pa'l r Gyal-mtshan (1788-1850). The rDzogs-chen in

the 18 th a nd 19th centuries never b e c a m e a f f i l i a t e d to

powerful lineages in Bhutan, a n d the direct lines of

co n t inuity w h i c h link its pr esent practice with that p e r i o d

of the second w a v e a p p e a r to have been marked more b y the

ties of master a n d disciple than by lineal inheritance w i t h i n

families d e d icated to the school. The rDzogs-chen-pa, like

the whole rNying-ma-pa school, n e v e r suffered official

p r o s c r i p t i o n in Bhutan,

(iii) gTer-ston

More than a score of 1t e x t - d i s c o v e r e r s 1 active in

B h u t a n b e t w e e n the 11th and 16t h centuries a r e treated b y

K o n g -sprul Blo-gros mTha'-yas in his biogr a p h i c a l s k e tches

contained in the g T e r - r n a m . He in fact traces the whole

movement from its b eginnings in w e s t e r n Tibet in the 11th

c e n t u r y to its greatest d i f f u s i o n in central Tibet and Bhutan

(referred to as lHo-mon) up to about the 17th century, and

thence to ea s t e r n Tibet w h e r e it was r e v ived in the 19th

27
century. Al t h o u g h other schools include some of these

gter-ston a m ong their leading patriarchs, the movem e n t as a

whole is a s s o ciated w i t h the rNying-ma-pa. A full study will

one day h ave to take into account not only the m ultifarious

sources used b y K o n g -sprul in his w o r k but also c e r t a i n other

histories of the movement w h i c h are k n o w n to have been w r i t t e n

a n d which may yet come to light. Critical i n v e s tigation of

the texts a l l eged to have b e e n f o u n d w i l l also be of the

greatest importance. Meanwhile we are d e p e n d e n t m a i n l y on

K ong-sprul himself. The gte r - s t o n a s s o c i a t e d with Bhutan

fall into two categories: those who c a m e down from Tibet,

discovered texts and departed, whose traditions and lineages

did not take root in Bhutanese soil a n d wh o a r e quite m i nor

figures from the Bhutanese standpoint; and those

m a jor figures, either T i b e t a n or Bhutanese, w h o s e lineages

a nd traditions remained.

The first g r o u p of m i nor gtpr-ston to arrive were

the four figures who are a l l e g e d to h a v e found Bon-po w o rks

in Bhutan in the 11th century, as noted above. Most of those

following them are also considered relatively m i n o r figures

b y K o n g -sprul in that they are not the subject of those

prophetic statements contained in the Padma Thang-yig w h i c h

are deemed to fo r e t e l l the great discoverers. P o u r of them

are p l a c e d in the 1st a n d 2 nd r a b - b y u n g : 1 0 2 7 - 1 1U6. Se-ston

Ring-mo is s a i d to have got the list of b o o k s destined to be

found in gCal-kha at the top of the sPa-gro valley. This

had b e e n e n t rusted to two monks b y its original d i s c o v e r e r , .

lHa-btsun sNgon-mo. The monks had b e e n k i l l e d b y the people

of the adj o i n i n g valley of Ha and the list eventually cam©

into Se-ston Ring-mo*s hands. Kong-sprul notes that these

28
discoveries did not survive into his own day. rGya P h ur-bu

(Phur-bu-mgon of the rGya c l an)2^ is a s s o c i a t e d w i t h

discoveries at the temples of sKyer-chu in sPa-gro a n d

dGe-gnae in Bum-thang, referred to jointly as the Bum-lcags

lhan-dril (as noted on p. 121 above), rGya-ston brTson-'grusj

Senge-dar*-. is credited w i t h the d i s c overy of a ritual text

devoted to the protective deity rDo-rje Brag-btsan. It was

30
later w i d e l y used b y the ’Brug-pa school. G r u - g u Y a ng-

dbang is said to h a v e found in sPa-gro a large cycle of

similar ritual texts dedicated to the deity H a y a g r l v a .^1

A further set of five gt e r - s t o n are placed, again vaguely,

in t h e 3rd a n d h-th r a b - b y u n g : 1 1U7-1266, Bal- p o A - h u m - 1bar,

a native of southern gTsang, not Nepal as his name might

suggest, is said to have f o u n d numerous texts at g C a l - k h a , ^

The only ones f o u n d b y A-jo dPal-bo of b S a m - y a s to have

survived into the 19th c e n t u r y are those c l a imed to have b e e n

discovered b y hi m in "the temple of Bum-thang" (i.e. B y a m s - p a fi

lKa-khang) La-stod dMar-po (Dam-pa dMar-po .of La-stod) w as

one of the m a n y gter-ston w h o m the traditions link w i t h the

xj.
cave at gCal-kha in sPa-gro. A certain Bla-ma G r u m a nd his

patron, one mKhar-nag of sPa-gro, are jointly c r e d i t e d with

finding a b o o k called the Bar-snang h o m - k h u n g - m a fro m with i n

a leather b o x hidden inside the image of a garuda at sKy e r - c h u

x r*
lHa-khang in sPa-gro. D They and Tshe-brtan rGyal-mtshan

(alias Chos-kyi Blo-gros), w h o found texts at C h u - m o - p h u g

in sPa-gro, a r e b e l i e v e d to have b e e n p r o p h e s i e d in the

Padma thang-vise. The latter m a y h i m self have b e e n a Bhutanese.

mGon-po Rin-chen of the Shud-bu family of gTam-shul in

lHo-brag found in his youth t h e ’lis.tT (k h a - b y a n g ) of his

destined discoveries in Bum-thang, but had to wait till his

fifties before these came to light in the m T s h o-sna region.

A line d e s c ending from his nephew (d b o n - r g y u d ) is said to have

survived in Gru-shul. He is p l aced in the 7 t h r a b - b y u n g :

1387-1U U 6 . K o n g -sprul is unable to give even approximate

dates for the last of the m i nor gter-ston w h o had a ssociations

w i t h Bhutan. He is Sar-po Bya'u-mgon, d i s c overer of the

Srog-gl chan-pa nag-po bum-thang-ma*i skor w h i c h is c l a i m e d

to have la i n h i d d e n in the old temple of dGe-gnas in the

Chu-smad v all e y of B u m - t h a n g . ^

A m o n g those classed here as major g t e r - s t o n . the first

was a true Bhutanese and came as early as the 1st rab-byung

(1027-1086): Sar-ban Phyogs-med, b o r n in sPa-gro. He is said

 ou
j

to have f o u n d a text called the *Jam-dpal rdzogs-pa chen-po*i

chos-skor from a "turquoise encrusted rock" at the principal

XQ
shrine in sTag-tshang. He was follov^ed "by the v e r y famous

G u - r u Chos - d b a n g (1212-1270), native of l H o - b r a g . ^ He

found texts in Bum-thang. The gdung families of L u g - k h y u

and Nya-la in K u r - s t o d claim descent from h im th r o u g h his

h.1
son Padma dBang-chen. M u c h more important, however, w e r e

the families claiming descent from rDo-rJe Gling-pa (13U6-

l2
1h05), m a n y of w h o m survive to this day. rDo-rje Gling-pa

was active in b o t h B u m - t h a n g and sPa-gro. A l l the families

are said to trace their pedigrees back to h i s son Chos-dbyings

rGya-mtsho w h o took control of his father*s m o n a s t e r y at

Gling-mu~kha. The custodians of the temples of B y a - d k a r and

l Cag s - m k h a r in Bum-thang are among the m i n o r nobility

d escended f r o m him. T he f a m i l y of O - rgyan C h o s - g l i n g in the

sTang v a l l e y of Bum-thang makes similar claims. In the nine­

teenth c e n t u r y it was a powerful force in local politics. One

member, mT sh o - s k y i d rDo-rje b e c a m e the g o v e r n o r of eastern

B hut a n (K r o n g - s a r d P o n - s l o b ) . One of rDo-rje G l i n g-pa*s own

disciples, O - r g y a n bZ a n g - p o who w as b o r n in Bum-thang, is

regarded as h a v i n g bee n a gter-ston in hi s o w n right. In

the w e s t of the country, rDo-rje Gling-pa*s traditions w e r e

kept alive not only by his descendants but also b y his

reincarnations. Two of them, m C h o g-ldan mGon-po a n d

mDo-sngags *Byung-gnas, e sta blished new m o n a steries in the

Shar district.

A n o t h e r important gter-ston was Shes-rab Me-*bar,

b o r n in IChams in the 5th rab-byung (1 267- 1326 ) He is said

to have come to B h u t a n late in life after maki n g m a n y d iscoveries

in Tibet, In sPa-gro he was f o rced b y the local chief to

extract gter-ma which w e r e not his due sha re - with disastrous

results. The chief died a n d so did the g t e r - s t o n himself

b e fore long. His b o d y is s a i d to have b e e n p r e s e r v e d a nd

later kept in the rdzong in sPa-gro until it b u r n t down.

The head had bee n removed before the fire and is said to b e

at the temple of s P a n g - p a 1i-aa in sPa-gro to this day.

Shes-rab M e - * b a r is held up as an example of a gter-ston

w ho b r o k e the rules of the cult. Before the episode that

led to h is death, he "mistook the auspices" w h i l e removing

gter-ma from a lake wes t of Ha. Most of the gter-ma w e r e

lost, and the gter-ston h a d to flee f r o m the w r a t h of the

gua r d i a n spirit, Khyung-legs-rtBal, a p p easing him later w i t h

certain oaths. V a r i o u s temples in sPa-gro are still

a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the name of this g t e r - s t o n . a n d he is often

confounded with Padma Gling-pa w h o is alleged to have

rediscovered some of the scrolls of texts w h i c h he h a d

reburied after t h e i r u n t imely extraction. In B u m -thang

there is a very small, recently re s t o r e d temple at sTang-sa-

sbe ( fT a n g s b z h i f) in U-ra w h ich is said to have b e e n f o u n d e d

b y him.

Two important Bhutanese g t e r -ston of the 1 h t h-15th

IiB
centuries w e r e Ngag-dbang G r a g s - p a ^ a n d his disciple

Tshe-ring rDo-rJe. Both were b o r n in sPa-gro, a n d the

former was the son of s P r u l-sku dPal-*byor rGyal-mtshan

w h o m we met above as one of the chief disciples of the great

K l o n g - chen-pa (1308-1363). Both are c r e d i t e d with the

discovery of ce r t a i n rPzogs-chen texts in sPa-gro a n d in

various places in central Tibet. Ngag-dbang Grags-pa founded

the monasteries of Bod-mo~ri a n d g N a s - p h u in sPa-gro a n d was

reincarnated in t h e line of the g N a s-phu s P r ul-sku w h i c h

continues to this day. At the time of a certain sPr u l - s k u

gSang-sngags rGyal-mtshan, t he r Dzogs-chen tradition w h i c h

they m a i n t a i n e d b e c a m e m e r g e d w i t h the gter-ma traditions

of Padma Gling-pa and Nyi-zer-sgang (see below). Today the

line seems to b e quite ab s o r b e d into the ’Brug-pa school and

all that is said to remain of their e a rly rNying-ma a f f i l i a ­

tions is the continuity of certain rituals dedicated to the

guardian deities. Exactly the same fate was e x p e r i e n c e d b y

the line d e s c ending from Tsh e - r i n g rDo-rje. His incarnation

and descendant, s K a l - l d a n rDo-rje, founded the mon a s t e r y of

Ku n - b z a n g Cho s - g l i n g at g Dong-dkar in sPa-gro. One -of his

embodiments, N g a g -dbang Shes-rab, turned to the P a d m a Gling-pa

and ’Brug-pa schools. Nothing remains of their e a r l y rDzogs-

chen tradition a nd the only rNying-ma-pa character still

m a i n t a i n e d derives from surviving gter-ma rituals of Padma

Gling-pa. Otherwise t h e y are indestingulshable f r o m the

’Brug-pa at large. The m o n a s t e r y of K u n - b z a n g C h o s - g l i n g is

in a good state of r e p a i r b ut I do not know if or how the line

of Tshe-ring rDo-rje continues.

One lineage w h ose origins is difficult to trace is that

of the N y i -zer s P r ul-sku w h o hav e their principal seat at the

m o n a s t e r y of dGe-'dun C h o s - g l i n g at N y i - z e r - s g a n g in the Shar

district. They are the reincarnations of one fUg-pa Gling-pa.

The author of LC B II speculates that he m ay have come as e a rly

as the l+th or 5th r a b - b y u n g : 1 2 0 7 - 1 3 2 6 , ^ He was the

descendant of a certain Zur-gdan-pa fU g -bya-lung-pa a n d

followed a fusion of the b k a 1-ma a n d gter-ma traditions of the

rNying-ma-pa. The line is said to have m e r g e d w i t h the

’Brug-pa at the time of ’Gro-mgon ’Phrin-las Rab-rgyas,

disciple of Yon-tan sTha'-yas, the 13th Head A b bot of Bhutan

(r e g n .1771"1775)* w ho was largely r e s p onsible for the forging

of official links b e t w e e n the 1Brug-pa and rNying-ma-pa schools

at this time. Several bran c h monasteries of Nyi-ze r - s g a n g were

founded b y ’Phrin-las Rab-rgyas a n d his successors. The

pr e s e n t N.yi-zer sPrul-sku ’Ph rin-las lHun-grub is at the

moment reigning as the 67 th H e a d Abbot of Bhutan.

A l most a l l that is k n own of the vast m a j o r i t y of the

text-discoverers is the long litany of their improbable names

a nd the eve n more improbable finds credited to them. Behind

these cult figures lie certain historical realities for there

can b e no doubt that they w e r e real people and there is no

reason w h y t h e i r dates, even if vague, s h o u l d not be accepted.

However, they a l l conform to a type in the surviving literature

this is not onl y a reflection of later attempts to systematize

the tradition b u t seems to stem also from t h e h i g h l y d e v e l o p e d

role of the g t e r - s t o n themselves, who appear to have h a d a

profe s s i o n a l code g o v e rning the established p r o cedure f o r

locating a n d f i n d i n g their de s t i n e d texts. A l t h o u g h one must

certainly concur w i t h the statement that "no i maginative an d

roguish g r oup of Tibetans sat down to invent all the stuff out

of t h e i r h e a d s 1* (Snellgrove and R i c h ardson 1968:172), it is

hard to a c c e p t the face v a l u e of the traditional assertions

concerning the origins of the g t e r - m a . No attempt at a

rational account is made here, other than suggesting that some

of the best clues to a d e eper understanding of the cult seem.

to be p r o v i d e d in the personal memoirs of Padma Gling-pa, the

Jf ft
’d i s c o v e r e r ’ p a r excellence for the Bhutanese. His a u t o ­

bio g r a p h y w a s wr i t t e n w i t h the specific aim of clear i n g the

doubts e n t e rtained b y his disciples on the m a t t e r of his

gter-ma. As was seen a b ove (in Chapter I Section 3) in r e g a r d

to his account of the d i s c o v e r y of the g u i d e b o o k to m K h a n - p a -

lung, he is always most circumstantial. Each discovery is,

moreover, h e r a l d e d b y a pro p h e c y contained in a text p r e v i o u s l y

revealed, all of them forming in this w a y an unint e r r u p t e d and

s e l f - s ustaining sequence. W h a t e v e r their true o r igin might

have been, there seems little doubt that P a dma G l i ng-pa

wa s hi m s e l f convinced of his role. This sense m a y have

b e e n so strong in him that w h a t appeared to o t hers as a

process of f o r g e r y w a s perhaps for him s i mply a justified

means towards a c h ieving his d e s tined e n d . ^ His writings,

p a r t i c u l a r l y his poetic effusions, show h i m to be a true

visionary, b u t at the same time a m a n of c onsiderable

practical abilities. Both of these qualities m u s t have b e e n

at w o r k in the p r o d u c t i o n of his g t e r - m a . It is w i t h some

relief that we a lso notice an absence of the scholastic

p r e o c c u p a t i o n s w h i c h so often d i s f i g u r e muc h of the b i o ­

g raphical writings of other lamas. His language is simple,

direct a nd untutored, a n d contain passages of wha t seems to

b e true spiritual sensitivity.

P a d m a Gl i n g - p a w as unique in many ways. He n e ver

a c k n o w l e d g e d anyone as his m a s t e r (except the divine g u r u

Padmaeambhava), a d m i tting to his famous c o n t e m p o r a r y fB r ug-pa

Ku n - l e g s that: ,fI have no lama and am not m y s e l f a disciple.

Several ladies bore him children, and his a f f a i r s with them

are all duly recorded. He paid frequent v i s i t s to Tibet w h e r e

he was r e c e i v e d w i t h great respect b y the Ph a g - m o Gru-pa,

Rin-spungs a n d K a r ma-pa h i e r archs of h is day, as w as n o t i c e d

51
above. A p art from his a ctivities as a g t e r - s t o n w h i c h f o r m e d

the most constant thread to his life, he is also remembered^

today in Bhutan as a c e l e b r a t e d artisan w h o w o r k e d chiefly in

metal. This w o u l d seem to be a valid oral tradition; he

hi m s e l f rec o r d e d how, f o l l o w i n g the birth of his elder brother,

his m o t h e r h a d been unable to suckle him and so gave him into

the charge of a b l a c k s m i t h c a l l e d A-mi Y o n - t a n Byang-chub w ho

reared him on a mixture of f l o u r and honey, a nd w h o taught

h i m the art of m e t a l w o r k . 52 He was also the o r i g i n a t o r of a

 01

large n u m b e r of sacred dances known c o l l e ctively as the

Pad-gllng & t e r - Tcham w h i c h w e r e revealed to him in visions

a nd dreams. T h e y are of a s t o n i s h i n g b e auty and vigour, and

continue to be per f o r m e d in a ll festivals in"Bhutan today.

The accounts of their r e v e l a t i o n are c a r e f u l l y d e s c r i b e d in

his a u t o b i o g r a p h y a n d t h e i r choreographic scores are all

found in his C o l l ected Works. The tradition p r o b a b l y owed

much to G u r u Chos-dbang of the 13th c e n tury (see above),

perhaps the first of the gter-ston $0 compose sacred dances.

Padma Gling-pa*s most famous exploit occurred at the age of

seventeen w hen he recovered certain gter-ma f r o m a pool in the

53
sTang river. He claimed to have done'this w h ile ho l d i n g a

bu r n i n g lamp a n d this was later thought b y m a n y to be a

fulfilment of the prophecy c o n t ained in the Padma t h a n g - y l g i^

o 1116-1L a r - m t s h o - l a s b a s - p a !i gter-kha 1di ^

010-
mi-bzhag 'don-pa'i rtags-de bstan-nas fb.yung ,/? dbyungT"
O - r g y a n padma gl i n g - p a zhes--bya ’fryung -

One c a l l e d O - r g y a n P a dma Gling-pa w i l l come forth;

A n d the treasure-hoard h i dden at the Burning Lake
wil l b e removed,
H a v i n g revealed the sign t h a t it is not to be left,
but e x t r a cted.5h

A l t h o u g h Padma Gl i n g - p a himself did not claim t o hav e f u l filled

the p r o p h e c y in his account, there seems e v e r y r e a s o n to

believe that he a s s u m e d both his name a n d role, perhaps r e t r o ­

spectively, f r o m this passage of the Padma t h a n g - y i g . (The

name his parents had given him was d P a l - Tbyor.) A l t hough it

is c l e a r that several of his rivals refused to accept his

a u t h e n t i c i t y (or that of the texts forming his esoteric

baggage), the tide was definitely in his favour a n d he soon

wo n enormous prestige w h i c h h ad tangible results in the form

of rich offerings, both out of devotion and in exchange f o r his

teachings. Yet his w e a l t h never accumulated and was largely

spent on the c o n s t r u c t i o n or refurbishment of te m p l e s

throughout eastern Bhutan, all of w h ich seem to be still

standing. In fact it w o u l d be facile to point to the

a t t r a c t i o n of these offerings as an important motive.

Padma Gling-pa spent most of hi s winters on b e g g i n g trips

in the B u m - thang and Mang- s d e - l u n g districts, collecting

tog e t h e r sufficient stores of foo d to see him th r o u g h the

y e a r in exactly the same m a n n e r as religious p e r sons do in

that area to this day.

The account of his life is p a r t i c u l a r l y important for

all the precise and dateable information p r o v i d e d on the

religious society of his d ay as he e xperienced it on his m a n y

travels w i t h i n a n d far b e y o n d the present b o r d e r s of Bhutan.

His travels w e r e made at the invitation of po w e r f u l lay a nd

religious p o t e n t a t e s anxious to meet a g e nuine g t e r - s t o n . a n d

more s p e c i fically on the enigmatic b u s i n e s s of his ’discoveries*.

The long list of his disciples'^ show them to have come from

the entire area where Tibetan Buddhism hel d sway, except

Mongolia. This fact, combined w i t h the efforts of his successors

aimed at p r o m u l g a t i n g his teachings, ex p l a i n h ow some of his

ritual compilations (particularly the Bla-ma n o r - b u rgya-

5 &\
mtsho ) came to enjoy such w i d e a n d enduring diffusion.

His importance for t h e gter-ma mo v e m e n t as a w h o l e is shown

b y the fact that he is classed as f o u r t h of the five ’text-

d i s c o v e r e r kings* (g t e r - s t o n r g y a l - p o ).-^ A m o n g his personal

58
disciples are n u m b e r e d six other g t e r - s t o n , bu t they do not

seem to include the one w ho is bes t remembered b y l a t e r

tradition: L a s - ' p h r o Gling-pa (alias N a m - m k h a T r D o - r j e ) , b o r n

of the sNyi-ba f a mily of g N y a l - s t o d in Tibet, the ’discoverer*

of man y gter-ma at sTag-tshang and s K y e r - c h u in the sPa-gro

59
valley. However, the only g t e r-ston in B h u t a n w h o came
af t e r P a dma Gling-pa still w i d e l y remembered today was a

ce r t a i n fBrug-sgra rDo-rje. His b i o g r a p h y has not yet come

to light b u t he appears to have b e e n active in the first half

of the 1 8th century. Fragments of w h a t appear to be his

political p rophecies are still current in Bhutan*. His guide

to the shrine of C h u - m o - p h u g ( ' C h u m p h u 1) in the sPa-gro valley,

dated c h u -stag (1722 ?), is p r e s e r v e d in the Musee Guimet,

Co l l e c t i o n David Neel No. 320.

A c o mplex network of lineages descend f r o m Padma

Gling-pa, all of w h i c h seem to have b e e n w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d soon

60
a f t e r his death in 1521. T h e i r importance c a n be re a l i s e d

b y the fact that one line produced the 6 th Dalai Lama, Tshang-

dbyangs rGya-mtsho (16 8 3 - ? 1 706), a n d a n o t h e r line the present

Royal F a m i l y of Bhutan. Some preliminary a t t e m p t has to be

made to sort out the basic pattern.

All the traditions a f f i r m that Padma Gling-pa w a s b o r n

in the gNyos clan w h i c h had b e e n established in B u m - t h a n g b y

two of the sons (or p e r h a p s descendants) of rGyal-ba IHa-

na n g-pa (116H-122ij.), the f o under of the lHa-pa b K a ' - b r g y u d

61
school. According to the V a idurya Ser-po (p. 399), one of

them w as called sMyos m G a r (alias M g a r ICags-kyi rDo-rje).

T o g e t h e r they f o u n d e d the temple of g S u m - ' p h r a n g (or S o - Tbrar^g)

in the U-ra valley of Bum-thang. Padma G l i n g - p a fs father,

Don-grub bZang-po, was the descendant of one of them in a

collateral line to that of the g S u m - ' p h r a n g C h o s - r j e . This

latter line survives to this day and the p r e s e n t C h o s - r j e .

Tshe-dbang b s T a n - Tdzin, recited to me a list of seventeen

incumbents stretching in an unbroken succession f r o m Padma

G l i n g - p a fs f a t h e r down to himself. In f act P a d m a G l i n g - p a 1s

father was not a q;Su m~ ' p h r a n g Chos-rje but, as i n d i cated above

a collateral descendant f r o m their ancestor. Unfortunately

Padma Gling-pa h i m s e l f tells us nothing a b o u t his family

besides the names of his parents, that his clan was the

gNyos and that he b e l o n g e d to a line of rNying-ma-pa priests

(r n y i n g - m a 11 s n g a g s - b r g y u d ) .^ By his day it is unlikely that

the clan name would have meant very much. For him, just as

for the 6 th Dalai Lama, it served to point to distant a n d

respectable origins, not to a living social institution.

Besides, the clan system did not exist in B u m - t h a n g as it did

in the area f u r t h e r east. There, 162 years a f ter Padma G l i n g -

pa^ death (six generations later according to t h e V a i durya

S e r - p o . p. U 0 0 ) > the 6 th Dalai Lama was b o r n at B e r - m k h a r in

Kameng in a line descending from Padma G l i n g - p a that had

me rged with the local c l a n of the J o f b o . ^ Yet the Dalai

Lama*s clan is' never h eld to have bee n the Jo-bo, but i n s tead

the n o n - e x i s t e n t gNyos* On one of his trips to that area,

Padma Gling-pa had h e l p e d to a r range the m a r r i a g e of O - r g y a n

6*5
bZang-po, perhaps his nephew, to the d a u g h t e r of one J o - b o

Don-grub, the h e r e d i t a r y incumbent of the t e m p l e of O - r g y a n -

gling. This lady, rDor-rdaom, had b e e n h a v i n g an affair w i t h

O - r g y a n b Z a n g - p o but the " g o s s i p ” (m i - k h a ) feared b y her

father a n d Padma Gl i n g - p a was not caused by the Illicit nature

of the a f f a i r so m u c h as by the prejudice a g a i n s t the union of

people c o ming f r o m "different racial stock" (m l -rlgs m i - g c i g - p a ) .

This prejudice was d i s r egarded on the grounds that Padma ^

Gling-pa and J o - b o Don-grub h a d a karmic b o n d from their

previous lives. The marriage took place and the descendants

of the couple could thereafter claim a p e d i g r e e g o ing b a c k to

P a d m a Gling-pa a n d his ancestors. This t u r n e d out to be a

mi x e d b l e s s i n g for the 6th Dalai Lama whose amorous exploits

could be interpreted as u n o r thodox rites of s'exual magic

inherited from his a n c e s t o r in the old 1u n r e f o r m e d Red Hat

 The noble families descending f r o m Padma Gling-pa

in e a s t e r n B h u t a n may turn out to have t h eir own records

but these have n ot yet come to light* Until t h e n v/e are

66
main l y dependent on the oral traditions. Padma Gling-pa's

three most famous sons were 1) Grags-pa rGyal-mtshan,

2) Thugs-sras Zla-ba rGyal-mtshan, and 3) mKhas-grub

K u n - d g a 1 dBang-po. The first of these inherited his father* s

principal temple of gTam-zhing in the C h o s - * k h o r v a l l e y of

B u m - thang a n d from h im de s c e n d the family of the gTam-zhing

Chos-rje* The second, Zla-ba rGyal-mtshan, s e t t l e d at

sPra-mkhar (*Prai*) and his descendants b e c a m e the C h u - s m a d ^

gDung* The third, Kun-dga* dBang-po, s e t t l e d at m K h o ' u-chung

in K u r - s t o d a n d s t a rted the line of the m K h o *u-chung C h o s - r j e ,

A b r a n c h of this f a m i l y was e s t a b l i s h e d b y one b s T a n - p a * i

rGya l - m t s h a n who moved to a place called Pung-dkar, also in

Kur-stod. A f ter four of five generations, the line of the

g P u n g - m k h a r Chos-r,1e pr o d u c e d two brothers know b y their

nicknames as Pha-la a n d Phi-la. Pha-la (whose real name was

mGon-po dBang-rgyal) was in turn the f a t h e r of the K r o n g - s a r

dPon-slob *Ji g s - m e d rNam-rgyal: the most powerful figure in

Bhutan in the second half of the 19th century, the chief

opponent of the British, and father of O - r g y a n dBang-phyug

who became the first h e r e d i t a r y king of Bhutan in 1907. At

least one factor in the rise of his dynasty w as the p restigious

p o s ition occupied b y his f a mily as descendants of the great

'discoverer'. In the 18 th century the f a mily h a d e s t a b l i s h e d

a link w i t h the central government b y virtue of the fact

that a son born to the g D u n g - d k a r Chos-rje was recognised as

the third inca r n a t i o n of *Jam-dpal rPo-rje, son of the great

Zhabs-drung N g a g -dbang rNam-rgyal, the fo u n d e r of the

Bhutanese s t a t e . ^
 A l o n g s i d e the d i f f u s i o n of a l l t h e s e families came

the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f three incarnation lineages ass o c i a t e d

w i t h Padma Gling-pa's teachings. The gSun g - s p r u l ('mind-

i n c a r n a t i o n s ’) of Padma Gling-pa himself b e g a n w ith b s T a n -

'dzin Grags-pa (1536-1597), the first of a line of ten e m b o d i ­

ments who h ad t h eir seat across the bord e r at t h e ‘important

68
m o n a s t e r y of l H a - l u n g in IHo-brag. They were a l l v e r y

cl o sely a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the a r e a of eastern Bhut a n and several

of them w e r e b o r n into the families m e n t i o n e d above, as was the

case f o r the Thugs-sras m Chog-sprul incarnations of Klon g - c h e n -

pa's son w h o also had their seat at lHa-lung. This mon a s t e r y

beca m e the true centre for Padma Gling-pa*s teachings in their

monastic f o r m and it extended a constant influence on the

Bhutanese mona s t e r i e s of the school to the south f rom just

across the border. A n o t h e r Thugs-sras Inca r n a t i o n line,

apparently also b a s e d at lHa-lung, w a s that des c e n d i n g from

Zla-ba rGyal-mtshan, Padma Gling-pa's son wh o h a d s e t t l e d at

'Prai' in Bum-thang. Yet a n o t h e r line was that of his son,

Rig-'dzin Padma 'Phrin-las, w h o f o u nded the large monastery

of sGang-steng in the Shar district. The i n c a r n a t i o n line of

the sGang-steng lama was the most significant from the point

of view of the school's h o l d on w e s t e r n Bhutan. The second

in this line, b s T a n - 1dzin L e g s - p a !s Don-grub (16 U 5 - 1 726),

enjoyed close relations w i t h all the great figures of the

ruling 'Brug-pa school. The institutional a c c e ptance of

Padma Gling-pa's traditions b y the g o v e r n m e n t at this time

is ascribed to him and to his w e l l - k n o w n disciple, Ngag-dbang

69
'Brug-pa of mTshams-brag. T o d a y the sGang-steng m o n astery

survives as the only private f o u n d a t i o n outside the 'Brug-pa

school to maint a i n a flourishing community in w e s t e r n Bhutan.

However, like most of the important lineages, that of the

sGang-steng lama appears to have gone Into decline in the

last century, and it is not clear w h e t h e r there is an

incumbent today.

These lines w h i c h descend fro m Padma Gling-pa, his

son a n d g r a n d s o n inte r m i n g l e d both with e a c h other and w i t h

the families cl a i m i n g h u m a n de s c e n t from the 1t e x t - d i s c o v e r e r

The monasteries of lHa-lung and sGang-steng, a n d a l l their

daughter houses, kept up a constant exchange right down to

the time of the recent a n n e x a t i o n of Tibet b y China, Several

reasons could be suggested to a c c o u n t for the school's

survival under 'Brug-pa rule. Like the rNying-ma-pa at large

it remained l o osely constituted a n d diffuse, n e v e r wi e l d i n g

concerted authority. Perhaps more important is the fact that

it was, in its origins a n d development, an esse n t i a l l y

Bhutanese phenomenon, closely wedd e d to local interests and

aspirations. No matter to w h a t degree other schools beca m e

implanted in B h u tanese society, in the last resort they see m

to have re m a i n e d local offshoots of their T i b e t a n source.

C o n s e q u e n t l y they stood at the m e r c y of those h i s t orical

currents w h i c h arose w i thin the country itself. The single

exception to this picture is provided b y the case of the

'Brug-pa school which, as we shall see, b e c a m e so cl o s e l y

ass o c i a t e d w i t h local interests in the west of the country

that to all intents a n d purposes it could be c o n s i d e r e d

Bhutanese. C e r tain circumstances eventually arose to enable

this school to emerge as the dominant political force. The

b es t symbol of its support for the order of Padma Gling-pa is

p r o v i d e d b y the fate of Padma Gling-pa's earthly remains;

th© stupa containing t h e m w a s r e m o v e d from the t e m p l e of

gTam-zhing b y the 'Brug-pa c a m paign which s u b j u g a t e d this

area of the c o u n t r y in the middle years of the 17th century.

P a r f r o m b e i n g despoiled, the s a c r e d reliquary was taken

to the capital at sPu-na-kha w h ere it was e v e n t u a l l y

pl aced alongside the mortal remains of Z h a b s - d r u n g Ngag-

dbang rNam-rgyal, the founder of the 1Brug-pa theocracy.^

The ashes of Padma Gling-pa a n d th^e corpse of the 1st

Z h a b s-drung w e r e to g e t h e r removed 'to safety during each of

the successive fires w h i c h reduced the capital fortress to

a smouldering ruin. T hey w e r e restored, phoenix-like, to

th e i r original positions side b y side in the ce n t r a l tower

a f t e r each rebuilding of the rdzong. To g e t h e r w i t h the

relic of gTsang-pa rGya-ra (11 6 i —1211), the f o u n d e r of the

'Brug-pa school, t h e y are still t o d a y t he objects of

greatest veneration. A n o t h e r clear token of the e n d uring

h o l d of Padma Gling-pa's heritage is s e e n in the h i s t o r y of

his descendants, a m o n g w h o m the p r e sent Royal F a m i l y now

stands foremost. The complicated story of how in this

ce n t u r y it came to replace the theocracy w i t h its own form

of h e r e d i t a r y rule lies w e l l b e y o n d the scope of the present

study.

3. b K a '-brgyud-pa j

The 'School of Oral Transmission' is made up of a

b e w i l d e r i n g complex of sub-schools a l l of which trace their

origins to the figure of Mar-pa Chbs-kyi Blo-gros 'the

Translator' (1012-1097) who instructed a few c a r e f u l l y

chosen disciples in certain esoteric p r a c t i c e s w h i c h he h ad

received from his Indian m a s t e r Naropa. In the Wes t the

school has come to be associated with the figure of Mar-pa*s

most famous disciple, the poet-saint Mi-la Ras-pa (101+0— 1123) ,

w h ose b i o g r a p h y and songs have long b e e n r i g h t l y recognised as

am o n g the finest examples of Tibetan literature. What served

to stimulate the p o p u l a r reputation o f these works more than

any t h i n g else w as the notion that t h e y p r e s e r v e d a n a u t hentic

tradition which had b e e n set down v e r y soo n a f t e r the

master's death. This gave great p i q u a n c y to the esoteric

and my s t i c a l content of the w o r k s w h i c h ha d found its setting

in the account of an ascetic life whose details of character

and c ircumstance a r g u e d direct experience. Th e ineffable

was s e e n to be f i r m l y lock e d to the practical realities of

place a n d time. We owe it to G ene Smith (1969) that the

a uthorship of the b i o g r a p h y and the c o m p i l a t i o n of the songs

are now p r o p e r l y c r e d i t e d to gTsang-rsmyon H e - r u - k a (1U52-1507)

w ho completed the first b l o c k p r i n t edition at L a - s t o d in

about 1 ^ 9 5 1 that is to say s o m e 372 years a f t e r the death of

Mi-la Ras-pa. The w o rks now have to be seen i n the context

of a c o n s i d e r a b l e cult developing over many centuries. Their

reputation, however, is not likely to s u f f e r f r o m the r e t r o ­

spective i nterpretation^ w h ich have now come p a r t l y into vie w

for they r e m a i n m a s t e r p i e c e s on t h e i r own grounds. Neverthe­

less, it is in the light of the cult that Mi-la R a s -pa's

a s s o c i a t i o n with B h u t a n has to be seen., It-finds m e n t i o n in

a quite rare and separate collection of six of his songs

entitled rDo-r.ie m g u r - d r u g , compiled b y lHa - b t s u n Rin-chen

rNam-rgyal (1U73-1557), the chief disciple of g T s a n g - s m y o n

(Smith 1969:27). lHa-btsun drew on the same material available

to his teacher, the full details of which are still lost. The

song in question was not k n o w n to the Bhutanese until very

recently w h e n the a u t h o r of L C B II gave notice of i t .^1 Had

Bhutanese historians of e a r l i e r times been aware of its

existence it is certain t hey would h a v e made much of it, for

the name of Mi-la Ras-pa is as much a h o u s e h o l d w o r d in B h u t a n

as it is in Tibet and o t h e r neighbouring countries. The song

 72
is an e x p o s i t i o n of the ’T en S i g n s ’ of yogic a t t a i n m e n t

a n d was c o m p o s e d b y the m a s t e r a f t e r he had spent a period

of three months m e d i t a t i n g at the sacred shrine of sTag- .

tshang in the sPa-gro valley. He is said to, have sung it

in reply to a g r oup of f o u r yogins w h o r e f u s e d to b e l i e v e

him c a p able of s u s t a i n i n g himself w i t hout foo d for so long.

Stray, yet significant, encounters of this k i n d marked the

beginnings of the b K a ’-brgyud-pa school, and it w a s only

later that lineages, mona s t e r i e s and patrons arose to create

that e x t r a o r d i n a r y complexity w h i c h still p a r t l y survives#

Mi-la Ras-pa is said to have " t r a n s m i t t e d the lineage

of m e d i t a t i o n ” but the more formalised teachings of his

m a s t e r as received in f o u r ’currents* (or ’c o m m a n d m e n t s ’,

b k a ’- b a b s ) w e r e passed on b y three of M a r - p a ’s close J

disciples who, t o g e t h e r with Mi-la, are k n o w n as the ’P o u r

Pillars’. One of these, r N g o g-ston G h o s - s k u rDo-rje ( 1036 -

1102), is held to have b e e n the founder'of c e r t a i n m onasteries

in Bhutan, i n c l u d i n g that of G l a n g -mo-gling w h i c h still stands

in the sTang v a l l e y of Bum-thang, just south of M a r - p a 's home

in l H o - b r a g . ^ If the tradition is correct tha n the m o n a s t e r y

may perhaps have l a t e r been a t t a c h e d to the school of the

rNgog-pa b K a ’-brgyud b a s e d at s P r e ’u-zhing n e a r rGyal-rtse

where the descendants of G h o s - s k u rDo-rje k ept it f lourishing

7*5
until about the 15th century. The G l a n g - m o - g l i n g m o n a s t e r y

is today a government temple of the 'Brug-pa order, its

custodian b e i n g a p p o i n t e d f r o m the state m o n a s t e r y of Krong-sar.

N o doubt many more references to the area's associations

w i t h the u n f o r m a l i s e d b eginnings of the bKa ’-brgyud-pa could be

found. D u s - g s u m m K h y en-pa (1 1 1 0 - 9 3 )f f o u n d e r of the K a m - t s h a n g

(or Karma) b K a ’-brgyud-pa, ce r t a i n l y v i s i t e d s P a - g r o . ^

A l t h o u g h his school b e c a m e the dominant force in Tibet from

the late 1 5th to the early 17th centuries, it n e v e r g a i n e d

a proper footing in Bhutan, The only m o n a s t e r y w h i c h seems

to have come into its hands is Thang-kha-sbe in the C h o s -

’k h o r - e t o d district of Bum-thang, which p r e s e r v e s a clay

image of the 8th Zhwa-dmar-pa ( ’Red H a t ’) incarnation,

Chos-kyl Don-grub, he went there in c o m p a n y with the 12t h

Zhwa-nag ( ’Black H a t 1) incarnation, Kar m a - p a B y a n g-chub

rDo-rje, That the f o u n d a t i o n e x i s t e d long b e f o r e their time

is c l e a r f r o m the au t o b i o g r a p h y of Padma Gli n g - p a (f. 39a).

The e v o l ution of the b K a ’-brgyud-pa into what came

to be reg a r d e d as f o u r ’m a j o r 1 schools deriving from Dwags-po

lHa-rje (1079-1153) a n d eight ’m i n o r ’ schools deriving from

P h a g - m o-gru-pa rDo-rje rGyal-po (1110-70) still awaits

77
detailed inves t i g a t i o n but the b r o a d lines a r e already clear.

The c l a s s i f i c a t i o n into ’major* and ’m i n o r ’ is chronological

a nd does not reflect the size or duration of the schools in

question. These in turn g ave rise to a host of offshoots

w h i c h are not d i r e c t l y a c c o u n t e d for in 'the a b o v e classification.

In w e s t e r n B h u t a n three of these orders took root; one of tiiem

(the *Brug-pa) is reckoned as ’m i n o r 1 an d the other two

(lHa-pa a n d ’Ba-ra) as ’o f f s h o o t s ’. The lHa-pa came first,

followed b y the ’Brug-pa and ’Ba-ra.

T he lHa-pa b K a ’-brgyud appears to hav e b e e n the first

school to gai n a b r o a d measure of control of w e s t e r n Bhutan.

Its intr o d u c t i o n there was achieved, b y its founder, rGya 1-ba

lHa-nang-pa alias g Z i - b r j i d rDo-rje (1161+-1221+), from w h o m

this school takes its name. W e have already met him a b o v e as

the a n c e s t o r of Padma Gling-pa. He was a disciple of 'Jig-rten

mGon-po (111+3-1217), founder of the important ’Bri-khung

school, and for this reason his own order is sometimes regarded
as a n offshoot of the *Bri-khung hut in r e a lity it h ad an

independent existence. It remained v e r y much a family

interest a l l i e d to the important clan of the gNyos w h i c h

provided its prince-abbots. The family had b e e n a s s o c i a t e d

with B h utan f or m a n y generations before the emergence of the

lHa-pa school. The g r e a t - g r e a t - g r a n d f a t h e r of lHa-nang-pa

was the famous Yon-tan Grag s-pa ’the T r a n s l a t o r of gNyos',

the c o n t e m p o r a r y of Mar-pa in whose c o mpany he t r a v e l l e d to

India. A c c o r d i n g to the history of the gNyos clan (the

K ha- r a g - g n y o s - k y i rgyud-pa b.yon-tshul m d o r - b s d u s ) , "the

t ranslator ^ Y o n - t a n Grags-pa/7, was offered all the estates,

monasteries and rights which b e l onged to rGya-pa in the

Southern L a n d of Pou r A p p r o a c h e s . It is not clear if

rGya-pa was a person, family or clan, or wha t t h e origin of

these holdings was. It was p r e s u m a b l y these which rGyal-ba

lHa-nang-pa inh e r i t e d a c e n tury or so later from his father,

g N y o s - n a g Grags-pa-dpal, the g r e a t - g r a n d s o n of the translator.

lHa-nang-pa spent a p e r i o d of eleven years in Bhutan, mostly

at gCal-kha to the n o r t h of sPa-gro, the site of a l l the

79
gter-ma discoveries d i s c u s s e d above. ^ The b u i l d i n g there was

ruined b y an earthquake in the next g e n e r a t i o n and his nephew

Rin-c h e n rGyal-po tran s f e r r e d the seat of the school across

the p r e s e n t b o r d e r to Phag-ri Rin-chen-sgang. gCal-kha wa s

restored, however, as we f i n d two of Ri n - c h e n rGyal-po*s sons

(i.e. gZi - b r j i d rGyal-po a n d bSod-nams rGyal-po) visiting the

place. This is as much as is apparent from t h e available

Tibetan records which otherwise concern themselves w i t h the

major centres of the school at lHa-nang a nd Gye-re, probably

l ocated in the Kailash area of w e stern Tibet. Nothing seems

to be k n o w n a b o u t the school in Tibet b e y o n d the 1i+th a n d

15th centuries when their o w n history and the R ed and Blue

Annals give us a picture of its flou r i s h i n g condition.

In Bhutanese tradition the lHa-pa are d e p i c t e d as

the bane of the fBrug-pa school which u l t i m a t e l y triumphed.

No account of t h e i r own view of their p o s i t i o n lias survived

for the reason t hat they w e r e proscribed d u r i n g the time of

the 1st Zh ab s -d r u n g . The official view is t o t a l l y coloured^

b y the role g i v e n to the lHa-pa in the b i o g r a p h y of P h a — jo

fB r u g -sgom zhig-po, a somewhat doubtful authority if we

consider the story of its compilation. It purports to have

been written by P h a - j o fs son Dam-pa (in the 12th century) and

l a ter rediscovered b y N g a g - d b a n g b s T a n - ’dzin (son of ’Br u g - p a

Kun-legs, 11+55-1529) w h e n he w a s fifty years old, i.e. in

80
about 1580. The b l o c k p r i n t we now h a v e is a seco n d edition

p r e p a r e d at the behest of an u n i d e n t i f i e d r dzong-doon of

Thim-phu, b S o d - n a m s dBang-rgyal. It is.full of a p p a lling

spelling mistakes, yet the wor k remains one of the most p o p u l a r

in the country for the s t ory it tells of the arrival of the

first ’B r u g-pa lama and his struggles w i t h the lHa-pa. The

accounts given in L G B I (ff. 7b-1la) and L CB II (ff. 92a-97b)

are entirely b a s e d on it.

The enemy is referred to as gNyos or lHa-pa bu t he c a n

v e r y l i k e l y be i d e n tified w i t h rGyal-ba l H a - n a n g - p a himself,

Qj
as the dates seem to fit, . Pha-,io. we are told, first came

into direct contact w i t h this gNyos "chief of the South"

( ^ d p o n - p o t f, 21b) when, sometime a f ter his arrival

from Ra-lung, he received a contemptuous lett e r f r o m lHa-pa at

gCal-kha in w h i c h it was declared that since n o body w h o refused

to subscribe to the I H a —pa sect was al l o w e d to stay in the area,

c o u l d only do so if he agreed e i t h e r to look a f ter one

of their monasteries or else become one o f their herdsmen,

f a i ling w h i c h he would lose his life. In his r e p l y P h a - j o

dismissed the order and justified his p r e sence on the

grounds of the p r o p h e c y g i v e n b y gTsang-pa rGya-ras (1 1 6 1 -

1211), n a m e l y that he, P h a - j o , s h ould be sent to the South

to t a k e the TBrug-pa o r d e r there. On receipt of this, lHa-pa

resolved to k i l l him in a n a ct of ritual m u r d e r b y removing

his heart and p l a c i n g it in t he temple dedicated to the

guardian deities at gGal-kha, An outbreak of ’tantric

w a r f a r e 1 ensued w i t h both sides w o r k i n g their magic a g a i n s t

the other. In the course of this, the f o r t r e s s of lHa-pa at

gCal-kha was burnt to the ground. The local rulers of w e s t e r n

Bhutan (described as the spyl-dpon of gDung, sGod-phrug, Has,

Gang, W ang and sDong) g a i n e d f a ith in Pha- a n d tol d h im of

th e i r plight under the lHa-pa rule. E v e r y y e a r each district

was made to supply huge quantities of rice, butter, cotton,

srin-do (?) a n d iron, in addit i o n to u n d e rtaking three periods

of corvee, ^ If they failed, then "laws a c c o r d i n g to

T i b e t a n practice" w e r e exacted on them, and s o they b e g g e d

Pha - .jo to replace these with "the legal customs of a lama",

swearing allegiance to him. lHa-pa then fled to the sBed-smad

district where he b u ilt the fortress of ITo-kha rDzong. From

there he sent two of his monks t o serve poi s o n e d s u gar to

Pha-jo. The effect of the p o i s o n was slow, a nd Pha-jo died

of it e v e n t u a l l y at the age of sixty-eight; this w o u l d have

b e e n in 1276, if we accept his b i r t h date as 1208 (s a - p h o -

’b r u g . f. 2a). In his dying wil l he f o r e t o l d the continuation

of the struggle wit h the lHa-pa a n d 'the ultimate triumph of hie

own school of the 'Brug-pa.

This synopsis has e x c luded al l the r e s t of P h a - j o 1s

doings to highlight the theme of his struggles with lHa-pa,

b u t we shall mee t h im again b e low as the ancestor of the p o w e r ­

ful families of the 1Brug-pa school in w e s tern Bhutan. In b o t h

capacities he is cast in s u c h a legendary role that it is

no t p o s sible to accept the 12th century origin that is

claimed for his biography. The a c c o u n t of the struggle

w i t h lHa-pa has an exact ritual parallel in the sacred drama

that is enacted a n n u a l l y at, the temple of G ang Nam-mkha*

i
IHa-khang in sPa-gro. During this festival, w h i c h Just

precedes the c e l e b ration of the Agricultural New Year, five

'generals* act the part of the magical a r m y e m a n a t e d by

Pha-jo. ^ This dramatic version, like the w r i t t e n account,

serves to explain and Justify the final t r i u m p h of the 'Brug-pa

in Bhutan. The wr i t t e n a c c o u n t mus t surely h ave b e e n p r o duced

on the b a sis of various traditions as they survi v e d in the ,

17th c e n t u r y w h e n the lHa-pa a n d the 'Brug-pa wer e locked in

strife. The 'discovery' of the work in about 15&0 b y Ngag-

dbang bsTan-'dzin, son of 'Brug-pa Kun-legs a n d incarnation

P h a - j o 's son Gar-ston, is also suspect. One is te m p t e d

rather to look to this person's o wn son, T s h e - d b a n g b s T a n - ' d z i n

(alias rTa-mgrin rGyal-mtshan) w ho claimed to be the incarnation

Pha-jo h i m self and w h o lived f r o m 157U to l6Zf5«^+ The core

of the 'secret' b i o g r a p h i e s of 'Brug-pa K u n - l e g s w h i c h deal

w i t h this m a d saint's encounters in B h u t a n is a t t r i b u t e d to

him, the g r a n d s o n of the saint. ^ S i g n i f i c a n t l y the poetic

refrains w h i c h extol the sexual exploits of Pha-jo and 'Brug-pa

Kun - l e g s a r e found a l m o s t identical in both works; the one

ar
a t t r i b u t e d to the l a t t e r is r a t h e r more polished, Tshe-dbang

b s T a n - ' d z i n was the close a l l y of Zhabs-drung N g a g - d b a n g

rNam-rgyal, the f o u nder of the Bhutanese state, and he mus t

have b e e n deeply involved in the latter's contentions with the

lHa-pa. He also shared one of his wives with the Zhabs-drung

(see p. 407 below). The lady, Dam-chos bsTan-'dzin, came f r o m

a n other f a m i l y of the religious nobility claiming descent from

P h a - j o . that of lCang sGang-kha in the T h i m - p h u v a l l e y . ^

The lHa-pa, unf ortunately, n e ver come to light in the

records. They are cast in the symbolic role of chief enemy,

"head of the five groups of l a mas” w ho opposed the Zhabs-drung

(LCB II, f. Okb ) . T h e i r final submission seems to have taken

place just before they h a n d e d over their old f o r t r e s s of

r Do - r n g o n rDzong (or rDo-snyug rDzong) in T h i m - p h u in the year

88
1614.1 . This was turned into the summer capital of the 'Brug-

pa g o v e r n m e n t under the n a m e of bKra-shis Chos-rDzong. It is

n o w the permanent seat o f government. The o t h e r fortresses of

the lHa-pa, p r o b a b l y defensive monasteries, a p p e a r to have

b e e n destroyed b y fire during the struggles w h e n t h e enemy

lamas join e d forces w i t h the gTsang sDe-srid in 1 6 3 2 and after.

89
They included Bya-thal rDzong and sBed-med ITo-kha rDzong.

Towards the end of the 17th c e n t u r y there w e r e still groups

w h ose earlier associations w i t h the lHa-pa were remembered,

and who were therefore regarded w i t h some d i s f a v o u r b y the

90
central government.

(ii) 1Bruff-pa

This school n a t u r a l l y receives tremendous emphasis in

the Bhutanese histories, but it is introduced chronologically

in the middle of tnis chapter to indicate that it was in reality

just one a m ong several e stablished orders before it rose to

dominate a n d unify the country. The short account given here

takes the story from its origins down to the start of the

17th century w h e n the movement towards c onsolidation was b e g u n

b y Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal.

The 'Brug-pa school had its b e g i nnings in one of those

sustained outbursts of d evotional asceticism w h i c h so m a r k e d

the 11th to 12th centuries. Its founder was gTsang-pa rGya-pa3

 91
Ye-shes rDo-rje ( 1161-1211) w h o is linked in t he formal

pedigree of the school to the m ain b K a 1-brgud-pa order

through his own master, G-ling R a s - p a .Padma rDo-rje (1128-88),

the disciple of P h a g - m o - g r u - p a rDo-rje rGyal-po (1110-1170),

Ye-shes rDo-rje was the 'discoverer' of a n u m b e r of esotericj

doctrines w h i c h included the Ro-snyoms ('Equal Taste /of

AppearancesT"') hidden b y Ras-chung-pa a n d the rTen-'brel (a

meditative cycle on the p r a t i t y a s a m u t p a d a ) . These texts f o r m e d

the p a r t i c u l a r teachings of his school w h ich came to be n a m e d

a f t e r the m o n a s t e r y of 'Brug f o u n d e d b y h im in about 1189. The

m o n a s t e r y took its name from the 't h u n d e r - d r a g o n s ' ( 'brug)

which are said to hav e resounded through the sky on the

occasion o f its consecration. The w h o l e of B h u t a n ('Brug-yul)

eventually took its name from the school, not the o t h e r w a y

round as m a i n t a i n e d recen t l y b y Tucci (1973:63-4)*

The 'Brug-pa a p p e a r to have h a d a wide a p p e a l for

people w h o w i s h e d to pursue their vocations as simple m e d i cants

intent on salvation through s o l i t a r y m e d i t a t i o n r a t h e r than as

members of large communities where the formal s t u d y of Buddhist

scholasticism was paramount, though it was not long before this

latter side developed too. To b e g i n with at least, "... the

hermits b e l o n g i n g to the 'Brug-pa school were d e v o i d of the

pre j u d i c e s and dissensions of sectarian and s c h o lastic

p a r t i a l i t y a n d were all e x t r e m e l y humble" (Blue A n n a l s , N y a «

f. 118a). The founder h i m s e l f is said to hav e d i s p ersed his

m a n y followers to a ll the m a j o r shrines of the Buddhist world,

in Tibet, India and China - an area referred to as 'eighteen

days flight of a vulture' (b y a - r g o d nyin-lam b c o - b r g y a d ) .

This gave rise to the often quoted saying in Tibet:

H a l f the people are 'Brug-pa,

Half the 'Brug-pa are beggars,
Half the beggars are saints.
The p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f the school into three distinct b r a n c h e s

is t r a c e d to three disciples of Ye-shes rDo-rje, namely

1) the B a r - ' b r u g ('Middle 'Brug-pa') from Sangs-rgyas dBon-ras

Darina Seng-ge (1177-1237), nephew of the founder, 2) the eTod-

'brug ('Upper 'Brug-pa') f r o m - rGod-tshang-pa mG-on-po rDo-rje

(1189-1256), a n d 3 ) the sMad-'brug ('Lower 'Brug-pa') from

L o - r a s - p a dBang-phyug b r T s o n - ’grus (1187-1250)* Pro m the point

of view of B h u t a n the only important one was the dominant

m idd l e branch, which c a m e under the c o n trol of a line of pr i n c e -

abbots in a family of the rGya clan descended f r o m Y e - shes

rDo-rje himself. Nevertheless, the o t h e r two b r a n c h e s w e r e

r epresented in the country, if only briefly, before being

a b s o r b e d into the 'Middle 'Brug-pa'. L o - ras-pa f o u n d e d the

m o n a s t e r y of C h o s - b r a g (or Chos-rje-brag) in Bum-thang, on the

cliff just above the later and m o r e famous m o n a s t e r y of T h a r-pa-

92
g l i n g f o u nded b y Klong-chen-pa. It was later a d m i n i s t e r e d as

a state m o n a s t e r y of the 'Brug-pa f r o m w e s t e r n Bhutan a n d

survives today as a nu n n e r y of the rNying-ma-pa order. Lo- r a s - p a

also t r a v e l l e d in the w e s t of the c o u n t r y w h e r e the story of his

conversion of the demon dByar-sa-pa is still remembered. The

'Upper 'Brug-pa* was introduced to sPa-gro b y sPyil-dkar-ba,

disciple of r G o d - t s h a n g - p a , who founded a monastery now called

sPyi-dkar-kha where his remains are said to be still p r e s e r v e d . ^

P r o m him d e s c ended an important family of the religious

a r i s t o c r a c y w h i c h m a i n t a i n e d a large estate in sPa-gro. This

was the family of the g Z a r - c h e n Chos-rje w h i c h still has its

seat at the f a m i l y temple of b S a m - g t a n C h o e -gling in the village

of g Z a r - c h e n - k h a . T h e i r line did not b e g i n in f a c t until seven

g e n e r a t i o n s after s Pyil-dkar-ba w h e n a certain b r T a n - p a founded

the temple, also ce r t a i n other temples on the sKyid-la Pass to

Ha, w h ere his b r o t h e r and uncle took up r e s i d e n c e . ^ Even b y

this time the family was more associated with the m ain 'Brug-

pa school b a s e d at Ra-lung than with the b r a n c h e s t a b lished b y

their ancestor's master, rGod-tshang-pa. (One important

offshoot of that branch, the 'Ba'-ra bKa'-brgyud, did establish

itself in B h u t a n and is c o n s i d e r e d s eparately below.) It comes

as no surprise to find the family of the g Z a r - c h e n Chos-rje a m o n g

the chief allies of the great Z habs-drung in the first hal f of

the 17th century. In the Hum-ral gdung-rabs (see below) we find

them intriguing against their rivals, the Hum-ral Chos-r.1e. to

w i n t ax dispensations from the Zhabs-drung. A c h a r t e r signed

bDu d - j o m s rDo-r.ie (the personal n ame o f the Z h a b s - d r u n g ) is

95
still in the p o s s e s s i o n of this f a m i l y today. ^ They pr o d u c e d
96
a number of famous abbots a nd s t a t e s m e n in l a t e r history.

M u c h more important, however, w e r e t h e m a n y families in

w e s t e r n Bhutan w h o cl a i m e d direct descent from Pha-jo 'Brug-

sgom Zhig-po a n d who were thereby linked to the p o w erful 'middle*

'Brug-pa b a s e d at their seat at Ra-lung. W h a t e v e r reservations

we m a y h ave about the authenticity of P h a - j o 's biography, it

must be b a s e d in part on historical reality. Padma dKar-po

(f. 303a-b of his chronicle) maintains that: "His (i.e. Sangs-

rgyas dB o n - r a s ) disciple, 'Gro-sgom zhig-po s u b j u g a t e d the

Southern Region of P o u r Approaches." This form o f his name,

b a s e d on ancient sources, m a y t u r n out to be the original one.

Kong-sprul, w r i t i n g in the 19th century, alludes b r i e f l y to

P h a - j o 1s discovery of a Hayagriva gter-ma a n d to the fact that

his descendants were reputed to survive at Nang-chen in Tibet

(g T e r - r n a m . f. 196a). In the Bhutanese bio g r a p h y long sections

are devoted to the gter-ma in question, but all o f his four

surviving sons are a l l e g e d to have bee n born w i t h i n the country.

(Three of the original seven, it is said, turned out to be .

demons and were dr o w n e d in an ordeal b y water) . Pha- j o

achieved his w i l l in w e s t e r n Bhutan b y deputing his sons to

the control of its various districts. He h i m s e l f s t a y e d at

the important m o n a s t e r y he f o u n d e d at the hea d of the Thim-phu

valley. It w as called rTa-mgo ('Horse-head') a f ter the saint's

associations w ith the deity Hayagrlva (rTa-mgrin, 'Horse-necked').

W h e n he was there, Kin g B h r a - nan-la of K a - m a - r t a (Kamata) is sai d

to have sent him presents w h ich included a t a l k i n g parrot

(ne-tsho s m r a - m k h a n ) . 'grape-wine' (sgun-'brum-gyi c h a n g ) and

other things (ff. 35b-36a) . Similar presents w e r e received

from the 'man of substance' (p h y u g - p o ) of Mon-yul rTsang-sgang,

perhaps the *T s a n g l a ’ area of eastern Bhutan. His sons were

97 \
deputed as follows: 1) G a r - s t o n w as a p p o i n t e d to gDung, Ha

and sDong, and to control the eastern passes (l a s - s g o ) . his

descendants b e c o m i n g the Zhal-ngo families of W a - c a n and m any

98 \
other places in the Sha r district; 2) Nyi-ma w as sent to

dGung and ICang (in Thim-phu) from where he was told to control

the 'outer' passes; his descendants b e c a m e the sGang-kha Zha l -

ngo (see below); 3) dBang-phyug was sent to control the passes

of Thed-lung (sPu-na-kha) and 'O-'dus (?); and from hi m

d e s c ended the g S a n g - m a 'i Zhal-ngo of dGon-stod (the region

bordering on Tibet); 4) Dam-pa inherited his father's Beat at

rTa-mgo and e stablished two f u r t h e r foundations at Nam-mkha'i

lHa-khang (or s N a n g-dkar lHa-khang) in sPa-gro and b D e - c h e n - p h u g

in Thim-phu. P r o m h i m descended all the *Brug-pa n o b i l i t y of

sPa-gro. H o w e v e r mythical these origins may have been, there

is p l e n t y of ev i d e n c e p o i n t i n g to the existence and strength

of all these families. One of them, which p r e s e r v e d the line^

of the Hum-ral C h o s-rje1 in sPa-gro. kept t h e i r records.

- n . . j - i n . r, - T J “
They

have come down to us in the form of a work entitled: Grub-inch og

h u m - r a l drung-drung yab-sras-kyi rnam-thar m d o - t s a m gleng-ba

rin-chen do-shal (H U m - r a l gdung-rabs for short, 71 folios,

 99
dbu-can ms.) It was w r i t t e n in 1766 (me-pho-kh.yi) b y a

m e m b e r of the family called. O - r g y a n Tshe-dbang (alias Kun-

dbang) . Coming as it did just half a c e n t u r y a f t e r Ngag-

dbang had c o m p o s e d his clan records in the east, the w o r k

mus t have b e e n o c c a s i o n e d b y much the same mo t i v e s of ^

pres e r v a t i o n in the face of the sweeping changes that h ad

b e e n Introduced in t h e course of the 17th century. Among

the oral and w r i t t e n sources m e n t i o n e d in the c o l o p h o n to the

w o r k a p p e a r some of a truly p r i m a r y ,character, n a m e l y "the

draft documents, dedicatory colophons and important papers

w r i t t e n b y s u c c e s s i v e ancestors" (pha-mes r i m - p a 1i zin-bris

dkar-chags gal-yipc 1d u ^ - p a - r n a m s . ff. 70b-7la). Co v e r i n g the

w h o l e p e r i o d from the 12th to the '1 8th centuries (some fifteen

g e n e r a t i o n s ) , it presents a, fascinating story of shifting

alliances w i t h col l a t e r a l branches of the same 1Brug-pa

nobility in other valleys, of the founding of daughter

monasteries, and of the rights and privileges e x a c t e d from

the subject 'patrons' attached to the family, Avery close

relationship p e r s i s t e d b e t w e e n the Hum-ral f a m i l y and the

hea d monastery of their school of the Bar-'brug at Ra-lung

in Tibet. The Hum-ral family w e r e among the chief local p a t rons

of the school and a large n u m b e r of .them received their

religious training at Ra-lung, studying the ritual a nd

meditational cycles pec u l i a r to the 1Brug-pa, which they

w o u l d then disseminate on returning to Bhutan. F o r their part,

the prince-abbots of Ra-lung made frequent visits to this area

of the country, p r o m u l g a t i n g their teachings, consolidating

their ties a nd extending t h e i r holdings. These affiliations,

covering the w h o l e spectrum o f religious and political

endeavour, w e r e to have far-reaching consequences f o r the

creation of a unified country; it was surely due to them that

Zhabs-drung N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal, the princ e - a b b o t of Ra-

lung, was able to b u i l d his state a f t e r a r r i v i n g as a

refugee in 1616 . They were, in a traditional phrase,

"prefigurative auspices" (snga-ltas-kyi r t e n - ' b r e l . LCB I,

f. 12a). A b r ief at t e m p t can be made to determine their

h i s t o r y a n d n a t u r e .100

The first princ e - a b b o t of Ra-lung to come in person

to w e s t e r n Bhutan was the 7 th incumbent to that position,

Kun-dga' Seng-ge (1314H3U7). He was in v i t e d b y the grand­

son a nd i n c a r n a t i o n of Dam-pa, sPrul-sku B l o - l d a n rGyal-po,

w h o h ad his seat at his grandfather's m o n a s t e r y of b D e - c h e n -

phu. That place has ever since b e e n regarded as the 'palace'

of the guardian divinities of the 'Brug-pa school in Bhutan.

Kun-dga' Seng-ge is sai d to have subdued a n d converted the

S ° d H Ge-bsnyen C h e n-po Jag-pa Me-len and turned h i m into the

'protector* Srog-bdap; gShan-pa dMar-po. The a b b o t w a s then

b r o u g h t to the sGang-kha temple f u r t h e r down the valley b y

an o ther of Pha-.jo's descendants, Bla-ma b S o d - n a m s rGyal-mtshan,

p r e s u m a b l y the grandson of Nyl-ma. (At this place he is

c l a imed to have i ntroduced a m o n astic community, w h ich must

have i n v olved an expansion of the original building. It was

perhaps at this time that the extraordinary p a i n tings w h i c h

still survive there were executed. Thqy depict a host of

subterranean, terrestrial and astral deities in a cosmological

arra n g e m e n t that stems no doubt from a p a r t i c u l a r ritual cycle

in use at that time. The figures (particularly those of the

nine planets a nd the twenty-eight lunar asterisms) combine

what a p pear to be certain f e a t u r e s of C e ntral A s i a n dress w i t h

ancient Indian motifs. The paintings may w e l l be the oldest

in the country and seem to have b e e n p r e s e r v e d b e c a u s e the

temple in w h ich they are found is classified as a m g o n - k h a n g

dedicated to g u a r d i a n Bpirits. These are not so often

subjected to that continuous process of refur b i s h m e n t which

has effaced the ancient art of the country.) K u n - d g a 1 Seng-ge

also f o u nded the bDe-ch e n - s d i n g s monastery at dGon-kha in

sPa-gro. While in the north of the c o u n t r y he married a

daughter of a c e r t a i n Bla-ma dPal-ldan Seng-ge ( a n other of

Pha-jo *s descendants) and t o them was born the next of the

p r i n c e -abbots of Ra-lung, Blo-gros Seng-ge (13^5-1390). After

his installation a n d e d u c a t i o n at Ra-lung he returned to hie

h o m e l a n d in the n o r t h e r n mountains and established a f u r t h e r

monastery. T wo more, sPol-dud dGon and m D o - s d e - b r a g in

Thim-phu, w e r e fo u n d e d b y Nam-mkha'i rWal-'byor, w h o s e p o s ition

in the f a m i l y is not clear.

In the ii^th c e ntury the 'Brug-pa school rose to

o c cupy a powerful p o s i t i o n in the c o m p licated Tibetan politics

of that time. It a c q u i r e d large landholdings in central Tibet

as a result of the patronage of the Mongol k i n g T o g o n Temur

(d. 1370) but its temporal authority never really e q u a l l e d

that of the Phag-mo-gru-pa, Sa-skya-pa, K a r ma-pa or 'Bri-khung-

pa schools w h i c h all rose to various degrees of dominance under

Mongol patronage. Pactional rivalries e v e n t u a l l y depleted the

holdings of t he TBrug-pa a n d milit a r y and p o l i t i c a l de f e a t s

further w e a k e n e d it, but the p r e stige of the school was

ma i n t a i n e d b y the line of scholar-sages who o c c u p i e d the

fa m i l y throne at Ra-lung, The area of western B h u t a n wa s

linked to this mon a s t e r y (east of rGyal-rtse) b y an e a s y road

f rom the Chumbi v a l l e y and there must have b e e n a constant

reciprocal mo v e m e n t a l o n g it fro m the 1hth to the e a rly 17th

centuries. The ties w e r e v e r y m u c h s t r e n gthened b y the

activities of the 13th incumbent, rGyal-dbang-rje Kun-dga*

dPal-'byor (lh28-1h76), incarnation of the founder (g T s a ng-pa

r G y a - r a s ) a n d one of the b est k n o w n savants of his age. He

came to the area, as far west as Bum-thang and as f ar east

as sPa-gro, on t h ree extended trips during w h i c h he f o u n d e d

a host of monasteries, temples a n d retreat centres, most of

wh i c h are still standing. T he most famous of these is

pr o b a b l y rDo m C h o d - r t e n in sPa-gro, where he spent a long

p e riod in m e d i t a t i o n in c o m p a n y with his chief local follower,

Drung-drung (alias rGyal-mchog) from w h o m the H u m -ral family

descended, D r u n g - d r u n g was one of two sons (the other wa s

r G y a l - fdzora) b o r n to Blo-ldan rGyal-po, the p a t r o n of Kun-dga*

Seng-ge (see above), a nd therefore a n o ther of P h a - j o *s

descendants. His b i o g r a p h y (ff, 8b-26b of the Hum-ral

g d u n g - r a b s ) is e normously i nteresting f o r its realistic

account of family feuds intermixed with the details of his

spiritual life (skabs 'gar 'khrugs-pa-re dang / skabs 'gar

grub-rtags-re bcas b z h u g s - p a - l a s / f. 19b). He w as the fo u n d e r

of the fortress called Hum-ral rDzong, named a f t e r the local

protective d e ity Hum-ral mGon-po with w h o m he h ad a special

t
relationship. It was this b u i l d i n g which his des c e n d a n t in

the seventh generation, Bla-ma 'Brug bSam-gtan, o f f ered to the

first Zhabs-drung in 16 h 5 , the latter converting it into the

provincial f o r tress of Rin-epungs rDzong. D r u n g - d r u n g was

also the p a t r o n of N g a g -dbang Chos-rgyal (lh65-15hO) w ^°

succeeded rGy a 1 - d b a n g - rje as the 1hth abbot of R a - l u n g in 1U76.

This figure e s t a blished no less than eighteen new foundations

in sPa-gro, T h i m - p h u and sPu-na-kha, Drung-drung a s s i s t e d in

the case of the w e l l - k n o w n temple of 'Brug C hos-sdings w h i c h

stands in the sPa-gro market, b u t he seems to have b e e n more

directly concerned w i t h the c o n s truction of a series of w a t e r -

d r iven ' p r a y e r - m i l l s ', nine of w h ich are named. This gave

rise to the saying: "The 'Brug-pa have built monasteries, so

don't get up off y o u r knees. The Hum-ral-pa w ill introduce

prayer-mills, so don't divert the source."( / pus-mo ma-

slong-shig / 'brug-pas dgon-pa b t a b - s o n g / s n a - c h u ma-gzar-

shig / hum-ral-pas chu-rang b t e u g a - y o n g s / f. 19b)

A n o t h e r contemporary o f the t w o Drun g - d r u n g brothers

was the m a d saint 'Brug-pa K un-legs (1U55-1529), the youngerj

i
relative of N g a g -dbang Chos-rgyal. He only appears b r i efly

in the H u m -ral gdung-rabs (loc. cit.) f o r his c o m p osition of

a song about the brothers, b u t there is w i d e scope for

c ollating all the Bhutanese traditions concerning him, a

great n u m b e r of wh ich a re found in the local b i o g raphies

cited in Note 85 above. These will one day h a v e to be set

against the accounts of his life still sung in v e rse b y the

w a n d e r i n g bards ('manip') and, most of all, they will have

to be contrasted w i t h the st a n d a r d edition of his own anecdotes,

so f i nely t r a n s l a t e d into F r ench b y Stein (1972). F o r the

B hutanese 'Brug-pa Kun - l e g s always represents everything that

is most b e l o v e d l y unorthodox; and yet the shocking i r r e g u l a r ­

ity of his conduct is thought to have b e e n the reflection of

a free, yet disciplined, spirit that e m b odied the v ery

essence of t h e i r religion. The growth of the Bhutanese

tradition with all its emphasis on sexual h u m o u r and village

bawdiness marks a genuine departure from the somewhat more

sober picture conveyed b y the saint's own memoirs. A

selective process w a s clearly in unconscious o p e ration to

enable him to fill the role of cultural hero. That process

was certai nly as s i s t e d on a formal level b y his desc e n d a n t s

in the 17th century w h o rose to positions of great f a v o u r and

importance in the new state.

Throughout the 1 6th ce n t u r y the monastic estates

w h i c h had b e e n established b y the princes of Ra-lung,

pa r t i c u l a r l y N g a g - d b a n g Chos-rgyal, w e r e kept in a flourishing

condition. His two sons were e s p e cially a c t i v e in this

regard. The eldest, bsTan-pa'i r Gyal-mtshan (alias

Ngag-dbang Grags-pa, 1506-38) ruled as the 16th abbot of

Ra-lung. He s p ent some t ime at his father's m o n a s t e r y of

sPang-ri Zam~pa in Thim-phu, which still stands, a n d

founded new ones in the Shar district. His y o u n g e r brother,

Ngag-gi d Bang-phyug (l517-5h), is claimed to have founded

monasteries in eastern B h u t a n on sites w h e r e a c h ain of

fortresses w e r e constructed a ce n t u r y later under dPon-slob

M i - 'gyur brTan-pa. They are listed in the m o d e r n w o r k

L C B II (f, 101b) a s . K r o n g - s a r Cho s - ' k h o r Rab-brtan-rtse,

Bum-thang B y a - d k a r rDzong, K u r - s t o d l H un-grub-rtse a nd

bsTi-mu-la. W i t h the e x c e p t i o n of the last, w h ich I cannot

identify, all these appear in the Lo-rgyus as new c o n s t r u c ­

tions d a t i n g from t he middle years of the 17th century, quite

u nconnected with e a r l i e r foundations. The claim made for

them in L C B II has therefore to be viewed with some suspicion.

Ngag-gi dBang-phyug, however, must have b e e n active in the

area b e c a u s e both his son, Mi-pham C h o s -rgyal (15 h 3 - 1 601+),

and his grandson, bsTan-pa'i Nyi-ma (1567-1619), followed

hirn into this r e g i o n where the 'Brug-pa do not otherwise

1 01
a p pear to have had much of a hold. In fact bsTan-pa'i

Nyi-ma seems to have b e e n only to the east. A son, b s T a n -

'dzin 'Brug-sgra, born t o him in the M a n g - s d e district

e ventually s u c c e e d e d to the regency of his true heir, the

great Zhab s - d r u n g Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal (see the next

chapter) .

Meanwhile in the wes t of the country t h e 'Brug-pa

nobility of the 1 6 th c e n t u r y rose to e v e r - i n c r e a s i n g

p r o m i n e n c y as-' testified b y the proliferation" of the Hum-ral

sub-lineages. Some of these arose as a result of the

founding of new mona s t e r i e s b y younger sons, and others b y

the a rrangement of political marriages w ith collateral

lineages d e s c e n d e d from Pha-.1o. The issue of suc h marriages

w ere regarded as 'u n c l e - f a m i l i e s 1 allied to the pr i n c i p a l

family b a s e d at the ancestral seat in sPa-gro (e.g. zhang-

tshan-gyi mthongs dang / srid-phyogs gcig-pa d e -ltar b y u n g ;

Hum-ral g d u n g - r a b s . f. 39a). The rights and pri v i l e g e s of

the h ead f a mily were such that in the d e d i c a t o r y colop h o n to

a manuscript cop y of the b K a ' - ' g y u r . Nam-mkha' r Gyal-mtshan

(son of D rung-drung rGyal-mchog) copld m a k e the claim that

the males of his family w e r e "kings of the South e r n Country"

(lho-yul rgyal-po drung-drung y a b - s r a s . op. cit,, f. 31a-b).

There is n o t h i n g to suggest, however, that their powers

extended b e y o n d their own estates in the w e s t e r n valleys,

a n d their constant feuds w i t h other.groups t h ere alone point

to the extraordinary fragmentation Of all rule at this time.

Interposed b e t w e e n the domains of the local nob i l i t y stood

the g r o wing fiefs attached to the ' mother-house1 at Ra-lung

in Tibet. The 'auspices' fo r unified 'Brug-pa rule had truly

b e e n pr e p a r e d but, as w e shall see below, their p o t e n t i a l

w o u l d n e v e r have b e e n r e a l i s e d but for the life a n d c h a r acter

°£ Zhabs-drung N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal, the true f o u n d e r of

Bhutan.

(iii) 'Ba'-ra-ba j

This school takes its name from the epithet of its

founding patriarch, 'B a '-ra-ba r G y a l -mtshan dPal-bzang

AQo
(1310-1391)* He was recognised as the re-embodiment of

Yang-dgon-pa (1213-1258), himself the f o u n d e r of a separate

b r a n c h of the sTod-'brug k n own as the Y a n g - d g o n b K a '-brgyud-pa.

rGyal-mtshan dPal-bzang was b o r n in the Shangs district and

his school is t h e r e f o r e also called the Shangs 'Ba'-ra.

This has s o m etimes led to its confusion with the quite

I ndependent school d e s c e n d i n g from K h y u n g - p o rNal-'byor

kn own as the Shangs-pa bKa'-brgyud-pa, w h i c h stands outside

the main b K a '-brgyud-pa complex.

r G y a l -mtshan d P a l -bzang founded the mon a s t e r y of

j
Don-grub-sdings at fB a f-ra-brag in his home of the Shangs

v a l l e y north-east of g Z h i s - k a - r t s e , ^ a n d most of his

activities w e r e c o n c e n t r a t e d in Tibet proper. He did,

however, mak e at least two journeys to Bhutan. A g o o d source

of information is f o u n d in the prose passa g e s he wrote

105
i n t r o ducing his sacred song-poems. These he c o m p o s e d

throughout his long life in reaction to a wide v a r i e t y of

experiences. We learn (on f. 107a) that his first visit to

'the S o u t h 1 was made on pilgrimage to the shrines of sKyer-chu

and sTag-tshang in c o m p a n y w i t h his chief local disciples.

About two years a f ter his return t o Tibet he heard news

that the rdzong-pa of sTag-tshang (no doubt one of the

Ka-thog-pa lamas) a n d the forces of t he. dBus province of

Tibet wer e w a g i n g war. One hundred followers of the rdzong-pa

had been defeated, perhaps k i lled (f, 110b). He also h e ard

that the rdzong-pa was i n v olved in troubles w i t h the sMon-pa

(Mon-pa ?) of S h angs-mthong and that this had led to the

death of a certain d B on-po Ne-tso from G ur (f. 113*b) * The

following autu m n his Bhutanese patrons s e n t him a letter

insisting he should come back to sPa-gro. It was a time of

conflict in Tibet; no details are g i v e n but the troubles m ay

have b e e n those occasioned b y the struggle between B yang-chub

rGyal-mtshan and Sa-skya (c. 13U5-58). rGyal-mtshan dPal-

bzang decided to escape b y accepting the invitation. He

resolved to spend t h ree years in 1the South' where peace h a d

returned, where the inhabitants had faith in r e l i g i o n a n d

w h ere the old ties of 'priest and patron' con t i n u e d

( / lho dus bde-ba dang / chos-la m o s - s h i n g y o n - m c h o d

raying-pa yin-pas ... f. 11ii.b), He was met at Phag-ri b y

a large n u m b e r of porters and bodyguards, the latter in

order to protect him f r o m brigands (.1ag-choms srung-ba'i

go-rje m a n g - p o . f. 119a). He recalled later ho w during the

three years spent in the a rea he h a d b e e n a b l e to m e d iate

peace settlements on three occasions b e t w e e n c o n t e n d i n g

parties (f. 125a). One of these settlements of w h i c h he was

p a r t i c u l a r l y proud inv o l v e d a feud b e t w e e n his two chief

followers, the teachers (s l o b - d p o n ) Sa-mk h a r rDo-rje a n d

Khro-rgyal. They had bee n allies p r e v i o u s l y and were so

pow e r f u l that nobody could rival them. F e a r i n g their strength,

others had sought to separate them with false slanders, a n d in

the f e u d w h i c h followed someone had been killed. Both of them

had b e e n responsible for b u i l d i n g h im a new m o n a s t e r y at

'Brang-rgyas-kha in sPa-gro w ith a view to m a k i n g h i m settle

down under t h eir patronage, as they had f elt some shame at h i s

having accepted the favours be s t o w e d on him b y other, of his

followers, p a r t i c u l a r l y the grant of another mo n a s t e r y at

'On-'dul w h i c h had b e e n left to him on the d e a t h of the previous

owner, his disciple 'Phags-pa rDor-rgyal (ff. 1l9a-120a). The

new m o n a s t e r y of 'Brang-rgyas-kha se'ems to have b e come his

favourite seat in this area, a n d it w as there that his

successors in the 'Ba'-ra-ba school later came. rGyal-mtshan

d Pal-bzang appears to have had a v ery c o n s i d e r a b l e f o l l owing

from all over the west of the country, a n d m a n y of these ties

were doubtless also inherited b y his successors. One of hie

disciples was the so-called b r g y a - d p o n (an o f f i c i a l responsible

for one h u n d r e d families) of sTengs-chen-kha in Wang-yul. On

the point of d e a t h he was per s u a d e d to f o r b i d the slaughter

of cattle for his funeral rites; normally, we are told, it

was the custom o f the area to k i l l two or t h ree h u n dred

cattle when a n important p e r s o n died (f. 121a). Regrettably,

no inkling is given a s to how the b r g y a - d p o n had received

office, w h e t h e r b y h e r e d i t y or b y Tibetan or local appointment.

This sketch of the master's doings in B h u t a n gi ves one

a sense of how the spiritual .affairs of a g r eat t e a c h e r carried

w i t h them enormous temporal responsibilities. In fact no such

distinctions would have b e e n present in t h e minds of those

involved in the r e l a tionship of 'priest a n d patron' for it w a s

one that, ideally speaking, involved the w h o l e person, not

parts of it, in an ac t of total submission. These contractual

bonds were of a permanent nature, to be kept inviolate n o t just

in this lifetime but also through s uccessive rebirths and down

the human d e s cent of the f a mily too. Conflicts of interest

a nd loyalty w e r e inevitable as the p a t t e r n c h a nged w i t h the

rise of new luminaries, their schools and their sub-schools.

W h a t may h ave b e g u n in an act of great selflessness could

eventually, through the permutations of history, become warped

into vicious and narrow sectarianism. So h u m a n an i nstitution

was it that the act itself of entering into the special

relationship of m c h o d - y o n seems to have b e e n p r o n e to abuse.

Nevertheless, it had strong appeal and continues to do so

today.

The sources do not permit us to see how the relation­

ship was p a ssed down in the case of the little school of the

'Ba-ra-ba bKa'-brgyud. It evidently e x p a n d e d under the

control of the m ain monastery of 'Brang-rgyas-kha in sPa-gro.

Branches were established at Y u l - t e h e - p h u g in the north of the

country, at sNang-gsal dGon-pa and 'Go-'bur dGon-pa in

sPu-na-kha, at r G y a -mdud dGon-pa in Ha, a n d a l s o at rDo

mC h o d - r t e n a nd Che-bal m D z e - c h u dGon-pa in sPa-gro (LCB II,

f. 90a). The last two also had ties with the 'Brug-pa, but

their associations w i t h the 'Ba-ra-ba in the 15th and 16th

centuries find m e n tion in the Hum-ral gdung-rabs (ff. 20b a n d *

h1a). The reincarnations of the founder, w ho h a d t h eir seat

at Don-grub-sdings in Shangs, c o n t i n u e d to p a y v i s i t s to

the area and control of these local monasteries together w i t h

t h eir patrons was p r o b a b l y v e sted in them. One of them,

s Prul-sku Nam-mkha' rGyal-mtshan, is mentioned in L C B II

(f. 90a).

The school c ame to blows with Zhabs-drung N g a g -dbang

rNam-rgyal w h e n he was cr e a t i n g the unified state. In about

1636 he is claimed to have killed b y magic a lama of the school

at dGon Tshe-phug (or Yul-tshe-phug) in the north (LCB I,

f. 35a). The 'Ba'-ra-ba is therefore reckoned among the 'five

groups of lamas' opposed to the Zhabs-drung (L C B II, f. 90a).

The defeat of the school may be connected with the exodus of a

group of refugees from d G o n w h o settled across the b o r d e r in

Tibet (LCB I, f, h 3 a ) . Their m ain m o n a s t e r y at 'Brang-rgyas-kha

I

was taken over'by the 'Brug-pa a nd it became the seat of the

monk official w h o c o n t r o l l e d the sTag-tshang shrine. The first

incumbent was the w e l l - k n o w n lama sByin-pa rGyal-mtshan,

b r o t h e r of the eve n more famous bsTa n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas (see the

next chapter). It is not c l e a r when it ceased to be used in

this way. All that remains today is a single temple in a

somewhat p oor state of repair. No trace of its f o r m e r

associations is to be seen. The same is probably true of all

the others. Two of them (the one in Ha and sNang-gsal lHa-

khang is sPu-na-kha) w e r e taken over b y famous teachers of the

'Brug-p.a school (LCB II, f. 90). ^

I am indebted to John Ardussi for pointing out to me

that in the g s e r - ' p h r e n g d e v oted to this school (to w h i c h

I have not had access) it appears that the attachments of

the 'Ba*-ra-ba w i t h w e s t e r n Bhut a n w e r e p a r t l y r e v i v e d in

the 18th a n d 19t h centuries. T w o o f the figures w h o s t and

in their lineage, lHo-pa Ngag - d b a n g Chos-kyi rGya-mtsho

(1755-1831) a n d Chos-dbylngs rDo-rje (1772-1838), paid a

succession of visits to the area. They w e r e c o r d i a l l y

received b y the Bhutanese officials a n d t h eir local patrons

are m e n tioned too. Nevertheless, it seems most u n l ikely

that t h e i r monasteries a nd estates were e v e r restored to

them, a n d the ties were no doubt of a more o r less informal

nature.

U* lCags-zam-pa

One of the k e y f i g u r e s in the c u l t u r a l h i s t o r y of

the area is the 'iron b r idge builder' (I C a g s - z a m - p a )

T h a n g - s t o n g rGyal-po w h ose dates are now u s u ally g i v e n as

1385-1U61+. This interesting figure is n o t only r e m e m b e r e d

for his m a n y iro n chain s u s p e n s i o n bridges and boat ferries,

but also as the a l l eged c o m p o s e r of all the occupational

songs (to a c c o m p a n y threshing, building etc.) a n d of a series

of dance-dramas k n o w n as A - l c e lHa-mo. He was a l s o a 'text-

discoverer' and, furthermore, he has b e e n g i v e n an important

role in the G e - s a r epic. In Bhutan he is said to have

constructed about eight of his bridges and f o u n d e d several

monasteries a n d temples (L C B II, ff. 7 5 b - 7 6 b ) . The latter

appe a r to have b e e n a f f i liated to each other in such a w a y

that they r e p r e s e n t e d the independent interest of a separate

school, k n o w n as the lCags-zam-pa. The h e a d mo n a s t e r y of the

school w as at. Ri-bo-che in Tibet, founded by^ T hang-stong

rGyal-po in Ihh-U. It w a s there that his incarnations h a d

their p r i n c i p a l residence.

The standard b i o g r a p h y ^ 0<^ of T h a n g - s t o n g rGyal-po

has long b e e n a source of disappointment to scholars.

Tucci (19U9:163) remarks; "... in this b i o g r a p h y actual

facts are overcome b y legendB and accounts of miracles to

such extent that little c an be gleamed f r o m it of which we

m a y b e certain." Also; "... historical reality is w r e c k e d

on myths, contours are lost, f a cts fade away." The dates

it supplies for Than g - s t o n g rGyal-po (i.e. 1361-1^85) are

improbable and in conflict with its own s t a t ement (f. 171b)

that he lived to the age of 128, Consequently, most

authorities prefer to accept the dates given in the Vaidurya

1 07
dkar-po and the dPag-bsam ljon-bzang (i.e. 1385-1h 6 h ) *

The b i o g r a p h y itself is claimed in its colophon (ff. I72b-173a)

to have b e e n w r i t t e n in sa-mo-bya (1609) b y one 'Gyur-med

bDe-chen, w h o b a s e d his work on a n earlier one w r i t t e n b y a

nephew of T hang-stong rGyal-po called cLKon-mchog bDe-ba'i

TByung-gnas, the incumbent of a temple at Phag-ri, just

across the Bhutanese border. A reading of the b i o g r a p h y in

this recension d o e s indeed suggest a mixing of fact a n d

legend, b u t the two seem rather to- work in counterpoint to

each other and have not entirely coalesced. It is perhaps

at the vital b e g i n n i n g and end of the work that the legendary

a nd miraculous quality most dominates. In the b o d y of the

w o r k there appears a mass of detailed a n d practical i n f o rmation

w h i c h helps to engender confidence. The role assigned to the

saint in the G e - s a r epic is lacking, there is no mention of

his a l l eged theatrical interests, no r do we find a n y connection

w i t h the rite of e x o r c i s m known as pho-bar rdo-gcog which he is

claimed to have i n s t ituted and w h ich was till r e c e n t l y p e r f ormed

b y itinerant monk-actors f r o m Spiti in the w e s t e r n Himalayas.

Instead, Than g - s t o n g rGyal~po is cast in the typical role

of a tantric lama, b u t one who achieved p a r t i c u l a r d i s t i n c ­

tion through his a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h bridges and ferries. He

was also n o ted for b u i l d i n g a number of stupas on geomantic

p ri n c i p l e s to ward off the evil influence of local spirits

and to counter a H o r invasion. His p r a c t i c a l avocations

a l i g n e d him to all the strange Indian mahasiddhas (g r u b - t h o b )

w h o are said to have achie v e d enlightenment through t h e m i n d -

i
ful pursuit of ordinary professions.and he is c onsequently

often classed in t h e i r ranks.

The b r i d g e - b u i l d e r 1s connections with Bhutan w e r e

first noted as long ago as 1783 b y Turner w h o g r e a t l y a d m i r e d

the bridge at Chu-kha on the road to India south of sPa-gro.

He recorded the architect's name in the quaint form of

'Tehuptehup* (= g r u b - t h o b ). 109 Had he turned left at the

confluence of the sPa-gro and Thi m - p h u rivers i n s tead of

p r o c e e d i n g to the capital on Hasting's affairs, he w o u l d hav e

p a ssed the m o n a s t e r y of rTa-mchog-sgang b u i l t b y 'Tehuptehup'

a n d h e ard more about this 'dewta'. A n o t h e r of his b r i d g e s

stood there until it was w a s h e d a w a y in the floods of 1969.

The mon a s t e r y (which now lacks a community) is the seat of a

f a m i l y kno wn as the rTa-mchog C h o s - r j e . It claims descent

from a ce r t a i n Mon-pa b D e-ba bZang-po, a local disciple of the

saint. D u ring my stay in B h u t a n I obtained b r i e f access to

w h a t I then thought was the standard b i o g r a p h y of T h a n g - s t o n g

rGyal-po, in a manuscript copy preserved by the present

rTa-mchop; Chos-r.je. I therefore only c o p i e d the two p a s sages

(ff. 1 3 0 & “ 135b and 1hOb-1 l+3b) w h ich deal with the activities

of its subject in Bhutan. On return to England, I compared

these excerpts, together with the title and colophon, with

those that appear in the standard biography, onl y to disco v e r

that the Bhutanese version is without doubt an earlier .

recension and c o n s e q u e n t l y of tremendous potential value

f o r a p p r o a c h i n g the true, un-mythicised figure of the

bridge-builder. U n f o r t u n a t e l y only those excerpts made in

B h u t a n are p r e s e n t l y to hand, and these are of no use in

solving the m a n y problems of chronology that mark the

standard version. In the meantime, twenty v o l u m e s of the

saint's c o l l e c t e d w o r k s a r e said to* have come to light in

Bhutan and these are b e ing reprinted in India. It is to be

h o p e d that the b i o g r a p h y w i l l resurface in this c o l l e c t i o n

to await exhaustive study.

The work (hereafter A) is entitled Bla-ma t h a n g-stong

rgyal-po'i rnam-thar gsal-ba'i s g r o h - m e . It is an dbu-can

m a n u script containing 29k folios and is d i v i d e d into 108

chapters. The scribe, Sangs-rgyas Don-grub, seems to have

made the copy at the b e h e s t of one of the rTa-mchog Chos-rje

(referred to as "Uncle Lama"). It is f u l l o f crude spelling

mistakes and contains m a n y small lacunae. The colophon

110
proper is in two parts. The first attributes the w o r k to

a certain dKon-mchog dPal-bzang, the subject of one o f the

saint's pr o p h e t i c statements, who w r o t e it a p p a r e n t l y at

Chu-bo-ri. He seems to have based his i n f o r m a t i o n on the

'discourses' (g s u n g - ' g r o s ) of the saint in person, and on

those of rJe-btsun A - s g r o n Ghos-sgron, the saint's wife.

To these he a d ded the prophecies of the saint which w e r e not

g i v e n in the 'discourses' an d which w o uld p r e s u m a b l y have

b e e n c o n t a i n e d in a separate text. The picture con v e y e d in

this first part of the c o l o p h o n is confused b y that g i v e n in

the second part, a c c o r d i n g to which the work was c o m p o s e d b y

Mon-pa b D e - b a bZang-po, w h o had also b e e n t he subject of

prophecy. It is c l a i m e d that he w r o t e it in a cave hermitage

a t t ached to rTa-mchog N o r - b u-sgang “ on the border of

sPar ^ s P a - g r o / and W a n g ^ t h e district u n der T h i m - p h u ^ " •

This seco n d a t t r i bution looks suspicious and may have b e e n

i nterpolated by a m e mber of the family of t h e rTa-mchog

Chos-rje w h i c h claims descent from.this figure.

The p e r s o n n a m e d d K o n -mchog dPal-bzang in tbs first part

is in fact identical w i t h dKon-mchog b D e - b a fi *Byung-gnas,

the auth o r of the original source of the standard b i o g r a p h y

i1 2
(hereafter B) , There seems e v ery reason to conclude,

therefore, that A was itself the original source for B,

Colophons apart, the f o l l o w i n g should help to mak e this

clear.

Ch a pters 61 a n d 6b in A deal with T h a n g - s t o n g

rGyal-po' s visits to B h u t a n and correspond to ff, 8lb-85b

and 99b-l02a in B, The first of these visits took him to

w e s t e r n Bhutan a nd the s e co nd to central Bhutan. W h i l e the

w e s t e r n visit seems to have lasted the best part of a y e a r

(lb33-b a c c o r d i n g to B) during which he built m a n y b r i d g e s

a nd temples, the l a t e r visit to central Bhutan w as more in

the nature of a pilgrimage. The account of this latter trip

is taken up with the s a i n t rs visit to the shrine of

Padmasambhava at sKu-rjes and with the s t o r y of how someone

w h o had fallen into an ice crevice on the Mon-la Pass was

saved f r o m death b y his faith in the saint. The accounts in

A and B are s u b s t a n t i a l l y the same, but the latter has

clearly summarised the itinerary found in the former.

As far as I could determine, there a re no traditions in this

region about the saint's visit, wh e r e a s there are a great

1 1 1±
m a n y still related in the areas to the w e s t and east.

T hang-stong r G y a l - p o ’s w e stern visit seems to have

b e e n made w i t h the express purpose of collecting iron for

his most famous suspension bridge over the gTsang-po at
115
Chu-bo-ri, the site of his main monastery. ^ He h a d

p r o b a b l y heard of the old iron-workings in w e s t e r n B h u t a n

w h i c h p r o duced the material from which t he fine swords

and daggers of the c o u n t r y used to be made. His journey

toolc him f r o m Chu-bo-ri to Phag-ri b y w a y of sNa-dkar-rtse,

Ra-lung and gNas-rnying. On the border he is said to have

b e e n w e l comed b y all the old m o u n t a i n gods, including Jo-mo

lHa-ri, rDo-rje Brag-skyes of sPa-gro a nd K h y u n g - b d u d of Ha,

who p r o mised to give h i m the iron he wanted. On arrival in

sPa-gro he went d i r e c t l y to sTag-tshang f rom w h e r e he

recovered his most fampus g t e r - m a . described (in A, f. 131a)

as "a s c r o l l ,ten spans in length c o n t a i ning^the M a n -ngag

'phrul-gyi l d e - m i g . the p r o found essence of all sutras and

116
tantras." At this point the author of B i n t e r polated a

passage (ff. 82b-83a) c o n c e r n i n g a miraculous visit of the

saint to the A s s a m e s e shrine of Singri (shi-gi-ri, see p. 227

above), a place still held to be a Buddhist site b y the

e astern Bhutanese. The account is totally l a c k i n g in A,

w h i c h passes d i r e c t l y to the story of the saint's c o n s t r u c ­

tion of the b e a u tiful little stupa-temple of Zlum-brtsegs

lHa-khang in sPa-gro, This exquisite building, still standing

in sPa-gro, was sited g e o m a n t i c a l l y in o r der to tame the j

malignant spirit of the snake-shaped mountain w h i c h divides

the main sPa-gro v a l l e y f r o m that of Dol-po. The e x c e p t ionally

fine wall paintings on its three floors are of a late period,

having b e e n commissioned b y the 25th Head A b bot of Bhutan,

117
Shes-rab rGyal-mtshan (regn. 1 836- 9 ). ( He enlarged the

g round floor with a b i g g e r outer wall and re s t o r e d the basic

edifice w i t h a set of huge pillars whose sides b e a r the names

of the villages from w h i c h they were carried. The basic

structure is, however, undoubtedly the one built b y Thang-stong

rGyal-po as confirmed by both versions of his biography

a nd a l l the local traditions. The account in the

118
b iog r a p h i e s is p a r t i c u l a r l y interesting for the mention

of the s a i n t fs followers from the Indian kingdom of Kamata

w h o later made offerings to the temple. Thang-stong

rG-yal-pofs encounter with the king of Kamata a f t e r a l a ter

journey v/hich took h im through w e s t e r n B h u t a n down to India

is found in B (ff. 1l+9b-1 5 3 a ) . I do not r e m e m b e r seeing

mention of this in A b ut certainty on this point will o n l y

J
be reached w h e n the work be c o m e s available again.

The narrative continues w ith the story of how the

saint went about c o l l e c t i n g offerings of* iron for his bridge

at Chu-bo-ri and how he built a number of local bridges in

this area. The first of them w a s the one at rTa-mchog-sgang,

where he also b u i l t the temple that was to b e c o m e the seat

of the rTa-mchop: Chos-r.le (A, ff, 131b-132a). A further

bridge was built at Bar-grong close to d B a n g - Tdus Pho-brang

(f, 133a); it is no longer standing and all that remains 1 b

a pile of the original chains on the rlver-bank. He built

another at the confluence of the Chu-mo a n d Chu-pho rivers in

the Shar district (f, 13Ua), probably not to be confused w i t h

the P h o - c h u and Mo-chu rivers of sPu-na-kha, His journeys

were marked b y several unsuccessful attempts on his life b y

people who w a n t e d to steal f r o m him the gold and turquoise he

had received as gifts. The iron he collected was forged into

seven thousand links b y eighteen blacksmiths from five villages

in sPa-gro, At least one of these villages, that of B y e fu, is

still inhabited b y families of blacksmiths. The links,

together with all the gifts of grain and other things he h ad

received, w e r e packed into 1,1+00 loads and taken b y the

sPa-gro people across the b o r d e r to Phag-ri. B (f. 81+a)

maintains they did this b e c a u s e a bridge at Chu-bo-ri

w o uld h elp t hem to make the pilgrimage to lHa-sa. It

also says (on f. 86b) that K u n - bzang fPhags-pa, the

Chos-rgyal of rGyal-rtse (also referred to as bDag-po

Rab-brtan) a s s i s t e d with the construction of the s a i n t fs

new temple at Phag-ri and wit h the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of the

iron links to Chu-bo-ri, This p r l n c e fs edict (dated 1UU0)

appears in the Chronicles of Gyantse* t r a n s l a t e d b y Tucci

(19 U 9 : 662-670); there is specific mention (on f. 36 ) of the

obligations o f the Phag-ri people to transport loads f o r

the government. The e d ict was issued Just s i x years after

the a l l e g e d date of T h a n g - s t o n g r G y a l - p o fs v i sit to w e s t e r n

Bhutan.

The miraculous element in version A of the biography

is Just as s t r o n g as in v e r s i o n B, b ut it is c l ear that the

former w o r k forms a more solid basis f o r a n y approach to the

saint as an h i s t o r i c a l .figure. Unfortunately, our sources

do not permit more than a bare glimpse at w h a t happened to

the legacy of the saint in Bhutan. The f a m i l y of the

rTa-mchog Chos-r,1e v e r y likely maintained a link w i t h C h u-bo-

ri where the incarnations of Thang-stong rGyal-po h e l d

authority. The other temples he built in Bhut a n (namely

Phur-rdo dGon-pa, Dol-steng S i l - m a fi lHa-khang and Zlum-

brtsegs lHa-khang) m a y have been affiliated to rTa-mchog-

sgang. The latter place is almost certainly the one re f e r r e d

to as b e l onging to the ICags-zam-pa school in a letter w r i t t e n

b y Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal to his enemy, the

gTsang sDe-srid (P B P . Vol. N g a . f. 109a-b). It is mentioned

along with two Ka-thog-pa monasteries as b e i n g opposed to

the Z h a b B - d r u n g 1s rule. The a u t h o r of L CB II says (on f. 76b)

that the ICags-zam-pa in Bhutan wer e among the five schools

 I

of enemy lamaB, and that their principal seat at rTa-

m chog-sgang w as destroyed. It was later restored b y the

TBru g s D e - s r i d . b e T a n - ’dzin Rab-rgyas (regn. 1680-95)*

He c o m m i s s i o n e d the r D z o n g - d p o n A ’u T e h e - r i n g to undertake

the w o r k of r e construction as a penance for his sins. The

family must have bee n reinstated w i t h some of their old

)
rights and privileges at that time. T o d a y they preserve
i
a ’noble* status only in r e g a r d to their origins and are

otherwise i n d istinguishable from the p e a s a n t r y at large.

The heritage of the b r i d g e - b u i l d e r is p r e s e r v e d in the

country through the continuity of his *l i f e - s u s t a i n i n g ’

(t s h e - g r u b ) rituals which a r e still quite popular. The

iconographic form of the saint shows h im h o l d i n g in his

left h a n d the vase (t s h e - b u m ) w h i c h symbolises this ritual

cycle, a n d in his right h a n d a few links of i ron chain w h i c h

represent his bridges*

5* g N a e - r nying-pa

The g r eat m o n a s t e r y of gNas-rnying which lies some

miles south-east of rGyal-rtse has e n j oyed a continuous

h istory fro m t he ninth century, if w e a r e to believe its

119
chronicle contained in the g N a s - r n y i n g c h o s - ’b y u n g 7 a nd

allow for a p e r i o d of interruption during and a f t e r the reign

of Glang Dar-ma. What remained of its ancient frescoes and

sculpture after the serious damage inflicted on it during

the Y o u n g h u s b a n d Expedition of 190h has b e e n s t u d i e d b y

Tucci (1932-41: Vol. 4) w ho first drew attention to the

chronicle. It is one of the most convoluted w o r k s in Tibetan

literature and is used here m a i n l y in regard to the large

n u m b e r of Bhutanese monasteries w h i c h w e r e affiliated to

gNas-rnying f r o m the 14th to 17th centuries.

 K ing R a l - p a - c a n ( 8O 5 -C . 836) is said to have

rewarded his minister mGos K h r i -bzang w i t h the grant of

a large l a n d - holding that came to be called mGos-kyi

Phag-ri (after the name of the principal settlement in the

Chumbi Valley) or mGos-yul sTong-gsum. T he southernmost

limit of this principality wa s marked b y the ol d temple of

120
sKyer-chu in the sPa-gro v a l l e y of w e s t e r n Bhutan.

gNas-rnying itself is held to have been f o u nded b y mGos

Khyang-mgos-rtsal, one of the two sons of the minister. He

installed as abbot the f a m i l y guru, fJ a m -dpal gSang-ba of

the rGya clan a n d it was a f a m i l y be l o nging to this clan

which is claimed to have pr o v i d e d the successive incumbents

to the abbacy, just as a n o t h e r branch of the rGya supplied

the incumbents of the principal ’Brug-pa foundation at

Ra-lung, as w e have seen above. The rGya o f gNas-rnying

were intermixed w i t h the family claiming descent from the

founder in the mGos clan, b u t t h eir lineage is traced c o n ­

fusingly to one dByil rGyal-ba Grub-pa of the La-stod district

of gTsang. The monastery w as reconsecrated b y the great

Indian teacher Atisa w h o arrived in Tibet in 10J+2 -and it w a s

presented with a l l its estates to one of his disciples,

mKhan-po Yol-chen-po, b y a m e mber of the f a m i l y called rGya

Jo-sras Phur-ba. gNas-rnying appears to have become one of

the important centres of the bKa*-gdams-pa school w h i c h stems

from Atisa, though the religious interests of the family also

linked it to all the other emerging schools. The monastery

clearly underwent man y changes of fortune, and the list

provided in the chronicle of its forty-four successive

abbots p r o p e r l y begi n s with one d K o n-mchog-mkhar of La-stod,

the associate of *Bre Shes-rab-'bar (a chief disciple of

Atisa), Kun-dga* sNying-po (1092-1158, f o u n d e r of the Sa-skya

school) a n d the famous y o gin Khy u n g - p o r N a l - ’byor. The

b K a 1-gdams-pa c h a r a c t e r of the monastery, however, seems

to have b e e n p r e s e r v e d and it is no surprise to f i n d it

later b e c o m i n g v e r y closely a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the so- c a l l e d

’New b K a *- g d a m e - p a * or dGe- l u g s - p a school f o u n d e d b y

T s o n g -kha-pa (1357-1419).

A c c o r d i n g to Bhutanese t r a d i t i o n it w a s a n abbot of

g N a s - r n y i n g c a lled 'Chi-med Rab-rgyas, a disciple of Tsong-

kha-pa, who no t o n l y brought the m o n a s t e r y into the fol d of

the dGe-lugs-pa but w h o also- extended its influence south

1 21
into Bhutan* The long list of monasteries w h i c h are

claimed to have b e e n f o u n d e d b y h i m in the w e s t e r n valleys

p r o b a b l y r e p r esent most of the holdings of the g N a s - r n y i n g - p a

school in Bhutan; they are in f act more l i kely to have b e e n

e s t a b l i s h e d b y a s u c c ession of the g N a s - r n y i n g abbots* The

g N a s - r n y i n g c h o s - ’b y u n g n e ver seems to have b e e n available

to Bhutanese hist o r i a n s though at least a part of it was

w r i t t e n at the specific behe s t of one of thei r f o l l owers from

the Bhutanese m o n a s t e r y of d G on-gsar-kha c a l l e d Bla-ma

bDe-legs, It w a s he w h o r e q u e s t e d 'the monk Gr a g s - p a rGyal-

m t s h a n from g N a s - r n y i n g to c o m pose sketches of the liveB of

two of the h e a d abbots of gNas-rnying w h o had h a d close

relations with Bhutan. The abbots, who w e r e brothers, were

R in-chen-grub (1403-52) a n d rGyal-mtehan Ri n - c h e n (1405-68).

Th eir lives o c c u p y ff. 47a-53b of the g N a s - r n y i n g chos-'byung

an d were included in the w ork at the time of its compilation.

The life of the elder b r o t h e r was w r i t t e n in 1457 (m e - m o - g l a n g )

just five years a f t e r his death. That of the yo u n g e r b r o t h e r

was p r o bably a l s o w r i t t e n soon a f t e r his death, though no

date is provided. Grags-pa rGyal-mtshan points out (on

ff. 49a a n d 53B) that he h a d w r i t t e n e x t e n d e d b i o g r a p h i e s of

the two abbots but I do not know if these h a v e survived.

The father of the two brothers, Rin-chen rGyal-mtshan,

had preceded them as abbot of gNas-rnying. In spite of

severe criticism, he had received p e m i s s i o n f r o m the prince

of rGyal-rtse, b D a g - p o Nang-chen K u n - d g a T- fp h a g s , to give up

his vows a nd take a w i f e in order to ensure the c o n t inuity of

his line. The lady he chose came from the sDing-ma (or

lDing-ma) family w h o were close allies of the Sa-skya-pa

hierarchs. The sons b o r n to this couple received some of

t h eir training, at the hands of the two most famous disciples

of Tsong-kha-pa, name l y mKhas- g r u b - r j e (1385-1438) and

rGyal-tshab-rje (1364-1432). The elder brother, Rin-chen-

grub, ruled as the abbot, of g Nas-rnying for t hirty-one years

from the age of twenty to fifty (more t i b e t i c o ) , in the course

of w h i c h he p a i d two visits to what are described as ’’our

m a i n a n d branch monasteries in the Southern Land of P o u r

Approaches” . However, it is in the biographical s k e t c h

devoted to his y o u n g e r brother, rGyal-mtshan Rin-chen, that

most of the i n f o rmation concerning these monasteries is found.

Unfortunately, only one of them, rDzong-brag-kha in the s P a-J

gro valley, has its origins p r o p e r l y explained, b ut these

come to light in a w a y that ties up most i n t e r e s t i n g l y w i t h

the picture af f o r d e d in a local text. This is the untitled

’guide' (g n a s - y i g ) to rDzong-brag-kha, p r e s erved in a

manuscript b e l o n g i n g to the present rDzong-brag Chos-r,1e who

k i n d l y allowed me to copy it. Byang-chub bZang-po, provincial

abbot of the state m o n a s t e r y in sPa-gro, c o m posed t he guide,

p r o b a b l y in the 19th century, a f t e r completing certain works

of restoration a n d enlargement there.

rDzong-brag-kha ('The Rock Portress') is one of those

spectacular cl i f f - h a n g i n g complexes which are found a l l over

the area. In sPa-gro it stands second only to sTag-tshang

for the beauty of its location and architecture. Its

foundation is a s c ribed in the chronicle (f. 50b) to Grub~thob

mG o n - p o rDo-rje who was the nephew of a c e r tain K u n - m k h y e n

Mu-s r a n g - p a d P a l - l d a n Seng-ge from "the old and proud

m o n a s t e r y (dgon - r n y i n g d r e g s - p a - c a n ) of M u - s r a n g at sTag-rtee
*1 2 2
in L a - s t o d B y a n g " . Both the chronicle a nd the guide

assert that m G o n-po rDo-rje was sent south t o Bhutan b y one

of the g N a s - r n y i n g abbots, rNam - m k h y e n R i n - c h e n bSam-gtan,

w h ose dates I cannot provide but who a p p e a r s to have l i ved

in the 14th to 1 5 th centuries. The g r u b - t h o b . it is said,

was d i r e c t e d b y t h e a b bot to recover a gt e r - m a in the form

of "a relic of the Sugata" f r o m a p a r t i c u l a r rock in sPa-gro.

The story exp l a i n i n g how m G o n - p o rDo-rje did this is r e c o u n t e d

w i t h all the zest of high adventure. In t h e course of it w e

are s u p plied with folk etymologies for* several of the p l a c e -

names at the lower end of the v a l l e y a n d th ese are a l l

reproduced w i t h the a c c o m p a n y i n g lege n d in L CB II (ff, 85b-

86b). The quest for the gter-ma ended w i t h its d i s c overy at

r D z o n g -brag-kha and the c o n s t ruction of a b r i c k stupa there

to contain it. It is the famous m C h o s-rten dKar-mo 'Gul-shes

( ’The Whi t© Stupa W h i c h M o v e s ’), so n a med b e c a u s e It is said

to shake of its own accord on c e r t a i n occasions. There are

constant references to it as a place of pil g r i m a g e in all

the later b i o g r a p h i c a l material from Bhutan. The line of the

r Dzong-brag Chos-rje claims descent f r o m an un n a m e d inca r n a t i o n

of mGon-po rDo-rje and one of its two b r a n c h e s still act t o d a y

as custodians of the mai n temple at rDzong-brag-kha. The

other is s a i d to have d ied out. The fact that their t e m p l e

once contained a f l o u r i s h i n g com m u n i t y of the gNas-r n y i n g - p a

school has b e e n c o m p l e t e l y f o r gotten a n d the only reference

to this in the local literature comes in the g u i d e in a

hidden form (see Note 122 above). As we s h a l l see, the J

fami l y h a d g o o d cause to forget its true origins. The

p r e s e n t chos-rje m a i ntains that mGon-po rDo-rje was a lama

of t h e .fB r u g - p a b K a 1-brgyud-pa. He has no mal e h e i r or

nephew a n d the local opinion is that the line will sh o r t l y

be extinct.

The impression g i ven in the c h r o n i c l e is that b y the

first half of the 15th c e n t u r y the gNas-r n y i n g - p a w ere v e r y

f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d in the w e s t e r n valleys. The b i o g r a p h i c a l

sketch d e v o t e d to r G y a l - m t s h a n Rin-chen deals almost e x c l u s i v e l y

with his activities in Bhutan. We find h i m fully occup i e d

there in renewing the links formed b y his predecessors, quite

apart from founding new temples a n d monasteries. In sPa-gro

he took the initiative in settling a b i t t e r feud b e t w e e n the

villages surrounding rDzong-brag-kha and a g r oup of villages

f urther north up the valley. He made subs t a n t i a l gifts to all

the con t e n d i n g pa r t i e s and extracted from them an oath to

renounce the feud f o r a p e r i o d of twelve years. In T h i m - p h u

a n d sPa-gro we find him enjoying close and friendly relations

w i t h some of the TBrug-pa families wh o descend f r o m Pha-jo

’B r u g - s g o m Zhig-po, p a r t i c u l a r l y D r u n g - d r u n g r G y a l - ’dzom

(whom we met above) at the monastery of bDe-chen-phug. It

was still the a ge when sectarian rivalries w e r e more the

product of conflict b e t w e e n lay patrons than the result of

institutional narrowness. The g N as-rnying-pa themselves

appe a r to have drawn on all the emergent schools and it is

unlikely that they w o u l d have considered themselves part of

the dGe-lugs-pa order d u r i n g this period. It is not c l ear

h ow t h eir Bhutanese m o n a steries were a d m i n i s t e r e d or how

they w e r e formally l i n k e d to the mother-house at gNas-rnying.

Some of the wealth derived from the monastic estates w o u l d

have b e e n payable to g N a s - r n y i n g as a form of tax in the ■

same w a y that one presumes the branches of some of the other

schools had to fulfil certain secular obligations to their

hea d m o n a s t e r y in Tibet.

At all events the g N a s - r nying-pa were a late arrival.

Although certain families must have risen to positions of

p o w e r and a u t h o r i t y as their patrons, these pr o b a b l y n e v e r

compared w i t h t h e old *Brug-pa families who h a d risen to

prominence long earlier. W h i l e in terms of t he number a n d

diffusion of their monasteries they seem to have come close

to the 1Brug-pa, t h e i r foundations did not lie so deep in the

Bhutanese soil. C o n s e q u e n t l y they appear to have collapsed

as an Inte g r a t e d force w h e n Zhabs-drung N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal

unified the country under TBrug-pa rule in the first half of

the 17t h century. Nothing is revealed about how this happened,

but they a r e now affirmed (in LCB II, f. 88b) to have b een

among the schools attached to the group of five enemy lamas

wh o aided w i t h the gTsa n g sDe-srid against the Z h a b s - d r u n g .

The l e ader of the g N as-rnying-pa at that time m a y have b e e n

Bla-ma dPal-ldan of W a n g Glang-ma-lung w h o led the attack on

the Z h a b s - d r u n g ’s fortress at Srin-mo-rdo-kha in about 1530

a n d w ho lost his life in the battle (L C B I, f. 33b). In

sPa-gro the story is still t o l d how one of the gNas-rnying-p^a

monasteries, dPal-ri dGon-pa, was stripped of its golden roof

ornament as a mar k of official proscription. On the opposite

side of the v a l l e y to that m o n a s t e r y stand the shrines of the

rDzong-brag-kha complex w h o s e h e r e ditary incumbents have quite

forgotten their f o r m e r affiliations w i t h the g N as-rnying-pa

school. In the b i o g r a p h y of K u n - d g a r r Gyal-mtshan (1689-171 3 )

the troubles that led to his m u rder are a t t r i b u t e d to the fact

that his e n e m y sDe-srid ’Brug Rab-rgyas ( regn. 1 707-19) was

the incarnation o f the rNas-gnying rJe-btsun-ma (f. 117b),

The latter had sworn vengeance on the Z h a b s -drung w h e n the

g N as-rnying-pa were b e i n g de p r i v e d of their livelihood and

were f a c i n g e x p u l s i o n f r o m the country.

6, Sa-skya-pa

W i t h the exception o f the rNying-ma-pa, the only

order p e r m i t t e d to flourish alongside the r u l i n g ’Brug-pa

school w a s that of the Sa-skya-pa w h i c h had d o m i n a t e d Tibet

u n der Mongol pat r o n a g e during the century f r o m 1254 to 1354*

T hey w e r e the last to arri v e on the scene in B h u t a n and, in

v i e w of their l a ter survival, i t .is surprising how very little

the y come to light in the records.

A n is o l a t e d temple that probably h a d c onnections w i t h

Sa-skya is IHa - l d i n g to the north of sPa-gro. It is said to

have been f o u n d e d b y a lama called d P a ’-bo s T a g - s h a m - c a n inj

the 5th cycle (1267-1326). His consort, Me-tog gSal-sgron,

came f rom the fullng family of Sa-skya a n d it is from there,

the chief m o n a s t e r y of the order, that the m a i n image of

IHa-lding is said to have been brought (L C B . ff. 86b-87a) •

Almost all that we h a v e to go on for the true h i s t o r y of the

Sa-skya-pa in Bhutan, however, is the statement in LCB II

(f. 89a-b) that one ’Phrin-las Rab-yangs f o u n d e d a number

of monasteries in the 8th cycle (1447-1506). These included

sPyi-zhing in Wang-yul, She l - d m a r dGon-pa in sKyabs-khra and

sNe-ba dGon-pa in Shel-sna, the first of these b e i n g the

mai n seat. ’P h r i n-las Rab-yangs belon g e d to the disciple-

lineage that stemmed from K u n - d g a ’ bZang-po (1382-1444), the

f o u n d e r of the N g o r-pa sub-school of the Sa-skya-pa. He is

said to have been followed b y a n o t h e r lama b e l o n g i n g to. the

Ngor-pa branch, a c e r t a i n Grub-thob Nya-rong Don-grub, who

f ounded two monasteries in the northern r e g i o n of Bhutan,

na m e l y R i - t shogs dGon-pa and Dol-ma-can. The main b r a n c h

of the Sa-skya-pa w a s introduced, about the same time it

seems, b y the r K y a n g - ’d u r P a n - c h e n sGra-pa who established

sPa-gar dGon-pa in Wang-yul, Shar-wang dGon-pa in N a g s - r n y i n g

and P h a n g - y e dGon-pa in the Shar district. Each of these

sets of Sa-skya-pa m o n a steries is said to h a v e h ad its own

lineage of lamas, the m o s t famous b e ing the one at t a c h e d to

Phyi-zhing. T h e i r chronicle, known as the P h y i - z h i n g b l a - m a ’i

g d a n - r a b s . is. r u m oured to exist. sPa-gar the p r i n c i p a l

m o n a s t e r y of the group f o u n d e d by the r K y a n g - ’dur P a n - c h e n .

was ’colonised* b y mKha s - g r u b K u n - d g a ’ rGya-mtsho, a famo u s

TBrug-pa lama of the e a rly 1 8th century. The place must have

a l r e a d y gone into decline by the time he b r o u g h t it into the

’Brug-pa fold. In fact all the Sa-skya-pa f o u n d a t i o n s a p p e a r

to have d i e d a natural d e a t h in the face of ’B r u g - p a supremacy.

Memory of the Sa-skya-pa is p r e s e r v e d in folk t a l e s still

recited in the T h i m - p h u and sPu-na-kha valleys. T h e y all tell

of the humorous exploits of bKra-shis, the lay servant of the

P h y i - z h i n g B l a - m a , w h o c o n s t a n t l y outwitted his master.

A n o t h e r set of satirical stories centre in the same w a y a r o u n d

the figure of a n ordinary layman, Wan g ’Brug-rgyal, w h o o c c upied

hi m self in d iscomfiting the powerful rDzong-dpon of Thim-phu.

Bot h b K r a -shis a nd W a n g ’Brug-rgyal c o r r e s p o n d to the leg e n d a r y

T i b e t a n joker, A - k h u sTon-pa.

The r e a s o n w h y the Sa-skya-pa w e r e p e r m i t t e d to co-exist

w i t h the ’Brug-pa is p e r f e c t l y clear. The z h a b s-drung en j o y e d

close relations w i t h the leaders of the Sa-skya-pa school

throughout his life. ^ As we shall see, he twice emp l o y e d

them to a c t as i n termediaries a f ter he h ad come to B h u t a n w h e n

he w as in conflict w i t h the Tibetan authorities. In bot h

cases the Sa-skya-pa intervention led to t e m p o r a r y peace.

Zhabs-drunp;1s
Later a marriage was arranged between the / son ’Jam - d p a l rDo-rje
and 1 2b
/ a lady f rom an i m p ortant family a l l i e d to the Sa-skya. H

In view of these friendly relations it is h a r d l y surprising

to f ind h i m and his successors favouring the branch of their

school that had b e e n e s t a b l i s h e d in B h u t a n some two centuries

or so earlier.

7. Some conclusions

One of the apparent failings of the source material

is that It assembles the c o m plex mosaic of Buddhist schools

that took root in Bhutan in such a way that the basic,

emerg e n t pattern might a p p l y to almost any region of the

Tibetan world; at no point are we in t o u c h w i t h the features

that d i s t inguish Bhutanese life and society from those of its

neighbours. The c o n c e p t u a l categories of T i b e t a n Buddhism,

the u n c h anging qualities of the literature, the v e r y p u r pose

a n d nature of that literature have t o g e t h e r exerted a pow e r f u l

equalising effect upon all c ircumstances of place and time.

W e are t r a n s p o r t e d to the ’shared* w o r l d of T r a d i t i o n where

one century looks like a n y other a n d where human m o t i v a t i o n is

always simple as in a f a i r y story. Moreover, w h i l e the lay

strata remains elusive, the dominant spiritual forms are

in v a riably expressed in terms of universals. The strength

of the recording tra d i t i o n seems to depe n d largely on those

instances w h e n c e r t a i n v i t a l f i gures are see n to transcend

the morass of h a g i o g r a p h y b y revitalizing the ancient cliches

of experience. Even in s u c h cases, however, v e r y little of

the individual p e r s o n a l i t y of the subject comes to light. We

are on occasion a f f o r d e d a glimpse of b r o a d e r h i s t orical

forces at play, b u t a g ain these are of a fortuitous nature

and incidental to the m a i n concern, w h i c h is to plo t a

course to enlig h t e n m e n t a l o n g lines that are m a i n l y p r e ­

determined. P a r a d o x i c a l l y therefore, the resilience of the

spiritual tradition a n d the values which underlie it p r e s e n t

certain obstacles to the s t u d y of its history.

Despite these difficulties, even the most s u p e r ­

ficial level of analysis w o uld suggest some c o n c l u s i o n s

that hold true for the early h i s t o r y of w e s t e r n B h u t a n w h e r e

these schools g a i n e d authority. It can be n o t i c e d firstly

that to b r i n g a sense of order to the diffuse m a t e r i a l

available, each s c h o o l has here b e e n c o n s i d e r e d separately;

but this unitary a p p r o a c h has inevitably blurred the many

points of contact w h i c h a cohesive narrative account w o u l d

otherwise reveal. Nevertheless, it seems u n l i k e l y that

such an a c c o u n t w o u l d c o n v e y a picture a n y the l e s s f r a g m e n t e d

than the one g i v e n here; this is because the schools and

lineages remained in a state of constant fission set a g a inst

a b a c k c l o t h of ethnic and g e o g r aphical complexity.

It is rema r k a b l e how man y of the founding figures w h o

stand at the head of t h eir traditions in Tibet w e r e so active

In Bhutan that offshoots of their schools or lineages

d e v eloped there too. As we have seen, this is true to a

v a r y i n g d e gree of rGyaI-ba lHa-nang-pa, Klong-chen-pa Dri-med

*Od-zer, L o - r a s - p a d B a n g - p h y u g b r T s o n - ’grus, *B a * - ra-ba

r G y a l - m t s h a n dPal-bzang, Padma Gling-pa and fBrug-pa Kun-legs.

Of these, only P a dma Gling-pa was a native of Bhutan. The

others w e r e a t t r a c t e d to the area b y the great p i l g r i m shrines,

b y the s e arch for local patronage a n d r e c o gnition a n d b y the

desire to escape from the turmoils of Tibetan politics to the

peace of the s e c luded Bhutanese valleys. Some of these

patr i a r c h a l figures not only gave birth to local traditions

which were linked i n l a t e r h i s t o r y to the mainstream of •

t h e i r schools in Tibet, but they themselves w e r e g i v e n

the role in B h u t a n of great cultural heroes. The most

notable of this type w e r e Thang-stong rGyal-po, P a d m a

Gling-pa and ’Br u g - p a K u n -legs - all of w h o m w e r e a c tive

in the 15th and 16th centuries. The songs and dances

attr i b u t e d to them enjoy a w ide currency f a r b e y o n d the

few families w h o claim d e s c e n t from them. Moreover, these

folk traditions are cast in a local mode which contrasts

them w i t h the Tibetan t r a d itions that are also a s s o c i a t e d

w i t h the names of these figures. The fact that the 1B r u g-pa

school w h i c h later rose to dominance la deed a g r e a t figure

w h o h ad been a c t i v e in Bhutan a t the b e g i n n i n g of its

h i s t o r y meant that it had to create its own fol k hero:

PJha-jo ’B r u g - s g o m Zhig-po.

In t r y i n g to trace the local deve l o p m e n t of Buddhist

schools no m e n t i o n has b e e n made o f the m a n y isolated figures

and communities that s t a n d removed from the b r o a d e r patterns.

These include the two Indian teachers P h a - d a m - p a Sangs-rgyas

of the 11th c e n t u r y and V a n a r a t n a ('’the last of the P a n d i t s ’ ,

1 25
138U-1U68). Eve n though there is no doubt about the visit

of the latter, n e i t h e r left a n y discernible effect apart from

the places that are still associated with them. One or two

monasteries in the north of the country a r e c l a s s e d as having^

belon g e d to the Shin-rta-pa school, an offshoot of the

/
’r e f o r m e d ’ dGe-lugs-pa, i n t r o d u c e d to that a r e a b y the

disciples of ’P h a n - y u l - p a d P a l - l d a n rDo-rje, who was in turn

a o£\
one of the chief disciples of Tsong-kha-pa (1357-1M9).

The Shing-rta-pa m a y have b e e n a m o n g the local schools

opposed to the zhabs-drung. The visit of Tsong-kha-pa

h i m self to Bum-thang was n o t i c e d in the last chapter. At

least one important family in the sKyabs-khra ( ’C h a p c h a ’)

district had its origins in the 'Brig-gung~pa school but

it b e c a m e totally absorbed int o the r N y i n g-ma-pa a n d

’Brug-pa (Aris 1976:619 Note). The record could be

expanded indeflnitely.

O n l y the slenderest of evidence points t o the

area of ’p r o t o - B h u t a n 1 coming under the co n t r o l of various

central Tibetan governments. The Sa-skya, R i n - spungs and

gTsang-pa authorities h ave each a p p e a r e d b r i e f l y on the

local scene. T h e i r sporadic efforts, in s o f a r as we can

determine their nature at all, seem to have b e e n directed J

towards the subjugation of those districts most accessible

from Tibet. That they m ay for some periods have b een

successful h a 8 b e e n suggested b y the existence of the m i n o r

official posts in B h u t a n of m i - d p o n , sp.yi-dpon and b r g y a - d p o n .

V e r y likely these took on a h e r e d i t a r y nature w h i c h b e c a m e

divorced f r o m a n y Tibetan authority. By contrast, the

evidence p o i n t i n g to the existence of e c c l e s i a s t i c a l estates

gov e r n e d either b y Tibetan or local families is overwhelming.

These were of an a utonomous nature a nd h ad nothing to do w i t h

any Tibetan g o v e r n m e n t as far as we can see. So numerous wer e

they that one wonders w h e t h e r b y the early 1 7th c e n t u r y there

were indeed a n y commun i t i e s . i n the main w e s t e r n valleys that

were not tied as patrons to the schools that h a d beco m e

implanted there d u ring the p r e c e d i n g centuries. O n l y in the

eastern area did there still survive the a n c i e n t p a ttern of

clan rule; b u t even in those districts it w a s n o t i c e d that

forms of religious rule h a d b e g u n to be established. It is,

however, p a r t i c u l a r l y in the fragmented h i s t o r y of w e s t e r n

Bhutan that there gleams an d fades and g l eams a g a i n an ideal

as enduring a nd impressive as t he old b u i l d i n g s w h i c h still

testify to its early attraction, namely that an enlightened

being should take charge of the destinies of lesser mortals* That

which came to be regarded as the triumphant fulfilment of the ideal

by Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal, which led to the ultimate .

unification of Bhutan and which occasioned all the attempts to

perpetuate his rule, form the main theme to the last chapter of

this study.
 36

Notes to Chapter 2

J
1. See K a r m a y 1972:145-8, tThe Bon-po historians give

his date o f h i r t h v a r i ously as 1024 or 1038.

Itong-sprul places him in the 2nd r a b - b y u n g : 1087-1148

(g T e r - r n a m . f. 227b).

2. K a r m a y 1972:191 .

3. K a r m a y 1972:147 a n d p;Ter-rnam. f. 42b.

4. Karmay 1972:148,

5* g T e r - r n a m . f. hOa-b a nd L G B II, f. 69a,

6* ffTer-rnam, f. 43b.

7* ^ T e r - r n a m . ff. 46b-47a and L GB II, f. 69a-b. A

number of Bon-po discoverers w i t h the R a - s h a g epithet

figure in the L e g s - b s h a d - m d z o d (see Karmay 1972: index).

8. g T e r - r n a m . f. 227b.

9. K a r m a y 1972:175-6.

10. L GB II, f. 8 3 a - b .

11. On this im p o r t a n t Bon goddess (more usually called

Srid-pa r G y a l - m o ) , see esp e c i a l l y K a r m a y 1 9 7 2 : xxi-xxii.

12. Padma Gling-pa*s Co l l e c t e d Works, Vol. Pha, f. 27a.

13. On rNying-ma-pa doctrine, see parti c u l a r l y Tucci an d

Heissig 1973:112-125 and K a r m a y 1 975b:passim.

14. On its location see Wylie 1962:186.

 uuu

15# I am indebted to Helmut E l mer for some notes he J

k i n d l y p r o v i d e d on the h i s t o r y of the K a - t h o g - p a

in a letter dated 11/7/77. His p a p e r on this

subject is in the press,

16. See ff, 6913-71 *b.

17# Theg-pa thams-cad-kyl g s h a n - 1toyed nyl-*od r a b - g s a l .

219 folios,

18. These w e r e B a b - r o n T h a r - pa-gling (in the C h u - s m a d

v a l l e y of B u m - t h a n g ) , Shin g - m k h a r b D e - c h e n - g l i n g

(in the U-r a v a l l e y of Bum-thang), O-rgyan-gling

(in the sTang v a l l e y of Bum-thang), K u n - b z a n g - g l i n g

(in K u r - s t o d ) , *Bras-bcags-gling (in s N g a n - l u n g ) ,

Padma-gling (in m K h o - t h a n g ) , Kun-tozang-gling (in

Men-log) and toSam-gtan-gling (in sPa-gro). Thus they

covered the w h o l e of the co u n t r y except f o r its

easternmost region. T h e r e are certain indications that

some of these monasteries may have been taken over toy

Klong- c h e n - p a rather than f o u n d e d toy him. The above

list appears on f, 22a of a bio g r a p h y of K l o n g - c h e n - p a

toy Kun-tozang ’G y u r - m e d mChog-gruto d P a l - ftoar (1725-1762),

the 5th Thu g s - e r a s i ncarnation of K l o n g - c h e n - p a Ts son,

Zla-toa Grags-pa, It is e n t i t l e d K u n - m k h y e n chos-k.yi

rgyal-po g t e r - c h e n drl-med 'od-zer-gyi rna m - p a r thar-pa

cung-zad spros-pa n g o - mtshar skal-bzang m c h og-gi

dp;a 1- s t o n , 33 folios, tolockprint from lHa-lung. It is

b a s e d on one of the original biographies of Klong-chen-pa,

none of w h ich I have seen. This w o r k was k i n d l y shown to

me toy the late C h o s-brag Bla-ma w hen I was staying in

Thar-pa-gling.
 * Q\J 3

19. Vol. Pha, ff, 17a-2kb.

20. For the full list see the Zhe-chen chos-'byung, ff. Il6a-122b.

21. LCB II, f. ?2b.

22. Kom-’phrang bKra-shis rTse-mo, sNgan-lung Pho-sbis-kha,

mKhas-dbang lHa-khang and 'Dam-can lHa-khang.
m

23. LCB II, f. 73L.

2^. I do not know if there is a biography of Byang-chub rGyal-mtshan.

Information on him is found in LCB II, ff. 73b-7ifb. It was the
accounts of India and Bhutan he gave to 'Jigs-med Gling-pa which
enabled the latter to c -mpose one of the most interesting
documents of the period, the lHo-phyogs rgya-gar-gyi gtam brtag-pa
brgyad-kyi me-long forming Chapter 3 of the gTam-tshogs
(ff. 31b-^1b), The colophon says Byang-chub rGyal-mtshan spent
three years in Clacutta. He may perhaps have been employed as an
emissary of Bhutan to the East India Company. He supplied 'Jigs-med
Gling-pa with a good deal of information on the English (Phe-reng «
Ferengi as Franks).

25. rJe grub-pa'i dbang-ph.yug rnam-rg.yal lhun-grub-kyi rtogs-pa

br.jod-pa dpag-bsam l.jon-pa'i snye-ma; dbu-can ms. in 18 folios,
no author or date given. I am indebted to the present Pad-tshal-
gling sPrul-sku for giving me permission to copy this work and
the one recorded in the next note.

(contd. on the next page)

 3YU

26. *J i g s - m e d bstan-pa'i rgyal-mtshan-gyi n gang-tshul

rnams-par (sic) gleng-ba sg,yu-ma chen-po*! rtogs-

br.jod; d b u - c a n ms. in 20 folios b y g Z h a n - p h a n R o l - p a Ti

rDo-rje, no date.

27- // de-ltan-na thog-mar stod m n g a *-ris-nas dbu-brtsams /

b a r - d u d b u s - gtsang lho-mon / m t h a r m d o -khams stod-smad-

b a r g s u m - d u p;tso-bor b,yort-pa!i gte r - s t o n ... (g T e r - r n a m .

f. 231a).

28. pcTer-rnam. f. 98a-b.

29. Op, cit. ff. 98b-99a,

30. Op, cit. f. 99b.

31. Op. cit. ff. 1 0 3 b - 1 0 l+a.

32. Op. cit. f. 106a.

33. Op. cit. f. 106a.

3k. Op. cit. f. 108a-b.

33. Op. cit. f. 59b-60a.

36. Op. cit. f. 62b-63b.

37. Op. cit. ff. 126b-127a.

CO

Op. cit. f. 195b.

39. Op. cit. ff. 10 0 b -101 a.

1+0. Op. cit. ff. 52a-55a.

1+1 . L O B II, f. 711>.

1+2. LC B II, f. 75a~b, and g

 6 (L
t

k3* L OB II, f. 75b, and g T e r - r n a m , ff. 1l6a-117a. The

story is told of how O - r g y a n bZang-po w e n t to

P a d m a s a m b h a v a Ts h e a v e n in the form of a vu l t u r e to

clear his doubts as to how he should construct a

t h r e e - dimensional m a n d ala at the temple of sKu-rjes in

Bum-thang. While he was returning from heaven, one of

his disciples started c r e m a t i n g the b o d y he had left

behind at sKu-rjes. O - r g y a n bZang-po t h e r efore had

to enter the b o d y of a girl w h o had just died at Mon

T s h a - fog. In this new f o r m he returned to Bum-thang

bu t although he (or she) is said to have completed the

w o r k of restoring the temple, the m a n d ala itself was

never finished. His draft sketch was said to be still

at sKu-rjes w h e n the gTe r - r n a m was composed.

L O B II, ff. 7hb-75a, and g T e r - r n a m , f. 117a-b.

k3• LCB II, ff.76b-77a, and g T e r - r n a m ,f. The latter

w o r k ( f . 228b) p l a c e s Ngag-dbang Grags-pa as late as the

9th rab-byung (1507-1566) a n d maintains he w a s an actual

descendant of Klong - c h e n - p a (1 3 0 8 - 1 3 6 3 ). This cannot be

correct if we accept the convincing as s e r t i o n in L CB II

that Nga g - d b a n g G r a gs-pa was the son of K l o n g - c h e n - p a 1s

disciple, s P r u l - s k u d P a l -'byor rGyal-mtshan,

1+6. LOB II, f. 7 7 a - b , and g T e r - r n a m , f. 139a.

U7• L GB II, ff. 7lb-72a.

1+8. Padma Gling-pa's autobiography, completed b y his son

rGyal-ba Don-grub, is entitled: Bum-thang gter-ston padma

g l l n g - p a ri rn a m - t h a r Tod-zer kun-mdzes n o r - b u ’i phreng-ba

zhes-b.ya-ba ska l - l d a n spro-ba s k y e - b a ’i ts h u l - d u b r i s - p a ;

251+ folios i n Vdl. Pha of his C o l l ected Works.

 372

k9. The Taoist tradition of revealed texts affords some

v ery close parallels to the gter-ma movement, Strickman's

comment (1977:21) on the origin of these Taoist works is

most relevant to the w h o l e quest i o n of the g t e r - m a :

"The d e f i nition and e v a l u a t i o n of forgery is obviously

a complicated problem, p a r t i c u l a r l y in a religious

tradition, w h e r e the embroiled questions of motives an d

methods are further i n v o luted by the c o g e n c y of belief,"

50. See Stein 1 9 7 2 b : 176 (my translation). See f. 175a of

Padma G l i n g-pa's r n a m -thar for the account of his

m e e t i n g with 'Brug-pa Kun-legs, w h o p r e s e n t e d h i m w i t h

a piece of iron on maki n g a request for the Kila

a u t h o r i s a t i o n (Phu r - p a ' i dpe-lung) . Padma Gling-pa

refused. The Bhutanese v e r s i o n of 'Brug-pa K u n - l e g s fs

b i o g r a p h y (Kalimpong, 1970, ff. h6a-h7a) has a n o t h e r

i nteresting a c c ount of t h e i r meeting in Bum-thang.

51• See C h a p t e r I Section h above.

52. See the r n a m - t h a r . ff. 25h-26b.

53. Op. cit., f. 33a.

5k. Gf. Toussaint 1933:387.

55. See the r n a m - t h a r , ff. 2h5h-25lb.

56. This huge cycle, c o m p rising some seventy-eight separate

texts, is f o u n d in Vol. Kha of his C o l l e c t e d Works, It

was 'discovered' at sMan-mdo in lHo-brag.

57. See gTer-nam , f. 85b.

58. See f. 250a-b of his r n a m - t h a r .

59. See gTer-nam , ff. 130a~131b.

60. Some con f u s i o n has reigned on the date of his death

w h i c h occurred at the age of 72 in s b r u l - l o t according

to rGyal-ba Don-grub w h o completed his autobiography.

J
This was w r o n g l y t a k e n as sa-sbrul (1509) instead of

lcags-sbrul (1521) b y the 8th Pad-gling i n c a r n a t i o n in

kis Pad-gling 'khrung-rabs-kyi rtogs-brjod nyung-gsal

dad-pa'i m e - t o g (Collected Works, Vol. P h a . 45 folios).

T he date of his b i r t h (lcags-rta = 1450) is sim i l a r l y

confused with lcags-kh.yi (1430) in the g T e r - r n a m . f. 85b.

61. On rGyal-ba lHa-nang-pa see p a r t i c u l a r l y the Blue A n n a l s ,

pp. 601-2, On the lHa-pa b K a T-brgyud in B h u t a n see below.

62. The spelling sMyos (for gNyos) derives from a variant

account of die mythical origins of this clan. Both

are s u m m arised in the V a i d u r y a Ser-po, pp. 398-9.

63. See f. 25a of his rnam-thar.

64. On the branch of the Jo-bo clan settled a t . B e r - m k h a r

see f. 3 1a of the rGya1 -rigs below. The r G y a 1 -rigs

was w r i t t e n 22 years a f t e r the alleged date of the 6th

Dalai Lama's death.

65# It is not clear from Padma Gling-pa's account (on ff.

11 3’b“ 114a of his rn a m - t h a r ) what the r e l a t i o n s h i p was

b e t w e e n him and O - r g y a n bZang-po. The V a i d urya Ser-po

(p* 399) refers to O - r g y a n bZang-po as dbon-po ( ' n e p h e w 1,

or less likely 'grandson'). However, the Q - r g y a n -gling-gi

dkar-chags (British Library, OR 6750) appears to m ake hi m

the youngest of nine sons b o r n to Padma Gling-pa's

father, Don-grub bZang-po.

66. I am m a i n l y dependent on Slob-dpon Padma-lags f o r the

following*
 0(

67. On the 3rd rGyal-sras sPrul-sku. 'Brug-sgra rNam-rgyal

(1735-62) see LCB II, ff. 129b-130a. j

68* On the first seven In this line, see the P a d - g l l n g

1khrungs - r a h s - k y i rtogs-br.jod n.yung-gsal dad-pa'i m e - t o g .

k5 folios in Vol. Pha of the Col l e c t e d Works of

Padma Gling-pa. It was w r i t t e n in 1873 "by the 7th

g S u n g - s p r u l . K u n - b z a n g bsT a n - p a ' i Nyi~ma (1814-3— 91) at

the 'hidden land' of mKhan-pa-lung. It is followed b y a

short work b y b D u d - ' j o m s Rin-po-che in 15 folios on the

last four i n c a r n a t i o n s , entitled: Pad-gling 'khrungs-rabs

rtogs-brjod dad-pa'i me-tog-gi k h a - s k o n g mos-pa'i

ze'u-'bru. The present gSung-sprul w h o is mentioned at

the end of this work was born in 1968 in a family that has

close ties with t he Royal- Family; His step-brother,

Blon-po Sangs-rgyae dPal-'byor, is at present the

A m b a s s a d o r of Bhutan to India.

69. On b s T a n - ' d z i n Legs-pa'i Don-grub, see Ch. I, Section 5

('The N g a n g tradition'). The b i o g r a p h y of his disciple,

Ngag-dbang 'Brug-pa, is entitled: rGyal-kun b r t s e-ba'i

spyi-gzugs sems-dpa' chen-po gsung-dbang-s p r i n - d b y a n g s

/_- ngag- d b a n g - ' b r u g - p a 7 ~ k y i rtogs-pa br.jod-pa rig-'dzin

k u n - t u dga'-ba'i z l o s - g a r ; 119 folios, db u - c a n ms., no

date, w r i t t e n b y one Ma-ti at the behe s t of Y o n - t a n

mTha'-yas, 13th H e a d A b b o t of Bhutan (regn. 1771-75).

See also LCB II, ff. 8la-82b.

70. See f. 7b of the L o - r g y u s . and Note 23 thereto.

71. See ff. 9lb-92a. I first came across the rJe-btsun mi-la

ras-pa'i rdo-rje'i m g u r - d r u g sogs g s u n g - r g y u n thor-bu 'ga'

in the Nubri district of Northern Nepal w h e r e it w a s

 O i«J

p o i n t e d out to me for the a c c o u n t of Mi-la Ras-pa's

visit there a n d to the adjoining district of K u tang

(Aris 1975:50,78-9). Unfortunately, the cop y I h a d

access to was incomplete and my p h o t o c o p y does not

contain the passage on Mi-la Ras-pa in sPa-gro. Copies

of the w o r k can he f o u n d at the Cambridge U n i v e r s i t y

L i b r a r y an d at the India.Office Library.

72. See note 109 to the rflyal-rigs below.

73. See the Blue A n n a l s , p. 405.

74. See L C B II, f. 91a-b w h e r e the spelling is g i v e n as

G-lang-mo-lung. In local pronunciati on it is 'Nangmoling*.

The correct spelling is g i v e n on f. 43b of the account

b y Y o n - t a n mTha'-yas of the virtuous w o r k s of Shes-rab

dBang-phyug, 1 3 th 'Brug sDe-srid (regn. 1744-63). I

fa i l e d to visit the place on my w a y to mTho-ba-brag,

h a ving b e e n told that it dated from the 17th century,

75. See the Blue A n n a l s ,pp. l4.O6 -i.fi4, and Smith 1970:3.

76. See the Blue A n n a l s ,p. 4 78 and dPa'-bo gTeug-lag,

Vol. Pa, f. 20b.

77. See p a r t i c u l a r l y R i c h a r d s o n 1958-9, Snellgrove and

R i c h a r d s o n 1968:132-137, Smith 1969b and 1970, and

Tucci[and Heissig] 1 9 7 3 : 6 2 - 6 4 .

78. I h o - k h a - b g h i Ti rgya-pa-la gtogs-ua'i gnas-p;zhi sde-dp;on

dbang-ris thams-cad lo-tsa-ba-la phul (f, 4 b ) . The w o r k

is an dbu-med ms of 33 folios, composed at the mo n a s t e r y

of Gye-re dGon-pa in 1431• It is p r e s e r v e d in mic r o f i l m

at the Toyo Bunko, Japan, w h ich k i n d l y made a c o p y

available to me. See Yamaguchi 1970: No. 504-3047.

 u »u

79. See the same folio of the above work, also f. 3 8 b of

the R ed Annals and the Blue A n n a l s , p. 602.

80. In the colophon (f. 42a) the name of the 'discoverer'

is dis g u i s e d as "son of the great A r r o w - h o l d e r " (m d a '-

'dzin chen-po'i s m s ) . This alludes to the l e g e n d of

how 'Brug-pa Kun-legs shot an arrow f r o m Tibet to t h e

place in B h u t a n w h e r e he later took a wife. He is

always de p i c t e d w i t h b o w a n d a r r o w like the Indi a n

m a h a siddha Saraha, w h o s e incarnation he is r e c koned to

have been. ^

81. He is i d e n t i f i e d as such in L C B II, f. 84b.

82. / lo re-re-Ia cho /_= teho^ re-la b r a s - b t a n g / Z “ltan^7

rg.ya brgya/7, / b u r - b t a n g { Z - l t ang7 brgya ras brgya /

srin-dos b r gya / Icags-dos b r gya / 'bul-dgos 'u-lag theng

{ Z thengsT" gsu m gsum / ( f . 29a)

83. See f. 25b et seq. of the r n a m - t h a r . a n d Aris 1976:608-9

where I have b r i e f l y d e s cribed the festival.

84* His b i o g r a p h y b y 'Jam-dpal rGya-ratsho (= gTsan.g mKhan-chen)

forms the 6 th v o lume to the P B P . It is entitled:

Chos-kyi sprin chen-po'i dbyangs-k.yi yan-lag rnal-

'byor-gyi dbang-phyug; dpal rdo-rje g d a n-pa'i rnam-par

t h a r - p a , 34 folios. The story of his father's al l e g e d

di s c o v e r y of Pha-.jo's b i o g r a p h y is found on f. 10b,

85. See f. 81 b of 'Gip-ba'i m g o n-po chos-rje kun-dga' legs-pa'i

rnam-thar rp;ya-mtsho'i snying-po mthong-ba d o n - l d a n , and

ff. 1b and 51b of 'Gro-ba'l mgon-po kun-dga' legs-pa'i

rnam-thar m o n spa-gro sogs-k.yi m d z a d - s p y o d r n a m s .

 0 I I

86. On f. 71a of the a b ove w o r k we read: / / m i-tshos-ni

kun-legs nga m.je-sbom r,je-sbom zer / / mje sbom-pas

S(^u p .

na-chung-gi b u - m o Ti s n.ying-di/// mi-t s h o s - n i kun-legs

nga r g y o-'dod r g y o - fdod zer / / rgyo - 1dod-pas gdung-

rgyud-kyi sras-po Tkhrungs / / mi-tshos-ni ku n - l e g s nga

rkub-tshum rkub-tshum zer / / rkub-tshum-pas fkhor-ba-yi

sdug-thag b s t u n g s / /

On f. 32a-b of P h a ~ r
i o fs b i o g r a p h y we read: / / mi.-rnams-ni

pha-,1 o rkub-btaums zer / / rkub-btsurns-pas ^hor-ba*!

sdug-thag bead / / m i - r n a m s-ni pha-,1 o m,je-sbom zer / /

m.je-sbom-pas m k h a ’- ’gro sprin-bzhin Tdus / / m i - r nams-ni

pha-.jo rgyod-'dod zer / / r g y o - 'dod-pas s p r u l - p a !i rg.yal-

sras *khrunp:s //
J
The variants c l e a r l y stem fro m the fluid oral tradition

of Bhutanese folk poetry.

87. See f, 13a of the b i o g r a p h y of b s T a n - Td z i n Rab-rgyas.

88. See PBP, f. 111a, L C B I, f. 38a, and L C B II, ff. S4b-85a.

89. One w o u l d like to connect the n a m e of this f o r t r e s s w i t h

that of the mythical a n c estor of the gNyos clan of the

lHa-pa prince-abbots. His name Is Bya-thul dKar-po,

w h o m a r r i e d rMu-l c a m Ring-mo. See the K h a - r a g gnyos-kyi

rgyud-pa b y o n - t s h u l m d o r - b s d u d . f . 1 .

90. See f. 282b of the rnam-thar of b s T a n - * d z i n Rab-rgyas

f or m e n t i o n of s u c h a group, the inhabitants of the

district in sPa-gro known as L a m - m g o Tsho-lnga.

91. The dates f o r the fBrug-pa hierarchs are taken f r o m Smith

(1969b:A p p e n d i x III) w ho obtained them from the individual

b i o g raphies c o n t a i n e d in the g s e r - fphreng of this school.

The dates p r o v i d e d b y Stein (19 7 2 b :chart) are n o t always

in perfect agreement w i t h t h o s e of Smith,

 378

92. The statement in th e Blue Anna l s (p. 6 7 6 ) that Lo-ras-pa

found the inhabitants of Bum-thang to re s e m b l e b e a s t s

(which derives f r o m the unknown a u t h o r of his b i o g r a p h y

in the above g s e r - fp h r e n g ) stands in c o n t r a s t to the

w h o l e tenor of K l o n g - c h e n - p a fs guide to B u m - thang (13 55)*

He f o un d them 11of good character, a b i d i n g to ancient laws"

( / / m i - r n a m s b c o s - b g a n g sngon-gyi khr i m s ~ l a gnas / /

f. 2l+a-b) . I n f o r m a t i o n on L o - r a s - p a 1 s act i v i t i e s in

Bh u t a n is found in L C B I, f. 11a and L C B II, f. 85a-b.

93. See L C B II, f. 8 5 b.

94. Op. cit., f. 90b.

95* Oral i n f o r mation f rom Slob-dpon Padma-lags.

96. The b i o g r aphies of at least two of them hav e survived:

1) m T s h u n g s - m e d chos-kyi rgyal-po r j e - b t s u n dam-chos

pad-dkar-g.yi rn a m - p a r thar-pa thugs-r.je chen-po*i dri-bsung;

dbu-can ms. in 51 folios, the life of Dam-chos Pad-dkar,

tj-th H e a d Abbot of B h u t a n (regn. 1697-1707), b y B.yams-mgon

Ngag-dbang rGyal-mtshan ( 161+7 - 1 7 3 2 ). 2 ) s P a - g r o f1 chos-

iMe p a d - d k a r chos-kyi r g y a - m t s h o *i n y a m s - 1gyur-gyi

rtogs-pa br.jod-pa'i g t a m b c a d - l h u g spel-ma'i do-shal

ces-bya-ba r i - k h r o d - p a 1i m d z e s - r g y a n - d u 'o s - p a ; d b u - c a n

ms. in 297 folios, the au t o b i o g r a p h y of the g Z a r - c h e n j

Chos-r.je P a d - d k a r rGya-mtsho (alias 'Brug Pad-dkar), cousin

of the Dam-chos P a d - d k a r of the previous work.

97. See f. 31a of Fha-.io's b i o g r a p h y and f. 97b of L C B II.

98. See Note 21 to the Lo - r g y u s below.

 0t 3

99. A n o t h e r ms. of the same w o r k survives a t the village

of Hum-ral-kha close to the rdzong in sPa-gro. It

has 7 7 folios a n d the slightly d i f f e r i n g title of

rin-po-che d o - s h a l . This gdung-rabs is certainly

w o r t h y of detailed study. Only the b r i efest notice

of it is given here.

100. Apart f r o m t h e Hum-ral g d u n g - r a b s , the following

p a r a graphs are largely b a s e d on ff. 11b-12a of L CB I,

an d ff. 98b-102b of L CB II. These provide a s u m m a r y

of those passages in the school's gser - ' p h r e n g w h i c h

deal w i t h the visits p a i d to the area b y the Ra - l u n g

hierarchs. A good deal more c o u l d be g a i n e d b y going

b a c k to the g s e r - ' p h r e n g itself. It must be unde r s t o o d

that the dif f u s i o n of the 'Brug-pa to B h utan w a s just

one current in the h i s tory of the school and tbe same

could be said f o r all the other schools d i s c u s s e d in

this chapter.

101. See, however, the A d d e n d u m / i l l / to the rGyal-rigs and

Notes 10 a n d 11 to the Lo-rgyus below.

102. F o r the outline of his life see the Blue Annals (p. 692)

and S m i t h 1970:10. I have not had access to an

e xtended life of 'Ba'-ra-ba or his i n c a r nations

103. See for instance Tucci ^ a n d H e i s s i & 7 1973:6/+.

10/+. See Ferrari 1958:69, 159.

105. rJe-btsun 'ba'-ra-ba rgya l - m t s h a n d p a l - b z a n g - p o 'i

r nam-thar mg u r - ' b u m d a n g - b c a s - p a : Vol. Ka (222 folios)

in a b l o c k p r i n t e d i tion o f his three volume b k a '- ' b u m .

 39U

106. dPal g r u b - p a Ti dbang-phyug b r t s o n ~ Tgrus bzanp.-po!i

rnam-par thar-pa kun-gsal nor-buVi m e -long b y *Gyur-med

bD e - c h e n in sa-mo-bya ( 1 6 0 9 ); 171*. folios in a m o d e m

Indian reprint, b a s e d a p p a r e n t l y on a b l o c k p r i n t fro m

Ri-bo-che. It is t h e same w o r k used b y Stein (I959a:32)

in a sDa-dge edition, and b y Tucci (l9U9:l62-3) in an

unknown e d i t i o n b e a r i n g the different titie: mTshungs-med

grub-pa'i d bang-phyug l c a g s - z a m - p a 1i r n a m - t h a r .

107. See Stein 1959a: 238 Note 17. bDud-'joms Rin-po-che in

his h i s t o r y (f. 2 8 9 a) confuses the issue f u r t h e r b y

giving the dates 1 3 8 5 - 1 5 1 0 ,

108. On this c e r e m o n y see R o e rich 1932. On the epic and

theatrical a s s o ciations of Thang-stong rG-yal-po see

p a r t i c u l a r l y Stein 1 9 5 9 a :21 9-221 , 513-519.

109. ’’Thus it is that the bridge of Chuka is r e c k o n e d to be

J
of more than mortal production. No less a b e i n g than

the dewta T e h u ptehup could possible have contrived so

curious a piece of mechanism. Neither the origin nor

the h i s t o r y of this r e n o w n e d Tehuptehup, can be traced

w i t h any degree of certainty; but the w o r k s they a s s i g n

him, the road up the mo u n t a i n we l a tely p a s s e d (many

parts of which a r e held, it m a y be said, upon a precipice,

b y pins a n d cramps of iron uniting t o g e t h e r the stones

that f o r m it,) and the bridge at Chuka, do credit to a

genius, w ho deservedly ranks high upon the rolls of fame,

a n d justly claims from the inhabitants, d e c i d e d tokens of

respect a n d g r a t i t u d e ” (Turner 1800:162-3). Engravings

of the bridge b y Samuel Davis are found on Plates III a n d

IV of this work. All hi atremains today are the ruins of

rDo-ba
its foundations. The same is the case w i t h Chu-kba /rDzong
 381

w h i c h stands close hy; D a v i s 1 drawing of it is not

given, but aquatints p r e p a r e d a f t e r his r e t u r n to

En g land are o ccasionally t o be seen, Much of his

original Bhutanese w o r k is kept at the V i c t o r i a

Memorial, Calcutta,

110, / / 0m ma-ni pad-me hum / tha / ? 7 grub-thob chen-po*i

rnam-thar-* di / lung-bstan thob-pa b y a n g - d a m r i n g s - p a / ? /

/ dkon-mchog dpal-bzang-gis / dpal r i - b o - c h e r skod-na-

Tang / g r u b - t h o b chen-po dang r.je-btsun A - s g r o n chos-

sgron gnyis-kyis / c h o s - s k u s n a n g - b a - m t h a *-yas-kyl

gsung-rgyun / sems-can lg r o - d o n mdzad-tshul skye-ba

dran-pa*i g s u n g - tgros / l u n g -bstan-pa-rnams m o s -pas thos /

lung dang 'thun-par m a - t s h a n g s - p a - r n a m s k h a - s k a n g s - p a *o

/ / b l a-ma thang-stong rgyal-po'i rnam-thar gsal-ba'i ^

sgron-me / rg.ya-mtsho-las chu-thig rtsam-cip; blanp;s-nas

/ lun g - b s t a n thob-pa mon-pa b d e - b a b z a n g - p o s / w a n g spar

1tshams rta-mchog nor-bu-sgang-gi g n a s - m c h o g / mkha* -*gro

gsang-b a'i b r a g - p h u g / dben-pa*i gnas su b s k o d - p a to / /

// bkra-shis dpal-'bar 1dzam-bu-gling b r g y a n - d u dge-legs

!phel / m a n g a l a m / A - k h u bla-mas zhal-skad mdzad-mi byas

/ yig-mkhan sangs-rg.yas don-grub-kyis b.yas / rnam-thar

b z h e n g s - p a - l a k h a - p h a n t s h i g-phan byas rkang-g.yog

lag-g.yog b.yas-pa thams-cad sangs-rg.yas th o b - p a r shog / /

(A, ff. 293b-29h-a) .

111, It is i n t e r e s t i n g to note that both d K o n - m c h o g dPal-bzang* ■

and b D e-ba b Z a n g - p o find m e n tion in A (f. 152b) as the

emissaries of Thang-stong rGyal-po to the court of the

king of Kamata, the a n c ient H i n d u k i n g d o m destroyed b y

Husayn Shah In the period 1501-5 (see Ch.I Section k

above). d K o n -mchog dPa l - b z a n g is d e s c r i b e d as the

 O U fw

thugs-sras ( tm i n d - s o n l) of the saint, and b D e - b a bZang-po

as "the ma n ' f r o m lHo Pa-gro", A c c o r d i n g to B h u t anese

legend the l a t t e r w as b o r n m i r a c u l o u s l y from the

droppings of a bird, in fact the saint in disguise

(LC B II, f . 7 6 a ) ,

112. This is p r o v e d b y the passage on B, f. 86b w h e r e w e learn

that Thug s.-s ras dKon-mchog bZ a n g - p o w a s a p p o i n t e d to the

g u a r d ianship of the new b S a m - g r u b Temple at Phag-ri.

In the colophon (B, f. 173^) he is r e f erred to as the

author of the original source as follows: "dKon-mchog

b D e - b a fi 'Byung-gnas of the b S a m -grub Temple, the

nephew of the great b r i d g e - b u i l d e r and t h e up h o l d e r of

his religious t r a d i t i o n s . 1'

113* A (f. 1h1b) has: / g r u b-thob chen-pos b u m - t h a n g sde-bzhi

/ mon g l a n g - m a - Tthil / t s h o n g - fdus rta~Ii / sbu-li /

pnams zhabs-kyi chags / mon ku-ru - i u n g - l a b y o n / smon-

j
lam-gyi 'brel-pa b z h a g lho-brag m k h a r - c h u - r u p h y a g - p h e b s /

B (f, 100b) has: / bum - t h a n g sde-bzhi-nas mon k u - r u - I u n g -

tshun zhabs-kyi b c a g s / lho-brag m k h a r - c h u r phebs /

11h. See the r G y a l - r i g s . ff. 29b-30b and Note 76 thereto,

115. F o r a p h o t ograph of the monastery s e e F e rrari 1956:

Plate h9.

116 . Cf. g T e r - r n a m ., ff. 125a-l26b.

117. A de t a i l e d account of its r estoration is found in the longer

rnam-thar of Shes-rab rG-yal-mtshan to w h i c h I do not

have access at present. See also L C B II, ff. 155"h-l56b.

118. A, f. 131b B, f. 83b
/ de nas stag-tshang seng-ge / / de-nas s t a g -tshang seng-ge-
b sam-* g r u b - k y i ri-rgyud / phug-gi ri-rgyud dug-sbrul nag- •
’thur-la rgyug-pa / spa-gro po thur-du rgyugs-pas / p a - g r o fi
lung-pa b z h u n g -gshags byed-pa lung-pa gzhung-gshags by e d - p a
lta-bu de*i sna-la m c h a d - r t e n ’dra-ba'i sna-la sa-bdag k h a -
cig b z h e n g s - p a ' i s a - Tdul mdzad gnon-gyi m c h o d - r t e n b r t s i g s -
/mchod-rten *di grub-pa dang pa'i sa - d p y a d m d z a d / p h y o g e -
/ l h o - k h a-bzhi-pa mon-yul fdir b z h i r l c a g s - p h u r re btab / ri­
rlung-gdon 1og - g d o n k l u - n a d de fi g d ong bra g rus-sbal m a n g - d u
shin-tu nyu n g - p a r 'ong / 1dze brtsegs-pa rdra-ba'i s t e n g - d u /
-pho bde bcas-pa fdi stongs- chos-khri brts i g s - t e m t s hah-
’gro / / m c h o d - r t e n - 1dl / m o fi b z h u g s - s a mdzad / m c h o d -
rgya-gar s k o n - m t s h o - b a *1 *bul- r t e n - 1di grub- p a - d a n g lho-kha-
ba skyel-cinp; mchod-pa b.yed / b z h i - n a / da-lta mdze-pho
rgya-gar k a - m a - t a - r u nga'i m dze-mo'i sde b c a s - p a - !di
bu-slob 'gro-don b.yed-pa stongs-'gro / rgya-gar k a - m a - t a r
yongs gsungs / de nas rdzong- nga'i bu-slob-k.yis 'gro-don
brag-la b y o n / m chod-rten-la byed-pa-yon# / mchod-rten-*di-
rab-gnas gsol-ba'i dus / la-yang k a - ma-ta *i r g y a 1 -po s
chos-skyong p h y a g - b z h i - p a mchod-pa Tb u l - z h l n g / g z h a n -
zhal-gzigs l h a g - p a r nga'i yang m c h o d - r t e n lha-khang
'phrin-las *grub-po zer l c a gs-zam sogs m a n g - d u 'grub-
m i - s n a n g - p a r song / pas /

I hav e left the sp e l l i n g mistakes uncorrected in A to give an

i mpr e s s i o n of the s t a t e of this important text. I do n o t

know w h a t the sense of skon-mtsho-rba is in this passage.

O d d l y enough, the throne w h i c h the saint is said (in B) to

have built on a rock at the foot of the m o u n t a i n is still

p o i n t e d out to one nowadays, just b e h i n d the temple. The

c onc l u d i n g sentence in B ( / gzhan-yang ... Tgrub-pas / )

comes at the end of a passage in A (f. 132a) w h i c h is

c o m p letely o m itted in B.

119* The full title of the woik is: sKyes-bu dam-pa-rnams-kyi

rnam-par thar-pa r i n - p o - c h e Ti g t e r - m d z o d . 2 vols. (Ka in

17 folios and Kha in 88 folios), edited, it seems, b y one

 OO'i

Ba-s p i - g u n g (?) m N y a m - m e d Rin-chen and p r i n t e d in

chu-pho-rta (?), according to the colophon (f. 88b ) .

120. The area which mG-os K h r i - b z a n g requested a n d received

from the king is d e s c r i b e d as follows: g t s a n g -stod-kyi

sa-cha / mon s k y e r - c h u Iha-khang tshun / skar-la mtsh o -

gzhug y a n -chad / !bri tshams-rdza smug-po tshun-gyi

sa-cha-rnams / (op. cit., f. 3 b).

1(21. In sPa-gro: N a g s -mo-che rfzong, Gal-stengs Glang-ma-nang,

Cang dPal-ri dGon-pa and lCags~zam Tog-kha, In Thim-phu:

dKar-sbe Bya-sreg rDzong, Sar-dmar-rdzing-kha, Tsha-li

dGon-pa, Bar-pa lHa-khang a n d W a n g Glang-ma-lung. In

sPu-na-kha ( T h e d ) : Bar-grong Bye-ma'i rDzong, Gyang

dMar-po a n d Bar-grong Dwangs-sa (L C B II, f. 8 8 b). The ^

rdzong ('fortresses') are in each case described as

'mothe r-convent s' (m a - d g o n ) a n d all the rest as 'branch

m o n a s t e r i e s 1 (d g o n - l a g ) .

122. The name of g N a s - rnying appears just once in the guide in

a form that m a y perhaps hav e b e e n p u r p o s e l y d i s g uised b y

its author, a 1Brug-pa monk-official. We read: / b o d - k h a m s

dag-pa'i zhlng-gi p;nas snying-po'i / m k h a n - c h e n rnam-mkhyen

rin-chen b s a m - g t a n - I a /

123. See, for instance, L CB I, ff. 19a, 37a, 4 7a and 52a.

124. For the details of this marriage see L C B II, f. 122b, and
f. 109a-b of the rnam-thar of bsTan-'dzin Rab-rgyas by Ngag-dbang lHun-grub.

125. On the Bhutanese traditions concerning Pha-dam-pa Sangs-

rgyas and his disciple Ma-gcig Lab-kyi sGron-ma, see

L OB II, f f . 83b-84a. :On Van a r a t n a in B h u t a n see LCB I,

f. 11b, L CB II, ff. 87a-88a, and Stein 1972:13.

126. See L C B II, ff. 88b-89a.

 CH A P T E R THREE

THE CR E A T I O N OP BHUTAN

1. Zhabs-drun.fi: N g a g -dbang rNam-rgyal. the F o u n d e r

The story of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s life and d e ath is the

story of the fo u n d i n g of Bhutan as w e can still recognise it

today despite the c o n s t i t u t i o n a l changes that were introduced

at the b e g i n n i n g of this c e n t u r y w i t h the establishment of an

h e r e d i t a r y monarchy. While the account of his life serves to

reveal the first steps towards the creation of a unified state,

the p e c u l i a r circumstances surr o u n d i n g his death seem to

provide the most important clue to a n un d e r s t a n d i n g of the

theocracy w h i c h w a s his e n d uring legacy. This section t h ere­

fore explores his life, and the next one his death. Of

crucial importance to bot h is an evaluation of the available

J
sources.

The standard, undated b i o graphy (P B P ) of the Zhabs-

drung b y gTsan.fi; m K h a n-chen 'Jam-dbyangs d P a l - l d a n rG-ya-mtsho

( 1 6 1 0 - 8 4 ) is one of the most deeply frustrating w o r k s in the

historical literature of Bhutan. The author b e l o n g e d to the

Karina-pa school a nd was without doubt among the most accom p l i s h e d

scholars of his day, but he was not p ersonally very well

a c q u ainted w i t h his subject and seems to have spent only short

periods in his company. He reli e d mainly on a few Bhutanese

informants a n d on a chronological sketch of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's

achievements w h i c h h a d already b e e n composed. These c i r c u m ­

stances w o u l d augur quite well f o r the work w e r e it not for the

fact that the author's own spiritual and scholarly a c c o m p l i s h ­

ments obtrude in such a w a y as to almost c o m p letely obscure his

subject. The Zhabs-drung emerges from the w o r k a ghostly figure

wr a p p e d in the complicated categories of Buddhist thought to

w h i c h his a c t i v i t i e s a r e correlated throughout b y the

author, A little of his resoluteness a n d sense of h u mour

survives the c o n s t a n t padding. We are also made aware of

what must have come to b e his central preoccupation: namely

his o b l i gation b o t h as h e r e d i t a r y leader of -the 'Brug-pa

and as the inca r n a t i o n of its g r e atest scholar to defend

the school against its p o l i t ical enemies, w h i l e still r e m a i n ­

ing true to the f u n d a m e n t a l Buddhist call fo r compassion a n d

meekness. T r a d i t i o n a l l y these apparent poles are h a r m o n i s e d

b y the lama iden t i f y i n g h i m s elf closely w i t h the guardian

deities of his school, whose wrathful a c t i v i t y is said to

issue from a heart of compassion. This n o t i o n was subjected

to intense development in Tibet for, quite apart from its

systematic use in tantric meditation, it p r o v i d e d a happy

rationale for the activities of political monks w h o w e r e J

engaged eith e r in defending their own schools or in attacking

others. In B h u t a n it seems to have b l e n d e d e a s i l y w i t h the

tough and resilient qualities of its people, a n d in the new

state c r e a t e d b y the Zhabs-drung it v e r y soon became ens h r i n e d

in a host of public rituals. F o r the local c h r o n i c l e r it was

the hold w h i c h the Zhabs-drunp; exerted over the g u a r d i a n

deities of the ’Brug-pa and his ability,to c o nvert t he local

gods of the c o u n t r y w h i c h served to account for his defeat of

all external and internal enemies. While this is b y no means

the dominant theme in the b i o g r a p h y of gTsang m K h a n - c h e n . it

was b r o u g h t into the for e g r o u n d in the synoptic accounts

p r o v i d e d b y b s T a n - ' d z i n Chos-rgyal (in L CB 1, ff. 12a-54a) and

b y Shakya R i n - c h e n (in Vol. Ka of his C o l l e c t e d Works). It w a s

the former of these versions w h i c h really came to influence the

historical consc i o u s n e s s of the Bhutanese; w h e n traditional

scholars t o d a y speak of the Zhabs-drung they hav e in mind the

masterful character, surrounded b y his 'fa m i l i a r 1 spirits,

as culled b y b s T a n - ' d z i n C h o s -rgyal from the chimerical bulk

of the ’s t a n d a r d ’ b i o g r a p h y which, although 'standard', is

not itself o f ten read,

. The best insight into the forces w h i c h compelled the

a u thor of this w o r k is pro v i d e d in his own a u t o b i o g r a p h y

where we f i n d tha t a n inconceivable wealth of Buddhist concepts

have b e e n a p plied to the m e m o r y of his experiences in a far

less artificial m a n n e r than that shown in his life ’of the

Zhabs-drung. gTsang m K h a n-c hen was a g r e a t scholar-sage

whose e v e r y experience w a s recalled as open c onfirmation of the

truths he had encountered in a lifetime of reading and

meditation. The abstractions he wove around the smallest event

were the ones that occupied all his waking thoughts, and no-j

w h ere is this more evident than in the f a s c i n a t i n g account of

2
his three trips to India. There we find him totally engrossed

in a w o r l d of tantric visions and encounters, each of them

sparked off by a chain of associations w h i c h linked his e x t e n ­

sive readings on the ancient lan d of the Buddha w i t h the details

of life in Gooch Bihar and A s s a m in the middle years of the

17th century. Al t h o u g h the Buddhist faith had long since

di s a ppeared from the land of its origin, he saw h i m s e l f moving

still in the same society w h i c h had p r o d u c e d the L o r d Buddha

who, for him, remained the central figure of his world. We

learn prac t i c a l l y nothing about 'real' conditions obtaining

at that time in Gooch B i har and A s sam but on its own grounds

his account is quite as honest and valuable as the detailed

and 'rational' picture of northern India g i v e n l a t e r by

'Jigs-med Gling-pa in his g T a m - t s h o g s .

When, however, we turn back from g T s a n g m K h a n - c h e n *s

a u t o b i o g r a p h y to his b i o g r a p h y of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . the

imaginative p r e o c cupations w h i c h so dominate his own life

lose t h eir p o wer and d i r ection w h e n a p p l i e d to e v e n t s he

n e v e r w i t n e s s e d himself. Bhutanese historians have con-

s e q u e n t l y been hard put to find the p i t h and substance of

the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s doings in this work and b o t h of the f i g ures

m e n t i o n e d above who used it to produce t h e i r own a c c o u n t s

a d o pted a rigorous p r o cess of selection w h i c h emphasises

their interest in the role of the guardian divinities. While

t h e i r versions are v e r y s i m i l a r in their general arrangement,

both are i nevitably m a r k e d b y personal i d iosyncracies of

choice; the one b y Shakya Rin-chen tends to put more stress

on the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s artistic interests, w h i l e that b y b s T a n -

1 dzin Cho s - r g y a l brings in a bi t of the extra evidence on the

l a t e r years of the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s life as con t a i n e d in the

b i o g r a p h y of b s T a n - fdzin Rab-rgyas (1638-96). The b r i e f summary

g i v e n b e l o w is m a i n l y based on b s T a n - * d z i n C h o s -rgyal (L C B I,

ff. 12 a - 5 U a ) f but I supply notes to the s t a n d a r d b i o g r a p h y an d

to Shakya R i n - c h e n w h e r e it seems appropriate to do so.

Unfortunately, there are not many sources external to this

bi o g r a p h i c a l t r a d i t i o n w h i c h can serve to a d d p r e c i s i o n a n d

depth to the study, the a u tobiography of the 5th Dalai Lama

is of some help, the H u m -ral gdung-rabs provides important

glimpses, and the relacao of Cacella does r a t h e r more, but

that w o u l d a p p e a r to be about all. I have n o t h a d access to

the b i o g r a p h y of Tiranatha which almost c e r t a i n l y contains

important references to the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s struggles w i t h the

gTsang s D e - s r i d , the effective ruler of most of central Tibet

during t h i s period.

N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal (the Z h a b s - d r u n g ) w a s b o r n in

159h at the ancestral m o n a s t e r y of mGar-grong near the oldest

foundation of his school at ’B r u g Byang-chub-gling. His

father, b s T a n - p a ’i Nyi-ma (1567-1619), was then twenty-

eight years old a n d his grandfather, Mi-pham Chos-rgyal

(1 f>h3-1 606), was still reigning as the 17th prince-abbot

of the ’Brug-pa school from its main seat at Ra-lung. Ngag-

dhang rNam-rgyal was therefore “b o r n a s heir not only to the

mai n monasteries and estates w ith w h i c h his father had b e e n

invested, but also a s the d e s tined successor to the chief

throne of the ’Br u g - p a hierarchs. It never seems to have

b e e n his g r a n d f a t h e r ’s intention to step down in favo u r of

his son, or even b e q u e a t h him the throne a f t e r his death;

instead, Mi-pham Chos-rgyal looked to his grandson, the

Z h a b s - d r u n g . to continue the line, a n d so from a n early age

he was g r o o m e d to fulfil that aim.

The Z h a b s - d r u n g ’s mother, bSod-nams dPal-gyi Bu-khrid,

was the daughter of the governor of the lHa-sa district, an

official w h o b o r e the title sDe-pa s K y i d - s h o d - p a . According

to one tradition,^ she had p r e v iously been g i v e n in marriage

to the ruler,' the gTsang sDe-srid b s T a n - b s r u n g dBang-po.

Following the b i rth of a daughter (also known b y her title,

A-lce D r u n g ) the couple had separated and it was a f ter this

J
that the lady married b s T a n - p a ’i Nyi-ma. H e r estrangement

from the ruler may have b e e n a factor in the hostility that

developed b e t w e e n him a n d the Z h a b s - d r u n g . though this is

never suggested in t h e literature.

The seeds of the trouble w h ich later forced the

Zhabs-drung to take refuge in Bhutan b e c a m e apparent v ery

early in his life. Padma dKar-po ’the Omniscient' (1527-92),

the greatest scholar of the ’Brug-pa school to w h o s e name

there a t t ached enormous prestige, had died two years before

the b i r t h of 1fte Z h a b s - d r u n g . This person, w h o s e scholastic

achievements have b e e n compared, with those of the great

5th Dalai Lama, likewise a powerful monk statesman, h a d b e e n

b o r n outside the ruling f a m i l y of the fBrug-pa, in a family

of the local n o b i l i t y of Kong-po. He had b e e n rec o g n i s e d

as the incarnation of the f o u n d e r of the 'Brug-pa school,

gTsang-pa rGya-ras (1161-1211), in a line of embodiments that

passed from rGyal-dbang-r.je Kun-dga* dPal - ' b y o r (1 I4.2 8 - 7 6 ) to

’J a m - dbyangs Chos-kyi Grags-pa (114-78-1523), and thence to him.

The Incarnation previous to him, Chos-kyi Grags-pa, h a d also

b e e n b o r n outside the ruling family of the TBrug-pa. There

does not, however, appear to have b een m uch t e n s ion b e t w e e n

the family a n d these ’e x t e r n a l 1 incarnations during t h eir own

lifetimes, but the f act that t h e y both s u c c e e d e d in w i n n i n g

patronage for t h e i r new monastic foundations in the Bya-yul

province north-east of Bhut a n seems to have l a t e r c o n s t i t u t e d

something of a threat to the cohesion of the school. Thus in

spite of the enormous prestige w h i c h Padma dKar-po br o u g h t to

the whole 'Brug-pa tradition, the ruling family at Ra-lung

must have often w i s h e d that besides being of their spirit,

5
he were also of their blood. It has in fact b e e n claimed^

that the 1 5th a n d 1 6 th centuries saw in Tibet a gradual erosion

of the lines of f a m i l y descent in the old religious aris t o c r a c y

b y the development of the principle of the recognised rebirth.

To discove r a new incarnation within the ruling f a m i l y wa s not

only the obvious solution to this problem b u t also a p o w erful

means of reinforcing the f a m i l y ’s claim to semi-divine sanctity

Some years after the birth of Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal,

his father entered into retreat f o r three years. In the

course of this he is said to have re c e i v e d signs w h i c h c o n ­

firmed w h a t was a l leged to have b e e n t he will a n d p r o p h e c y of

Padma dKar-po, n a m e l y that he w o u l d he reborn in the ruling

family of the ’Brug-pa. N g a g -dbang rNam-rgyal w a s recognised

as his incarnation on the strength of these signs an d

prophecies, but before long his father, b s T a n-pa'i Nyi-ma,

was invited to give recognition to another claimant, namely

the n a t u r a l son of the h e r e d i t a r y prince of ’Phyong-rgyas.

b s T a n - p a ’i Nyi-ma went to ’P h y o n g - r g y a s , subjected the candidate

to various tests w h i c h he is said to have failed, and p o l i t e l y

£
gave him his tonsure a nd his name, dPag-bsam dBang-po.

Nevertheless, until nea r the end of his life (1593-16 h 1 )

dPag-bsam dBang-po wa s hel d to be the true i n c a r n a t i o n b y his

family, b y their supporters and b y the Tibetan ruler, the

gTsang s D e - s r i d . to w h o m the dispute was subsequently put.

The letter's support was g i v e n in spite of a clear dismissal

of the 'Phyong-rgyas claim by certain other ’B r u g-pa lamas

from lHa-rtse, w h ose letter of refusal is quoted in full in

PBP (Vol. Ga, f. 19b). W h y the g T s a n g sDe-srid. should have

favoured the 'Phyong-rgyas candidate is n e v e r clear, but it

is possible that the family w e r e his traditional allies in the

gr o w i n g struggle with the dGe-lugs-pa school. It is perhaps

more likely, however, that the sDe-srid was simply making

m i s c h i e f or hoping to w i n a friend he might be able to influence.

Paradoxically, it was in this 'Phyong-rgyas fami l y that the man

w h o achieved the final triumph of t h e dGe-lugs-pa, that is to

say the 5th Dalai Lama, was b o r n later in 1617-

Z habs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal was ordained in the

m i n o r vows and installed on the throne of 'Brug at the age of

eight b y his grandfather. The installation was pro b a b l y

Intended also as a n open declaration of his claim to b e

Padma dKar-po's incarnation. Thereafter his studies b e g a n in

earnest, supervised m a i n l y b y his father on the basis of a

c urriculum layed down “by his grandfather. O ne of his

principle teachers w as the great a strological scholar

lHa-dbang Blo-gros (Suresamatibhadia' who had studied

under Padma dKar-po."^ (The Jesuits Cacella and Cabral

later met h im in the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's company when they came

to Bhutan.) The Z h a b s - d r u n g 's studies c o v e r e d every

b r a n c h of Buddhist scholarship, including logic, medicine,

art, tantra and poetry. In a d d i t i o n to these subjects, he

was trained in medi t a t i o n from an early age. At the age

of twelve he a c c o m p a n i e d hi s father on a long pil g r i m a g e

to the h o l y sites of central and southern Tibet. These

travels also took him to the south-east where his rival,

d P a g -bsam dBang-po, was al r e a d y installed on Padma d K a r - p o Ts

throne at g S a n g - s n g a g s Chos-gling, The local patron of the

monastery, the sDe-pa B y a - p a . tried to a r r a n g e a c elebration

to mark a r e conciliation b e t w e e n the rivals, but it failed;

it appears that t h e Z h a b s - d r u n g 's throne had b e e n p l a c e d at

a slightly lower level to that of dPag-bsam dBang-po, and so

he refused to participate.

A f t e r the death of his grandfather, the Zhab s - d r u n g

was b r o u g h t in 1606 a t .the age of thirteen from 'Brug to

Ra-lung and i n s t alled as his successor (r g y a l - t s h a b ) . the

18th prince-abbot of the 'Brug-pa. The Jesuit Cabral noted

in 1628 that he r a n k e d fifth in the w h o l e T i b e t a n h i e r a r c h y

without, however,
s u p p lying the names of those w h o were
g
regarded as his superiors. The ceremony of his enthr o n e m e n t

was a t t e n d e d b y a large concourse of lamas w h o r e p r e s e n t e d

the schools of t he Sa-skya-pa, Karma-pa, 'Bri-khung-pa,

sTag-lung-pa, Tshal-pa, sTod-'brug and Bar-'brug. The civil

authorities were also represented, gifts being received from

the following princes: sNe-gdong-rtse-pa, Gong-dkar-pa,

sKyid-shod-pa, Shun-pa, 'Phyong-rgyas-pa, Bya-pa, Yar-

'brog-pa, rGyal-rtse rTse-chen^-pa/7* and others.^ It is

interesting to note here th 3 presence of the 'Phyong-rgyas

e m m i s s a r y ; the dispute with that house was s t ill perhaps a

quite separate issue to that of the fbrmal s u c c ession to

the abbatial throne. N e i ther t h e gTsang s D e -srid nor the

dGe-lugs-pa w e r e represented, but various missions from

B h u t a n w e r e most s i g n i f i c a n t l y present. One of these w a s

h eaded b y T s h e - d b a n g b s T a n - ' d z i n (alias rTa-mgrin rGyal-

mtshan, 1 57h-*16h3), the g r a n d s o n of 'Brug-pa Kun-legs a n d

10
the a l l eged incarnation of Pha-.1o 'Brug-sgom zhig-po.

This p e r s o n w a s later to become the chief a l l y of the Zhabs- ’

drung in Bhutan, The i nstallation ceremony at R a - l u n g was

very likely the first occasion w h e n the Zhabs-drung came into

direct contact w i t h the Bhutanese. There were also a large

number of monks from B h utan w ho formed part of the established

community at Ra-lung. This Is certain, b e c ause many of them

later acco m p a n i e d him to Bhutan and f o r m e d the core of his

monastic gove r n m e n t there.

Muc h later he recalled that until he reached the age

of n i n e t e e n in 1 6 1 3 he w a s largely undisturbed b y secular

affairs and had devoted himself without i n t e r r u p t i o n to his

religious studies. P a r t i c u l a r l y important in v i e w of l a ter

developments was the int i m a c y that de v e l o p e d b e t w e e n him a n d

the head of the Sa~skya school, bSod-nams d B a n g - p o (1559-1621) ,

from whom he received m a n y teachings. During t h e s e years he

is also s a i d to have come into close contact with a number

of Indian yogins a n d scholars w h o came to Ra-lung, particularly

wit h one called A-mri-na-tha, Unfor t u n a t e l y no clues are

given as to w h o they were or whe re they came from. The

Z h a b s - d r u n g 's mai n t e a cher continued to be lHa-dbang Blo-gros

who no doubt d i r e c t e d his m editational training too.

A c c o r d i n g to what is v e r y likely a valid tradition, the

Zhabs-drung gain e d considerable m a s t e r y in this latter

pursuit, commanding his servants to throw w a t e r on him

should he show signs of falling asleep during either the

day or night w h i l e his retreats lasted. At the same time,

his practical skills in p a i n t i n g and sculpture c o n t i n u e d to

develop.

At the age of nineteen circumstances b e g a n to c o n ­

spire against h i m to the extent that fou r years later he

fled into v o l u n t a r y exile in Bhutan. The g T s a n g s D e -srid

h ad f a i l e d to reply to a letter requesting him to pass f a i r

j udgement in the dispute over his recognition as the i n ­

carnation of Padma dKar-po. Evil omens seen and h e a r d at

g T s a n g - p a 1 s palace of b S a m - g r u b - r t s e c a used the J o - n a n g

rJe-btsun T a r a natha to w a r n the ruler that he s h o u l d come to

terms w i t h the Z h a b s - d r u n g since the latter had c o n t r o l of

the powerful p r o t e c t i v e deities of his school. Th e g T s ang-pa

therefore a g r e e d to a me e t i n g and so the Z h a b s - d r u n g at the

age of twenty-one e v e n t u a l l y s et off for b S am-grub-rtse. On

his w a y there he met for the first time the g T s a n g m K h a n - c h e n .

his future biographer, when the latter was a g e d about five or

six. On arrival a t b S a m - g r u b - r t s e the Z h a b s -drung refused to

dismount from his horse a n d rode up the steps to the palace

to the d i s c o m f i t u r e of the ruler w h o had pr e p a r e d a respectful

w e l come for him there. Despite this it is claimed that the

ruler, Phun-tshogs rNam-rgyal (son of b s T a n - b s r u n g dBang-po),^

who was then a g e d only sixteen or seventeen, h e l d a cordial

discussion w i t h the Z h a b s - d r u n g . Nothing is said of the

outcome, and v e r y like l y no solution was found to end the

dispute. The reaction of the gTsang-pa, or those who a c t e d in

his name, to a n unfortunate incident that occ u r r e d on the

Z h a b s - d r u n g 's return journey shows that the l a tter h ad done

little to e n d e a r himself to the ruling authorities. At a

f e r r y over the gTsang-po called sTag-gru-kha a brawl arose

b e t w e e n the l a y b o d y g u a r d s (s g a r - p a ) of the Z habs-drung and

those s e r ving the d P a *-bo sPrul-sku of IHo-brag, an important

Karma-pa lama a n d ally of the g T s a n g - p a . Both pa r t i e s insisted

t h e y had the right to use the f e r r y first. During the fight,

the f e r r y carrying the IHo-brag p a rty overturned. The Zhabs-

drung ordered his m en to save t h e m f rom drowning b u t it seems

that some of them could not be rescued. A f t e r his return to

Ra-lung, a case was b r o u g h t against h i m at the court of the

ruler. It appears that his enemies at 'Phyong-rgyas use d

this o p p o r t u n i t y to advance t h e i r claims at the same time.

The outcome of the case determined that the Zhabs-drung

shou l d pay a ' m a n s l a u g h t e r - f i n e ' (m l - s t o n g ) f o r those w h o h a d

died at the ferry, and also that he should hand over all the

ancestral relics of the school w h i c h were p r e s e r v e d at Ra-lung.

This latt e r p r o v i s i o n is a clear indication that the g T s a n g - p a '

f a v o u r of the 'Phyong-rgyas candidate was now in the open. The

Z h a b s -drung refused to c o m p l y with these orders. He soon

received secret i ntelligence from a m i n i s t e r w h o w a s well

disposed to the 'Brug-pa that the ruler w a s p r e p a r i n g a force

to attack R a - l u n g a nd k i l l him. He is then s a i d to have

embarked on a course o f b l a c k magic w h i c h b r o u g h t about the

death of three of the princes hostile to him, namely those of

12
lHa-rtse, 'Phyong-rgyas and lHun-po-rtse. Evil omens

appeared all over the g T s a n g province and the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's

b i o g r a p h e r claims he w i t n e s s e d some of them himself.

Undeterred, the ruler decided that if r e c o n c i l i a t i o n wer e

impossible the zhabs-drung had now to be eli m i n a t e d once and

 fo r all. At this point the Zhabs-drung is said to have h a d

a visionary dream in w h i c h he w ent flying a f t e r a raven to

a place situated to the south. The bird was t a ken to be the

raven-headed f o r m of Mahakala, chief p rotective deity of the

B r u g —pa, and the place to the south was later recognised b y

h a b s —d r ung to be the old monastery of s P a n g —ri Z am—pa

at the top of the Thim-phu v a l l e y in w e s t e r n Bhutan. "The

R a v e n - h e a d e d Mahakala of Acti o n having thus come a n d c o n ducted

him along a path of clear light, gestures of offering this

country of the Southern L a n d to him as his h e a v e n l y field

(zhlng-khams) wer e made" (PBP. Vol. Ga, f. 1 2hb) , This was

the immediate justification f o r his rule in Bhutan, later

supported b y all sorts of prophecies a t t r i b u t e d to Padmasara-

bhava. In L C B I (f. 23a) we find the c o r r e sponding passage

has un e q u i v o c a b l y introduced the w o r d 'religious e s t a t e 1

(mchod-gzhis) f or 'heavenly field'. A f t e r this vision, he

b e gan p a c k i n g up the most famous relics of his school, chief

of which was the 'self-created* image of Karsapani (a form of

Avalokitesvara) w h i c h had been found in one of the vertebrae

of gTsang-pa rG-ya-ras, the f o u n d e r of the school, after his

cremation. Eleven years later the Zhabs-drung confided to the

Jesuits Cacella and Cabral that it was the g T sang sD e — srid's

plan to take possession of "a bone of his dead father" w h i c h

h a d caused him to flee from R a - l u n g . it was of course not

the object itself but a ll that its p ossession signified for

the ruling family of the 'Brug-pa which w a s at stake. T o day

it is regarded a s the most precious state treasure cf Bhutan.

W h e n in 1616 at the age of twenty-three the Zhabs-

nis fateful journey across the natural b a r r i e r

of the Himalayas to take refuge in Bhutan, he was following in

the footsteps of hundreds of individual figures w ho had from

the earliest times b e e n f o r c e d to make the journey south in

order to escape from political strife in Tibet. A l l these

people h a d a r r i v e d among communities w h i c h h a d themselves

long earlier b e e n established b y migrants p u s h e d south b y

upheavals in the north. The Z h a b s - d r u n g 's activities t h e r e ­

fore f o r m e d p a r t of a l o n g historical process w h i c h continues

even today; it was so f o r cibly demonstrated in 1959 w i t h the

arrival of thousands of Tibetan refugees who fled the Chinese*

M a n y circumstances, however, singled out the zhabs-drung fro m

this general movement and h e lped him b e c o m e the k e y f i gure in

all of Bhutanese history. N o t t h e least of these was the

u n c o m promising attitude he always adopted to his own p o s i t i o n

as h e a d of the 'Brug-pa school, a huge n e t w o r k of political

alliances a nd spiritual affiliations. As w e have seen, m a n y

of these links c o n nected the area of w e s t e r n B h u t a n w i t h the

h e a d m o n a s t e r y of the school at Ra-lung. The 'precentor'

(d b u - m d z a d ) of the m o n astery was a Bhutanese w ho later b e c a m e

the first 'Brug s D e -srid ('Deb Raja') of Bhutan. It w as very

likely he, b s T a n - ' d z i n *Brug-rgyas, who e n c o u r a g e d the Zhabs-

drung to flee to B h u t a n a n d it was c e r t a i n l y his family, the

'Obe-mtsho-pa, w h o first w e l c o m e d the Z h a b s - d r u n g to their

home on his a r r i v a l in the north-east of t he country.

A c c o r d i n g to L C B I (f, 23b) it w as a lama of the

'Obs-mtsho-pa, a 'district chief' (y u l - d p o n ) of mGrar-ea, w h o

sent a letter to the Z habs-drung as he a p p r o a c h e d the border,

inviting h im to take over "the South" since there was no lama

or c h ief w h o c o n t r o l l e d the w h ole area. The Z h a b s -drung

replied that the lama should himself come to r e ceive him,

w h i c h he did in the company of an a r m e d force. The Zhab s-drung

therefore a r r i v e d w i t h the full ba c k i n g of local support. He

first spent some time in the northern district of dGon

receiving t h e gifts a n d homage of the 'Brug-pa families

of that area. A m o n g them are specifically m e n t i o n e d the

"upper and lower" (g o n g - ' o g ) families of the 'Obs-mtsho-pa,

wh o seem to have b e e n c oncentrated in the pastoral region

of La-yag. This set the p a t t e r n f o r much of the rest of

the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's lifetime, long periods of w h i c h w e r e

spent on the move from p a t r o n to patron, and this also

continued after he h a d b u i l t permanent residences in the

central valleys.

F r o m the northern region he came south to the top

of t he T h i m - p h u valley where he recognised the o ld m o n a s t e r y

of sPang-ri Zam-pa (built b y his forebear, Nga g - d b a n g Chos-

rgyal) from the prophetic v i sion he had h a d at Ra-lung.

The b u i l d i n g is situated close to the village of dKar-sbe

w h ose inhabitants h a d long b e e n associated w i t h the 'Brug-pa

a n d w h o now made a display of their loyalty. In a small

s ide-valley nearby stands the even older t e mple of b D e - c h e n -

phug, the seat-of the pr i n c i p a l g u a r d i a n deities of the

'Brug-pa. It must have b e e n t h ere that the Zhabs-drung

offered his thanksgiving ceremonies for a safe arrival from

Tibet. Thereafter, w e a r e told, he g a i n e d control over the

chief p r o t e c t o r still a s s o c i a t e d with this temple, namely

the form of dGe-bsnyen k n o w n as Jag-pa Me-len ('The F i re-

Fetching Brigand'). F r o m Thim-phu he went over the 'Bras-la

Pass to the sPa-gro v a l l e y where he installed hi m s e l f in

a n o t h e r old temple of his school, 'Brug Chos-sdings, b y the

side of the an c i e n t market, the largest in w e s t e r n Bhutan.

Sometime a f t e r his arrival in sPa-gro (no dates are

given) there took place the first of three s e p a r a t e invasions

mounted b y the g T s a n g s D e - s r i d against the Z h a b s - d r u n g . The

Ti b etan authorities had taken control of the s c h o o l ’s J
monasteries at ’Brug and mGar - g r o n g and had sent a

threatening l e tter to the Zhabs-drung whose sarcastic and

contemptuous reply is q u o t e d in full. ^ Before long the

invasion a r r i v e d in sPa-gro under the co m m a n d of an officer

called L a-dgu-nas and the Zhabs-drung retired to the

’Bras-la Pass where he is said to have had a n o t h e r vision

of Mahakala offering him the country and its people as his

"ecclesiastical subjects" (l h a - ’b a n g s ) . The battles w h ich

ensued are des c r i b e d as a ma g i c a l show, the Zhabs-drung and

his troops attired in t a ntric dress and accoutrements, to

the t e r r o r of the invaders. More credible is the role p l a y e d

b y a certain Lug-mi Ser-po f r o m sPa-wang w h o took up the

Z h a b s - d r u n g ’s cause b y c o l l e c t i n g t o g e t h e r an a u x i l i a r y force

from t h e W a n g district and other places. The Tibetans

succeeded in capturing the temple of ’Brug Chos-sdings in

sPa-gro, but later on b e i n g driven out from there t h e y

"borrowed" the old fort of Hum-ral rDzong which, as w e have

seen, was the seat of the ancient seat of the ’Brug-pa f a m i l y

of the Hum-ral-pa. The Z h a b s - d r u n g , who n e v e r took to the

field h i m s e l f on these occasions, fle d f r o m 'Bras-la to the

Shar district where he put himself in W a - c a n rDzong, another

old fort of his 'Brug-pa allies, descendants of Pha-.lo

’Brug-sgom. Before long the Tibetan army was defeated a n d

the head, hands and heart of the commander La-dgu-nas wer e

brought to h im on a banner. They w e r e later p l a c e d in t he

temple ded i c a t e d to the guard i a n deities at lCags-ri as

’secret s u p p o r t s ’ (g s a n g - r t e n ) . Some of die effects of the

captured temple in s P a - g r o w e r e recovered b y monies a n d

returned to the Zhabs-drung; other objects from the temple

came into the hands of lay people and these, we a re told,

were not returned. The victory, a c c o r d i n g to the Bhutanese

records at least, was quite decisive and the rumour is said

to have spread throughout India, Tibet and H o r (an obvious

exaggeration) that “ the great a r m y of the gTsang-pa h a d not

J
b e e n able to subdue this single yogin."

P r o m his s t r o n g h o l d in the Shar district the Zhabs-

drung returned to the west and came to the rTa-mgo m o n a s t e r y

of T s h e - d b a n g bsTan-'dzin, g r a n d s o n of the m a d saint 1Brug-pa

Kun-legs, w ho had a t t e n d e d his installation at R a - lung in

1607. This p e r s o n p r e s e n t e d him with a l l his estates a n d

thereafter he seems to have b e c o m e his most e f f e c t i v e ally.

At rTa-mgo the Zhabs-drung settled down for a time in a cave

in order to p e r f o r m tantric rituals aimed at destroying his

enemy the g T s a n g sDe-srid Phun-tshogs rNam-rgyal, this time

with complete success, or so it is claimed. The ruler, his

wife and many of h i s !followers died w i t h i n a month of each

other from smallpox. A c c o r d i n g to PBP (f. 31a) the death of

1R
Phun-tshogs rNam-rgyal was kept secret for three years, but

it was k n o w n to the Zhabs-drung who offered t h a n k sgiving

ceremonies. It was at this p o i n t that he p r o m u l g a t e d the

document w h i c h came to be incorporated into his personal seal,

16
the Nga bcu- d r u g - m a ( 'The S i x t e e n I 's) :

I am he who turns the wheel of the dual system

(of spiritual and secular law).
I am everyone's good refuge.
I am he w h o upholds the teachings of the G l o rious
1 Brug-pa.
I am the s u b duer of all who d i s guise themselves as
'B r u g - p a .
I- achieve the realisation of the Sarasvati of
Composition.
I am the pure source of moral aphorisms.
I am the p o s s e s s o r of a n unlimited view.
I am he w h o refutes those wit h false views.
I a m the p o s s e s s o r of great power in debate.
Who is the rival that does not tremble before me ?
I a m the hero who destroys the host of demons.
W h o is the strong m a n that can repulse my p o w e r ?
 I am m i g h t y in speech that expounds religion.
I am w i s e in all the sciences.
I am the incarnation p r o p hecled h y the patriarchs.
I am the e x e c u t i o n e r of false incarnations.

A f t e r a f u r t h e r p e r i o d spent in meditation in the same cave,

w h i c h was partly d e s t r o y e d toy a great e a r t hquake tout w h i c h

he survived, the Zhabs-drung set off with his retinue on an

important journey to sKya-khra ( ' C h a p e h a ’) in the south at

the i n v i tation of local patrons. Chief of these was a w e a l t h y

person called Dar-phyug rGya l-mtshan who was in touch w i t h

the r u l e r of the adjoining Indian state of Cooch Bihar, Raja

Padma Narayan. The raja learnt of the Zhatos-drung1s p r e sence

in t he area a n d sent him va l u a b l e presents, to wh ich the J

Zhatos-drung r e s p onded w i t h a letter and his own gifts. A

later exchange brought a suggestion f r o m the Zhatos-drung

_ ^ „
that the raja should abjure the worship of Siva a n d take up

that of "the god Triratna" instead. Padma Narayan responded

w i t h an assurance that he had done so and with a gift of wha t

was claimed to toe a pal m - l e a f manuscript of the A s t a s a h a s r----

— i— *
ika

Pr a j n a p a r a m i t a "which is e v e n now kept in the Bal-po I H a -khang

I [of toKra-shis-chos rDzongT"1’ (B C B I, f. 28to) . No doubt it w as

burnt later in one of the many fires, and a search at ICags-ri

fo r Padma Narayan*s letter during the time of K u n - d g a f

rGyal-mtshan (1689-1713) p r o duced only a c o p y . ^ Nevertheless,

it is b e y o n d question that the exchange took place a nd it

marked the beginning of formal relations b e t w e e n Bhutan a nd

Cooch Bihar, The Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s host at sKya-khra, Dar - p h y u g

rGyal-mtshan, turns up a g a i n m u c h later in about 1673 w h e n we

18
find h im in Cooch B i har on f a v o u r a b l e terms w i t h the ruler,

(Relations with Cooch Bihar w e r e consolidated under the ht h

*Brug s D e - s r i d . tosTan-*dzin Rato-rgyas (regn. 1680-95)^ and

continued through various vicissitudes down to the first

Ang l o - B h u t a n e s e w a r of 1772 which w r e s t e d the state from

Bhutanese control.)

On returning to rTa-mgo, the Z h a b s - d r u n g came to

h ear of the death of his father, b s T a n - p a ’i Nyi-ma, in

Tibet.. He arranged to have the corpse b r o u g h t down over

the Himalayas in secret and undertook divinations to

determine a favourable site to house the ashes after c r e m a ­

tion. The omens p o i n t e d to a n a d j oining h i l l close to

rTa-mgo and so in 1620 at the age of t w e n t y - s e v e n he b e g a n

to construct the temple of ICags-ri ( ’C h e r i 1), which w as to

become his first settled residence. His patrons at sKya-khra

supplied quantities of silv e r and with Nepalese artisans

summoned f r o m the K a t h m a n d u valley of Nepal, the famous

silver stupa to contain the ashes was made. It is still

there in'the temple to this day. It was at ICags-ri that

the Z h a b s-drung first set about organising a ll the m o n k s in

his att e n d a n c e into a regular community. It b e g a n w i t h just

thirty monks a n d their officials. Their code was con t a i n e d

in a document the Z habs-drung had al r e a d y c o m p o s e d for his

old m o n a s t e r y at Ra-lung, k n own as the b C a 1-yig C h e n - m o .

The c o m m u n i t y later formed the core of the state m onasteries

of sPu-na-kha a n d Thim-phu, a n d by the time of his death it

19
n u m b e r e d more than 360 monks. The Z h a b s - d r u n g *s old teacher,

lHa-dbang Blo-gros (S u r e s a m a t i b h a d r a ) , was in v i t e d down to be

the mai n t e a c h e r of ICags-ri and it was there that he

composed some of his best k n o w n works.

In 1623 the Z h a b s - d r u n g entered a t h r e e y e a r retreat

in total seclusion in a cave above the main temple of ICags-ri,

having delegated to various monks his "secular responsibilities"

( *jig-rten phyo g s - d a n g * b r e l - b a !i * g a n - k h u r . L CB I, f. 30a).

He also app o i n t e d a representative to R a - l u n g w h i c h even at

 21
this date had n ot b e e n t a k e n over b y the T i b e t a n authorities.

He is said to have w r i t t e n himself a p o s t e r w h ich he put up

in the cave, 'saying: "Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal Stay Aware I

Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal Stay A w a r e ! " Towards the end of this,

his longest retreat, he came to a decision to f o r e g o his

desire f o r further m e d i t a t i o n and to commit h i m s e l f firmly

"to adm i n i s t e r the Teachings according to the dual system

£ p f religious and secular law/" (L C B I, f. 31a). He t h e r e ­

fore c irculated a document to all the fgods, demons and men*

(lha 'dre mi g s u m ) of the 1 Southern Land of P o u r A p p r o a c h e s 1,

enjoining them to abide to his commands and threatening them

with severe punishments if the y did not. W e m a y a s s u m e that

up to this point the Zhabs-drung had been c o n t e n t to let his

d estiny reveal itself w i t hout much active e n c o u r agement on

his part, h e r e after he took things more into his own hands,

but he always seems to have pre f e r r e d v o l u n t a r y submission

to direct coercion. There seems every reason to b e l i e v e that

his personal c h arm a n d magnetism w e r e his most effective

weapons. When, however, it came to direct confrontation, he

n e v e r vacillated. As we shall see, the decisive measures he

took in countering active opposition, coming from either

w i t h i n or outside the country, seem to have b e e n the m a i n

c o n t r ibutary cause to his ultimate success.

A f t e r the celebrations marking the end of his three

y ear retreat, the Zhabs-drung set off on an e x t e n d e d tour of

the Shar district in order to establish ties w i t h the many

families there w h o w e r e b y tradition l o y a l to the 'Brug-pa.

He visited (and p r e s u m a b l y t ook over control of) the m o n a s t e r ­

ies founded there b y his forebears and settled a long-standing

f e u d b e t w e e n two b r a n c h e s of the descendants of P h a - j o

G a r -ston (son of Pha-.jo *Brug-sgom) who had for years been

quar r e l l i n g over their land property. It was w h i l e he

was there that he heard tell of a n e ighbouring p e a k

called B y a - r a - s g a n g from w h i c h a n u ninterrupted v i e w of

the T i b e t a n b o r d e r could b e had. He seems to have t h o u g h t

it a good idea to post a sentinel there to w a r n h i m of a

Tibetan invasion, as this w o u l d give him time to flee to

India. It seems p r a c t i c a l l y c e r t a i n that it w a s during

this long tour that in 1627 he met the J e s uits Cacella and

Cabral w ho found him e n c amped in a sort of p e r i patetic

m o n a s t e r y a n d w h o a c c o m p a n i e d him b ack to his r e s i d e n c e at

ICags-ri, spending some e i g h t months in his company. The

Jesuits wer e t h e f i r s t Europeans to penetrate to Bhutan, a nd

the R e l a c a o which Cacella sent fro m ICags-ri to his superior

at Goa dated kth O c t o b e r 1627 (see pp.742-765below) is of the

g r e atest importance for a n understanding of the country, its

people and the character of the great Z h a b s - d r u n g . Here at

last is a dependable eyewitness a c c o u n t w r i t t e n in terms

that strike an immediate note of credibility. It w o u l d be

as well to pause here b r i e f l y to c o n sider Just a few of its

implications. (Its relation to the evidence c o n t ained in

the Bhutanese histories is studied s e p a rately in Part 2

below,)

The h a zards and adventures which the Jesuits f a c e d

in reaching the central valleys of Bhutan on their w a y to

Tibet show v e r y c l e a r l y that the z h a b s - d r u n g 1 s w r i t at this

time only ran in his own court a n d among his own patrons. It

was "... a country w h e r e no one takes a ny action, every one

of these m e n b e i n g an a b s o l u t e lord in his own house.** On

a more positive note, Cacella speaks elsev/here of "the

liberty w h i c h there is in this kingdom.*' A n d yet the Zhabs-

drung is described unmi s t a k a b l y as the ’'King and at the same

time the chief l a m a . 11 He had, Just a decade a f t e r his

a r r ival in the country, a t t a i n e d this position w i t h o u t any

serious opposition, as fa r as we ca n see. His rule wa s

ch a r a c t e r i s e d b y the fact that he was "... p r o u d of hie

gen t l e n e s s for w h i c h he is highly reputed," a nd this is

b r o u g h t out w e l l in C a c e l l a !s w o rds w h e n he says that

"... the p e ople have a v e r y v o l u n t a r y subjection to their

king without a ny obligation on t h e i r part to d e f e r to him or

w i t h o u t a n y o b l i gation to follow his doctrine, nor does he

have p o wer over the p e o p l e to make anyone do anything; rather

since his principal revenue is in w h a t they give him v o l u n ­

tarily he does not w i s h to have a ny of his subjects d i s c o n ­

tented and every one of them Is very f r e e to do w h a t he w a n t s

as the K i n g hi m s e l f said to us on m a n y occasions w h e n he was

talking to us e v e n about his own lamas w ho are the people

most subject to him." This account of his "great b e n e v o l e n c e

has to be remembered in considering his reaction to the

c ombination of internal strife and external in v a s i o n he was

soon to face, f o r it w as out of these struggles that Bhutan

was r e a l l y created. Only a hint o f 'the coming tr o u b l e s is

p r o v i d e d b y Cabral who explained in his letter that he ha d to

depend f o r his onward Journey on "a lama who is not quite

fr i e n d l y to the king" w h o was in touch with his enemy, the

gTsang sDe-srid (Wessels 1 9 2 k : 153). Something of the Zhabs-

drung Ts political skill, however, is evident in his own

J
dealings with the Jesuits. Despite the "dislike a n d coldness

he came to f e e l f o r Christianity, though he seems f i r s t l y to

have admired its moral teachings, he wa s anxious to keep the

Jesuits in his court b e c a u s e t h eir presence d id him g r e a t

credit in the eyes of the neighbouring rulers. He even

offered them land in sPa-gro to b u i l d a church a nd a c t u a l l y

gave t h e m a room at ICags-ri to deck out as a chapel. He

also committed some of his own monks to them for instruction.

Thus an eye for e x p e d i e n c y and a certain capacity for d i s ­

simulation is evident. Nevertheless, a strong i m p r ession is

given of his p e r s o n a l charm, his austerity, his c o m m a n d i n g

presence and his gifts as a man of letters and the arts,

qualities w h i c h h a d attracted a large n u m b e r of people from

all over Tibet a n d the Himalayas to his court at the time of

the Jesuit mission. He e v i dently felt that h is prestige

w o u l d be b a d l y damaged if the Jesuits left h i m for Tibet, and

it w as only with great difficulty that they m a n a g e d to counter

"the resolution of this man that w e should go no further."

Cacella e v e n t u a l l y m a n a g e d to leave first, f o l lowed some

months later b y Cabral.

In 1629, two years after their mission, the Zhabs-drung

started the construction at Srin-mo rDo-kha in T h i m - p h u of his

first major palace, gSang-sngags Zab-don Pho-brang. It was

strategically situa t e d to control the main route w h i c h

connected the T h i m - p h u v a l l e y with sPu-na-kha a n d the area

further east. W h i l e it wa s b e i n g built, all the forces w h i c h

constituted the amy of the so-called lfive groups of l a m a s 1

(b l a-ma k h a g n g a ) are sai d to have made their first con c e r t e d

attack, surrounding the b u i l d i n g and cutting o f f its w a t e r

supply, (it w i l l b e remembered that attempts w e r e made in

the last chapter to identify these enemy groups wit h some of

the Buddhist schools long since established in Bhutan.) The

leader on this occasion w a s the Bla-ma dPal-ldan of W a n g

Glang-ma-lung, identified above (p. 359) as the local leader

of the gNas-rnying-pa school. He w a s shot dead an d the

atta c k w a s defeated. lHa-dbang Blo-gros w as brought fro m

ICags-ri to assist in the consecration of the palace, and it

 tfcU I
J
was about this time that the Sa-skya-pa lama, m Thu-stobs

dBang-po (b. 1588), came there t o o . 22

Two years later, in 1 6 3 1 , the Z h a b s - d r u n g fs desire for

a male h e i r was r e a l i s e d with the birth o f his onl y child,

'Jam-dpal rDo-rJe. We are n o t told who his mother was, but

m ay speculate that it was a lady called Dam-chos b s T a n - ’dzin,

the d a u g h t e r of the chos-r.1 e of lCang sGang-kha and c o n s e q u e n t l y

a descendant of Pha-,1 o 'Brug-sgom's son, Nyi-ma. We know from

the b i o g r a p h y of b e T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas (f. 13a) that a f t e r the

Z habs-drung h ad a s s o c i a t e d with this lady for a long period,

he p a s s e d h e r on to his chief ally, T s h e -dbang bsTan-'dzin, and

that the couple had three children, among them b s T a n - fdzin

Rab-rgyas himself. (The same source (f. 1 h-6 b et seq.) informs

us that b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas su c c e e d e d in e f f ecting the

escape from T i b etan imprisonment of 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje's m o t h e r

(his own m o ther too, if we accept this identification.) She

had been de t a i n e d in Tibet wten 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje was o nly

eight years old and had re m a i n e d there e v e r since. A treaty

was drawn up b e t w e e n the g o v e r nments of Bhutan a n d Tibet to

regularise her e s c a p e from imprisonment, also to w i n concessions

f o r the Bo-dong s P r u l - s k u wh o had taken refuge in Bhutan.) Up

to this point the Zhabs-drung h ad never taken the vows of a

f u l l y ordai n e d monk, only those of the 'minor orders' w h i c h

p e r m i t t e d him to follow the life of a ma r r i e d lama. Pour

years before, he h ad confided to Cacella that he w o u l d receive

the tonsure of a full mon k "as soon as he has a son w ho w ill

succeed him in his Kingdom" (R e l a c a o . f. 15). True to his

intention, in the f o l l o w i n g y e a r (1 6 3 2 ) he was ordained at

ICags-ri b y his old master, lHa-dbang Blo-gros, w h o was then

aged eighty-four, he a l s o took the vows of a b o d h i s a t t v a in

front of the rang-byon Karsapani. Nothing more is sai d in the

■biographies about the son upon w h o m he h ad placed so much

hope. He was in £act an invalid and quite incompetent to

succeed, as shall become evident below,

25
In l 6 ph there occurred the second invasion b y the

gTsang s D e - s r i d , this time organised b y b s T a n - s k y o n g dBang-po,

son of the deceased Phun-tshogs rNam-rgyal, at the specific

Invitation of the five enemy groups. It took place on a much

larger scale and c o n s i s t e d of six columns a t t a c k i n g at various

points on the b o r d e r as far west as sPa-gro and as far east as

Bum-thang. This time the gTsang forces a p p e a r to have b e e n

rather more successful for they captured the palace at

S rin-mo-rdo-kha a n d demanded hostages. The Zhabs-drung is

said to have commented to his followers: u Don't put me or

Mahakala in that line ,/of hostages/7. Apart from that, you

yourselves will know w hat to do." The T i b e t a n troops w h o h a d

captured the palace are supposed to have died in an explosion

of the gun p o w d e r store, and the invasion as a w h o l e appears

to have b e e n a fiasco. At this point the b i o g r a p h e r introduces

an account of the arrival of a p a rty of P o r t u g u e s e wh o p r e s e n t e d

the Zhabs-drung with a gift of guns, canons, a nd a telescope,

and made h i m the offer of an army which, however, he declined.

(PBP, ff, 96b-97a). The passage m a y perhaps derive from a

garbled m e m o r y of the Po r t uguese Jesuits w ho had come

seven years e a r l i e r , ^

The next few years w ere a g ain spent on tou r throughout

w e s t e r n Bhutan, in the intervals of w h i c h the Zhabs-drung

continued to reside at ICags-ri and Srin-mo-rdo-kha. W h ile in •

the dGon district, the scene of his first arrival, he is

supposed to have k i l l e d b y m a gic a lama of the fBa-ra-ba

school. In 1637 he began b u i l d i n g the huge fortress of

sPu-na-kha, k n o w n as s Pung-thang bDe-chen P h o - b r a n g rDzong.

Lo c ated at the confluence of the Pho-chu a n d M o - c h u rivers,

it commanded the whole sweep of this rich v a l l e y In the

central heartland of the country. The b u i l d i n g was designed

to accommodate six hundred monks, a n d the first of these

were transferred there from ICags-ri. By the e nd of the

Z h a b s - d r u n g 1 s r e i g n the state monks w h o lived there numbered

more than 3&0, as noted above. The original target seems to

have b e e n reached about fifty years later and has remained

fairly con s t a n t e v e r since. The fortress b e c a m e the w i n t e r

capital of the country, the summer capital b e i n g built at the

h i g h e r altitude of T h i m - p h u four years l a ter in 1 6^1 w h e n the

olf fort of rDo-rngon (or rDo-snyug) rDzong was taken over

from the lHa-pa. This seasonal arrangement wa s determined b y

the p a t t e r n of transhumance w h ich still causes some of the

Wang p e o p l e of Thim-phu to migrate to the w a r m e r v a l l e y of

sFu-na-kha for the winter months. No doubt most members of

the monastic com m u n i t y at this time w e r e themselves from the

Wang.

In 1638 the Zhabs-drung built a n o t h e r fortress, that

of dBang-'dus Pho-brang, lower down the P h o - c h u M o -chu river

at the poi nt w h e r e it is joined b y the Dangs-chu. This one

b e came the p rovincial capital of the Shar district and

contained a provincial m o n a s t e r y subject to the authority

of the head c o m m unity a t sPu-na-kha. What is not clear from

the texts is the degree to which the se c u l a r responsibilities

of the emergent government were physically separated from the

life of the monastic communities in these first fortresses.

T o day in e v e r y one of them t h e r e is a c l ear dividing line

b e t w e e n the monastic area and that taken up b y the civil

officers, a n d this seems to have b e e n the rule for man y

centuries. To b e g i n with, however, all secular responsibilities

were the c o n c e r n of monastic officials; h u t for the

Increasing p r e s e n c e of lay servitors, who later "became

ad m i t t e d to these duties on talcing the vow of the 'minor

orders', the fortresses a p p e a r - t o have b e e n n o t h i n g but

huge defensive monasteries, true strongholds of the

e m b a ttled 'Brug-pa order.

In 1639 the fortresses of sPu-na-kha and dBang-'dus

Pho-brang were att a c k e d d u r i n g the third in v a s i o n l ed b y

sDe-pa s G o - l u n g - p a . again at the invitation of the five

groups of enemy lamas. On the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's side this time-*

we find a son of K i n g Sen-ge rNam-rgyal of La-dwags, who Is

referred to as rGyal-po b sTan-'dzin. (The p o s s i b i l i t y of an

informal alliance b e t w e e n the Zhabs-drung: a n d the Ladakhi

king at this tim e should not be ruled out, despite the very

considerable dis t a n c e be t w e e n the two countries. Seng-ge

rNam-rgyal a l s o had to d eal w i t h a gTsang-pa i n v asion of his

25
kingdom, a nd the two - rulers m ay perhaps have t u r n e d to each

other for support.) The sequence of events is difficult to

follow bu t again a complete v i c t o r y is claimed for the

B hutanese side, a t t r i b u t e d once more to the magical powers

of the Zhabs-drung w h o at one point in the campaign h a d gon e

to ICags-ri to perform his destructive rituals. There is

me n t i o n of a 'peace settlement* (g z h u n g - k h r i d ) , W e k n o w f rom

the H u m -ral gdung-rabs (f* 6 6 a) that one of its terms

p r o v i d e d for the h a n d i n g over of hostages to the Tibetan

authorities, a nd this certainly suggests a T i b e t a n rather

than a Bhutanese victory. A c c o r d i n g to this source, sDe-pa

d B u - m d z a d . the r i g h t - h a n d man of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . h a d to

arrange for all the important Bhutanese families to d e l i v e r

one of their sons as hostages; 'Brug b s T a n - ' d z i n of the

H um-ral-pa f a m i l y c o n s e q u e n t l y spent twelve years in c a p t ivity

in Tibet a n d w a s only r e l eased long a f t e r the gTsang-pa

rule h a d b e e n d e f eated and replaced by that of the dG-e-lugs-pa

school. Nevertheless, it is clear that the Bhutanese still

retained some b a r g a i n i n g power, and this w a s a g ain a s s i s t e d

b y the mediation of the J o - nang rJe-btsun Taranatha and the

Sa-sk,ya Bla-ma mThu-stobs dBang-po who p e r s u a d e d the gTsang

26
s~De-srid to adopt a c o n c i liatory tone. Two of the Zhabs-

d r u n g 1s letters written d u r i n g the course of n e g o t iation haVe

27
survived. The first is a detailed rest a t e m e n t of his claim

to be the true inca r n a t i o n of Padma dKar-po a nd contains a

thorough review of the dispute with d P a g - b s a m dBang-po and his

chief supporter, the Chos-r.ie lHa-rtse-ba, The second is more

d i r e c t l y concerned with the provisions for a p e r m anent settle-

i
ment. It contains a long passage exp l a i n i n g the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's

refusal to take part in a trial b y ‘ordeal n o r m a l l y reserved

for criminals: he would have h a d to extract a stone from a

cauldron of b o i l i n g oil, and his case w o u l d have b e e n w o n if

h e h a d done this w i t h o u t sustaining burns. The letter also

contains the only t r u l y contemporary reference to his

struggles w i t h the five local leaders of the various Bhutanese

schools, those a p p a r e n t l y of the lHa-pa, gNas-rnying-pa,

iCags-zam-pa and two sub-groups, it seems of the Ka-thog-pa.

M ention is made of a ' c o n tract1 (k h r a - m a ) g o v e r n i n g the

privileges and relations of the first two o f these b r a n c h -

schools which h ad bee n drawn up as long ago as the time of a

certain sDe-srid K u n - s p a n g s - p a of the Sa-skya school, who

seems to have hel d some authority in Tibet in the middle

years of the 1hth c e n t u r y at the e n d of the peri o d of Sa-skya

28
supremacy. In both letters (which wo uld certainly r e p a y

detailed study), the Zhabs-drung is quite uncompromising,

a n d this must surely reflect the secure p o s i t i o n he h a d w o n

in Bhutan b y this date. His only c oncession seems to have

b e e n his promise to f o r e g o f u r t h e r acts of black magic in

the event of a satisfactory conclusion t o the dispute.

This in fact seems to have b e e n reached shortly a f t e r the

exchange of letters. The gTsang s D e -srid is said to have

made a complete c apitulation and offered the 'Southern

R egion of F o u r Approaches' to th e Zhabs-drung as his dominion.

The dispute w i t h d P a g - b s a m d Bang-po also seems to have finally

come to an end as a result of the efforts of t he 10th Karma-pa,

Chos-dbyings rDo-rje. Unfortunately, we do not yet know the

actual terms a g r e e d upon b y the contending parties. There

must have b e e n s o m e element of r e c i p r o c i t y and it w as very

likely at this time that the Zhabs-drung agreed to p a y a rice

tax ( 'b r a s - k h r a l ) to the gTsang authorities in r e turn for the

29
r ecognitio n of his position. Moreover, we have a l r e a d y

seen that the hostages who had earlier been delivered to the

Tibetans were still retained in captivity. U n der these

arrangements, it is unlikely that the question of true in ­

dependence for the Bhutanese w o u l d have arisen, despite the

fact that the Zhabs-drung was b y now more or less the de facto

ruler of we s t e r n B h u t a n and accepted as suc h b y the Tibetan

authorities. His rival dPag-bsam dBang-po died in 16^.1 just

a year or two a f t e r the settlement and his incarnation,

M i - pham dBang-po (16^1-1717) y e v e n tually b e came e s t a b l i s h e d as

the rGyal-dbang 'Br u g - c h e n . the hea d of wha t came to be a

no r t h e r n branch of the 'Brug-pa (the B y a n g - ' b r u g ) , while that

of the Zhabs-drung c o n t inued as the southe rn b r anch (the lHo-

fb r u g ) . The t e m p o r a r y nature of the settlement w i t h the

gTsa n g authorities was more i mmediately underlined, however,

b y the decisive defeat of the latter b y the Mongols in 161^2.

This brought in the rule of the great 5th Dalai Lama, and

until 1951 the gov e r n m e n t of Tibet has always b e e n a s s o c i a t e d

with his school of the dGe-lugs-pa, U n d e r the new regime,

the struggle w i t h t h e emergent country of B h u t a n t o o k on a

new intensity.

The first dGe-lugs-pa invasion in 1 Shh w as an u n ­

qualified disaster f o r the seven hu n d r e d Mongol soldiers w ho

50
took part in it, a c c o rding to the 5th Dalai Lama's biography.

The campaign m a y have oc c u r r e d as a reacti on to Bhutanese

support given to the unsuccessful revolt of the sGar-pa, a

family that led the opposition of the o l d e r schools against

the joint forces of the Mongols a n d the dGe-lugs-pa.**^ The

army attacked Bhutan from the region of lilo-brag where it h ad

b ee n cont e n d i n g w i t h the sGar-pa. At least one detachment

came down to Bum-thang, an area w h i c h only cam e into the hands

of the 'Brug-pa a decade later. There t o o they were defeated,

a nd in th e west of the country (where the unidentified K a - wang

rDzong was b r i e f l y taken) the Tibetan officers Nang-so dNgos-

grub, 'Brong-rtse-nas and 'Dus-'byung-nas were all ca p t u r e d

and imprisoned. Most of the common soldiers were p e r m i t t e d to

return to Tibet. Shakabpa (1967:112) claims that the

Bhutanese vi c t o r y "... shattered the m yth of an invincible

Mongol a r m y and, in the future, Mongols were unwilling to

fight in t he h u mid southern regions." Unwilling or not, the y

c ertainly did a t t a c k again, as.we shall see.

Two years later, in 16U6, the Sa-skya and Pan-chen

lamas a p p e a r to have m e d i a t e d a peace settlement w h i c h

pro v i d e d f o r the return of the Tibetan officers c a p t u r e d

during the invasion, and the restoration of the rice tribute

that had f o r m e r l y b e e n paid to the gTsang-pa a u t h o r i t i e s .-52

A c c o r d i n g to t he b i o g r a p h y of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas (f. 31a-b,

repeated in a rather g a r b l e d form in LGB I, f. 1+1 a-b), the

Tibetan commanders had to mak e a p u blic d i splay of submission

to the Z h a b s - d r u n g . e n t h roned in ful l state at eP'u-na-kha.

T h e y were compelled to deliver to him in person their

captured w e a p o n s and armour which wer e p l a c e d in the temple

dedicated to the g u a rdian deities at sPu-na-kha. On their

return to Tibet, a lampoon went the rounds, p u n n i n g on the

names of one of the disgraced commanders and of the officer

who h a d b e e n sent to the b o r d e r to enquire into the defeat,

sDe-pa Nor-bu:

The lama resides in t h e South.

Offerings have b e e n made to the South.
The' *Brug-pa have ga t h e r e d the b o u n t i e s
(dNgos-grub).
The 3ewel (Nor-bu) had to take heed.-5-*

In the period between the first and s e cond dGe-lugs-

pa invasions the Zha b s - d r u n g occupied h i m s e l f w i t h the

consolidation of his power in western Bhutan, w h i c h in I 6 i4.l1.

h a d b e e n m a i n l y b a s e d in t he two valleys of T h i m - p h u an d

sPu-na-kha (the latter extending southwards into the Shar

district). In l6Ji5 he w e n t to sPa-gro again, this time in

the company of the important rNying-ma-pa teacher, R i g - 1dzin

sNying-po (descendant of Sangs-rgyas Gling-pa, 1 3 I4.O-9 6 ) w ho

h ad come to B h u t a n from his home in Kong-po. The w h o l e v a l l e y

came into his hands when he received the offer of the old

Hum-ral rDzong from the head of the Hum-ral-pa family, 'Brug

• *

bSam-gtan. In return, the Zhabs-drung p r o m i s e d the family a

reduction in their obligations to provide h o s tages (b u - g t e ) .

p a y taxes (k h r a l ) , and take part in government corvee ( 1 ul) .

He also gave out orders t o the o t h e r r d z o n g s in the valleys

to the east to the effect that if members of the f a m i l y ever

went there, t h e y w e r e to be accorded special p r i v ileges

(b d a g - r k y e n m t h o n g - s r o l ) In fact the family seems to have

gone into quick decline but a generation later they m a n a g e d

to have these rights re n e w e d b y the sPa-gro d P o n - s l o b . ^

T h eir old fort, under the new name of Rin-spungs rDzong,

has, ever since 16^5, b e e n the pro v i n c i a l capital of sPa-gro.

The m a n y districts to the south and w e s t which w e r e subject

to it were ruled b y the d P o n - s l o b . The f a m i l y of the gZar-

chen C h o s - r j e . like that of the Hum-ral-pa, also received

36
concessions from the Zhabs-drung. It was the obvious w a y

to w i n the political support of the old religious nobility,

or rather those sections of it w h i c h were not a c t i v e l y hostile

The visit to s P a -gro also saw the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s a p p r o p r i a t i o n

of the v a l l e y ' s most sacred shrine at sTag-tshang, hi t h e r t o

in the hands of the Ka-thog-pa.

This p e r i o d also w i t n e s s e d the take o v e r of the

important district contiguous to the Tibetan border, due

north of the w e s t e r n valleys. The soldiers f o r this b r ief

campaign w e r e c o n s c r i p t e d f r o m the W a n g p e o p l e of sPu-na-kha

and Thim-phu, the first w h o h a d f a llen to the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's

rule. T h e y w e r e d i v i d e d into grou p s a c c o r d i n g to their

villages, k n o w n c o l l e c t i v e l y as the 'Eight Great Hosts of

37
the Wang'. They came to form s o m ething of an elite group

in the country, h a ving the status of 'chief patrons' (sbyin-

•2 O
bdag-gi g t s o - b o ) . a n d it was their militia force w h i c h

formed the core of the army that later took o v e r the whole

territory of eastern Bhutan in the middle years of the 1 6 3 0 's.

Their first exploit on this occas i o n w a s the d e f ence of the

mGar-sa district, w h e r e the fo r t r e s s of b K r a - s h i s m T h o n g - s m o n

rDzong was built. In Gling-bzhi, another s m a l l e r fort

(g.Yul-rgyal rDzong) w h i c h lacked a monastic c o m m u n i t y was

built at a strategic point on the border. It is today the

only one of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's fortresses to have gone to ruin.

These years also s a w the deployment of the W a n g m i l i t i a s o u t h ­

wards towards the Da r - d k a r - n a n g area w h i c h a d j oins the Indian

border. The fortress there, seat of the Par-dicar d P o n - s l o b ,

was built rather later w h e n the gNyer-pa TBrug rNam-rgyal

w ent with a second force in a b out 1650. Thus apart from

this one a n d those built later in the east of the country,

all the fortresses constructed b y the Z h a b s-drung during his

lifetime were com p l e t e d b y 1 6 U 9 , the date of the second

Mongol-Tibetan i n v a s i o n . ^

This time the e n e m y forces c oncentrated on the area

of w e s t e r n B h u t a n where the zhabs-drung was b e s t e q u ipped to

c o u nter them. Even t h o u g h it was planned on a l a r g e r scale

than the previous one, the invasion w a s a g a i n a fiasco for

the Tibetans and Mongolians, despite t e m p o r a r y successes.

The army of the dBus province of Tibet f o r c e d its w a y as far

south as sPu-na-kha, and that of the gTsang province captured

Srin-mo-rdo-kha in Thim-phu. An o t h e r detachment, perhaps the

Mongols, s u r r o u n d e d the rdzong in sPa-gro. The Bhutanese

retaliation w a s a complete success, partly due, it seems, to

the inef f i c i e n c y of the T i b e t a n commander in sPa-gro, sDe-pa

Nor-bu; he appears to have b e e n the nephew of the Tibetan

'regent' b S o d - n a m s Chos-'phel a nd the same Nor-bu, it seems

M
w h o had b e e n sent to investigate the previous defeat. On

fleeing f r o m sPa-gro he and his troops h ad to abandon all

their tents and we a p o n s w h i c h w e r e taken w i t h great glee b y

the Bhutanese, N o r - b u himself had to s u ffer the embarrassment

of a common tent in place of t h e great central camp be had

p r e v i o u s l y pitched at Phag-ri w hen beg i n n i n g the campaign.

A f t e r this defeat, the invading troops wh o w e r e installed in

T h i m - p h u and sPu-na-kha also beat a retreat, and their

commanders too had to suffer great shame on t h e i r r e turn to ^

1x2
Tibet. W h e n the Zhabs-drung was asked if there w o u l d be

a ny further invasions, he replied with w h a t wa s thought to be

a prophetic joke; "If they are imprudent they w i l l come

again, hut they w i l l not he able to do us a n y harm. If

they should come once more, a l t hough we now hav e sufficient

weapons, we still require tea', clothing and s i l k . " ^

It was at this point that the Z h a b s -drung int r o d u c e d

at sPu-na-kha the extended ritual dedicated to the multiple

forms of Mahakala w h i c h came to for m the basis f o r the

official New Y e a r Festival in Bhutan. By a p p r o p r i a t i n g some

of the features of the ancient A g r i c u l t u r a l New Year, the

festival took on a strong local aspect, one which was designed

to celebrate the v i c t o r i o u s a s c e n d a n c y of-the 'Brug-pa.^

With e v i d e n t feelings of remorse, the Z h a b s -drung

als o b e g a n at this time the c o n s t r u c t i o n of a large stupa at

sPu-na-kha f o r the sake of all those who had d i e d on both

sides d u r i n g the fighting. It is said to have o c c u p i e d him

to such an extent that he delegated to his c h a m b e r l a i n and

his p r e c e n t o r the responsibility f o r s u p e r vising all matters

external a n d internal to his court. As long ago as 1627

Cacella had commented on the official who w a s "the w h ole

g o v e rnment of the King". There is no difficulty in

recognising him as the p r e c e n t o r b s T a n - 1dzin 'Brug-rgyas w h o

now, two years b e fore the date commonly accepted f o r the death

of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . took over the fullest res p o n s i b i l i t y for

external matters. The chamberlain, Drung Dam-chos rGyal-

mtshan, had control of the internal affairs of the court.

H a v i n g divested h i m s e l f of secular duties, the

Zhabs-drung seems to have spent his last years regulating the

life of the state communities he had f o u n d e d in his principal

fortresses. In T h i m - p h u a nd sPu-na-kha he i n t r oduced the

whole c u r r i c u l u m of monastic rituals w h i c h have con t i n u e d to

be performed w i t h regularity ever since. The f o r m a l

 418

constitution of these monasteries does not seem to h ave

suffered at all d u r i n g the recurrent sieges. Xn fact the

dGe-lugs-pa o p p o sition to some of the older s c h o o l s in

Tibet h ad the paradoxical effect of encouraging some of

their best qualified teachers to take refuge in Bhutan

w h ere a few of them took posts in the state monasteries of

the Z h a b s - d r u n g . His biographer, the gTsang m K h a n - c h e n ,

arrived soon a f t e r the d&e-lugs-pa triumph of 16^2 w hen his

m o n a s t e r y was b e i n g b e s i e g e d b y Mongol t r o o p s . ^ The Z h abs-

drung received him at sPu-na-kha with great delight a n d tried

to persuade him to take charge of a new college fo r p h i l o s ­

ophical logic a t t ached to the main community. The study of

logic was to be b a s e d on the teachings of Padma dKar-po, but

the abbot de c l i n e d and instead pursued a private life of

teaching a nd meditati on w h i c h brought h im into contact with

m an y Bhutanese disciples who had important roles to p l a y in

the future. In place of the abbot, the Z h a b s-drung m a n a g e d

to obtain the services of a certain K h u - k h u Slob-dpon from

gSer-mdog-can in Tibet to organise the college o f logic. He

was later a s s i s t e d b y a dGe-bshes Kun-dga* N o r - b z a n g from

’Bras-yul sKyed-tshal. Thus the mtshan-nyid grwa - t s h a n g

('college of l o g i c 1) w h i c h continues today to form part of

the principal state m o n a s t e r y of Bhutan h a d its origins

during the t u m u ltuous period of the s t a t e ’s founding. The

author of LC B I insists that the chief and most abiding

concern of the Zhabs-drung throughout the thirty-five years

which he spent in Bhutan was to "uphold, g u ard and diffuse

the com m u n i t y of the s a n g h a , w h i c h is the root of the T e a c h ­

ings."^ His o t h e r achievements in building fortresses,

defeating the invaders, orga n i s i n g the internal ad m i n i s t r a t i o n

and so on, a r e presented as quite subordinate to this principal

aim, as means to its realisation, not ends in themselves.

The final result, however, was t hat "... b y introducing laws

w h ere there h a d t e e n no So u t h e r n laws and h y fixing handles

on pots w h e r e there h ad "been no handles, he c o m m i t t e d m a n y

actions which- e s t a blished beings on the g o o d p a t h to

beneficial h a p p i n e s s * T h e reference to p o t - handles is

of course a figurative e x p r e s s i o n alluding to the m a t e r i a l

J
benefits of civilization.

The recognition of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s state b y his

c ontemporaries at home and abroad is af f i r m e d in the b i o g r a p h ­

ical literature b y virtue of the goodwill m i s sions a nd

ft r i b u t e T embassies he received towards the e n d of his life.

The details are vague, b ut two more embassies sent b y Raja

Padma n a r a y a n are mentioned, also others from Nepal, we s t e r n

and eastern Tibet, a nd from the Sa-skya-pa and other important

lamas of central Tibet. None w ere ever received from the

p o wer that really mattered, the dGe-lugs-pa g o v e r n m e n t of the

5th Dalai L ama and his Mongol overlords; the struggle b e t w e e n

the T i b etan authorities and the new state of B h u t a n w a s to

continue for a long time, within the country, however, t he

Zhabs-drung was f u l l y a c c e p t e d as ruler w h e r e v e r he h a d b u ilt

his giant fortresses, and there are some i n d i c ations that his

p o w e r was a l r e a d y b e g i n n i n g to extend towards the eastern

region w h ere he h ad not a t t e m p t e d to impose direct control.

In the m a i n b i o g r a p h y (PBP, f. 113b) there is a list of the

tribute missions received in the course of a single year a n d

they seem to hav e b e come a regular institution: the missions

f r o m ea s t e r n Bhutan (Kha-ling, Me-rag Sag-stengs, gDung-bsam,

and the Indian b o r d e r l a n d as far as rTsa-mchog-grong, i.e.

Hajo) a r r i v e d in the first m o n t h of the lunar calendar; those

from sPa-gro, G o o c h Bihar and Phag-ri came in the eighth

month; those from central Bhutan (A-sdang, Rus-kha, rTse-rag-

dum-bu, Dar-dkar, an d the a d j oining Indian lands of Bye-ma

an d of the C h u - b a r Ra-dza) came in the tenth month; so

also d i d those from the pastoral regions ( 'brog-yul) of

the north (G-ling-bzhi, Phi-yags-la, L u n g - n a g and dG-on).

Several of these regions fell outside the natural b o u n d a r i e s

of Bhutan and l a t e r b e c a m e a bone of con t e n t i o n b e t ween the

governments of B h u t a n and those of Tibet and India. All

those areas sit u a t e d w i t h i n the natural f r o n t i e r s wer e tied

to the central g o v e r n m e n t Bomewhat loosely through the

regional capitals located in the district fortresses.

These enjoyed a v a r y i n g degree of a u t o n o m y depending on t h e

strength of t h e i r governors and the w e a k n e s s of the central

government. T h e tribute missions from the districts c o n tinued

in altered form; w h e r e a s at the b e g i n n i n g they seem to have

b e e n the spontaneous e x p r e s s i o n of loyalty on the part of

individual communities w ho sent off their chosen r e p r e s e n t a ­

tives to the capital acc o r d i n g to seasonal convenience, l a ter

the y b e c a m e formalised into an annual obligation: the

regional g o v e r n o r w o u l d have to b e a r the tribute of his

area to the c a p ital on the occasion of the New Y ear festival

at sPu-na-kha. The 'tribute' was composed of the tax

revenue of his district, levied e i t h e r in cas h or in kind.

Thus man y of the instituti oris of the new state ha d their

informal origins during the time of the founder himself, but

be came regulated in per p e t u i t y somewhat later.

It is as a n a t i o n - b u i l d e r that the great Zhabs-drung

will be longest r e m e m b e r e d but he and his co n t e m p o r a r i e s

w e r e p r o b a b l y unaware of the l o n g -term impli c a t i o n s of his

achievements. T h e y w i t n e s s e d the creation of a strongly-

defended ecclesiastical e s t a t e w h i c h drew its e n e r g y and

v i g o u r as much from the measures taken to protect it from

internal opposition a n d external attack as from the u n d o u b t e d

fact that the natural zeal of the Bhutanese for independence

was r e l e a s e d and c o - o r d i n a t e d d u r i n g this period. It is

not at all clear how much of the responsibility f or the

suppression o f the old schools which had h i t h e r t o w i e l d e d

secular a u t h o r i t y in w e s t e r n Bhutan can b e a t t r ibuted to t h e

Zhabs-drung. T h e i r opposition must have b e e n of a p e c uliar

intensity for him to have abandoned that tolerant position

w h i c h Cacella h ad noted with such emphasis in 1627, some years

before the m a i n valleys fell to the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's rule.

Although some of t he old loyalties must have survived f or a

g e n e ration or two in ci r c u m s t a n c e s of great difficulty, the

concerted p o w e r of the enemy lamas and their schools was

definitely b r o k e n during the lifetime of the Z h a b s - d r u n g .

Their m i l i t a r y defeat shams to have occurred at the same time

as that of the supporting invasions sent d o w n b y the gTsa n g

sDe-srid in 1 6 3 2 a n d 1 6 3 9 , that is b e fore the arrival of the

dGe-lugs-pa and Mongol invasions of 1 6!j4 a n d 16U9. W h e n these

latt e r arrived, we m a y a s sume that the absence of local

support was therefore one factor in their defeat. Another

was c e r t a i n l y the u n f a m i l i a r nature of the c o u n t r y and its

climate. Some qualities must also be a t t r i butable to the

Bhutanese commanders, but nothing is known of how the

Zhabs-drung as s u m e d the role of commander-in-chief or indeed

if he did so at all. In view of his clear p reference f o r

delegation, it does appear likely that on these occasions

he h a n d e d over the actual command to one of his officers,

p r o b a b l y the precentor. Nevertheless, all the Bhutanese

sources Insist that the defeat of the six T i b e t a n i n v a s i o n s ^

w h i c h took place during his lifetime w e r e m a d e possible b y

him alone, more p a r t i c u l a r l y b y his magical control of the

guardian deities of the 'Brug-pa. That the Zhabs-drung

did indulge in rites of b l a c k magic is b e y o n g question for

it has b e e n see n that they w e r e specifically alluded to in

the peace n egotiations w i t h the g T sang s D e - s r i d . It is

difficult f o r the his t o r i a n to assess their significance,

b e y o n d pointing out that they w o uld at the least have formed

a v i t a l psychological f a c t o r on b oth s i d e s . _ F o r the Bhutanese

the memory of them has cast the z habs-drung in the role of a

militant saint of heroic stature, their first king and

unifier. It will come as a surprise to some that B u d d h i s m

should c ountenance such a thing as a 'militant saint', a

c o ntradiction in terms if we accept the f undamental tenets

of that f a i t h to be w h a t we a re constantly told they are.

The full e x p l anation of this conundrum w o u l d take one into the

h i story and nature of tantric developments in Tibet, but

suffice It to say here that the issue is not openly a c c e p t e d

as a conundrum in the traditional society. F o r this reasonj

there exist two iconographic forms depicting the figure of

the Z h a b s - d r u n g : the first and best k n o w n shows him in the

full regalia of a 'Brug-pa monk, in the e a r t h - t o u c h i n g posture

of the Buddha, complete with the long b e ard of which he was so

p r o u d a nd which Cacella tells us he u s u ally kept w r a p p e d up

50
except on important occasions; the second, rarer, form shows

him in the wrathful 'Black H a t ’ apparel of lHa-lung dPal-gyi

rDo-rje, the 9th c e n t u r y as s a s s i n of the anti-Buddhist king

G-lang Dar-ma. In a sense, both figures seem to have truly

co-existed in the one h i s t o r i c a l person, but the tensions

they set up b e t w e e n them h ave become t o t a l l y b l u r r e d in the

surviving literature where a very low p r e m i u m has b e e n p l a c e d

on anything as ephemeral as human personality. The tensions

undoubtedly did exist, not just in the mind and character of

the Zhabs-drung b ut also in the life of the state he created.

Some of these will become apparent in the remaining sections

to this chapter.

On the 10th day of the 3 rd month of iCags-mo-yos

(1651) the Zhabs-drung entered upon his final r e t reat in his

apartments at sPu-na-kha rDzong. He was a g e d fifty-eight b y

T i b e t a n reckoning. A c c o r d i n g to his biographer, he had chosen

to enter this period of m editation for the sake of the d o c trine

in general, a n d in p a r t i c u l a r to counter t he threat of f u r t h e r

invasions."^ Ac c o r d i n g to L C B I (f, h 9 b ) , the retreat wa s

occasioned b y a v i s i o n he h a d received of Ma h a k a l a a nd

Padmasambhava. That is the last we hear of him in the standard

biography, but in L C B X (f. 50a) there is m e n tion of a d e t ailed

will in w h i c h all the ’external* responsibilities of the state

were once again entrusted to the precentor b s T a n - ' d z i n 'Brug-

rgyas, who t h e r e a f t e r ruled f or five years as the 1 st TBrug

sDe-srid (the 'Deb Raja' of the British). A l l matters p e r t a i n ­

ing to the Zhab s - d r u n g whilst in retreat were in t he hands of

his cham b e r l a i n D r ung Dam-chos rGyal-mtshan who, like the

precentor, h a d bee n a s s o c i a t e d with the Zhabs-drung f rom long

before he c ame south to Bhutan. Like his master, he too w as

a Tibetan. ^ 2 The same source (L CB I, f. 50a-b) provi d e s a list

of the important officers a p p o i n t e d b y the Zhabs-drung. It

is not clear if their names were m e n t i o n e d in the w i l l or if

they had a l r eady b e e n commissioned b y the time the retreat

started. They included the three rdzong-dpon of sPu-na-kha,

dBang-'dus P h o - b r a n g and Thim-phu; the three dpon-slob (or

s p y i - b l a ) of Krong-sar, Da r - d k a r and sPa-gro; the gZhung

mGron-gnyer, whose functions •are never clear, but who clearly

h eld important ministerial duties, perhaps a kin to those of

the Tibetan m G r o n - g n y e r C h e n - p o ; and the Head Abbot of the

state monasteries, the rJe mKhan-po P a d - d k a r 'Byung-gnas.

The last we h e a r of the Zhabs-drung in this source (f. 51b)

concerns the next invasion of the country b y Tibet in 1657,

some five years after he had entered 'into retreat a n d

w h e n it w a s still continuing. The p a s sage is not found in

the standard b i o g r a p h y a n d is partly b a s e d on the b i o g r a p h y

of b s T a n - Tdzin Rab-rgyas (f. 6 h b ) . N e i t h e r the standard

b i o g r a p h y n o r a ny of the synoptic versions b a s e d upon it

contain a ny i n f o r mation on the d e a t h of the Z h a b s - d r u n g.

This looks h i g h l y suspicious in the life of a Buddhist teacher,

where one w o u l d normally expect to find a l ong section d e v o t e d

to the d e a t h and funeral of the subject. The solution to

this p r o b l e m provides the k e y to the later h i s t o r y of Bhut a n

insofar as it centres a r o u n d the questions of succession a nd

stability.

2. The secret of the 1retreat1

The d e ath of Zhabs-drung Ngag - d b a n g rNam-rgyal was

a p p a r e n t l y kept a state secret for more than h a l f a century.

The p r e s e n t purpose is to explore this e x t r a o r d i n a r y question

b y close reference to the surviving literature a n d b y d r a w i n g

at t ention to some of the m any parallels w h i c h c a n be found

during the same p e r i o d in B h u t a n a n d Tibet, The aim in

S e ction 3 b e l o w is to study b r i e f l y the reasons f or the secjbet

and its implications with regard to the p r o b l e m of suc c e s s i o n

a nd the nature of rule during the half century f o l l o w i n g the

Z h a b s - d r u n g 1 s demise. It wil l soon become c l ear that the

whole issue is v e r y c o m plex a n d that only a p r e l i m i n a r y

a p p r aisal is of f e r e d here.

The r e a s o n w h y the m a i n b i o g r a p h y ends w i t h the Zhabs-

drung entering into retreat is quite simple: the retreat was

supposed to be still continuing w h e n it was w r i t t e n some time

"between 167b a nd l 6 8 b . ”^ The authors w h o use d it to produce

their synoptic versions wrote their accounts a f t e r the secret

h ad been revealed b ut pre s e r v e d silence on the subject partly,

it seems, f o r fear of departing from what h ad b e c o m e the

ac c e p t e d model, 'Elsewhere in t h e i r w r i t ings they briefly,

allude to the w h ole matter. Thus Shakya R i n - c h e n (9th Hea d

Abbot, regn. 17UU-55) w r o t e in his bio g r a p h y (1757) of the

first incarnation of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . Phy o g s - l a s rNam-rgyal

(1708-36): "By force of certain needs, a f t e r he / t h e Zhabs-

d r ung/ h ad d e monstrated the m a n n e r of p a s s i n g b e y o n d sorrow,

it was sealed up as if he w ere in retreat a n d kept extremely

5h
secret." ^ But this comes m o r e than a century a f t e r the

a l l eged death and so the value of its t e s t i m o n y could b e in

doubt. We shall come back to Shakya R i n - c h e n later: in his

b i o g r a p h y of the 7t h H ead A b b o t Ngag-dbang !Phr i n - l a s (regn.

1 7 3 O- 3 8 ) w h ere he alludes to the Tr e t r e a t 1 a g ain and to the

first unsuc c e s s f u l attempt to secure an i ncarnation during

the reign of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas as h th TBrug sPe-srid

(1656 - 67 ) w h i l e the secret w as still being maintained.

b s T a n - ‘dzin Chos-rgyal, the a u t h o r of the o t h e r synoptic

account of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1 s life, introduced the idea of the

secret elsewhere in his work (L C B I, ff. 62b, 66b-67a) at

almost exactly the same time as Shakya R i n - c h e n (whom he

succeeded as H e a d Abbot), that is to say in the years 1757-^

55
59. He does not discuss the actual death o f the Zhabs-drung

but he tells us wh o the p e r s o n w as who let out the secret of

his ‘r e t r e a t 1: Kun-dga* r G y a l - m t s h a n (1689-1713), the first

of a line o f five incarnations of the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s son

‘Ja m - d p a l rDo-rJe (1 6 3 1 -?1681). We are told that: "Although

the secret of the Z habs-drung M a - c h e n 1s retreat h a d not b een

disclosed and there was great benefit in it / T h e corpse/

 m

remaining just as it was, this lord /Kun-dga* rGyal-mtshan/r

let out t h e secret. It is even s a i d that the guardian deities

were d i s p leased because of this, and o b s t acles to his life

therefore a r o s e . ” In a l a ter passage (L C B I, ff. 66b-67a)

the a u t h o r explains w h a t h a p p e n e d w h e n the corpse was

disturbed: the consciousness of the dead Zhabs-drung arose

from s a m a d h i . three rays issued f r o m his body, speech a n d

mind, a n d these departed for different p l a c e s in Sikkim,

Bhutan and Tibet where the first incarnations of the Zhabs-

drung wer e later born. Leaving aside for the moment the

cause a n d rationale f o r this ’theological* e x p l a nation w h i c h

b e c a m e the a c c e p t e d o r t h odoxy (see Section 3 below) it is

fortunate that the b r i e f reference to the s e c r e t ’s disclosure

in L C B I leads us to a n o t h e r source w h e r e w e f i n d the p e r s o n

w h o is said to have been responsible for its disclosure, i.e.

K u n - d g a ’ rGyal-mtshan, actually telling us how it happened.

We cannot date the event with exact precision, b ut from

internal evidence it clearly happened d u ring the middle

of the reign of the 7th ’Brug s D e - s r i d . dBon d P a l - ’b y o r

(1704-7). It comes in the b i o g r a p h y of the 4 t h H e a d Abbot,

Dam-chos P a d - d k a r (regn. 1697-1707) w h ich K u n - d g a ’ rGyal-

m t s h a n began s h o r t l y b e f o r e the death of the abbot, his chief

57
teacher. The setting is sPu-na-kha rDzong w h e r e he and the

abbot have come to spend the winter together with the state

monks: “There, fro m the force, of certain circumstances it

became n e c e s s a r y to disclose the secret c o n c erning the retreat

of the Glorious % a g ~ g i dBang-po /the Z h a b s - d r u n g 7 . a n d so on

that day the Precious Lor d /D a m -chos Pad-dkar, the abbot/

58
also came to see the corpse." The old abbot w a s g r e a t l y ^

affected b y the experience, it is said, and m a d e offerings

a n d supplications to the corpse. Here, then, is a direct

eye-witness account of the event, recorded just a few

years a f t e r it took place. F i f t y years or so later, as

we have s e e n in the account of b s T a n - * d z i n Chos-rgyal, the

tragic death of Kun-dga* r G y a l -mtshan in 1713 w a s a t t r i b u t e d

to his disclosure of the secret. More important, however,

is the fact that it was only a f t e r the p r e t e n d e d retreat

had been brought to an end that the first official i n c a r n a ­

tion of the z habs-drung w a s recognised: P h y o g s - l a e rNam-

rgyal, b o r n in 1 7 0 S just three years or so a f t e r the Becret

was out. But w h y h a d it b e e n kept for more than hal f a

century, how h a d it b e e n kept and b y w h o m ?

The reason f o r prol o n g i n g a r t i f i c i a l l y the p o w e r of

a d e a d ruler is a b u n d a n t l y clear. No m a t t e r h o w masterful

and ene r g e t i c a c h a racter he might be, a r u ler is always

de p e n d e n t on his officers. Much of the d a i l y b u s i n e s s of

government lies in t h e i r hands, but the l e g i t i m a c y and

st r e n g t h of t h eir a u t h o r i t y depend e n t irely on that of the

ruler. In the e v ent of h i s death, unless the s uccession is

secure and favours the c o n tinued a u t h o r i t y of his officers,

t h e i r p o s i t i o n is in real danger. There is q.uite enough

evidence to show that in Tibet there e x i s t e d a k n o w n device

for concealing the death of a ruler or important lama in such

circumstances of latent or impending conflict. The Zhabs-

drung h i m s e l f claimed in a letter to the Tibetan ruler J

(given in PBP, f. 101a) that Padma dKar-po*s death in 1592

had b e e n c o n c e a l e d f r o m the authorities of the *Brug-pa

school at Ra-lung; this h a d al l o w e d C h o s - r j e lHa-rtse-ba

time to f i n d his own c a n d idate for the incarnation, A

t r a d ition that the g T s a n g s D e - s r i d *s death w a s kept secret

f or three years has a l r eady b e e n noted above. A l t h o u g h not

yet p r o p e r l y verified, it is accepted b y Shakabpa (1 9 7 7 :4 0 5 ).

A similar tradition concerning t h e death of K i n g Phya g - r d o r

rNam-rgyal of Sikkim (d. 1716) is found in a n official

Sikkimese h i s t o r y (now in the India Office Library, M/2/199)*

The b est known and most carefully documented example,

however, is provided b y the case of the 5th Dalai Lama.

His death w a s c o n c ealed by his regent, the sDe-srid Sangs-

rgyas rGya-mtsho (1653-1705), for a period of fifteen years

from 1 6 8 2 to 1 6 9 7 * At the end of this period, during w h i c h

the Dalai Lama is said to have b een in retreat, the regent

o fficially informed the K*ang-hsi emperor of the secret and

of the fact that the 6 th Dalai Lama, Tshangs-dbyangs rGya-

mtsho (the *descendant* of o ur Padma G l i n g ~ p a ) , had long

60
since b e e n recognised. The period of concealment coincided

with the v ery much longer one of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . and so w e

are faced w i t h the odd situation that during these years the

Tibetan a n d Bhutanese states w e r e both ruled b y corpses, in

a mann e r of speaking.

Some of the Bhutanese parallels indicate that the

solution could be adopted not only as a temporising measure

pending the recognition of a new incarnation, b u t also for

the more immediate aim of forestalling the^problems attendant

on the d e a t h of an important lama, one who w o u l d not be

expected to incarnate. T he problems here v e r y likely centred

around the funeral arrangements, the division of his p r o p e r t y

a nd such like. This seems to have been the case w i t h the

Z h a b s - d r u n g *s chamberlain, Drung Dam-chos rGyal-mtshan, w h o

died in forced retirement (or perhaps semi-imprisonment) at

dBang-*dus Pho-brang. All w e a r e told is that his death w a s

61
concealed for three months. (We have to come b a c k to this

later.) The same is true of Dam-chos Pad-dkar, the old abbot

who w i t n essed the disclosure of the Zhabs-drung *s secret, ^ls

n o t e d above. His o wn d e a t h at lCags-ri in 1708 w a s c o n c e a l e d

fo r six months. This is c o n f i r m e d in two independent sources,

b o t h of t h e m a t t r i b u t i n g the need to v a g u e !ftemporal c i r cum-

62
stances” . In all these cases there is a u n i f o r m c o n s p i r a c y

of silence on the exact cause.

The rem a i n i n g six cases, not c o u n t i n g that of the

Z h a b s - d r u n g himself, concern Bhutanese dignitaries w h o s e

deaths occurred in the p e r i o d c. 1 6 8 1 to 1 7 3 8 an d w h o s e i n c a r n ­

ations w e r e s u b s e q u e n t l y recognised. The y are: 1) *Jam-dpal

rDo-rje, son of the Z h a b s - d r u n g , d, ? , 1 6 8 1 ; ^ 2) b s T a n - Tdzin

Rab-rgyas, h t h *13rug s D e - s r i d . d. 1696 (it seems his death w a s

w r o n g l y b e l i e v e d to have b e e n c o n c e a l e d ) ; ^ 3 ) bsTan-*dzin

Legs-grub, 2 n d sGang-steng s P r u l - d k u . d. 1 7 2 6 ; ^ h) 'Jige-med

66
Nor-bu, 2nd rG-yal-sras s P r u l - s k u , d. 1735; 5) Phy o g s - l a s

rNam-rgyal, .-1st Zhabs-drung g S u n g - s p r u l . d,- 1 7 3 6 ; ^ 6 ) Mi-pham

dBang-po, 1st K h r i - s p r u l . d. 1738. In each of these cases

the concealment o f death is described in unmi s t a k a b l e terms

b u t no e xplanations are offered. It can be n o t e d in p a s s i n g

that b s T a n - ' d z i n L e g s - g r u b wa s the only one w h o w a s not of the

TB r ug~pa school. All the others w e r e official fi g u r e s of

the ruling regime. None of the sources permit us to s e e w i t h

c e r t a i n t y w h e t h e r the incarnations of these persons w e r e

r e c o gnised d u r i n g the periods w h e n their deaths were b e i n g

concealed, Nevertheless, it is clear that we are con f r o n t e d

here w i t h a w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d practice, a sort of state ritual,

but one w h i c h is s u r r ounded b y a strong ai r of the unmentionable.

Before turning back to the m a i n case of the Z h a b s - d r u n g .

s u p ported now b y all these parallel examples, it would be as

well to recall b r i e f l y w h a t nor m a l l y ha p p e n s to the bod y of a

lama a f t e r death. By tradition all lamas are e n c o u r a g e d b y

their attendants to die in the upright, c r o s s - l e g g e d posture

of meditation, and to prepare themselves for the great

event in a p e a ceful manner. While still in p o s s ession of

their faculties they a re r e q u e s t e d to make a last will,

w h i c h is sometimes r e c o r d e d in writing. After *p h y s i c a l 1

death has occurred, the ’c o n s c i o u s n e s s 1 (r n a m - s h e s ) of the

lama is "believed to be still a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the b o d y up to

the p o int when it topples over to one side. The lama is

said to be in m e d i tation (t h u g s - d a m ) d u ring this i n t erim

b e t w e e n h is physical death a n d the release of h is c o n s c i o u s ­

ness. During the ’meditation* the lama is t r e a t e d exactly

as if he were alive; food is offered, v i s i t o r s a re received

and he is a d d r e s s e d in person. The only difference is that

the b o d y must not be t o u ched in a n y w a y because that w o u l d

interrupt the ’meditation*, and the c o n s c iousness of the lama

would then depart in an untimely manner. The greatest saints

are sai d to have con t i n u e d in this state, their bo d i e s

g r a d u a l l y shrinking, until t h e y depart in a b l a z e of light

leaving n o t h i n g b e h i n d but t h eir h a i r a n d nails. This is

called ’the great transference b y the rainbow b o d y 1 ( ’j a ’-lus

’pho-ba c h e n - p o ) . In the case of o t h e r lamas, their

spiritual accomplishments a r e thought t o be reflected in the

d u r a t i o n of their ’m e d i t a t i o n ’ ; the longer this is, t h e b e t t e r

they a r e regarded. Only when the ’m e d i t a t i o n ’ is p r o p e r l y

ended do the c o m p l i c a t e d funeral a r r a n g e m e n t s begin. F o r this

reason the Zhabs-drung was thought t o have continued in

’meditation' from the time of his death right until the time

w h e n the sealed door to his chamber was opened a n d his b o d y

d i s t u r b e d b y K u n - d g a ’ rGyal-mtshan in about 1705. It w a s

this w h i c h jus t i f i e d the r e c o g n i t i o n of a child b o r n in 1 7 0 8

as his incarnation. Those responsible for the recognition

might h ave reflected that w h e t h e r the Zhabs-drung h ad ac t u a l l y

J
b e e n in 'r e t r e a t 1 (sku.-mt s h a m s ) or in ' m e d i t a t i o n 1 (thugs-

d a m ) for part or all of the preceding h a l f century w a s

immaterial, a mere technicality: in both cases, he w o u l d

have b e e n sunk in samadhi (t i n g - n g e - ' d z i n . 'absorption',

lit. 'holding to the depths'), working for the benefit of

sentient beings, his few requirements (if alive) cared fo r

through the t r a p - d o o r a r r a ngement (b u g - s g o ) used b y those in

retreat.

The only unequivocal statement o n the death of the

Zhabs-drung comes in the same w o r k which recounts the

disclosure of its secret. We read on f. 10a-b of the rna m -

thar of Dam-chos Pad-dkar that the zhabs-drung died b e c a u s e

of 'bad food' (g s o l - n g a n ) and that ” ... this great b e ing

departed to the realm that is f r e e from a f f l i c t i o n on the 1 0 th

day of the middle month of s p r i n g in t he Y e a r of the Hare

ZT6517 - On t h a t occasion the precious lama h i m s e l f declared

in his will: 'Out of great need, be sure to keep it secret

f o r twelve years.' Accordingly, apart from the sDe-pa

dBu-mdzad C h en-po / b s T a n - ' d z i n 'Brug-rgyasT" h i m s e l f an d a few

w h o ha d a t t e n d e d on his person, b y strict c o m mand it w as kept

secret so that nobody else might know. Thereupon, al l the

monies, old and young, became suspicious at the appearance of

all sorts of omens and apparitions. In particular, w h e n a

long time h ad gone by w i t h o u t the young l o r d / D a m - c h o s

Pad-dkar / 1 h a v i n g b e e n able to see his lama7 he stayed in

perpetual hope, wondering: 'When w i l l the time come that the

precious lama's retreat ends and I shall be able to see his

69
countenance. " The f o l l o w i n g points c a n be n o ted on the

nature of the evidence c o n t a i n e d in this passage. Firstly,

the account of the death and will of the Zhabs-drung is at

best second-hand, b ut the date tallies with that of the start

of the so-called 'retreat' des c r i b e d in the standard

b i o g r a p h y a n d the versions d e r i v i n g from it. Secondly, the

reactions of the state monks and of Dam-chos Pa d - d k a r are

almost c e r t a i n l y d e s c r i b e d from his recollections as tol d to

the a u t h o r of his biography. Thirdly, there is a disc r e p a n c y

be t w e e n the tradition r e c o r d e d here, that the secret w a s to

be kept f o r only twelve years, and the ap p a r e n t reality: as

we have seen, it appears t o have b een m a i n t a i n e d for about

hal f a century. We know f rom two other sources, however,

that in 1 6 6 2 (twelve years a f t e r 1 6 5 1 b y local reckoning) a

large stupa was built in memo r y of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . In that

year a w o r k s h o p was established at s P u - n a - k h a f or the silver-

w o r k needed f o r "the s t upa of the s u g a t a " (b d e - g s h e g s m c h o d -

rten, PBP, f. 1 i|.8 b ) , The same c o n s t ruction is m e n t i o n e d in

the b i o g r a p h y of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas (f. 59b) as "a f u n erary

memorial for the m o s t excellent lama" (bla- m a mchog-gi

dgongs-rdzogs) . The lama in q u e s t i o n can only be the Zhabs-

drung himself, but how could it hav e b e e n made w h e n he was

supposed to b e still in 'retreat' ? The former work (P B P )

was w r i t t e n w h ile the 'retreat' was still continuing a n d

so it does not refer to the rea l motive for b u i l d i n g it. The

rnam-thar of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas was w r i t t e n in 1720 after

the secret h a d bee n released a n d c o n s e quently it could refer

to t h e real motive for its construct!on. T h e author knew

wha t t h i s wa s b e c ause he was the intimate disciple of b s T a n -

'dzin Rab-rgyas wh o was, as we shall see, one of those guarding

the secret. W h e t h e r or not there existed some k i n d of a link

b e t w e e n the 'will' a nd the stupa there seems every reas o n to

believe that its construction was secr e t l y " i n t e n d e d to serve

the purpose of commemoration.

The stupa was not the 'tomb' of the Z habs-drung as

surmised b y P e t e c h (1972a:208) because the b o d y is even t o day

h o u s e d in sPu-na~kha rDzong, a t t e n d e d by its own chamberlain.

This official is k n own as the M a - c h e n gZim s - d p o n a nd is the

successor to those who s e r v e d the Zhabs-drung during his

life and ' r e t r e a t 1. The chamberlain receive^ his a p p o i n t ­

ment from the Head A b bot and is the only p e rson w h o has direct

contact with the corpse in t he Z h a b s - d r u n g 's locked apartment

on the second floor of the central t i e r of temples (d b u - r t s e ) .

As noted in the last chapter, the corpse w a s removed to

safety during each of the great fires of sPu-na-kha. In the

e a rly years of this century, the P h y o g s - l a s s P r u l - s k u Ye-shes

dNgos-grub (1851-1917* Head A b b o t r e g n . 1915-17) is said to

70
have died as a result of d i s t urbing it.

It should have b e c o m e evident by t h i s point that to

make any sense of t he w h o l e business we have to rely on

literary detection; the records as they s t a n d can be made to

produce a picture of the subject only insofar as they i n ter­

lock to a l low pla u s i b l e insights. The most immediate question

still seems to be: Was the Zhabs-drung t r uly b e l i e v e d to be

still in r e t reat for the w h o l e of the half century a f t e r his

apparent death ? Unfortunately, with two important exceptions

the evidence on this a l l comes in sources w r i t t e n a f t e r the

disclosure of the secret. It is best s ummarised b y point in

chronological order as follows:

1) There is a r e f e r e n c e in the a u t o b i o g r a p h y of the gTsang

mlChan-chen (f. d47a) to an occasion during the second of his

u n d a t e d Indian visi t s when he r e c e i v e d news from some Bhutanese

in the area that the Zhabs-drung h a d entered samadhi on t h e

command of the g u a r d i a n deities. Nothing more tha n this is

said, and the a u t o b i o g r a p h y w a s i n t e r rupted on the next folio

b y his own death. The remainder (ff. iili.8b-4j.58a) was completed

b y a disciple called Ha-ya, It seems most l i k e l y that the

p a ssage relates t o the events of 1 651 . (it is a l s o possible

that the g T s a n g m K h a n - c h e n w r o t e his b i o g r a p h y of the Z h a b s -

drung in the true b e l i e f that he was still alive; there are

some cases of b i o g raphies b e i n g w r i t t e n d u r i n g the lifetime

of t h eir subjects, though'this is on the whole r a t h e r rare.)

2. The best a c c ount of t he official doctrine on the 'retreat'

is f o u n d in the rna m - t h a r of b s T a n - ' d z i n R a b - r g y a s (f. U9b et

seq.) w h ich w a s written a f t e r the disclosure but its subject

m a t t e r all f a l l s w i t h i n the p e r i o d of concealment. The

evidence of L C B I (ff. U9b-50a) is e n t i r e l y b a s e d upon it. We

read that the Zhab s - d r u n g e n t e r e d his retreat on the 10th

of t he 3 rd month, 1 6 5 1 , having c o m m anded the precentor,

dB u - m d z a d b s T a n - ' d z i n *Brug~rgyas, to give Ind i v i d u a l orders

to all the officials a n d monies in his court since he was too

ill (k ha ms-kyis m i -1cogs-pa to do so himself). He is said to

have g i ven d e t a i l e d orders only to the precentor. The young

b s T a n - ' d z i n Ra b - r g y a s (aged fourteen) is said to hav e felt such

u n b e arable longing to be in contact w i t h the Zhab s - d r u n g again

a f ter the retreat h ad s t ar ted that he was d r i v e n to the

r a ther circuitous a n d desperate measure of inves t i g a t i n g the

contents of the private cess-pit b e n e a t h the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's

chamber. E v i d e n t l y it was still in use. Three m o nths a f ter

the start of the retreat, the precentor s u m m o n e d a g r a n d

council of state to c o n v e y to it the order of the Z h a b s - d r u n g .

na m e l y that he wa s on no account to be disturbed b y anyone and

that he alone w o u l d decide w h e n the retreat was to end*

3. The third l a r g e-scale dGe-lugs-pa invasion of B h utan

took place in 1657 when, a c c o r d i n g to L C B I (f . 51b) the

Zhabs-drung h a d a l r e a d y b e e n in retreat for f i v e years.

(However, it s h o u l d have b e e n reckoned at six years or

perhaps s e ven b y local reckoning if it is a c c e p t e d that it

b e g a n in 1651.)

4. In 1661 the forces of Mir Jumla, the N a wab of Bengal,

invaded' C o och B i har and the Raja escaped to Bhutan. The

h i s t o r y of the c a m p a i g n w a s recorded a y ear l a ter in the

a u thoritative F a t h i y a 1 Ibri.va. p a r t l y translated in

71
Blochmann 1872. We read there that, the invaders captured

a Bhutanese and learnt from h i m about the 'D h a r m r a j a T of

Bhutan, an a s c e t i c over a h u n d r e d and twenty years old. In

return f or his life the p r i s o n e r was des p a t c h e d to t h e

Dharmraja with a letter a s king him to seize a n d return Bhim

Narayan, the Raja of Cooch Bihar. In his r e p l y "... the

Dharmraja e x c u s e d himself b y saying that he h a d n o t c a l l e d

Bhim Narayan; b ut as he had come unasked, he could not well

drive a w a y a guest." The Nawab decided not to w a s t e time

w i t h this " i m p e r t i n e n c e " and w e n t off elsewhere to do battle.

5. On the death o f the 2 nd 'Brug sDe-srid in 1667, M i - fg y u r

brTan-pa was a l l e g e d to have b e e n appointed his successor b y

"the Zhabs-drung (referred to as the G o n g - s a ) ; the order wa s

conveyed on t h e narrow w o oden b o a r d (samta) used for this

*

purpose b y those in retreat. In the passage dealing with

this event in the rnam-thar of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas

(ff. 68b-69a, repeated in L C B I, f, 9 h b ) , we^ l e arn that

Mi-'gyur b r T a n - p a b e l i e v e d that the two inc u m b e n t s to the

office of s d e -srid previous to him had f a c e d m uch difficulty

because of t h e i r i n a bility to consult wit h the "Zhabs-drung

f ather a nd son"; he therefore insisted that he should have

p ersonal access to them. N o t h i n g more is said, but he fell

out w i t h the c h a m b e r l a i n Drung Dam-chos r G y a l - m t s h a n w h o

would have beenresponsible for conveying the order of

appointment. We know from the same source (f. 76a-b)

that it w a s the chamberlain w h o h e l d "all re s p o n s i b i l i t y

for religious duties during t h e retreat of t he precious

Zhabs-drung a f t e r the sDe-srid dBu-mdzad C h e n-mo / b s T a n -

'dzin *Brug-rgyas7 h a d d i e d / i n 16567 ." P r e vious to this,

the arrangement h ad b e e n f or the p r e c e n t o r to oversee

'external matters' and the c h a m b e r l a i n to have charge of

72
'internal matters'.

6. In 1672 the 1st Head Abbot died and his successor,

bSod-nams 'Od-zer, was a l l e g e d to have b e e n a p p o i n t e d b y the

Gong-sa Chen-mo (i.e. the Z h a b s - d r u n g ) on the r e commendation

of the sDe-srid M i - ' g y u r br T a n - p a and b s T a n - ' d z i n R a b - rgyas

(see f. 83 b of the letter's rna m - t h a r ) . This is confirmed

in t he b i o g r a p h y of the abbot h i m s e l f w h o Is sai d to have

received gifts in the name of the Zhabs-drung d u ring his

7X
installation ceremonies.

7. Shortly after this, Dam-chos P a d -dkar (1639-1708) hurried

back from Nepal w h e r e he had bee n travelling as f a r as the

Kingdom of Jumla in t h e west. He h ad h e a r d a false rumour

that the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s 'retreat' h ad at last ended, It is

clear that on his return he discovered it to be still

continuing, a n d it may be recalled t h a t it w a s D a m -chos

P a d - d k a r h i m self w ho w i t n e s s e d the official d i s c losure of

the secret l a t e r in c. 1705.

8. A n important event in the reign of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas

as h t h 'Brug sDe-srid (1680-95), but one which is difficult

to date, was his successful release from T i b e t a n imprisonment

.of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's consort, m o t h e r of 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje

who h ad died in about 1681."^ The lad y w a s treated w i t h

great respect b y the authorities in sPu-na-kha, a n d at the

cl osed entrance to the ch a m b e r where h er h u sband and son

were both said to b e in retreat, she made p r o s t r a t i o n s a n d

received gifts in t h e i r n a m e . ^ The s o n fs corpse is said to

have b e e n m u m m i f i e d a n d kept a l o n gside that of the Zhabs-drung

the c u s t o m of a p p o i n t i n g its cham b e r l a i n and b u t l e r - i n - c h i e f

als o continues until t o d a y . ^

9* Just b e f o r e his death in 1689 the Head A b b o t bSod-nams

fO d - z e r d e c i d e d to m a k e a present to the Z h a b s-drung of a ^ine

p i ece of cloth w h i c h he had i n t ended to offer at the end of

the retreat. He went to the closed entrance (s g o - 1g a g ) of

the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s c h a mber to make the offering (presumably

through the chamberlain). P r o m outside, the a b b o t add r e s s e d

a p r a y e r in w h i c h h e made a s u p p l i c a t i o n to b e reborn in the

■70

Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s service*

10. g S o l - d p o n Sa-ga, the b u t l e r - i n - c h i e f to the Z h a b s - d r u n g .

is m e n t i o n e d b y name in a p a s s a g e relating to the e v e n t s of

c.1700, during the reign of d G e - fdun C h o s - ' p h e l as 5th *Brug

sDe-srid (1695-1701)

11. In c.1705 the secret w a s f i n a l l y d i s closed and the first

incarnation of the Zhab s - d r u n g was b o r n in 1708, as w as n o ted

above.

A ll this tends to confirm the fact that the Zhabs-

drung was thought to have b e e n alive in the p e r i o d 1 6 5 1 -c.1705

that orders of a p p o i n t m e n t were issued in h i s name, that his

officers and monks were l o o k i n g forward to the end of his

R e t r e a t 1, a n d that there w a s an e s t a b l i s h e d p r o cedure for

p r e s e n t i n g h i m w i t h gifts. The butler-in-chief, moreover,

w o u l d have b e e n serving him food, or rath e r w o u l d have b e e n

p r e t e n d i n g to do so, through the hatch in the locked door to

his apartment. On occasions of crisis, his commands could
writing
he f a b r i c a t e d on the/board used b y those in retreat.

Formal letters could be w r i t t e n in his name too, as w e saw

In the case of the Nawab of Bengal. These glimpses, however,

are of the most meagre k i n d and v e r y few at that, b ut

to g e t h e r they a p p e a r to a d d up to a picture that stretches

ones credibility to the utmost. There must in fact have

b e e n an ex t r a o r d i n a r y suspension of disbelief in the minds

of all concerned if they ac c e p t e d that the z h a b s-drung was

still alive In 1705 at the age of one h u n d r e d and eleven.

A n d yet we know f o r certain that even in 1661 a simple

commoner b e l i e v e d h im to be a g e d at least one h u n d r e d and

twenty. The lon g e v i t y of saints is accepted without question

in the traditional society of Bhutan, a n d t he Zhabs-drung

was no t h i n g if not a saint in the eyes of his people.

Despite this, rumours must have bee n rife throughout the

p e r i o d of concealment; w e have it on g o o d a u t h o r i t y that

they existed in the v e r y year of his death. Suspicions

w o u l d have increased, countered f r o m time to time b y a p p arent

signs of his continued existence. The air of unreality

surrounding the w h o l e a f f a i r must have b e e n felt just as

strongly then as it is now; the difference is s i m p l y that

then it was felt as the pe c u l i a r i n t a n g i b i l i t y of saintly

existence, w h e r e a s w i t h the be n e f i t of hindsight w e see now

that it was the unreality of a deception, s u s t a i n e d with

b rilliant ingenuity. Yet the perspective of h i n dsight was

also available to the local historians w h o lived in the

p e r i o d following the disclosure. W h y t h e n was the secret

ignored in all t h e i r writings except those w h i c h either

speak of its disclosure or of the effect this had on the

recognition of the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s incarnations ? Several

 439
reasons fo r this could be adduced, but the main, and o v e r ­

riding ones s eem evident. Firstly, the l e g i t i m a c y of his

incarnations could no t be established except b y reference

to the end of the ’m e d i t a t i o n 1 (thugs-dam) w h i c h coincided

w i t h the end of the p r e t ended ’r e t r e a t ’ (s k u - m t s h a m s ) *

Secondly, to have discussed the actual operation of the

deception would have had the immediate effect of impugning

the legi t i m a c y of those past figures w ho w e r e supposed to

have b e e n app o i n t e d b y the Zhabs-drung during his ’r e t r e a t ’*

It w o uld have destroyed the foundations of t h e i r rule an d

pushed them into a w o r l d of chaos and fantasy. The mai n aim

of the local historian is to trace an o r d e r l y and unbroken

lineage w h ich passes down legitimate authority, not to reveal

the chinks a n d gaps in that chain. By the time their sources

came up f o r reappraisal b y Bhutanese h i s t o r i a n s of this

century, the secret was still so deeply b u r i e d that its

implications were completely p a ssed over; in two of the five

official draft histories w r i t t e n in recent years, but n e ver

sanctioned or published, it is alluded to in the most passing

manner. The external f r a mework imposed upon Bhutanese

h i story in L C B I, long a c c epted as the definitive work, could

still be used as the basic model.

3. The succession

The foregoing d iscussion has e s t a b l i s h e d the existence

of the secret but we are still none the w i s e r as to the real

cause. The aim now is to explore this question, a n d two

points have to be e m p h asised from the beginning. Firstly,

it was impossible for a true and legitimate successor to

occupy t h e Z h a b s - d r u n g ’s throne until his death was public

knowledge; until tha t happened w e are f a c e d w i t h the d e v elop­

ment of various institutions which provided f or rule b y

vicarious authority. Secondly, there is a d a n g e r in o v e r ­

estimating the importance of the secret: the v a c u u m left b y

the Zhabs-drung d u r i n g his Tr e t r e a t 1 was f i l l e d b y a succession

of powerful f i g u r e s w h o completed the unif i c a t i o n of the country.

In their own eyes a n d in the eyes of t h eir contemporaries,

however, t h e y wer e the delegates or stand-ins f o r the Zhabs-

d r u n g . n e v e r his successors. This was of course well k n o w n to

the auth o r of L C B I w ho a p p l i e d the b r o a d term rg.yal-tshab ^

('royal r e p r e s e n t a t i v e 1) not only to the 'stand-ins' b u t also

to the r e c o g n i s e d reincarnations of the Z h a b s - d r u n g : thus a

more or less fictitious line of a u t h o r i t y was created to

satisfy the p e r p e t u a l nee d for legitimate descent. A glance

at the list a n d dates of these rg.yal-tshab in L C B I (ff. 5UI>-

70a) s h o u l d m ake this clear:

1) b s T a n - ' d z i n Rabs-rgyas, the Khri R i n - p o - c h e . 1 6 3 8 - 9 6

(regn. as U t h 'Brug s D e - s r i d ~ 1~550^95) . '

2) Kun-dga' rG-yal-mtshan, 1st rGyal-sras s P r u l - s k u

(Incarnation of 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje, son of the Z h a b s - d r u n g )
1689-1713.

3) P hyogs-las rNam-rgyal, 1st Zhabs-drung g S u n g - s p r u l . 1708-36.

k) 'Jigs-med Nor-bu, 2nd rGyal-sras s P r u l - s k u . 1717-35.

5) M i - p h a m dBang-po, 1st Khr i - s p r u l ( incarnation of No. 1

above) 1709-38 (regn. as 10th 'Brug s D e - s r i d . 1729-36).

6a) 'Brug-sgra rNam-rgyal, 3rd rG.yal-sras s P r u l - s k u . 1735-62.

6b) 'Jigs-med Grags-pa, 1st Zhabs-drung T h u g s - s p r u l . 17 2 U - 6 1 .

In fact, the tern rgyal-tshab seems to be f o u n d only in this

source (L C B I) a nd in the r n a m - t h a r of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas:

b o t h were w r i t t e n w i t h the aim of establishing the c o n t i n u i t y

of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's rule t h r o u g h a l l the comp l i c a t e d strife

that h ad o c c u r r e d in the period b e t w e e n the time of his death

a n d their own day. Later, the incarnations of the final

figure in the above-list e v e n tually b e c a m e a c c e p t e d as the

true successors of the Z h a b s - d r u n g ; no m a t t e r how nominal their

actual authority, they w e r e the legitimate heads of the

Bhutanese state, known to the adjoining I n dian kingdoms

in A s s a m and Bengal, and to the British, as the Pharma r a j a s .

This title h ad first Been a p p l i e d b y the Indians to Ngag-dbang

80
rNam-rgyal himself. To the Bhutanese the incarnations were

simply k n o w n as the Zhabs-drung R i n - p o - c h e . b u t in c o r r e s p o n d ­

ence w i t h the Indian authorities they w o u l d use the title

81
Pharmaraja. None of them ever wi e l d e d anything like the

power of the first Z h a b s - d r u n g . a n d throughout the p e r i o d of

theocratic rule the executive government was v e s t e d in the

office of 1Brug sDe-srid (the ’Peb Rajas’ to the British).

The term sde-srid (or s d e - p a ) used to be the title of the

ruling a r i s t o c r a c y of Tibet ( 1Phyongs-rgyas s P e - p a . gTsang

sDe-srid etc.), but later in Tibet it slowly c a m e to acquire

the m e a ning of ’r e g e n t 1 , In Bhutan the sde-srid (or r a t h e r a

succession of them) c o n t inued as head of the e x e c u t i v e g o v e r n ­

ment throughout the lifetime of the h ead of state. There

appears to have b e e n very little consistency in the manner of

their appointment, and g e n e r a l l y speaking it was the strong

m a n of the moment or his nominee who h eld office, defending

it as best he could against the rivalry of the provincial

governors. In the early period, however, some of the incumbents

were h i g h l y effective figures and were b l e s s e d with relatively

long reigns. What is important to understand is that at

least in theory they all held office from the Z h a b s - d r u n g .

no matt e r to what degr e e circumstances w o u l d suggest o t her­

wise, Without that sanction, even if only faked or ritualised

b e y o n d all semblance of reality, their rule could have no

Justification.

These general perspectives are necessary b e f o r e

returning to the m a t t e r of the ’r e t r e a t 1 because w hen essential

motives are not discussed in the sources we have to look to

the general pa t t e r n of h i s tory to provide the clue. The

bonds w h i c h came to develop a r o u n d the rival f i g ures of

the new state w e r e of an intense and personal kind, the

direct inheritance from t h e period of fra g m e n t e d rule whe n

each c o m m u n i t y w a s tied to its own ecclesiastical or clan

ruler. W i t h the steady collapse or tra n s f o r m a t i o n of the

old units, loyalties a p p e a r to have b e e n e a sily reforged in

the arena of the new state. W hen these loyalties f o und

e x p r e s s i o n in political a c t i o n or in a n y w a y p a s s e d b e y o n d

the bo u n d s of ’s p i r i t u a l 1 activity, the sources either

preserve co m p l e t e silence on the m a t t e r or allu d e to it so

p a s s i n g l y that we a r e left h a rdly the wiser. It is quite

impossible, therefore, to d o Justice to this period w i t h o u t

some careful conjecture.

When in 1651 the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's precentor, b s T a n - ’dzin

’Brug-rgyas, a n n o u n c e d to the government a s s e m b l y that his

m a s t e r had b e e n in retreat for the last t h r e e months and w a s

on no account to be disturbed, al l power came into his hands.

We can be p r a c t i c a l l y c e r t a i n th a t the Z h a b s -drung had died.

U n d e r normal circumstances his son ’J a m -dpal rDo-rJe, then

aged twenty, w o u l d have succeeded to the throne w i t h o u t

difficulty. He was the only heir, and we kno w f r o m Cacella

that it had b e e n the Z h a b s - d r u n g ’s w i s h even b e f o r e 'Jam-dpal

rDo-rJe was born t hat a son should succeed him. The survival

of his ancient line w h i c h s t r e t c h e d b a c k to the f o u n d e r of

the school, g T s a n g - p a r G y a - r a s , depended upon it. So also

did the p e r p e t u a t i o n of his rule in Bhutan. F o l l o w i n g the b i r t h

of ’Jam-dpal rDo-rJe in 1631, the Zhabs-drung h a d taken the vows

of a fully o r d a i n e d m o n k and remained celibate thereafter.

All should have b e e n w e l l f o r the succession, and inde e d

 a J
J

TJam-dpal rDo-rje lived on until about 1681 to t h e age of

fifty, but nowhere is there m e n t i o n of his e n t h r o n e m e n t ,

not a single act or decision is credited to h i m in the

literature, and he is n o t even mentioned in the s h a d o w y list

of the r g y a l - t s h a b . All we a re told is that he received a

religious ed u c a t i o n a n d that at a certain point he h a d b e come

82
ill. It must have b e e n a serious physical incapacity, one

w h i c h made hi m incompetent to rule which b a r r e d h i m from the

throne of his d ead father. It can be a s s umed that the

situation had already b e c o m e c l e a r b y 1651, and that it was

perhaps the immediate cause fo r the decision to k eep the

death of the Zhab s - d r u n g secret. There may have b e e n a v a gue

hope that 1Jam-dpal rDo-rje would' eventually m a r r y a n d produce

a m a l e h e i r to conti n u e the line, b u t it seems u n l i k e l y that

the ’r e t r e a t 1 of his f a t h e r could have b e e n p l a n n e d to tide

over the gap until that eventuality. As it happened, ’Jam-

dpal rDo-rje did m a r r y much later the daughter of the Ngor

Zhabs-drung K l u - s d i n g s - p a and p r o d u c e d a daughter, m Tsho-skyes

Q-z
rDo-r^e in 1680. J she seems to have b e e n i nfluential in

Bhutanese politics f o r a short period, but w i t h h e r we come

to the v e r y end of the line. In 1 6 5 1 , however, there w o u l d

have b e e n no serious thought of ’Jam-dpal rDo-rje producing

a n heir.

According to sDe-srid Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsho, it w a s

the 5th Dalai Lama himself who on his deathbed commanded the

sde-srid to a r r a n g e the p r e t ended retreat, a n d it seems

pe r f e c t l y conceivable that the same tradition in the Zhabs-

drung ’s case is correct. The Dalai Lam a told the regent to

search for his i n c a rnation soon a f ter his d e a t h and admitted

that: "If I enter now into ,/pre tend e d / seclusion it is solely

in the interest of our government. Thanks to your / J h e r e g e n t ’^

past actions and to y o u r destiny, thanks to t h e strength of

the aspi r a t i o n s you made in y o u r previous lives, the g o v e r n ­

ment of o ur doctrine w i l l n o t he menaced. H a d the death

of this most powerful of all Tihetan rulers h e e n made public,

it is thought that the Mongols would have used the opportunity

to advance their interests at the e x pense of the Tihetan

government h e a d e d h y the regent. ^ It was surely the same

threat of external attack and internal disruption which

decided the Zhabs-drung of B h u t a n and his r e g e n t ; after death

the immediate c o h esion of his new state w o u l d d e p e n d entirely

on the simulation o f his continuing presence since there was

no one fit to s u c c e e d him. There is also no p a r t icular reason

to discount the tradition that the pretence w as to have last e d

twelve years. U n f o r t unately there are no m e a n s of knowing

w h a t measures the zhabs-drung or his regent intended should be

used during that p e r i o d to find an heir. As w i l l be seen, the

regent died long before the end of the sti p u l a t e d period, and

b y the time that came to an end the whole device remained

essential to the s t a t e 1s survival.

The rule of the precentor b s T a n ~ fdzin 'Brug-rgyas as

the 1st *Brug s D e -srid beca m e a model for the future, w e are

told, and his unw r i t t e n ordinances on all a s p e c t s of government

seem to have been p a s s e d down the line of incumbents who

s u c ceeded him.®^ Today he is l a r gely remembered as the devoted

servant of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . He and the c h a m berlain Drung

D am-chos rGyal - m t s h a n are always d e p icted in p a i ntings b e n e a t h

the main figure of the Zhabs-drung in peaceful aspect. Together

they must have m a n a g e d the w h o l e pretence of the fretreat*. It

was during the early years of his regency that the entire area

of eastern B h u t a n began to fall into the hands of the *Brug-pa

government of the west. T he ca m p a i g n w a s direc t e d b y the

dPon-slob of Krong-sar M i - ’g y u r brTan-pa, and the force he

c o m manded was d r a w n b y c o n s cripting the new sub j e c t s of the

west h e a d e d b y the ’most fa v o u r e d p a t r o n s 1, the W a n g people

of the capital districts. Its pr i m a r y purpose was to remove

the recalcitrant C h o s - ’k hor dPon-po of B u m - thang but b y

p l a y i n g on t he rivalries of the clan rulers f u r t h e r east

the commanders w e r e able to w i n a good deal of l o c a l support,

an d one b y one the old clan t e r r itories fell to the invading

army. P o u r of the five fortresses e s t a b l i s h e d d u r i n g the

course of the campaign b e c a m e the permanent p r o v i n c i a l capitals

of eastern Bhutan, a n d the campaign as a w h ole u s h e r e d in that

dominance of the east by the west w h i c h has rem a i n e d ever

since. The L o - r g y u s (Text II below) explains how the

a n n e x a t i o n t o o k place in the cause of the 1 Teachings* of the

*Brug-pa. A l t hough the campaign commanders w e r e a l l monks

and the ideology of the new theocracy provided the n e c e s s a r y

justifications, the c a m p a i g n itself seems to have h ad little

of the f l a v o u r of a crusade or j i h a d . It was more the

reflection of a confident e x p a n s i o n a r y trend in the new state,

j u s t ified b u t not occasioned b y religious pr o p h e c y and

sentiment.

The 1st s D e -srid seems to have r e t i r e d in 1 6 5 6 , and

he almost cer t a i n l y had a h a n d in the a p p o i n t m e n t of his

successor b s T a n - * d z i n *Brug-grags, an illigitimate *son of

bs T a n-pa*i Ityi-ma a n d t h e r efore h a l f - b r o t h e r to the Zhabs-drung.

w h o had a p p o i n t e d him dPa-sgro d P o n - s l o b . It was from this

p o s ition that he came to the s d e - s r i d *s throne. A t all events,

he must either have b e e n a m e m b e r of the i n n e r clique g u a r d i n g

the secret of the ’r e t r e a t ’ or made p a r t y t o it at the ti m e j O f

his accession. A year later there occurred the third large-

scale invasion of B h u t a n by a Tibeto-Mongol force. A m o n g its

immediate causes Shakabpa (l976:hU3) mentions the e x t e r m i n a ­

tion b y t he Bhutanese authorities of a p r o - T i b e t a n f a c t i o n

led b y one Ghos-rje Nam-mkha* Rin-chen. He also points to

constant military support g i v e n to the new Bhutanese state

b y the K i n g of La-dwags, Senge rNam-rgyal; the king, however,

had died much earlier in 1 61*2 and there seems little evidence

for direct Ladakhi i nvolvement in this campaign. Even though

the entire Tibeto-Mongol a r m y seems to have b e e n unleashed on

Bhutan, the invasion p r o v e d to be a n o t h e r disaster. The 5th

Dalai Lama a t t r i b u t e d this to the bick e r i n g s b e t w e e n t h e

chief T i b e t a n commander, Nor-bu, who c o n t rolled the troops

invading w e s t e r n Bhutan, and the Mongolian commanders of the

detachments fro m the Tibetan province of dBus, K o n g-po and

Khams, w h o invaded B u m - thang in the central region of Bhutan.

He also p o i n t e d to an outbreak of various epidemics among the

87
troops. (A ceremony c o m m e m o r a t i n g the Bhutanese v i c t o r y in

Bum-thang is still p e r f o r m e d e v e r y y e a r b y the state monks of

Krong-sar on arrival at B y a-gar rDzong for t h e i r a n n u a l visit

to Bum-thang.) The temporary success of what seems to have

88
b een the e a s t e r n column is described in the L o - r g y u s where

it is made clear that the invaders could rely on the support

of the Mon-pa p e o p l e of K a meng who w e r e a l r e a d y subject to

dGe-lugs-pa rule. A constant feature of all these Tibetan

campaigns b e c omes apparent in that source, n a m e l y the

difficulties f a c e d b y the invaders in turning t h eir temporary

successes to decisive victories; w a rfare was still la r g e l y a

seasonal business, a n d in the hot summer of B h u t a n the invaders

gen e r a l l y seem to have retreated to the T i b e t a n plateau. This

left the undefeated Bhutanese with a s t r o n g b a r g a i n i n g position

in a n y subsequent peace negotiations. The 1657 campaign was

thus br o u g h t to an end in a s e t t lement a r r a n g e d b y the Sa-skya

Bla-ma bSod-nams dBang-phyug,

The reign of the 2nd s d e - s r i d . indeed of all the

successive s d e - s r i d . is re c o r d e d largely in terms of the

’good w o r k s 1 he undertook in furbishing the fortresses with

chapels a n d other such things* At his u n e x p e c t e d death in

1 6 6 7 , the cham b e r l a i n f o r g e d a letter in the name of the

Zhabs-drung appointing the K r o n g - s a r dPon-slob M i - ’g y u r

brTan-pa the new s d e - s r i d , as noted above. It w a s p r e s u m a b l y

the new s d e - s r i d ’s fury on discovering that he had not b e e n

made party to the secret long before w h i c h led to his clash

with the chamberlain who e ventually died in some k ind of s e m i ­

imprisonment a w a y from the capital at d B a n g - ’dus Pho-brang.

One of the new s d e - s r i d ’s first acts wa s h i g h l y significant

in relation to the ’r e t r e a t ’. He accorded b s T a n - ’dzin Rab-

Fgyas (the g r e a t - g r a n d s o n of ’Brug-pa Kun-legs, a n d son o f the

Z h a b s - d r u n g ’s chief ally, Tshe-dbang b s T a n - ’dzin) a status

89
equal to his own, carry i n g the same priv i l e g e s and honours.

Up to this point the young b s T a n - ’dzin Rab-rgyas had b e e n a

respected m e m b e r of the monastic community but his position

in the collateral lineage of the R a -lung f a m i l y had not

singled h i m out for special preferment. It c an be assumed that

t h e s d e - s r i d ’s d i s c o v e r y of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's p r e t e n d e d retreat,

led h im to groom the young monk as an official stand-in for the

Z habs-drung w h ile the pretence continued. U n d e r the s d e - s r i d ’s

p atronage b s T a n - ’dzin Rab-rgyas soon rose to" assume full

respon s i b i l i t y f o r the spiritual affairs of the government; as

n o ted above, he a n d the sde-srid had their candidate for the

vacant a b b a c y ’a p p r o v e d ’ b y the Zhabs-drung in 1 6 7 2 .

M i - ’g y u r br T a n - p a had been r e s p onsible for p u s h i n g the

b oundaries of Bhutan to t h eir eastern limits, a n d a f t e r acceding

to the s d e - s r i d ’s throne he turned his attention to the w e s t e r n

border. The Lepcha p e ople who inhabited the area south of

Sikkim were the f i r s t to feel the effect of the fBrug-pa

e xpansion in this direction and in 1668 their chief, A-lcog,

turned to the dGe-lugs-pa government of Tibet for mi l i t a r y

90
support. In the 11th month a Tibetan force invaded B h utan

again, one column d i r e c t e d towards the m T s h o - s n a area in the

east, another towards Bum-thang in the centre of the country,

and a t h i r d towards TBrug-rgyal rDzong at the head of the

sPa-gro valley. The outcome is not clear, but a t e m p o r a r y

truce seems to have been declared w h i l e the passes were b l o c k e d

w i t h snow. The intention s e e m s to have b e e n to draw up a p r o p e r

peace t r e a t y at a later date but before this could be settled,

trouble a g a i n flared up between the Bhutanese and the Le p c h a s

in 1675. The fo l l o w i n g year the Bhutanese invaded the Chumbi

valley, Sikkim a n d the area south of Sikkim. On this occasion

the L e p c h a chief was killed, and in retaliation the Tibetan

g o v e r n m e n t a r r anged yet a n o t h e r invasion of Bhutan, perhaps

the largest u n d e r t a k e n during the reign of the 5 th Dalai Lama.

Five columns advanced b y w a y of sPa-gro G-ling-bzhi, Bum-thang,

b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g and Phag-ri, but the only lasting success it

a c h i e v e d w as the expulsion of the Bhutanese troops f r o m Sikkim.

91
According to the Bhutanese account, t h i r t y T i b e t a n nobles

(d r u n g - ’k h o r ) . sixty officers (l d l n g - d p o n ) a n d more than t h r e e

h u n d r e d comm o n soldiers w e r e captured and imprisoned. Two

years l a ter in 1678 a great council of peace was convened at

Phag-ri p r e s i d e d over b y three Tibetan mediators: the head

lama of the Sa-skya school, the steward (ph.yag-mdzod) of the

92
P a n c h e n L a m a a n d the g o v e r n o r of the IHa-sa district. We

read in the Bhutanese a c c o u n t that peace was' assured b y the

outcome, that the Tibetan prisoners w e r e a l l returned, a n d

that no f u r t h e r invasion of Bhutan took place during the next

thirty-seven years. In the Tibetan s o urce used b y Shakabpa

(loc, cit.), however, it is s a i d that peace w as not concluded

b e c ause the Bhutanese insi sted that the Lepcha chief h a d b e e n

their subject (m i - r t s a ) . a nd that the control of sGang-tok,

capital of Sikkim, should be shared b e t w e e n them and the

T i b e t a n authorities. Consequently, the w h o l e of the B h u t a n -

Tibet b o r d e r s t r e tching from Shel-dkar to mTs h o - s n a is said to

have b e e n sealed and a ll trade prohibited, though it is not

clear for how long. The area south of Sikkim, the original

subject of dispute, remained in Bhutanese hands until it was

annexed to India during the Anglo- B h u t a n e s e w a r of 1 8 6 5 .

The reign of M i - ’g y u r brT a n - p a m a r k e d the high point

of Bhuta nese expansion a n d under his successors the borders

were all consolidated. It was during his reign too that the

internal adm i n i s t r a t i o n is said to have b e e n r e g u l a r i s e d on a

nation-wide basis. Bhutanese contacts abroad w e r e also

strengthened, p a r t i c u l a r l y b y the a p p o i n t m e n t of monastic

officials to the area of w e s t e r n Tibet and La-dwags. It is

n ot clear w h e n these ties first b e gan b u t it was most likely

in the r e ign of K i n g Senge rNam-rgyal (d. l6h2). By the

1 6 7 0 !s the *Brug-pa government of B h u t a n h a d received several

grants of monasteries together with their estates. In 1 6 7 8

M i - *gyur b r T a n - p a c o n s u l t e d w i t h b s T a n - ’d z i n Rab-rgyas over

the a ppointment of his delegates to the areas of Kailash,

Gar-sha ( L a h u l ) , Z a n g s - d k a r and La-dwags; the two Ladakhi

monasteries w e r e rNgud (which I cannot identify) a n d sTag-sna

where the old assoc i a t i o n s with Bhutan a re still v e r y m u c h

93
remembered. It w a s also during Mi - * g y u r b r T a n - p a * s reign

that the first m i s sion to Nepal was sent in a b out 1673 under

the leadership of Dam-chos Pad-dkar, as noted above. The

contact l a s t e d for almost two centuries and brought the

Bhutanese gove r n m e n t grants of ecclesiastical estates,

p a r t i c u l a r l y in Glo Mon - t h a n g (Mustang) a nd Dol-po. For

much of this period the Bhutanese als o had legal control

of th e important Buddhist shrine of S w a y a mbhunath in the

K a t h m a n d u valley.

M i - !g yur brTan-pa was deposed in 1680. No details

are g i ven in LCB I (f. 96a) except that the s d e - s r i d 1 s fate

is said to have b e e n determined b y his past k a r m a ; in

p a r t i c u l a r b y the many deaths he had caused w h ile directing

the a n n e x a t i o n of eastern Bhutan an d b y the fact that he h a d

"failed to repay the kindness" of the Zhabs-drung *s chamber-

lain who had p ut hi m on the throne. A c c o r d i n g to another

9U
tradition H it was dG-e-'dun Chos-'phel, the rdzong-dpon of

sPu-na-kha, w h o deposed the sde-srid. T h e rdzong-dpon ha d

suffered the i n d i g n i t y of a m i l i t a r y defeat duri n g the T i b etan

invasion of 1 6 7 6 an d he is said to have har b o u r e d a grudge

against the ruler on this account. A f t e r hi s deposition,

M i - * g y u r b r T a n - p a retired t o ICags-ri a n d die d there the same

year. He was succeeded b y his own p r o t e g 6 b s T a n - fdzin Rab -

rgyas, w h o already e n j o y e d spiritual a u t h o r i t y and now came

to be invested w i t h the f ull te m p o r a l p o wer of the sde-srid.

It is not said who w a s responsible f or his elevation but it

seems likely that the state monks had a h a n d in it, in

consultati on w i t h the regional governors. No doubt the

a ppointment h ad the seal of approval of the (dead) Zhabs-drung

as in the cases of his p r e d e c e s s o r and the ruling abbot,

b S o d-nams !0 d-zer.

b s T a n - !dzin Rab-rgyas reigned as the 1+th sDe-srid

f or fifteen ..years ( 1 6 8 0 - 9 5 ) &ud he is r e c k o n e d one of the

great f i g ures in Bhutanese history. He w a s perhaps the only

effective ruler a f t e r the great Zhabs-drung who c o m bined in

his p e rson complete spiritual and temporal authority; the

full w e i g h t of the term rgyal-tshab seems a pplicable to hi m

alone. A reading of his rnam-thar shows that he was ac c e p t e d

without qu e s t i o n as the legitimate 're p r e s e n t a t i v e 1 of the

Zhabs-drung b y virtue of t h eir distant b l o o d relationship a nd

because the Zhabs-drung is supposed to have g i v e n certain

indications before the start of his ' r e t r e a t 1 that the young

b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas was to be carefully prepared f o r a

position of authority. W h a t e v e r the justifications, he came

to be k n o w n as the Khri Rin-po-che ('the Precious Enthroned')

and his incarnations are often referred to as the Khr i - s p r u l

or Bla-ma Khri-pa ('Lam Trip' in the vernacular). The y are

supposed to have represented the Zhabs-drung incarnations

during the period of their m i n ority just as b s T a n-'dzin Rab -

rgyas represented the 1 st zhabs-drung during his ' r e t r e a t 1.

In point of fact this view is also an oversimplification, and

the vicarious a u t h o r i t y of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's official stand-in

was b y no means a l ways limited to the K h r i - s p r u l . It depended

rather on the political circumstances of the moment.

The difficulty in evaluating the rule of b s T a n - ' d z i n

Rab-rgyas stems entirely from the f%ct that in his huge official

b i o g r a p h y b y Ngag-dbang IHun-grub the secret of the Z h a b s - d r u n g '

'retreat' is never discussed even though it had actually b e e n

revealed b y the time this work was w r i t t e n in 1720. Neverthe­

less, glimpses of the continuing secret are here and there

afforded, as was no t i c e d above. Most revealing of all, however,

is a passage in the b i o g r a p h y of the 7 th Heab Abbot Ngag-dbang

'Phrin-las (regn. 1730-38) b y Shakya R i n - c h e n . ^ It relates

to events in the reign of bsTa n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas w h i c h find no

me n t i o n at a l l in his official biography. We learn, in the

most highflown language b u t without evasion, t h a t after the

Zhabs-drung h a d die d in the course of his actual retreat his

incarnation w a s b o r n in a village on the B h u t a n - T i b e t border

in the district of 'Gos-yul (the Phag-ri area). The Bhutanese

government accepted him to b e the true i n c a r n a t i o n and made

preparations in secret to b r i n g him to Bhutan. Due to the

strained relations between the 'Brug-pa authorities of B h utan

and the d Ge-lugs-pa of Tibet, however, the y o ung incarnation

fell into the hands of the Tibetan government and so the

Bhutanese had no means of s e c uring him for the succession.

Later, when b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas had acceded to the s d e - s r i d fs

throne he tried e v e r y means to bring t h e i n c a rnation to Bhutan,

but he too failed* Eve n t u a l l y the incarnation w e n t to China

an d died. The date of his death is not given. The passage

is introduced in thi s source in connection w i t h the d i s c o v e r y

and recognition of this person's incarnation, the first T h u g s -

sprul of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . i.e. 'Ji g s - m e d Grags-pa I (172^-61).

V a g u e and imprecise thou g h it is, the passage stands solitary

w i t ness to the p r o t racted and secret attempts to find the true

h e i r of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . F o r b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas the

immediate incentive to re-open the secret negotiations surely

came s h o rtly a f t e r his own accession to the s d e - s r i d 's throne

at the d e ath in c, 1681 of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's i n v alid son 'Jam-

dpal rDo-rje; the legitimate successor to the Zhabs-drung

co uld now only be an incarnation because the male line h ad

d e f i n i t e l y died out. Moreover, that an attempt had been made

to find an incarnation long before 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje died

f u lly confirms the fact, never expressly stated, that 'Jam-dpal

rDo-rje was incompetent to succeed. It seems h i g h l y probable

that the first initiative to find the incarnation was taken

b y M i - ' g y u r b r T an-pa sometime a f t e r he came to the office of

sde-srid in 1 6 6 7 w h e n he discovered that the order of his

appointment had b e e n f a k e d b y the chamberlain in the name

of the d e a d Z h a b s - d r u n g . The acceptance of an incarnation

so early suggests that quite a number of p e o p l e must a l r eady

have b e e n i n the secret. P r e s u m a b l y the T i b e t a n authorities,

w h o appear to have b e e n guarding the incarnation as a

potential pawn, must have been aware that the Zhabs-drung

h a d died.

Lat e in life b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas a p p e a r s to have

confided to his close attendants that his sole aim had been

to a d m i nister the state until an incarnation of the zhabs-drung

c o uld be found. This appears in his own official b i o g r a p h y

(f. 327a) where the w h o l e matter of the 'retreat' is s h r ouded

in almost impenetrable, m i s t . Towards the end of this w o r k

there are similar vague a n d passing references to the fact

that the Zhabs-drung h a d died; the impression g a i n e d is that

b y now the inner clique guarding the secret must have slowly

increased in number. Nevertheless, the Head A b b o t bSod-nams

'Od-zer a p p a rently died in 1 6 8 9 in full belief, if w e are to

b e l ieve his biography, that the Zhabs-drung w as still a l i v e . ^

Moreover, the chamberlain gZims-dpon Sa-ga wh o w o u l d have been

responsible fbr the practical details of the deception w as

active n ot only in the reign of bsTa n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas but also

98
in that of his successor. It is a great m i s f o r t u n e that the

b i o g r a p h e r of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas never tells us the w h ole

truth insofar as he kne w it.

The long and peaceful reign of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas

h a d an u n h a p p y ending in 1695. The details are c omplicated

b ut all those wh o p l a y e d a part in the a f f a i r must have

b e l o n g e d to the i n ner coterie guarding the long secret. The

favourite of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas was one Drung N o r - b u w ho

had p r e v i o u s l y b een in the personal empl o y m e n t of dGe-'dun

Chos-'phel, the rdzong-dpo n of sPu-na-kha. (This latter person,

it will he remembered, ba d deposed Mi - ' g y u r brTan-pa, the

previous s d e - s r i d .) N o r - b u rose v e r y high in the regard of

b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas, a n d came to o c cupy the dual p o s ition

of chamberlain to the sde-srid (i.e. g o n g - g z i m s ) a n d rdzong-

dpon of the summer capital in Thim-phu. Thus in p o wer a n d

influence he far outshone his previous master, dGe-'dun Chos-

'phel; the latter e v e n tually m u r d e r e d him, p r o b a b l y out of

sheer jealousy a n d spite. b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas is said to

have b e e n so saddened b y the affair at a time w h e n he was

suffering from a severe illness that he resigned his position

a n d r e t ired to the ancestr al hom e of his f a m i l y at the m o n a stery

of rTa-mgo. dGe-'dun C h o s - ' p h e l ' h i m s e l f t h e n t o o k the vacant

throne of the sde-srid a n d i n s t a l l e d m T s h o-skyes rDo-rje, the

daughter of the late 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje (son of the Zhab s - d r u n g ) .

as a sort of pupp e t at the h e a d of the state; a l t h o u g h a w o man

she had the founder's b l o o d in h e r veins. b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-

rgyas died of his prot r a c t e d illness at rTa-mgo shortly t h e r e ­

after.

V e r y little is known about mTsho-skyes rDo-rje. The

a uthor of LGB I maintains (on f. 61b) that she was put on

the throne "in the m a nner of a fake man" (k h y o - r d z u s - s u ) . We

know that she a p p o i n t e d the 1+th Hea d Abbot Dam-chos Pa d - d k a r

in 1 6 9 7 and died a yea r later, pr o b a b l y of s m a l l p o x . ^ 'tie

learn in the b i o g r a p h y (f. 3 3 h) of the same abbot that just

a f ter she had appointed him, several monks h a d the same dream;

they dreamt that the Zhabs-drunp;'s retreat finally c a m e to an

end and that he h i m s e l f ordered the arrangement s f or the new

abbot's ceremony of enthronement. mTsho-skyes rDo-rje does

not a p p e a r in the official list of the r g y a l - t s h a b . though in

t h e o r y at least that seems to have b een h e r true position; she

was the 'representative' of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . the v ery last

of his line, and in spite of her sex it was felt she had

sufficient s t a nding to confer legitimacy on the ruling

sde-srid. Not, however, in the eyes of the a u t h o r of L CB I

(loc. cit.) w h o commented: "In reality I think it p r e f erable

for incarnations alone to uphold the Teachings, r a t h e r than

descendants. " ' 500 A f t e r her death this w a s the only possible

solution. It w as a d o p t e d the following year b y the sde-srid

w h e n he b r o u ^ i t Kun-dga' rGyal-mtshan, the incarnation of h e r

1 01
father, to the capital. U n d e r conditions of se c r e c y the

nine year old b o y was f e t ched f rom e a s t e r n Bhutan, s u b j ected

to t he usual tests and recognised to be 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje's

102
rebirth. It was the first time the p r i n c i p l e of i n c a r n a ­

tion was used to find the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's 'representative'. It

must b e a s s u m e d that the delay in f i n d i n g the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's

own incarnation was o c c a s i o n e d b y the fact that the candidate

chosen b y b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas and his p r edecessors was

still known to be alive in Tibet, or perhaps in China where

he e v e n t u a l l y seems to have died. That Kun-dga' rG-yal-mtshan

was the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's 'representative* and not the true h e i r

is quite c l e a r because the Zhabs-drung w as still in 'retreat*

a n d it w as Kun-dga' r Gyal-mtshan himself who, on his own

admission, finally disclosed the secret.

However, this did not happen until about eight years

later. By that time his patron dGe-'dun Chos-'phel, had been

1 0^
k i l l e d b y his enemies in a bloody revolt at sPu-na-kha, and

the office of sde-srid had passed first to the 6 th s D e - s r i d .

N gag - d b a n g Tshe-ring (r e g n . 1 701 - k ) and t hen to the 7th

s D e - s r i d . dPal-'byor (regn. 170h-7)* It was about hal f - w a y

through the letter's reign (c. 1 7 0 5 ) that "... from the force

of certain c ircumstances it became necessary ^*fbr me, Kun-dga'

rGyal- m t s h a n / to disclose the secret concerning the retreat

of the Glorious Ngag-gi dBang-po /the z h a b s - d r u n & 7 and so on

that day the Precious Lord / D a m - c h o s Pad-dkar, the A b b o t /

also came to see the c o r p s e . " 10^ It is difficult to imagine

how the 'retreat* c o u l d have been a n y thing b u t a n open secret

b y this stage, known t o most of the senior monks and g o v e rnment

officials of the capital. F o r them the term 1 retreat* was

perhaps little more than a euphemism, even if the public at

large still b e l i e v e d the Zhabs-drung to be alive, having

entered the 1 retreat* more t h a n half a century earlier. C o uld

it be that somewhere along the line the whole charade slipped

from b e i n g a n ingenious political d e vice into a m a t t e r of

ritual formality, or w e r e these two aspects in constant a nd

ambivalent inte r a c t i o n ? The answer, if there is one, w i l l

have to await the a p p e a r a n c e of more sources f or this period,

or f r e s h insights from those a l r e a d y used. Wha t is certain

ho w e v e r is that for as long as it lasted, the *retreat*

c ontinued to have the deepest-implications for a n y claim to

legitimate rule. At the v e r y least it stands as sure

evidence of the enduring h o l d w h i c h the f o u n d e r e x e rted on

the minds a nd hearts of his subjects a nd on the powerful

figures who later ruled in his place.

Ij.. Looking ahead

In concentrating on the tangled issue of succession,

Bhutanese h i s t o r y a f t e r the zhabs-drung has had to be g r o s s l y

oversimplified. W h e n all the sources e v e n t u a l l y b e c o m e

available it should be p o s sible a f t e r long and careful study

to clear some of the areas of doubt tu reveal more of the

w oo d and less of the trees. The 'wood* of the Bhutanese state

h ad in f act b een w e l l a n d truly planted throughout its

mountains and valleys b y the time the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s secret

was re v e a l e d in c. 1705* Thereafter, the complex foliage

of its many species a p p ears to have come to m a t u r i t y in the

m i d 1 8 th century before it experienced a long autu m n a nd

w i n t e r in the 1 9 th century, a nd a new spring in the 2 0 th

century. In this con c l u d i n g section a bird's eye v iew is

taken a t some of the developments in this later period.

A f ter the o f f icial ending of the 'retreat* the w a y

was open for the installation of an a c c e p t a b l e candidate as

the true incarnation of the Z h a b s - d r u n g . A n o r t hodox account

wa s later d e v e l o p e d to explain, how it came about that several

candidates recei v e d recognition b y rival powers at different

times in a m a n n e r that shed suspicion on all of them. The

theological solution used in this e xplanation can in a sense

be compared to that of the 'retreat* upon w h i c h it was based.

Moreover, as in the case of the 'retreat* s e v e r a l parallel

examples could also be f o u n d in Tibetan and Bhutanese h i story

without difficulty. The first clear a c c o u n t of it p r o b a b l y

comes in LCB I, c o m p l e t e d in 1759: "Now if I am to relate in

truth what I have heard and come to believe: Previously,

at the time w h e n the secret of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's retreat was

disclosed, as soon as he arose from the samadhi in w h i c h he

had been residing, three rays of light issued from his -body,

speech a n d mind and these came d o w n at, three places: Sikkim,

D a r-dkar-nang / i n southern Bh u t a n / and / t h e regi on/ called

1 05
G r w a - n a n g in the dBus province of Tibet." Fi f t e e n years

af ter these words wer e written, the same doctrine of multiple

i ncarnation was explained to Basting's e m i s s a r y as follows:

In ancient times this h i lly country w a s par c e l l e d

out a m ong a number of independent chieftains. A
lama from the north united them under one g o v e r n ­
ment, a nd i ntroduced his religion among them.
 Hi a death g a v e birth to three lamas. Hid body
Tell to the share of one; his heart to another;
a n d his mouth or w o r d to a third. Upon the
death of these h o l y men, their souls pass into
the bodies of children, who, a f ter a strict
examination into their identity, are recognised;
a n d thus a succession of saints u n der various
forms, but animated b y the same spirit, have
continued, at different intervals, to enlighten
this corner of the world. (Markham 1879:33)

A separate study would be required to explain t h e full course

of events w h ich led to the adoption of this doc t r i n e but the

mai n lines are clear. A f ter the Retreat* ended the first

official incarnation, Phyogs-las rNam-rgyal (1708-36), v/as

discovered in the area of Dar-dkar-uiang a n d installed on the

throne in about 1712 during the reign of *Brug Rab-rgyas as

®th s D e - s r i d . Phyogs-las rNam-rgyal appears to have been

universally a c c epted as the undisputed i n c a r nation of the

Zhabs-drung. A year a f t e r his installation, Kun-dga1

rG-yal-mtshan (incarnation of the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s son and the

p e rson resp o n s i b l e for disclosing the Z h a b s - d r u n g Ts secret)

appears to have b e e n murde r e d at the behest of sDe-srid

*Brug Rab-rgyas, perhaps because his f o rmer status as a

*r e p r e s e n t a t i v e 1 had come into conflict w i t h the sovereign

position of the,new Z h a b s - d r u n g .1 Alternatively, Kun-dga*

rGyal-mtshan may have been killed simply because he was k n o w n

to have sympathised with the s d e - s r i d *s enemies. W h a t e v e r the

reason, Zhabs-drung Phyogs-las rNam-rgyal*s p o s i t i o n as

rightful s o v e r e i g n was now quite secure for at least as long

as his p a t r o n the sde-srid remained in office. In I71h the

country was invaded b y L a j a n g Khan, the last of the Qosot

rulers of Tibet, in retaliation for Bhutanese pre s s u r e on

1 07
the dG-e-lugs-pa s t r o nghold in rTa-wang, The invasion w as

not a success and left the status quo undisturbed. P h y o gs-las

rNam-rgyal c o n t i n u e d to receive his monastic education at the

hands of some of the mos t competent Bhutanese scholars and

all continued well until some years a f t e r his patron, *Brug

Rab-rgyas, had b e e n succeeded in 1719 b y his nephew, Ngag-

dbang rGya-mtsho. For reasons that are not clear, the uncle

and n e phew fell o ut with each o t her a nd there f o l l o w e d a long

and complicated civil w a r in w e s t e r n Bhutan w h i c h led to the

invasion of the country by the Tibetan ruler Pho-lha-nas in

1 7 3 0 . 1<^ It was perhaps the only t r uly s u c c essful invasion

ever m o u n t e d b y the Tibetans against the Bhutanese; it led

to a formal a cceptance of M a nchu suzerainty in Bhut a n (never

implemented by the Chinese and soon r e p u d i a t e d b y the

Bhutanese) and to the e s tablishment of a regular diplomatic

mi s s i o n to the Tibetan capital which eventually h e l p e d to

place B h u t a n on a n independent footing equal to that of Nepal

and L a d a k h in Tibetan eyes.

The effect of the civil w a r an d the invasion on the

country* s own internal constitution was in the long run just

109
as decisive. In the peace settlement nego t i a t e d w i t h the

help of the Karma-pa and Zhwa-dmar-pa lamas, the Ti b e t a n ruler

arranged a temporary division o f the country: the area of

sPa-gro was to remain in the hands of the sPa-gro dPon-slob

*Brug Don-grub, a l l y of the sPe-srid *Brug Rab-rgyas w ho h a d

b e e n k i l l e d in the fighting, while the rest of the country

was to remain in the hands of the Bhutanese government. This

a r r a n g e m e n t was f i xed to continue for as long as *Brug Don-grub

(also called K a -spe Don-grub) remained alive; thereafter it was

agreed that the sPa-gro v a lley w o u l d revert to the hands of

the central government, and a n y of his supporters w h o w i s h e d

to accept Tibetan refuge would be free to d o so. In the

meantime, t he: legitimacy of Zhabs-drung Phyogs-las rNam-rgyal

h a d b e e n impugned b y the government f a c t i o n t h a t h a d d e f e a t e d

his late p a t r o n a n d h e had with great d i f f i c u l t y succeeded

in escaping from the w i n t e r capital at sPu-na-kha. He fled

to the pro t e c t e d enclave of dPon-slob *Brug Don-grub in

sPa-gro and there he died of natural causes in 1736 saying,

it is claimed, that he w o u l d be reborn in the f a m i l y of his

new patron. The death w as kept secret f o r a b out a year and

this a l l o w e d time for his disciples to find his incarnation,

Shakya b s T a n - ’dzin (1736-80), The-child seems to have b e e n

the nephew of *Brug Don-grub but the i n s e c u r i t y of his position

became evident w h e n TBrug Don-grub himself d i e d in the same

year. True to his word, the Tibetan ruler a g r e e d to take

under his p r o t e c t i o n all those loyal to the dead doon-slob

w h e n his area came back i n t o the hands o f the Bhutanese

government in a ccordance w i t h the original peace settlement.

A small group, therefore, including the infant Shakya b s T a n -

*dzin, his m o t h e r and the c h ief disciple of the late Zhab s -

drung made its w a y across the b o r d e r to Phag-ri. From there

the refugees e v e n tually w e n t south to the outlying area of

Bhutan under the control of brDa-ling rDzong in what is now

West Bengal. A f t e r many adventures and diff i c u l t i e s they w e r e

permitted to return to the central region of Bhutan and the

young 1 unofficial* Z habs-drung ended up in imprisonment in

Dar-dkar-nang, where the previous embodiment h ad b e e n born.

Despite ’the s y m pathy w h ich many g o v e r n m e n t officials

felt towards him, it was impossible for this Zhabs-drung to

have his unofficial status turned to f o r m a l recognition. By

this time the central auth o r i t i e s in the capital h a d long

since bee n trying to secure their own candidate, one who

w o u l d r e t r o s p e c t i v e l y o c cupy the position of the late P h y o gs-la

rNam-rgyal w h ose legitimacy had been denied. The vacuum in

the years 1 7 3 0 to 1 7 h 6 w e r e filled b y no less than three

'representatives', two incarnations of 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje and

one incarnation of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas, the Khri R i n - p o - c A e .

This latter incarnation, Mi-pham dRang-po, had unwillingly

come to the s d e - s r i d 's throne in 1729. In 1736 he m a n a g e d

to run away to Tibet and his p o s i t i o n of s d e -srid fell to his

uncle dPal-'byor. A f t e r reaching lHa-sa Mi-pham dBang-po was

r eceived w i t h great respect as if he were still the ruler of

Bhut a n b y the 7 t h Dalai Lama and by Pho-lha-nas, the Tibetan

110
ruler. It was w h ile he was in lHa-sa that M i - p h a m dBang-po

met a child b o r n at Grwa-nang who w a s said to be the

incarnation of the un-named figure whome 1 b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas

and his predecessors had so long ago tried in secret to bring

to B h utan w h ile the 'retreat' w a s still in progress. On his

return to Bhutan, Mi - p h a m dBang-po reported the m a t t e r to

the Head Abbot Ngag-dbang 'Phrin-las (regn. 1730-38) and

t hereafter it seems to have become the p o l i c y of the government

to t r y and establish this child as the official Z h a b s - d r u n g . 1 11

On the death of the 12th sDe-srid in 17hh, the child w as

still in Tibet and every effort to bring him s o u t h h a d run into

difficulties. T h e new s d e - s r i d . Shes-rab dBang-phyug, was one

of the m o s t effective figures in Bhutanese history. Two years

after his a c c ession he succeeded in resolving 1h e w h ole

situation. The c h ild b o r n in Grwa-nang was brought down and

installed as Zhabs-drung 'Jigs-med Grags-pa (I72h-6l) a nd the

'unofficial' Zhabs-drung Sha-kya bsTan-'dzin (1736-80), w h o m

the sde-srid had long ago assisted, was released f r o m i m p r i s o n ­

ment at Dar-dkar-nang a n d accorded a position of respect.^1^

Thus in 17h6 there w e r e two Zhabs-drung in the Bhutanese

capital, one senior and the other junior. T h i rteen years later

during the rule of the same sde-srid the doctrine of multiple

r eincarnation was first p u b l i s h e d in the official h i s tory of

L CB I, as was seen above. Thenceforth the i ncarnations of

'Jigs-mad G r a g s - p a r e a p p e a r e d as the Thug s - s p r u l (embodying

the ' m e n t a l 1 principle of the Z h a b s - d r u n g ) . (It seems to

have b e e n c o n v e n i e n t l y f o r g o t t e n that 'Jigs-med Grags-pa was

first regarded as the incarnation of the 'seci’et' candidate i

of b s T a n - ' d z i n Ra b - r g y a s and his predecessor.) The incarnations

of Shakya b s T a n - ' d z i n r e a p peared as the gSun g - s p r u l (the

'verbal' principle). The sKu-sprul ('physical' principle)

was d e e m e d to have b e e n the son of a k i n g o f Sikkim. Due to

continuing d isturbances b e t w e e n t he two c o u n t r i e s he was n e v e r

br o u g h t to B h u t a n and so 'the line never became established.

Although there is m o r e to learn about this last p h a n t o m

(perhaps a c o n f u s i o n w i t h the 'secret' candidate), the doctrine

enunciated in L C B X on the basis of the situation existing in

B h u t a n in the middle years of the 18th c e n t u r y has remained

to this day the official orthodoxy. Until the events of the

t w e n t i e t h ce n t u r y the Zhabs-drung Thugs-sprul was to remain

the one figure wh o could command the universal a l l e g i a n c e of a

sovereign. The p a i n t e r Samuel Davis w h o was with Turner in

B h u t a n in 1 7 8 3 n o t e d in his journal that the 2nd Zhabs-drung

T h u g s - s p r u l : "... is without exc e p t i o n a c k n o w l e d g e d to p o s sess

an inherent right to the a b s o l u t e dominion of the whole

country, and ... the Deib Raja is no more than his prime

minister, vizier, or dewan" (Davis 1830:497). He went on,

however, to say that: "... the R a jah w o u l d not be i n c l i n e d to

admit the temporal control, or to share a n y part of the real

a u t h o r i t y w i t h another, n or is it likely t h a t the young L a m a

will at a n y time h e r e after find himself in a con d i t i o n to

assert such a c l a i m . " Also: "... there is little doubt that

the p o l i c y of the government will provide that he be still

secluded from any interference in public concerns, and w h o l l y

confined to the co n t e m p l a t i o n of his spiritual dignity,"

 J
The h i s t o r y of the Bhutanese theocracy could in

part "be written a s a c omme ntary on these statements, on the

inevitable triumph of secular interests over spiritual

principles. But until the establishment of the m o n archy

those interests n e ver b e c a m e f u l l y i dentified w i t h a part i c u l a r

group or class, a n d the spiritual principles underlying the

theocratic ideology remained the acc e p t e d norm. The doctrine

of the fdual s y s t e m ’ of religious and secular law ha d first b e e n

developed in the second half of the 1 3 th century at a time w h e n

the Kublai Kha n a n d the ’Phags-pa lama were trying to work out

the ideal political balance in t h e i r relationship. W h e n it was

a d opted in B h utan (mainly through the works of g T s a n g m K h a n -

chen, it seems) the concept came to imply the total subservience

of the state to religion. This is evident throughout the legal

code g i v e n in Part 2 below. The ’dual s y s t e m ’ n e v e r h e l p e d to

define the political relationship b e t ween the secular a n d

ecclesiastical authorities as it surely d id in Tibet where

m a n y of the civil officials of government h a d their monastic

counterparts, the pairs w o r k i n g together on a n equal basis.

In Bhutan the situation appears to have b e e n quite different.

L a y officials had to assume a semi-monastic character b e f o r e

reaching h igh positions. In particular, if a layman h a p p e n e d

to become the sde-srid he was usually required to take the

vows of the m i n o r order a n d receive a new name. (For this

reason m a n y of the later incumbents have t w o names, whereas

most of the f u lly ordained sde-srid have a single name plus a

monastic nickname.)

As far as one can tell, e v e r y one of the l ay sde-srid

w ho came to p o w e r d i d so in the course of a career w h i c h

b e gan on the bott o m rungs of the government ladder. Most

seem to have b e e n from the families of ordinary peasants, w h o

wer e required to place one of their sons in government service

in return for t ax dispensations, This obligation w a s quite

separate f r o m a n o t h e r w h i c h r e q u i r e d families to place one of

their sons in the state m o n a s t e r y o f their district as ’mon k

tax* (b t s u n - k h r a l ) . In point of fact the monks in the capital

fortresses of sPu-na-kha a n d T h i m - p h u appear to have bee n

roughly m a t c h e d in number by the l a y government servants, not

counting those at the very t o p w h o could b e e i t h e r monks or

laymen. In the account of the 13th s D e - s r i d ’s virtuous

achievements we l e arn (on f. 93b) that on his retirement in

1763 after fourteen years of rule, there w e r e 679 lay g o v e r n ­

ment servants. These were d i v i d e d into six ranks starting

w i t h 1h ’o r d i n a r y ’ officers en t i t l e d to double salaries-in-

k i n d (gzhung-gi n.yis-skal d k y u s - m a ; in present vernacular,

’n y i k e m ’). Belov/ them stood 90 officials en t i t l e d to a g o v e r n ­

ment horse (r t a - t h o b ; chib s - b z h o n in the h o n o r i f i c ) , and so

on down to the sixth rank of ’common servitors' (lto-gzan

dk y u s - m a ) , 280 in number. A m o n g these latter w e r e perhaps

included the men from families of Indian slaves, cap t u r e d in

the plains a n d tied in p e r p e t u i t y to the ca p i t a l a n d regional

fortresses. Such families also s e e m to have c onstituted

quite a large p r o p o r t i o n of the total w o r k force in the

country, most of the w e a l t h i e r Bhutanese families having such

a slave f a m i l y attached to them. (All slaves received

manu m i s s i o n in the 1 9 50*s.) On a smaller scale the situation

in the capital was reproduced in a l l the provincial capitals.

Part 3 of the legal code given b e l o w constitutes a set of

civil service rules g o v e r n i n g the rights and duties of all

government servants. Much of it is c l e a r l y w r i t t e n in

reaction to petitions to remove the abuses of unscrupulous

officials. The arrival in the village of a group of tax

assessors, the periodic tours of government officials, the

h o l ding of trials - in short e v e r y event w h i c h involved the

public w i t h the "bureaucracy could become an o c c a s i o n fo r

extortionate malpractice. The checks and safeguards depended

mainly, on the strength and character of the ruler.

The r a ther unsavoury picture of the s t a t e ’s i n v o l v e ­

ment in the life of its subjects as conveyed in the code has

to be set against the enthusiastic and detailed account of

Bhutanese life g i v e n b y B a s t i n g ’s emissaries. L i k e travellers

of any p e r i o d they were at the m e r c y of s u b j ective impressions,

but the conclusion r e a ched b y Davis in his journal of 1783

tends to sum up t h eir attitude in b r o a d e r terms:

... the Bouteas ... have also a free openness

of carriage a n d a n apparent si n c e r i t y of
behaviour, that might be thought incompatible
w i t h the despotism of the government. But the
government, although in appearance as absolute
as one can be, is not admin i s t e r e d w i t h that
rigour a n d injustice w h i c h produces an abject
s e r v i l i t y and meanness in the manners of the
people governed. (Davis 1830:501-2)

There is a w o r l d of difference b e t w e e n the i n s p i r e d and

sympathetic accounts w r i tten b y Bogle, Turner, Davis and

Ha m i l t o n in the 18th c e n tury a n d all the dull invective' of

British officials in the 19th century. Some of that difference

can surely be attr i b u t e d to more than a change in British

imperial att i t u d e s a nd a decline in English prose style.

The well k n o w n picture of B h utan as a country immersed in

chaos and p e o p l e d b y br i g a n d s and despots was c o n v e y e d during

a period when British p o l i c y to contain B h u t anese expansion

in the plains was steadily failing. Moreover, the 19th

century a m b a ssadors were n e ver w e l c o m e d at the court of

B h u t a n w i t h the warmth and sympathy accorded to t h o s e of the

1 8 th century: the f o r m e r w e r e grudgingly a d m itted after long

an d complicated negotiations w h i c h damaged B r i tish prestige.

A t the same time the 19th c e n t u r y really did see w a v e upon

wave of civil dissension in the country. If the re'were two

rivals for the office of sde-srid t h e y w o u l d bot h have t h e m ­

selves installed, one in the w i n t e r capital a n d the other in

11 3
the summer capital, ^ In the three years f r o m 1 8 5 O to 1852

there a p p e a r to have b e e n no fewer than five s d e - s r i d . The

Zhabs-drung of this period, ’J i g s - m e d N o r - b u (1 8 3 1 - 6 1 ), wasj

totally ineffective in stemming the tide of revolt and counter

revolt. Under these conditions the central government wa s

v i r t u a l l y nothing in comparison w ith the p r a c t i c a l l y a u t o n o ­

mous p o w e r of the regional rdzong-dpon a n d d p o n - s l o b , Just

as Cacella had noted in 1627 that every p e r s o n was "an

absolute lord in his own h o u s e 1*, so in the 1 9 th c e n t u r y it

could have been said that e v ery b a r o n w a s a king in his own

province. The secular ethos, however, never f o und expression

in wr i t i n g although echoes of it appear in the u n r e c o r d e d oral

literature. One of the best k n o w n narrative poems ( ’l o s e ’)

tells the tragic s t o ry.of the lay c h a m b e r l a i n of the rdzong-

dpon of d B a n g - ’dus Pho-brang, h i m s e l f also a layman. The

h e r o ’s fate determines that he should take up his m a s t e r ’s

cause and do battle in the east. A ll the omens point to his

inescapable death but the cham b e r l a i n keeps faith w i t h his

lord and goes off w i t h a b a n d of c ompanions to his certain

end. The expression of such ideal loyalty (dam-tshig

g t s a n g - m a ) forms p art of the b a c k g r o u n d to the interminable

battles of the 19th century. Man y of these w e r e more in the

nature of ritual occasions w h e n c o n t e n d i n g sides screamed

imprecations, cast t h eir magic spells a n d fired off their

blunderbusses. As e a r l y as 1774 a n d 1783 Bogle a n d Turner

w i t n e s s e d minor insur r e c t i o n s entailing very little loss of

life w h i c h appear to have conformed to this pattern. Th e

flavour of these affairs seems to survive in the grand

contests of archery, so much part of the local scene in

Bhutan, But in the 19th century there certainly occurred^

m a n y civil wars on a serious scale, when each side drew

its forces from the subjects who, under the law, w e r e

obliged to render m i l itary service. The British were c o n ­

seq u e n t l y often at a loss to know with whom, if anyone,

the y could p r o p e r l y negotiate. By 1865 w h e n the Bhutan W a r

was about to b r eak out over the q u e stion of the Indian Duars,

the newspapers in Calcutta could refer w i t h wr y n e s s to

b l o o d y events (or their rumours) in Bhutan as h a v i n g occurred

’more B h o o t a n i c o ’•

The semi-monastic character of government never

al l o w e d the h e r e d i t a r y principle to determine s u c c e s s i o n to

the chief posts until the situation had completely deteriorated.

In the end the principle triumphed, the present m o n a r c h y

b e c a m e e s t a b l i s h e d and the independent ba r o n i e s all collapsed.

It could be said, therefore, that the real u nification of the

country only took place in this century. This view, however,

does g r e a t injustice to the theocracy w h i c h s u c c eeded in

imposing a u n i f o r m set of institutions on the w h ole country.

This more than a n y t h i n g helped to develop a sense of

national and cultural identity to overshadow the ancient

divisions of race a n d language. At the same time the repeated

invasions b y Tibetan and Mongol forces in the century after

the a r r i v a l of the fo u n d i n g Zhabs-drung clearly had an

effect opposite to the one envisaged; instead of subduing

the country to Tibetan authority they served to unite the

Bhutanese against a common enemy. The campaigns were a

disaster f o r the Tibetans and were construed b y the Bhutanese

as their own total victory. The success of the Tibetan ruler

 as

Pho-lha-naa in 1730 was turned into a diplomatic triumph

hut never a c h i e v e d lasting conquest. It was the last time

the Tibetans ever invaded.

The monastic communities based in the capital a nd

regional f o r t r e s s e s w e r e not the havens of peace that

Buddhist m o n a s t e r i e s are supposed to be, b u t t h e y provided

the one indispensable f a c t o r of stability in t h e state

through all the wars, epidemics, fires a n d earthquakes

these bui l d i n g s suffered. There are constant references to

senior monks i ntervening in turbulent disputes, arranging

truces and convening councils at times of crisis to appoint

a new s d e - s r i d . The monasteries themselves w ere g o v e r n e d

b y a concensus of the older monks, who g e n e r a l l y chose their ~

own abbot a c c o r d i n g to his seniority a n d accomplishments*

Most of the s d e -srid w h o held office w e r e themselves of a

mature age a nd there cl e a r l y evolved an i r r e g u l a r as s e m b l y

of senior g o v e r n m e n t officers under the l eadership of the

sde-srid. L o o s e l y constituted, its character seems to have

owed muc h to monastic example and precedent. (The present

National A s s e m b l y could in turn b e said to have d e v eloped

out of the t r a d ition of the s d e - s r i d 's council.) It must

b e stressed that it was only a p a r t icular type of monastic

official w h o s e duties entailed p a r t i cipation in t he affairs

of government; the c o m m unity as a w h o l e m a i n t a i n e d a strict

curriculum of study a n d ritual. The stable years of the

1 8 th century saw the a stonishing development of a truly

Bhutanese school of scholarship b a s e d in the state

communities b u t enlivened b y contacts w i t h the be s t of the

Tibetan w o r l d of learning. Most of the H e a d Abbots of this

p e r i o d w e r e h i g h l y a ccomplished writers and a s t u d y of t h eir

w o r k s and biog r a p h i e s will one day reveal the best of the

cultural heyd a y of the theocracy. In the fine arts too,

the Bhutanese achieved great d istinction a nd confidence

in their own pe c u l i a r adaptation of existing forms a n d

techniques. There is a "boldness and richness w h i c h speaks

of the u n l imited patronage available to g o v e r n m e n t artisans

in e x e c u t i n g w o r k s of commission. Much o f the government

revenue went d i r e c t l y towards creating the external

'supports' of religion not onl y f o r the state institutions

bu t also f or p r ivate temples and monasteries throughout the

country. Th e ac c o u n t of the 1 3 th s D e - s r i d 's merits c a r e fully

lists over four h u ndred private religious foundations to

11U
w h i c h the g o v e rnment had donated new statutes. As regards

the internal spiritual life o f .the monks, those w h o h a d a

b e n t for the contemplative life could rely on an e s t a b l i s h e d

procedure for obtaining p e r m i s s i o n from the abbot to go off

to a hermitage, or to receive special training f rom a

master. Ironically, m a n y of the clergy w e r e driven b y the

constant p o l i t i c a l upheavals to take refuge in the practice

of r enunciation w h i c h t r uly lies at the heart of Buddhist

monasticism. The poetic writings and b i o g r a p h i e s of the

great abbots are f i l l e d w i t h remorse and sadness at the

violence w h i c h surrounded them. In cases w h e r e religious

figures were unwi l l i n g l y p l aced in positions of s e c u l a r

a uthority the y r a rely hel d to t h eir posts f o r more than a

few years. Inva r i a b l y they resigned a n d fled to the peace

of a hermitage. It seems to have b e e n o n l y at the very

b e g i n n i n g of the state's history that the m o n k - r u l e r s

a c h i e v e d l a s t i n g success, but m a n y of the l a y s d e -srid

whose rules w e r e g e n u i n e l y g u ided b y spiritual principles

seem to have been effective a n d c o m p etent figures* In the

two a n d a half centuries of the theocracy, that is f rom the

time the founding Zhabs-drung w e n t into 'retreat' until the

first h e r e d i t a r y k i n g O - r g y a n d B a n g-phyug came to the throne

in 1 9 0 7 , there w e r e a p p r o x i m a t e l y fifty-five s d e - s r i d . w h i c h

produces an av e r a g e reign of about f our and a hal f years.

M a n y of course ruled f o r much longer and some for just a

few months, while others shared the throne w i t h a n o t h e r through

choice or necessity. (See the Appendix.) E v e n if one allows

for the doubtful t e s t i m o n y of such an average, it does

reflect the fact that m a n y of the s d e -srid came to t h eir

positions late in life shortly before retirement or death in

office. Six of them a p p e a r to have b e e n kill e d and at least

twelve of them deposed. For all its hazards the office of

sde-srid e n j oyed remarkable continuity. By the latter half

of the 19th century, however, the position c o uld have h a d

few attractions. Indeed many of the sde-srid of that p e r i o d

w ere the nominees of the K r o n g - s a r dPon-slob 'Jigs-med rNam-

rgyal a n d his son O - r gyan dBang-phyug w h o p r e f e r r e d to leave

the office to trusted m e n of their choice while they w i e l d e d

p o w e r f r o m behind the throne.

Much of w h a t has been said in this study w i l l have

g i ven the i mpression t h a t Bhutan is a large country a n d it

w o u l d be as well to re m e m b e r h ow ver y s m a l l it is and how

v ery tiny its population. The survival of a diminutive country

surrounded b y powerful nations largely depends on the tacit

compliance and coop e r a t i o n of its neighbours, no matter how

well p r o t ected it is b y natural barriers or how stable its

government. The 18th century saw the Bhutanese enter into

diplomatic relations w i t h the A h o m kings of Assam, and with

the courts of Sikkim, Nepal and Ladakh. A modus vivendi w as

e v e n tually developed w i t h the Tibetan a u t h o r i t i e s w h i c h did

great credit to Bhutanese sovereignty. As to the idea of

Chinese suzerainty, it remained entirely u n d e veloped a n d

notional, although they continued, from t i m e to time, to

make vague claims over B h u t a n an d to meddle in local

Bhutanese politics. In t h e 19th c e n tury the internal s i t u a ­

tion d e t e r i o r a t e d to such an extent that if a foreign p o l i c y

could he said to have existed at a ll it was one of isolation*

M a n y of the o ld m o n astic enclaves over which the Bhutanese

h a d a c q u i r e d traditional rights in the w e s t e r n Himalayas,

L a dakh and Nepal w e r e lost at this time. O n l y the large

estates a r ound K a i l a s h in w e s t e r n Tibet remained in Bhutanese

hands until the Chinese took over Tibet in t h e 1 9 5 0 Ts. Up

till then relations with Tibet remained cordial despite

occasional f r i c t i o n on the border, but the p o l i t i c a l importance

of these ties were quite superseded b y contacts w i t h British

t

India. A f t e r the loss o f the duar plains during the Bhutan

W a r of 1865-6, B h u t a n assumed w i t h British help its proper

status as a b u f f e r countr y between India and Tibet. Today,

although the country is w i t h i n the Indian sphere of influence,

its independence is i n t e r n ationally recognised*

The life a n d society of Bhutan under the present

m o n a r c h y cannot be understood except in relation to the m a n y

forms and institutions w h i c h survive f r o m the theocratic

period* W h e n all the sources have b e c o m e available to m o d e r n

scholarship, as t h e y surely will, it s h o u l d b e possible to

w r ite a connected account of its rich h i s t o r y in order to probe

b e hind the surface of events a n d discover the f a s c i n a t i n g

issues at stake in the life of the nati on, issues w h i c h are

b y no means w i thout relevance to some of the p e r s p e c t i v e s of

our own v e r y different age. Meanwhile, it is h o p e d that the

present effort w i l l have c ontributed something to an

u nderstanding of wha t came before the theocracy*

 4YZ

Notes to Ch a p t e r 3

1• bsTan-pa !d z i n - p a Ti skyes-bu thams-cad-kyi rnam- p a r thar-pa-la

gus-shing r,1 es-su Mug-pa'i rtogs-brjod p h a - r o l - t u phyin-pa

dang gzungs dang t i n g - n g e - 1 dzin-gyi sgo ma n g - p o rim-par

phye-ba'i g t a m . 2 vols., dbu-can ms.

2. Op. cit., Vol. 2 (s m a d - c h a ) . ff. U 2 6 b-l4.JLj.9 b.

gTsang m K h a n-chen was the author of a life of the Buddha,

collated f rom all the sutras, entitled: b C o m - l d a n - *das

shakya thub-pa'i rnam-thar mdo-sde kun-las b t u s-pa chos-kyi

'khor-Io'i deb-gter chen-po 1phrin-Ias-kyl 'od-stong 'char-ba.

2 vols., dbu-can ms. On the circumstances which led him to

wr ite the work upon his return to Bhutan after the last of

his I n dian visits, see ff, U50b-U51b of his autobiography.

U* See LCB I, f. 1lj.a. The claim is not made in FBP.

5. Smith 1968:1.

6. See p a r t i c u l a r l y the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s life b y Shakya Rin-chen,

f . 3a.

7. F o r a discussion of lHa-dbang Blo-gros's important work,

the bs Ta n - r t s i s 'dod-spyin g t e r - ' b u m . a n d a critique of

S c h l a g l n t w e i t 1s t r a n s lat ion of it, see V o s t r i k o v 1970:

1 U 0 f f . (notes) .

8. See Wessels 192U:155

9* Vol. Ga. f. 55b and L C B I, f. I 8 a-b.

10. P B P , Vol. Ga, f. 60a-b, A m o n g the m a n y delegations from

Bhutan, special mention is m a d e of the families claiming

descent from Pha-,io 'Gro-mgon Zhig-po (sic).

 4 (i

11. PBP, Vol. Ga, f. 76b et seq.

12. PBP, Vol. Ga, f. 123a-b a n d LCB I, f. 22b.

13* See f . 9 of the R e l acao below, and note 25 thereto.

1^* 17b, and LC B I, f. 2^b.

^5. P B P . f. 31a. Shakabpa (1976:362-3, UOh-fj) appears to

place the death of Phun-tshogs rNam-rgyal in 1 63 1 or 1 6 3 2 ,

but in L CB I (f.27a) an d PBP (P. 31a) it is p l a c e d b e fore

1619, the date of b s T a n - p a Ti Nyi-ma's death,

16. The seal is i l l u strated in thefrontispiece to Hooker

1 8 5 U and at the top of the document containing the oath

of allegiance sworn to Kin g O-rgyan dBang-phyug in 1907,

£

reproduced in facsimile in White 1909:226. F o r the verse

describing the f o r m of the seal, see f. 106b of the

b K a *-khrims below, a n d for the full context of that verse

see f. 22a-b of the life of the zhabs-drung b y Shakya

Rin-chen. The Nga bcu-drug-ma reads as follows:

lugs-gnyls ’khor-lo bsgyur-ba nga / /

nga-ni kun-gyi .skyabs-su b z a n g / /
dpal-ldan * b r u g ~ p a ri bsta n - ' d z i n nga / /
nga-ni Tbr u g - p a r brdzus-rnams b c o m / /
rtsom-pa'i db.yangs-can grub-pa nga / /
nga-ni legs-bshad 'byung-khungs b t s u n / /
mtha'-bral l t a - b a !i bdag-po nga / /
nga-ni lta-lop;-mkhan sun-byin //
r t s o d - p a Ti mthu-stobs bdag-po nga / /
nga-mdun m l - M a r br,p;ol-ba su / /

nga-nus b z l o g - p a Ti mthu-chen su / /
chad-pa 'i np;aK-g;i dbanR-phyma: nga / /
np;a~ni rig-gnas kun-la mkhas //
gong-ma'i lung-bstan sprul-pa nga / /
nga-ni !dra-min s p r u l - p a Ti gshed //
 4Y4

17* See f. 87b of his r n a m - t h a r .

18. See f. 23a-b of the rnam-thar of Dam-chos Pad-dkar.

19. See ff. I6lb-l63a of his r n a m - t h a r .

20. See PBP, f. 151b*

21 . See Note 20 to the L o - r g y u shelow,

22. See PBP, f. 93a.

23. The date of this invasion a n d those of the subsequent

ones w h i c h took place during the remaining years of

the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s life are given in P B P . ff. 94a, 99b,

1221), 1 2 6 b, 1 3 6 b,

2i+. See pp. 496-7 'below.

25* See Tucci 1949:62.

26. The s d e -srid is given the name Kun-dga* Rab-brtan in

L QB I, f. 37a. However, this seems to b e a mistake for

bs T a n - s k y o n g dBang-po, w h o had succeeded his father,

P hun-tshogs rNam-rgyal.

27. See P B P . ff. I00b-I05a, repeated v e r b a t i m in Vol. Ca,

ff. 20a-28b,

28. See Tucci 1949:636 and Shakabpa 1967:81.

29. See Shakabpa (1976:431) y w h o has not m e n t i o n e d his

source: D u k u l a . Vol. Ka, f. 1 3 6 a.

30. See Shakabpa 1976:428-9.

31. Both Tucci (1949:68) and Petech (1972:204) b e l i e v e it

was the s e c o n d dGe-lugs-pa invasion of Bhutan in 1 6 4 8 w h i c h

occurred in reaction to Bhutanese support g i ven to the

sG-ar-pa. I a m more in c l i n e d to think that the sGar-pa

revolt m a y perhaps have bee n a f a c t o r in this first

invasi on.
 4 i'D

32. The settlement, if indeed it was ever p r o p e r l y fbrmal-

ised, turned out to b e Just as temporary as the earlier

one with the gTsang s D e - s r i d . The 5th Dalai Lama h a d

only a few months earlier given recogniti on to the

incarnation of dP a g - b s a m dBang-po (D u k u l a . Vol. K a .

ff. 133a-b). The p a s sage (op. cit. ff. 135b~136a) in

w h ich the Dalai Lama describes the c o m p l i c a t e d n egotiations

which t o o k place at this time is v e r y dif f i c u l t to follow,

b u t he took p a r t i c u l a r e x c e ption to a letter from the

Zhabs-drung in which he said: "Having b r o u g h t down a

Mon g o l i a n arm y upon the g T s a n g - p a . how is it that y ou

have not got the p o w e r to deliver to me a single mon a s t e r y

/I.e. R a - l u n g 7 ?"

33* bla-ma lho- r u b z h u g s - 1dug / /

Tb u l - b a l h o - r u rgyab-song / /
dngos-.grub fbrug-pas b s d u s - !dug / /
nor-bus bya- r a b y a s - s o n g / /

34* See H u m - r a l g d u n g - r a b s . f. 5 6 b.
*

35. See op. cit., ff. 67b-68a.

36. See L C B X, f. 43a.

37. F o r a full list of the Wang tsho-chen b r g y a d see

A r i s 1976:625 Note 61 .

38. Op. cit. 621.

39. See f . 7b of the Lo-rgyus below.

40. Tucci (1949:68) and Shakabpa (1976:431) maintain this

oc c urred in 1 6 4 8 , b a s i n g their statements on t h e evidence

D u k u l a , Vol. Ka, f f .14 0 b - l 4 l a . The Bhutanese sources

(PBP, f. 1 3 6 b and L C B I, f.44a) give the date sa-giong J

(1649) .
2+i * See Shakabpa 1976:444-5.

42. See D u k u l a . Vol. Ka, ff. I40b-l4la, and Shakabpa 1976:

431-2. The names of the Tibetan commanders are given

in abbr e v i a t e d form as D r u n g - c h e - Tor g a u m ,

43. See PBP, f. 137a, and LCB I, f. 45a. Also Arie 1976:613.

44. The festival is discussed in some detail in A r i s 1976.

45* See f. 10 of the Relacao below.

g

46. Cf. the accounts in LC B I, f, 39a a n d on ff. 293a ©t seq..

gT s a n g m K h a n - c h e n *s autobiography.

47. See L C B X, f. 35b.

48. Op. cit., f. 36a,

49. We have n o t e d three invasions b y the g T s a n g sDe-srid

(the first of these b e ing undated) and two b y the

government of the 5th Dalai Lama. A c c o r d i n g to LCB I

(f. 31a-b), there were in fact three b y the latter, one

of them b e i n g on a small scale. The details concerning

this o n e ' s e e m to have b een lost.

50. See f, 15 of the R e l a c a o below.

b

51 . See PBP, P. I4la-b.

52, F o r a short sketch of this person's life see ff. 74B-76b

of the rnam-thar of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas.

53. 1674 is the last date m e n t i o n e d in the w o r k (P B P , f.149a) .

gTsang mKhan-chen died in 1684 (see f. 455 a of his

rna m - t h a r ) ,
j
 L
1 i I

54. ... m.ya-ngan-las 'da'-ba'i tshul ston-par-mdzad-pa-las /

dgos-pa !g a f-zhig-gi dbang-las sku-mtshams-kyi lugs-su

bca s rgyas-bsdams-te shin-tu gsa n g - b a r b y as-so / / (f. 3b ) .

55. b s T a n - ' d z i n C h o s -rgyal took no less than 28 years to w r ite

the LCB I, i.e. 1731-59 (see the colophon on ff. I48b-I5la).

He wrote f. 53b in 1757, a n d the passages dealing w i t h the

Z h a b s - d r u n g 's retreat come shortly after.

56. ... gzhan-.yang zhabs-drung ma-chen sku-mt shams-kyi gsang

m a - b r t o l - b a r d e - k h o - n a r bzhugs-pa sman-yon che-yang /

rje-'dis gsang brtol-bas bstan-bsrung ma-n.yes-pa'i

gzhis-las sku-tshe-la ’g a l - r k y e n byung-ba-yin-k.yang zer-ro /

(L C B I, f. 62b).

57. See f. 101a of the rnam-thar of Kun-dga' r G yal-mtshan b y

Shakya Rin-chen. This work preserves complete s i l ence on

the question: evidently the disclosure of the secret

re f lected b a d l y in s o m e w a y on K u n - d g a T rGyal-mtshan, w h i c h

explains w h y he does not himself go into the matter of

causes in the passage quoted in the next note. I am most

indebted to Slob-dpon Padma-lags for b r i n g i n g this passage

to my notice. It led me eventually to a l l the other

references g i v e n in this section,

58. / der rten-'brel-gyi dbang-zhig-las dpal ngag-gi dbang-po'i

sku-mt shams-kyi gsang brt o l - d g o s l b y u n g - b a s / de'i nyin r r

je

rin-po-che'ang spur-m.1al-la phebs-te / (f. 39b).

59. Smith 1968:1

60. See Shakabpa 1967:125-8, 1976:463-71, P e t e c h 1 9 7 2 b ;0,

a n d Macdonald, A 1977:134-8.

61. See f. 8 3 a of the r n a m -thar of b s T a n - ’dzin Rab-rgyas b y

N g a g - d b a n g lHun-grub.
 478

62. See ff. USb-1^9a 0f the rnam-thar of Dam-chos P a d - d k a r by

K u n - d g a 1 rGyal-mtshan, and f. 1 6 a of the rnam-thar of

Ngag-dbang Pa d - d k a r b y Shakya bsTan-*dzin.

63. See L C B I, f. 51+b, a n d f. 19b of the rna m - t h a r of Kun-dga*

rGyal-mtshan b y Shakya Rin-chen.

61{.. See f, 325b of the rnam-thar of b s T a n - * d z i n Rab-rgyas b y

N g a g -dbang IKun-grub.

65. See f, 21a of the rnam-thar of Mi-pham dB a n g - p o b y Shakya

Rin-chen.

66. See ff. 93b-9Ua of the rnam-thar of N g a g - d b a n g *Phrin-las

b y Shakya Rin-chen.

67. See f . 29a of the rnam-thar of Ngag - d b a n g P a d - d k a r b y

Shakya bsTan-'dzin; also f. 23a of the r n a m-thar of

Phyogs-las rNam-rgyal b y Shakya Rin-chen.

68. See ff. 82a-83a of the rnam-thar of Mi-pham dBang-po b y

Shakya Rin-chen.

69. #.• bdag-n.yld chen-po tdi-nyid / yos-lo dpyld-zla * b r i n g - p o ti

tshes b c u-la zag-pa m e d - p a Ti dbyings-su g s h e & s - p a r gyur-to /

der b l a - m a r i n - p o - che rang-gi zhal-chems-las / lp bcu-gn.yis-

kyi b a r dgos-pa chen-po yod-pas nges-par g s o n g-shig

gsung - b a - l t a r / sde-pa dbu-mdzad chen-po rang d a n g / sku* i

nye-bar gnas-pa 'ga'-zhig ma-gtogs / g z h a n sus-kyang

ml-shes-pa*! bka*-rgya dam-pos gsang-bar mdzad-do / der gra-pa

rgan-gzhon thams-cad Itas dang c h o - 1phrul-gyi rnam-pa m a n g - d u

j
b y u n g-ba-la thugs the-tshom-du g.yur / k h y a d - p a r r.je g z h o n - n u

nyid b l a - m a dang m.jal-rg.yu-med-par .yun-rlng-bas / bla-ma

rin-po-che sku-mtshams grol-nas z h a l - m j a l - b a 1i dus-cig nam

yong-ngam dgonj?s-pa1i thugs-*dun-la rg.yun-chags-su

 4Y9
70. See L OB II, t. 1281).

71. See also W e s s e l s 1 9 2 h :1M -2, and Note 1 6 to the Relacao below.
o

72. / / de-yang de-dus-kyi gtam-la phyi sde-srid phyag-mdzod-pa /

nang drung dam-chos r gyal-mtshan zer gleng-la gleng-ba-ltar

zhabs-drung rin-po-che sku-mtshama bcad-rg.var b z h u g s - t e sde-pa

dbu-mdzad chen-mo zhlng-du phebs-pa-nas ffzung chos-phyogs-kyi

thuffs~*g:an thams-cad b z h e s - t e ... / See also L C B I, ff. 95b-60a.

73. See f. 17a of the rnam-thar of bSod-nams f0 d - z e r b y

N g a g - d b a n g dPa l - l d a n rGya-mtsho.

7U. See f. 21a of the rnam-thar of Dam-chos P a d - d k a r b y Kun-dga*

rGyal-mtshan.

75. As noted above, the death of *Jam-dpal rDo-rje was also k ept

secret b ut we have no means of telling for ho w long. The’^

a u thor of LC B II maintains (on f. 12 2b) that he died in

1681. P e t e c h (1972a:205 Note 12) has con c l u d e d from notes

supplied to him b y Mr. E, Gene Smith that the death occurred

in 1680 or 1 6 8 1 *. See also the previous section to this

chapter.

76. / de-bzhin gong-sa chen-mo ghabs-drung yab-sras gnyis-kyi

g z i m - 1gag-nas phyag-*bul-Ia b.yon rtse-shod p;n.yis-ka-nas

na-bza* sogs byon-sk y e s - k y a n g gya-nom-pa stsal-bas

dngos-m.jal-bzhin thugs mchog-tu dges-par gyur-to / /

(f. Ih8a-b of the rnam-thar of bsTa n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas b y

Ngag-dbang l H u n - g r u b ) .

77. / ding-sang-gi b a r - d u ’ang gdung-brgyud rtse*i gsol-gzims

l a - s ogs b k o d - n a s m c h o d - ’bul-gyi rgyun bz a n g - p o yod-pa ldi*o / /

(L C B I, f. 5 h b ) .

/ sku-pur d m a r - g d u n g - d u *jog-nas p h y i s -phral b.yung-rken-gyis

 43

1.jiffs-kyanff yab-srae gn.yis dbyer-mefl m c h o d ~ p a Ti rg.yun b z a ng-po

btsugs-te d a - l t a Ti b a r - d u rtse*i gsol-ffzims Vlog-srol nya m s - m e d

b.yung / (LCB II, ff. I22b-123a).

78. See ff. 26b-27a of the rnam-thar of b S o d-nams fO d -zer b y

Ngag-dbang dPal-ldan rGya-mtsho.

79. See f. i+2b of the rnam-thar of K u n - d g a 1 rGyal-mtshan b y

Shakya Rin-chen.

80. See the Relacao (Notes 1 and 13) below, and the r e f e r e n c e to

'tiie Rharnara.ja in the passage from the Fathiya i Ibriya

quoted above.

81. Petech (1 9 7 2 a : 203) has m a i n t a i n e d w r o n g l y t h a t rGyal-tshab

was the local title for the Pharmara.ia. and that Zhabs-drung

Rin-po-che was a n improper, though mor e common, usage. He

notes correctly, however, that the list of the rgyal-tshab

in L CB I represents "... an attempt to systematize a m a t t e r

w h i c h e s c a p e d any c o n s istent frame." Nevertheless, he himself

a dopted the framework imposed on Bhutanese h i s tory b y this

w o r k in discussing "the succession a n d approximate chronology

of the heads of the Bhutanese state," and the w h o l e m a t t e r of

the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s Tr e t r e a t 1 escaped his careful r e a d i n g of

the three Bhutanese sources available to him. This has tended

towards a rather d i s t o r t e d picture of the period. In e v ery

other respect his p a p e r has been invaluable t o the present

study, p a r t i c u l a r l y in its meticulous ap p r o a c h to chronology,

82. See f. 19b of the rnam-thar of K u n - d g a T rGyal m t s h a n b y

Shakya Rin-chen; also Note 77 above, a n d Petech 1 9 7 2 a : 203

Note 12,

83. See f. 1 09a of the rnam-thar of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas b y

Ng a g - d b a n g lHun-grub; also Petech loc. cit.

64* My translation of the French rendering "by A. M a c d o n a l d

(1977:136).

85- See p a r t i c u l a r l y Shakabpa 1976:^63.

86. In the following paragraphs I do not supply references to

the original sources in d e a l i n g with the s u c c ession a nd

rules of the first incumbents to t h e p o s ition of *Brug

s D e - s r i d , except where m y findings a d d to the picture

affor d e d b y Petech in his major article (1972a) w h i c h w as

b a s e d m a inly on the evidence of L C B I, MBT J , the r n a m-thar

of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas (his abbre v i a t i o n T S M ) . and a few

other Tibetan, Bhutanese and Chinese works.

87. See D u k u l a ♦ Vol. Ka , f. 156a-b; p a r t l y r e p r o d u c e d in

Shakabpa 1 976:i|43-4-

88. See f. 1 8 a et seq; also Rote 51 thereto.

89. See f. 131a of the rnam-thar of b s T a n - fd z i n Rab-rgyas b y

N g a g - d b a n g lHun-grub; also L CB I, f, 5 6 a.

90. See Shakabpa 1 976:i+lp7 — 8.

91. See f. 98b et seq. of the rnam-thar of b s T a n - fd z i n

R a b -rgyas b y N gag-dbang lHan-grub. In L C B I (ff.5lb-52a)

the Invasi on of 1657 is t o t ally c o n fused with this one of

1676 .

92. The latter official, the sDe-pa s K y i d - s h o d - p a . is r e f e r r e d

to as a mediator in the rnam-thar of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas

(f. 107b), but appears in the source used b y Shakabpa

(I976;hh8) as a Tibetan negotiator.

93. See f. 109b of the rnam-thar of b s T a n ~ Tdzin Rab-rgyas.

9U* iSlob-dpon Padma-lags informs me that this tradition is

found in the rnam-thar of Nga g - d b a n g r G y a l - m t s h a n .

I do n o t h a v e this work to hand.'

95* The long passage (f. 129a-b) is so crucial to the issue

of the 1r e t r e a t 1 that it merits quotation in full:

/ g z h a n - y a n g skabs de-dag-gi tshe / sngon zhabs-drung

rin-po-che sku-mtshams rdo-r,1eTi sgo-glegs "dzugs-pa*! skabs /

thugs zag-pa med-pa'i ye-shes bde-ba chen-po zung-Viug r a b-tu

m l - g n a s - p a Tl db.yings / t i n g - n g e - Tdzin-gyi sgo rg.ya-mtsho

lta-bu-la snyoms-par M u g - p a mnyam-gzhag Tod-gsal chen-po *i

ngang-las g.yo-ba m e d - p a r b z h u g s - r l n g - n a s / ye-shes b r t ae-ba

c h e n - p o T1 rang-gzugs chu-zla'i rol-gar-bzhin !char-bas /

'phrin-las *ga*-zhig-gi dbang-las re-zhig sprul-pa'i zla-zhal

"gos-yul-gyi p h yogs l h o-bod m t s h a m s - k y i .y u l - g r u zhig-tu

tshes-pa Tbrug-gzhunp^-nas thugs-khur bzhes / zab-khog-nas

g d a n - 'dren-syl sta-df.;on b ^ y l d - pa-yln-yanK / dp;e-'bruK chags-

sdang-gi db a ng-las b o d - g z h u n g - d u thal-ba bya-thabs med-pa'i

g n as-skabs-la thug / de-r.jes rin-po-che n g a g -dbang b s t a n - fdzin

rab-rgyas k h r i - t h o g - t u phebs-pa'i zhal-snga-nas / thabs-

mkhas-kyi mdzad-pa ji-ltar rtsom-yang gda n m a - Tdrongs /

mthar rgya - n a g - t u phebs-pa sogs ’phrin-las cung-zad b s y a n g s - n a s

sprul-pa'i dk.yil-'khor g t o r /

96. There is a reference to b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas making offerings

to the Z h a b s - d r u n g Ts corpse (gong-sa mchog-gi sku-gdu n g )

on f. 3 1 6 ai •

97. See Note 78 above.

98. On f. 30lfb of the rnam-thar of b s T a n - fdzin Rab-rgyas we

find Sa-ga requesting the Zhabs-drung for a b e a d from his

rosary; b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas wanted one as a charm to cure

his illness. See also Note 79 above.

 483
99. See ff. 3 2 b - 3 3 a of the rnam-thar of Da m - c h o s P a d - d k a r

"by K u n - d g a ! rGyal-mtshan; also LCB I, f. 61b.

100. / d o n - d u hstan-pa gdung-gls 1 dzin-pa-has sprul-pa

kho-nas *dzin-pa dga'-bar 1 du# snyam-ste /

101. See Note 9 to the Lo-rgyus below on t he a l l e g e d a n c e s t r y

of Kun-dga* rGyal-mtshan.
i

102. See f. 31b of the rnam-thar of K u n - d g a 1 rGyal-mtshan b y

Shakya Rin-chen.

103. Op, cit., f, U5b.

104. See Note 58 above,

105. See L C B I, f. 6 6 b. The p r o p h e c y 1 w h i c h justified this

doctrine is said to have been revealed b y P a d m a sambhava

to a c e r tain gTer-ston dPag-bsam-pa during the reign of

one sDe-pa sDe-srid 7 dGe-Khri. The l a tter can perhaps

be i d e n tified with Ngag-dbang rGya-mtsho, the 9th sD e - s r i d

(regn. 1719-29), often referred to as sDe-pa d G e - b s h e s .

106. On the c i r c u mstances of K u n - d g a f rGyal-mtshan*s death, see

f, 11lfb et seq.. of his rnam-thar b y Shakya Rin-chen.

107. On L a j a n g * s invasion see M B T J . ff, 10la-112a; also

Petech 1972b:29-30.

108. See P e t e c h 1972b: 161 - k ; also M B T J . ff. 3^5a et seq..

109- The following a c c ount is b a s e d on ff. 2lfb-39b of the

rnam-thar of Nga g - d b a n g P a d - d k a r b y Shakya bsTan-*dzin;

also f. 17b-23a of the rnam-thar of P h y o gs-las rNam-rgyal

b y Shakya Rin-chen; and ff. 72a-97b of the rnam-thar of

Ngag-dbang 'Phrin-las b y Shakya Rin-chen.

 484
110. See .ff. 51"b“ 68a of the rnam-thar of Mi-pham dBang-po "by

Shakya R i n - c h e n .

111. See ff. 1 2 7 a - 1 28-131 a of the rnam-tha r o f Ngag-dBang

1Phr i n - l a s "by Shakya Rin-chen.

112. See ff. 39’b-lj.Oa of the rnam-thar of Nga g - d h a n g P a d - d k a r

"by Shakya B s T a n - 1dzin; also ff. 123a-12i+a of L C B II.

113* See A p p e n d i x (List p) Below.

HU* See ff. iila-^ij-a and. 89"b-9la.

 485

Plate I: A collection of prehistoric stone implements from

Bhutan
Plate 2: The cong of dKon-tnchog-gsum lHa-khang in Bum-thang
 L>

PART TWO

F I V E I M P O R T A N T S O U R C E S

[* ■
r ‘ / is f fj r.
f* ,LO vi>f:

*
A
Background to the texts

The works selected for inclusion in Part 2 have

"been chosen from considerations of their v a l u e as crucial

source m a t e r i a l on the formative era of B h u t a n e s e history,

covering as they do the entire period leading to the full

emergence of the Bhutanese theocracy. T h e i r relative

b r e v i t y as c o m pared w i t h the other ma^or w o r k s consulted

in this study f u r t h e r suggested the convenience of

pre s e n t i n g them here as a group of i nterrelated ‘minor*

texts. Moreover, none of t h e m pertain to the same genre

of historical w r i t i n g and so t o g e t h e r they r e p r esent

something of the available corpus on Bhutanese history.

Several other short texts separate from the rnam-thar and

chos-'byung genres could have b e e n included but f or

reasons of space and time. Nevertheless, the ones chosen

here seem to me among the most important of those now

available. Two t e xts of the gter-ma class (not represented

here) have a l r e a d y b e e n studied in Sections 2 a n d 3 to

C h a pter I. W h i l e the first two works in this collection

have never befo r e b e e n available to m o d e r n scholarship, and

are i n deed h a r d l y known even in Bhutan, the next two (which

include a text translated from Portuguese) have b e e n

par t i a l l y k n o w n from the work of White (1909) and Wessels

(192U), Although these earlier writers fully realised their

importance, n e i t h e r of t hem w e r e able to fit these w o rks

into the historical context with any degree o f success, and

the translations t h e y provided were incomplete. Text V has

a l r e a d y appea r e d in Aris 1976, reproduced here in full.

To form something of a chronological sequence the

works have to be read in the order: I, IV, II, III, V, The

present order was d e t e r m i n e d by the close relationship

of I and II, b y the nature of IV as 'odd m a n o u t 1, and

b y the current ritual use of V.

I. Sa-skyong rgyal-po'i gdung-rabs 'byung-khungs dang

‘bangs-kyi ml-rabs chad-tshul nges-par gsal-ba'i sgron-me

(short title: rGyal-rigs 'byung-khimgs gsal-ba'i sg r o n - m e ) .

dbu-can ms. in 5h folios measuring approx. 35 x cms.

Author: the mon k Ngag-dbang (Wa-gindra) of the B y a r clan.

Date: 1728.

I first h e ard o f this w o r k a n d No. II b e low in 1971 from

Drag-shos bsTa n - ' d z i n rDo-rJe, former magi s t r a t e of

b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g rDzong, w h o was at that time employed at

the A u dit Office in the capital. He very k i n d l y offered

to secure copies for me from eastern B h u t a n a n d after some

months he succeeded in obtaining the m anuscripts from w h i c h

these copies were made. The copyist made no attempt to

correct the m a n y orthographic errors w h i c h h a d . crept into

the two works since the time of their c omposition and some

effort has now gone into emending the more obvious mistakes.

A few lacunae remain unfilled b ut not so as to cause serious

disruption. b s T a n - ' d z i n rDo-rje himself w r ote down a few

comments on the copy of this first work a n d these are g i v e n

here in the notes under the abbreviation TD. Slob-dpon ^

Padma-lags (LP) ver y k i n d l y answered some specific queries

in a letter dated 10/5/77. The work is un i q u e l y important

for its treatment of the ancient ruling clans a n d families

of eastern Bhutan. Much has already b e e n said about it in

Sections U and 5 to Chapter I above, and several unexpected

references were found in Tibetan literature that shed

light on its evidence. However, it should perhaps he p o i n t e d

out again that the form of the work, p a r t i c u l a r l y its

division into apparently unrelated sections, seems to

come from the fragmented nature of Bhutanese society

itself. Although there are themes linking them together

unconsciously, each of the sections 2 to 5 real l y stands

on its own for its handling of a particular unit of rule,

or rather of a collection of related units sharing a

common myth. The Ad d e n d u m provides a glimpse into how

some of that 'sharing* seems to derive from the author's

own search f o r unity in the face of multiformity. Apart

f r o m its supremely local character, t h e style and conception

of the w o r k owes m u c h to the Tibetan rgyal-rabs.

^ • dPal 'brug-par lung l h a 'i g d u ng-brgyud-kyis bstan-pa'i

ring-lugs / lho-mon-kha-bzhi-las nyi-ma shar-ph.yogs-su

b y u n g - z h i n g r g y a s - p a '!■ lo-rgyus gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g ; dbu-can

ms. in 2U folios, same measurements as I above. Author:

Ngag-dbang. No date.

This is the second of the two works f o u n d for me b y

bs T a n - ' d z i n rDo-rje, and its condition exactly m a t c h e d that

of I above. W h i l e the rGyal-rigs is a glori f i c a t i o n of the

ancient order in eastern Bhutan, this w ork is an enthusiastic

narrative account of its destruction b y a m i l i t a r y campaign

organised f o r the new 'Brug-pa government in the 1650's b y

K r o n g - s a r dPon-slob M i - 'gyur brTan-pa. How the two w o rks

could have issued from the same p e n remains so m e t h i n g of an

enigma. No doubt one reason c a n be found in the

universal tendency to recognise and accept the powers

that be once t hey are firmly established. A n o t h e r is that J

the a u t h o r was b o t h a member of an ancient clan (the Byar)

and a 'Brug-pa monk of the state monastery in b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g

rDzong. Furthermore, the rG.yal-rlgs seems to he a

Tsecret* work d i r e c t e d towards the sympathisers of the

ancien r e g i m e , w h i l e the Lo-rgyus is clearly of a formal

nature intended to w i n favour in the eyes of 'Brug-pa

officialdom. T h e y w e r e probably w r i t t e n at different

periods in the life of the author. The w a y in which

several figures m e n t i o n e d at the b o t t o m of the pedigrees

in Section 2 of the rGyal-rlgs turn up here as p r o t a g o n ­

ists in the struggle with the 'Brug-pa is p a r t i c u l a r l y

satisfying (see Table VIII and the notes to both works).

U n f o r tunately the geographical setting remains somewhat

obscure a n d only the larger districts can p r e s e n t l y be

identified on the map. Nevertheless, the w o r k is of

great value, b a s e d as it is on a number of eye-witness

reports and w r i t t e n in a most refreshing style, simple and

direct. I know of no other wor k in Tibetan o r Bhutanese

literature w h i c h quite compares w i t h it. The lack of a

similar account of the ’Brug-pa expansion towards the w e s t

is much felt. The name of M i - 'gyur brTan-pa also figures

p r o m i n e n t l y in that movement.

III. dPal 'brug-pa rin-po-che mthu-chen n g a g - g l - d b a n g - p o 'i

bka'-khrims phyogs thams-cad-las rnam-par rgyal-ba'i g t a m ;

b l o c kprint in 1 6 folios, occupying ff. I00b-115a in L C B I.

Author: b s T a n - ' d z i n Chos-rgyal, 1701-67 (r e g n . as 10th

Head Abbot 1755-62). Date: 1729.

J
This is the Bhutan Legal Code of 1729 composed b y b s T a n -'dzin

Chos-rgyal f o r and on beha l f of the 10th *Brug s D e - s r i d .

Mi-pham dBang-po, at the start of the latter's eight-year

reign. A l t hough this seems to b e the first such code in

Bhutan, it was b y no means the only one. slob-dpon

P a d m a - l a g s informs me that he has p e r sonal k n o w l e d g e of

at least two others, both of w h i c h s i m ilarly took the form

of decrees proc l a i m e d b y new incumbents to the position of

fBrug s D e - s r i d . One may indeed w o n d e r if these codes

continued to h o l d force for very long a f t e r the reigns of

their promulgators. Both Petech (1972:211 Note 75) a n d

W h ite (see below) appear to have thought that this p a r t i c u l a r

code was the only example of its kind a n d that it en j o y e d a

constant v a l i d i t y through later Bhutanese history, the

f ormer referring to it as "the Bhutanese code of law

(actually conduct rules f o r the ruling class)." The term

bka'-khrims ( ’legal c o d e 1, 'decree* or 'edict') as f o und in

the above title has had an unbroken c o n t i n u i t y f r o m the time

of the Tun - h u a n g literature w h e r e it appears as b k a ' g r i m s

(cf. als o bka'g r i m s - g y i y i - g e , b k a '1 k h r i m s - y l g . U r a y 1972:32).

The only pub l i s h e d text, however, w h i c h affords a p a r a l l e l to

this one seems to be 'The Edict of the C'os rGyal of G-yantse*

(Tucci 1949:745-6). In fact w o r k on Tibetan law b e g a n only ,

r e c e n t l y w i t h Uray's most detailed study (1972) of the

t r a dition of S r o n g-btsan as lawgiver. His r e s e arches w i l l

form the starting-point of any future ap p r o a c h to the

question of the real codes of the 14th c e n t u r y a n d later.

That sufficient material does survive to w a r r a n t an

exhaustive s t u d y is quite c l e a r from the notices given of

certain legal texts b y Kitamura (1965: No. 408), Yamaguchi

(1970:Nos. 443-4) and e s p e c i a l l y b y M e i s ezahl (1973:222-63).

Meanwhile, e v e n if the code pre s e n t e d here cannot yet be

p r o p e r l y set e i t h e r in the context of the B h u t a n e s e legal

tradition o r in the w i d e r T i b e t a n tradition from w h i c h it

stems, it does s t a n d as a mine of i nformation on the theory

and practice of theocratic government in Bhutan. Two of the

British colonial officers w h o h a d dealings w i t h Bhutan

realised its importance and commissioned t h e i r T i b e t a n

assistants to translate it into English. A partial

translation (or rather summary) can b e f o und in Ap p e n d i x

I, 'The Laws of B h u t a n 1, to White's b o o k of 1909 (301-10).

S ir Charles Bell employed the t e a c h e r 'Dousamdup Kazi'

(Zla-ba bSam-grub) to translate the whole of the l H o 'i

c hos-'byung w h e r e i n the code is preserved, a n d his t y p e ­

script survives in t he B r i t i s h Library (A2 19999.b . 17)*

Both v e r sions are m a r r e d b y inaccuracies and omissions

b u t were on occasion f o u n d useful for resolving certain

problems of interpretation. The draft b y 'Dousamdup' is

g e n e r a l l y better, though less fluent, and I give a f ew of

his readings in the acco m p a n y i n g notes u n d e r the a b b r e v i a t i o n

DS, f o l lowed b y the page number of his typescript. Of far

g r e a t e r value have b e e n the glosses p r o v i d e d f o r me b y

Slob-dpon Nag-mdog, w h i c h he most gra c i o u s l y sent in a

letter dated 11/12/75. Some of these I have reproduced in

their original f o r m in the footnotes and G l o s s a r y under

the a b b r e v i a t i o n LN. No attempt has b e e n made to trace the

undo c u m e n t e d quotations which sprinkle the text, b e s ides

those that turned up in the Subhasitaratnanidhi of Sa-skya

Pandita (the Sa-skya l e g s - b s h a d . Bosson's edition of 1969).

The a n n o t a t i o n of the translation has p r e s u m e d a f a i r

amount of 'T i b e t o l o g i c a l ' knowledge on the part of the

reader, and so m y notes are generally confined to matters

concerning Bhutanese institutions. Much of the text is

w r i t t e n in a clipped 'civil service' idiom to the point of

am b i g u i t y or obscurity, and some license has therefore b e e n

used to b r i n g out t h e m e a n i n g in certain passage. I have .

not checked the text against those excerpts of it w h i c h are

said to "be r e p r o d u c e d on slabs of slate set into a

stupa outside the rdzong of sPu-na-kha. (The stupa

is k n o w n as the r d o -ring ( lp i l l a r T), p r e s u m a b l y b y

a n a logy with the Zhol rdo-ring of lHa-sa.) A

d e f i n i t i v e 1 translation wil l only be p o s s i b l e w h e n

the l a ter codes b e c o m e available to s u pply sufficient

parallels and contrasts.

IV. R e l a c a o que m a n d o u o p . eEstevao Ca c e l l a Da comp.a

0
de J e s u ao p. A l b e r t o Laercio Provincial da Provlncia

do Ma l a v a r da India Oriental, da sua V i a g e m pera o

Catayo. ate chegar ao Reino do P o t e n t e . 15 folios, ms.

in P o r t uguese (29 x 20 cms,). Preserved in the A r c h i v u m

R omanum Societatis lesu where it has the c a t a l o g u e no.

627*~. A n account b y Cacella of his stay in Bhutan,

written at the court of Zhabs-drung N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal

at the temple of lCags-ri on i+th October, 1627. It is

not in the author's h a n d w r i t i n g and must be a copy sent

to Rome from India.

The translation of Cacella's Relacao

2 _ .
(or rather

the b u l k of it w h ich recounts his stay in Bhutan) has bee n

made from a p h o t o c o p y k i n d l y provided b y t h e So c i e t y of

Jesus in Rome. It would have bee n impossible to include

this inte r e s t i n g document here b u t for the help of

Dr. Thomas Earle, U niversity L e c turer in Portuguese, Oxford

w ho also s u p plied the following comment: "The Jesuits

sometimes wrote h i g h l y literary reports of their activities

a
e s p e cially t h eir 'cartas a n u a s b u t this is clearly not

one of them. It is only a report of w o r k in progress, as

Cacella explains in para, 1. The report is not especially

well put together, as after a rather sententious summing-up

on ff, 13-1U (omitted in our translation) he remembers

that he has failed to tell the Provincial about t he

ge o g raphy of Cambirasi / = Bhutan, see Note 1 ^ . I think

the omitted para, is intended as a summing-up, b e cause it

begins 'This is the state of things in w h i c h we are at

p r e s e n t 1 a n d he goes on to ask for the b l e s s i n g of the

Provincial, which he does again at the very end of the ^

report. Where Cacella does attempt h i g h e r flights, as in

the para, we have omitted, he is r a t h e r unclear and

difficult to follow. The v o c a b u l a r y seems straight-forward,

apart from the few oriental words he uses. O n the w h ole I

w o u l d guess that this report was somewhat h a s t i l y written."

(letter dated 2 9 / 3 / 7 7 .)

The value of this document lies chiefly in the fact

that b y a stroke of pure good fortune it contains a

detailed account of Cacella's meeting w i t h Zhabs-drung

Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal (159h-?1 6 5 1 ), the f o u nder of Bhutan,

Cacella and his fellow Jesuit, Cabral, spent several months

in the Z h a b s - d r u n g 's company in 1627 and the a c c o u n t

corroborates several passages in the b iographies of the

Zhabs-drung (PBP a n d LCB I, ff. 12a-5ha) w h i c h I point out

in the notes. The only person who has g i v e n serious

notice of the Relacao to date is Wessels (1 922+: C h . 5 a n d

*
Appendix II), A l t h o u g h he made a brave attempt to relate

the evidence to Bhutanese institutions, unfortunately

Wessels only had the secondary material deriving from

British authors to hand, and so the significance of the

w or k from the point of v i e w of the Bhutanese material w as

of course lost on him. However, his b o o k is still basic

reading f o r those w h o w i s h to see Cacella's account in t h e

w i d e r context of Jesuit missions- to Tibet and Central Asia.

It also has to be read for Its narrative of our Jesuits'

approach Journey t o B h u t a n a n d f o r their doings in Tibet,

both of w h i c h lie outside the present interest.

I approach the work here almost e xclusively from

the Bhutanese angle. Oddly enough, the Bhutanese h a v e a

genuine 'angle' on the Portuguese and some thought must

be g i v e n to the following passage in g T s a n g m K h a n - c h e n 1s

b i o g r a p h y of the Zhabs-drung (P B P . ff. 96b-97a, repeated

almost verbatim in L CB I, ff. 3 h b - 3 5 a ) • It comes a f t e r

the account of a Tibetan defeat at Srin-mo-dho-kha

('Simtokha') in 1 6 3 U, that is to say at least seven years

after Cacella's stay. The Tibetans f o r m i n g this second

gTsang-pa invasion had captured the palace. The guardian

deities of the 'Brug-pa are then claimed to hav e ignited

the gunpowder store and the enemy soldiers "are said to

have died in the fire.

/ d u s - s k a b s - d e 'i tshe / phyl'i rgya-mtsho chen-po*i

g l i n g - p h r a n purdhu-kha zhes-bya-ba'i yul-nas / me'i
mda' dang / me'i sgyogs-kyi 'khrul-'khor / me'i
rdzas dang-bcas-pa 'bul-bar / g l i n g - d e 'i rgyal-po'i
pho-nya sngon m a - m t h o n g - b a 1i mi-tshul dang byad
mi - ' dra-ba mang-po rgya-mtsho chen-po-la zla-ba
b cu-gnyis-kyi gru-gzings btang-nas rgya-mtsho dang
nye-bg'i yul gho-ba zhes-bya-ba dang / A-bzir-ya
dang A- z i r - k a z h e s - b y a - b a 'i srin-po'i yul-gyi
cha-shas-dag 'das-te / shar-phyogs za-hor rgyal-
khams b r g y u d / gya gha-ta-kha-nas 'ongs-te /
sku-zhabs rin-po-cher 'byor-te / me-mda' dang
me - sgyogs me'i rdzas dang-bcas-pa-dag d a n g /
rgyang-ring-po-na yod-pa'i dngos-po p hra-mo-yang
drung-na yod-pa ltar mthong-ba'i shel- m i g sogs J
n g o - m t e a r - b a 'i yo-byad sna-tshogs phul - z h i n g /
bla-ma khyed-la ' g r a n -bdo-ba'i dgra yod-na / nged-kyi
rgyal-po'i yul-nas dmag-dpung chen-po 'bod-thub
c e s - z er-yang / kla-klo'i dmag 'dren-pa sogs rang-gi
skyabs-'gro-la gnod-pa'i bya-ba c i - l a-rung beam
k h a s - l e n ma-byas gsung / dus d e - yan-du me-mda'
ma-da r - z h i n g / srol-med-pas skad thoe-pa-tsam-gyis
dgra-sde'i tshogs 'Jigs-shing sk r a g - p a r gyur-to / /

At that time there came to the Precious L o r d

/ Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal/ from the
 country called Purdha-kha /Portugal/, a
small island in the great outer ocean,
some messengers from the king of that island,
b e i n g a k ind of men that had not p r e v i o u s l y
b e e n s een and having many strange features,
in order to make offerings that included
muskets, the magical device of canons,
g u n p o w d e r and so forth. After sailing a
ship for twelve months on the great ocean
they had passed th r o u g h a place n ear the
ocean called Gho-ba /.Goa/ and some parts of
the L and of Demons called A-bzlr-ya / A s i r V »
'Hassier'?/ and A-zir-ka / A s l r g a d h ? / / and
then b y w a y of the eastern rea/m*of Za-hor
/ P u n j a b ? Mandi ?/ they came / h e r e / from
Gha-ta-kha / C o o c h Bihar/ in India, Offering
various marvellous objects which included
the muskets, canons and gunpowder, also an
eye-glass which caused one to see even minute
objects at a distance as if they w e r e right in
front, they declared: "Lama, if y ou have enemies
that harass you, w e can summon a large a rmy from
the country of our kind," However, / t h e Z h a b s -
drung/ said / t o me, gTsang m K h a n - c h e n , o n c e / :
"Thinking / t o myself/ how could it ever be
fitting to invite a barbarian arm y or c o m m i t
o t her such acts that w o u l d injure one's own
refuge / i n the Triple Gem/, I d id not accept
/ the offe^/." U £ to this time fire-arms h a d
not flourished / i n Bhutan/ and since the custom
did not exist, the enemy became t e r r i f i e d Just
on h e a r i n g the sound.

Is this a g a r b l e d account of the Jesuit mission or does it in

fact relate to a quite separate visit paid b y a group of

Portuguese soldiers of fortune ('fidalgos') of w h o m no trace

remains in the available w e s t e r n records ? C e r t a i n l y the

date, the alleged mer c e n a r y character of the visitors, the

nature of their presents and possibly their itinerary all

suggest the latter possibility. On the other hand, the

chronology of PBP is often confusing and the fact that b o t h

visits are apparently a f f irmed to have been the first made

by Europeans to Bhutan might point to their identity. The

problem largely hinges on the Portuguese gift of guns, w h i c h

finds no m e ntion in Cacella. C o u l d Cacella have omitted

them from his report as b e i n g a subject too indelicate for

the ears of his Provincial ? I would pref e r to leave these

various possibilities as they stand pending further research.
 ±'0Q

V. bKa*~bk,yon rdo-r,1e t h o r i u m ; dbu-can c o n c ertina

ms. in 31 folios m e a s u r i n g 2 3 i x S i cms. No a u t h o r

or date.

This is the code governing the b e h a v i o u r of the 'pazap*

militia during the official New Year festival at the

old w i n t e r capital in sPu-na-kha. It has b e e n included

here for the abundance of its h istorical a l l u s i o n s a n d

themes. The a r t i c l e (Aris 1976) where it f i rst appeared,

and v/hich is presented here, carries its own extended

introduction; some of its points have b e e n superceded b y

i
the l a ter research embodied in the present study.

\
 J

TEXT I
 3UU

(la ) saskyong rgyalpo’

tgdirngrabs 'byiingkhungs dang 'bangskyi
mi rabschad tshulngespargsalba’isgron me bzhugso //

(lb ) na mo Arya lo ki sho ra dharma ra dza bho dhe sa twa ya / /

rgyal kun thugs ije gcig ’dus lhag pa’i lha / /

mtha’ khob bod kyi ma rig mun gling Mir //
gang ’dul thabs kyis* cir yang skur ston pa’i // •kyi
spyan ras gzigs dbang mgon la phyag ’tshal lo / /

gang de’i snang bmyan* sgyu!ma’i zlos gar las / / •bsnyen

sna tshogs sprul pas ’dzam gling skye ’gro ’phel //
sangs rgyas bstan pa (2a) phyogs mthar rgyas pa’i phyir
rgya gar mi rigs lha las* sprul pas chad / / •la
bod kyi mi rnams spre’ur gyur pas spel //
de dag dge ba’i thabs mchog stsol ba* ni / / • b a ’i
rgya gar yul du mang pos bskur ba’i rgyal //
gangs can bod du rje rgyal gnya’ khri btsan / /
srong btsan sgam po khri srong* ld e** btsan dang / / •sring •* » d e
lho phyogs mon du lha sras gtsang ma zhes //
mam par (2b) sprul pa’i skye mchog de mams kyi / /
gong ma rje’i gdung rabs ’byung khungs dang / /
’og ma ’bangs kyi mi rabs chad tshul sogs //
nges* par gsal ba’i sgron me ’di ni spor / / •nge
’phags yul gangs can bod kyi chad khungs mams / /
lo rgyus* bstan bcos kun la mthong thos dang // •rgyud
’jig rten rgan rabs mkhas pa’i ngag rgyun* bzhin // •brgyun
kun gyi go bde nyer mkho cung zad tsam //
brjod par spro yang snyigs dus skye bo rnams //
mi srun gzu lum spyod pa’i shugs ’gros kyis //
ya rabs che btsun rje ’bangs mtho dman* med // •man
rigs rus ’chol* bar song ba’i dus nyid la / / • ’c h o
brgyud khung bshad kyang don med ngal ba’i rgyu / /
’on kyang ma ’ongs (3a) dus kyi skabs ’ga’ re //
rigs rus mngon mtho dpa’ * mdzangs bio gros Idan // • d p a ’i
gnam bskos stobs kyis sa la dbang sgyur ba’i //
rje rgyal brgyud pa nyin skar byung srid na / /
dgyes pa’i ’dzum zhal snyan gyi dga’ ston dang / /
(4bsy ya rabs pho mnyam khrol mor gleng ba’i gtam //
kun gyi rna ba’i thos rgyar mi spobs kyang // J
mgrin dbyangs gsang ba’i glu chung ’di ltar len / /

1. i A c o n s i d e r a b l e m u d d l e I n t h e o r i g i n a l p a g i n a t i o n is e v i d e n t a t t h i s p o i n t a n d c o n ­
t i n u e s till 6 b l .
 U V

SECTION I

(5a) de yang mdo sde padma dkar po las lung bstan pa bzhin / sngon
sangs rgyas bcom ldan Mas zhal bzhugs pa’i dus su / bod gangs can
gyi gling phyogs ’dir ri lung * sa gzhi thams cad la mtsho chen po •klung
’khyil* zhing chags nas yod pa la / sangs rgyas bcom ldan Mas kyis / • k h y i l
spyan ras gzigs la lung bstan pa bka* stsal pa / spyan ras gzigs kyis
kyang zhal gyis bzhes shing / thugs bskyed smon lam gyi stobs dran
pa tsam la / kong chu lag* kha phye nas mtsho thams cad der thim •rlag
nas sa gzhi lag mthil ltar chags shing sa* la’i nags chen po byung bar *sn
gyur pas / de nas ’phags pa spyan r^s gzigs dbang phyug dang / j'o
mo sgrol ma’i thugs rjes brgyud bskul nas / spre’u byang chub sems
dpa* dang / brag srinmo gnyis bza’ (5 b) mir Moms pa dang / spreM •
phrug drug skyes pa las rims pa ’phel nas / spre’u phrug Inga brgyar
song ba dang / ’phags pa spyan ras gzigs kyis / skye bo gzhon nu
lang tsho dar la babs pa shin'tu mdzes pa cig tu sprul nas / sprel tsha
mams kyis khyed kyis gzugs byad mdzes pa de ci las byung zer bas /
mi des mi dge ba bcu spangs pa’i chos bshad pas spre’u tsha mams
kyis kyang de bzhin nyams su blangs pas / de rnams kyang rims par* • p a s
mi la gyur to / / de nas ’phags pa spyan ras gzigs kyis / spre’u rgan
byang chub sems dpa* la ’bru sna Inga gnang nas / spre’u gyur pa’i
mi mams kyis so nams kyi las la ’jug ste lo thog smin pa dang / sus
thob dang hab* thob by as pas ’thab cing rtsod** pa dang / steng na • h a s • • b t s o d
rje dpon med / ’og na ’bangs kyi rim pa med pas (6a) [ ..........] 1 / / .
Ian zer nas / khong rang thams chad kha mthun* gyis rje dpon ’tshol • t h u n
ba’i ’dun ma ’grigs pa dang / ’phags pa spyan ras gzigs kyi thugs rje
’od zer gyis / rgya gar gyi rgyal po dmag rgya* pa’i bu tha chung •brgyab
ru pa skye bskul* ba dang / bod kyi mi rje dpon ’tshol du phyin pa • b s k u g
mams dang lha ri rol pa’i rtser phrad pas / bod kyi mi rnams kyis /
rgyal po la khyed gang nas yin zer dris pas / de dus rgya bod skad
ma go bas / rgyal po mdzub* mo gnam la ker ba dang / khong rnams • m d z u m
kyis ’di ni gnam las yong ba’i lha yin pa Mug zer nas / gnya’ ba la
khri bzos nas ’khur yong ba£ / rgyal po’i ming yang rje gnya’ khri
btsan por btags so / / bod kyi rgyal po la snga ba de yin no / / rgyal
po de’i rigs rus kyi ’ byung khungs ji ltar yin zhe na / sngon rgya
gar ’phags pa’i yul gyi rgyal po la snga ba rje mang po bkur ba’i
rgyal po yin pa dang / de nas gdung brgyud rims par* ded** pa’i “omitted ••'dod
rgyal rabs la / rgyal po bha (6b) ra dhwa dza dang / go’u ta ma
gnyis byung ste / go’u ta ma nyes* pa med pa la / nyes par bsgrags •mnyes
nas / gsal shing gi rtsc la bskyon pa las khrag (3a2)2 gi thig le Mzag 1
pa la smon lam btabs pas sgo nga gsum du gyur pa / bu ram shing

J. A p a s s a g e a p p e a r s t o h a v e b e e n o m i t t e d here.
2. Pagination error continues.
 fJ u w

lo ma’i* seb tu bzhag pas / rgyal bu khye’u chung gsum du gyur pa • l o ’i for l o m a ’i
la / gdungs brgyud rims par *phel ba’i bu ram shing pa’i rgyal rabs
brgyud pa dus kyi dbang gis* grong khyer chen po ser skyar** gnas • g i • • s k y a
shing ming sring lhan du sdebs pa las byung ba’i brgyud pa la / sha
kya chen mo / sha kya li tsa byi / sha kya ri brag* pa zhes rgyal rigs • g r a g
gsum du dgyes pa las / rje gnya* khri btsan po de ni / sha kya li tsa
byi’i brgyud pa yin no / / gnya’ khri btsan po’i gdung rabs nyi shu
rtsa (3b) Inga la / rgyal po lha tho tho ri gnyan btsan* byon pa yin / • l h a t h o t h o ’i s n y a n
shal
de nas gdung rabs Inga la / rgyal po srong btsan sgam po byon pa
yin / de nas gdung rabs Inga la / rgyal po khri srong lde* btsan byon • s d e
pa yin / rgyal po khri srong lde* btsan la sras mu ne btsan po / mu •sde
khri btsan po / sad na legs gsum ’byung ba’i / sad na legs kyi sras /
khri ral pa can / lha sras gtsang ma /' glang dar ma gsum byung ba’i /
khri ral pa can ni / snying ije padma dkar po’i mdo las lung bstan
pa’i phyag na rdo ije’i sprul pa yin / de nyid rgyal sar bskos nas
’dzarn bu gling cha gnyis la dbang sgyur nas / stobs dang mnga’
thang* lha’i longs spyod mnyam zhing / *u zhang rdo’i * * gtsug lag • ' t h a n g • • ’u s h a n g
m d o ’i
khang chen mo rgya ’phibs* dgu thog dang bcas pa bzhengs / sangs • ’b i g s
f rgyas kyi bstan pa dar zhing rgyas pa’i phyir du / dge ’dun gyi sde
chen po / (4a) ’dul grwa bcu gnyis / bshad* grwa bcu gnyis / sgom •bshed
grwa bcu gnyis la sogs pa / bod dbus gtsang khams yan chod du /
chos sde chen po sum bcu so drug btsugs* / rgya gar nas pandi ta ** • g t s u g * * p a n t l t o
da’ na sh’i la la* sogs pa’i pandi ta ** mang po spyan drangs nas / • o m i t t e d ••parrti ta
bod kyi lo tsa ba mams dang chos thams cad skad* gsar** bead • skar ••gsang
kyis* sgyur du bcug cing dam pa’i chos dar zhing rgyas pa dang / • kyi
khyad par du’ang dge ’dun pa re la ’ bangs mi khyim bdup bdun
bsnyen bskur la sbyar zhing / rgyal po nyid kyi dbu’i ral pa la ras
yug btags / de’i steng* la dge ’dun rnams bzhugs bcug cing / sangs •stengs
rgyas kyi bstan pa la bkur sti khams che ba bla na ma mchis par
mdzad pa las / mnga’ ’bangs rnams la dka’ las che tsam byung ba
dang sdig blon rnams bios ma rangs par / dbas* rgyal to re dang / 'dbabs
(4b) cog ro legs sgra gnyis kyis / rgyal po bkrongs nas chos khrims
bshig pa’i ’dun ma byas pas / cog ro legs sgra na re / rgyal po
bkrongs kyang / lha sras gtsang ma dang / blon chen dpal gyi yon
tan yod pas / chos khrims bshig mi thub zer ba la / dbas* rgyal to *dbab
res nga la thabs yod zer nas / bod dbus gtsang gi mo ma brtsis pa
thams cad la nor rdzas'kyi rngan pa byin nas / thams cad kha
mthun par smras du bcug pa la / lha sras gtsang ma da lo bod khams
’dir bzhugs na / rgyal po* dang lha sras gnyis kyi sku tshe la bar chad • r g u l
yong nyen che* ba dang / khyad par du bod** khams ’dir nad •tsha * * k h o d
yams* dang / mu ge dus ’khrugs (bbi)1 la sogs pa yong ba ’dug zer •yam
nas / thams cad kha mthun par smras du bcug nas smras pa dang /

1. Pagination error continues.

dbas* rgyal to re kyis** / rgyal po’i snyan du gsol pas / rgyal po’i ♦dbabs ♦♦kyi
zhal nas / gcung gtsang ma rang da lo nged rang rnams kyi sku chags
bsangs pa dang / Iho mon gyi mnga’ * ’bangs mi sde rnams kyi yul ♦mngal
khams ji ltar yod dang bde sdug gi *dra yod gzigs pa la phebs pas
chog zer ba bzhin Iho spa gro* phyogs la ’phebs pa dang / yang ♦spa dro
dbas* rgyal to re dang / cog ro legs sgra gnyis kha mthun nas / rgyal ♦ c f b a b s
to re dang / cog ro legs sgra gnyis kha mthun nas / rgyal po’i btsun
mo ngang tshul ma dang / blon chen dpal gyi yon tan gnyis / rgyal
po ma mkhyen par gsang thabs kyis* ’dod pa (7a) spyad nas / nal ♦kyi
bshams ’dug zer nas phra ma bcug pas / btsun mo ngang tshul ma
ha las* te lcebs te shi bas / rgyal po phra ma la gsan nas / blon chen ♦ l e s
dpal gyi yon tan me dpung chen po’i nang la cug nas bkum pa dang / I
sdig blon gnyis kyis* glags rnyed** nas / rgyal po ’bras chang gsol ♦kyi♦♦snyed
nas gzims pa la / dbu lhag par skor nas bkrongs so // de n<js glang
dar ma rgyal sar bskos nas / gtsug lag khang dang / sku gsyng thugs
kyi rten rnams bshig cing / dge ’dun gyi sde rnams* stor ste khyi ra ♦ m a m
byed du ma nyan pa* rnams gsad / chos sgyur ’phro mams bead nas ♦ o m i t t e d
paptji la* mams rang yul du log / sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa ming ♦p a n t i ta
tsam yang med par byas pas / lha sa’i gnas bdag ma cig dpal lhas
thugs rgyud bskul nas / lha lung (7b) dpal gyi rdo rjes* rgyal po *rJe
glang dar ma bkrongs so / / / / de la sras ’od srungs dang / yum
brtan* gnyis ’ byung ba sku nar son nas / rgyal srid la ma eham par ♦ y u m bstan
dbu ru dang /g.yo ru so sor phye nas lo bcu gnyis bar du ’khrug's
pas / rgyal krims dang chos khrims gnyis ka med par mun: pa’i gling
lta bur gyur nas / lo bdun cu tsam song ba dang / sangs rgyas dang
’phags pa spyan ras gzigs kyi thugs ije brtse* bas gzigs nas / gan'gs ♦rtse
can mun pa’i gling du sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa me ro smad nas langs
te / stod nas gso zhing bar du dbus gtsang la dar zhing rgyas pa’i
ngang tshul byung ba las / bstan pa’i me ro smad nas langs pa ni /
bstan pa bsnubs pa’i dus gtsang rab gsal / g.yo dge ’byung / dmar
shakya mu ni dang gsum / dpal chen chu bo rir* sgom zhing yod ♦r i
tsa na / btsun (8a) pas khyi ra byed pa mthong nas lo rgyus* dris ♦rgyud
pas Irgyal pos bstan pa med par byas pa’i gtam thos pas / khong* ♦kho
gsum dngangs skrags nas ’dul ba’i chos rnams dri’u la bkal nas mdo
smad khams la bros nas gnam rdzong brag la sgom zhing bzhugso //
de’i dus su yul tsong* khar skyes pa’i bon gzhon nu rmu gsal gshen ♦ b t s o n g
’bar* zer ba’i byis** pa de phyugs ’tshor phyin pas / snang gsal lha ♦ m u z u gsal 'bar
♦*byl
khang zer ba’i lha khang zhig ral song ba’i nang gi sdebs bris logs la /
dge slong rab tu byung ba’i gzugs brnyan* yod pa mthong bas / byis ♦ b s n y a n
pa de snang ba shin tu spro dga’ bskyed nas / nye logs na rgan mo
rgas shing khok pa ’khar ba la bsten pa cig yod pa de la / de ci’i
gzugs brnyan* ci yin zer nas dris pas rgan mo na re / nga na chung ♦bsnyan
gzhon nu’i dus na / dge slong (8b) rab tu byung ba zer ba cha lugs
de bzhin gyi sde mang po yod pa yin te / glang dar mas* chos kyi ♦ma'J
bstan pa bsnubs* pa’i * * tshun chad med pa yin zer ba / byis pa na ♦brnubs ♦♦pa'inas
re / de dus kyi dge slong rnams sa cha gzhan la ’thor song ba med
dam zer bas / rgan mo na re / gzhan la yod med mi ma shes / dpal
chen chu bo ri nas bros song ba’i dge slong gsum da lta mdo khams
gnam rdzong brag la bzhugs yod zer gyi ’dug zer bas / byis pa de
de’i mod nyid la gnam rdzong brag la song nas / gtsang rab gsal /
g.yo* dge ’byung / dinar shakya mu ni gsum dang mjal nas gus ♦yo
pa’i btud cing / * chos ’dul ba la lhag par dad pas rab tu byung te / ♦lhag par
ming dge slong rab gsal du btags / phyis thugs rab gsal* zhing chos ♦che zhing
kyi sde snod thams cad thugs su chud pa’i (9a) bla chen dgongs* ♦dgong
pa rab gsal du mtshan yongs su grags pas / dbus bsam yas nas yum
brtan gyi sras brgyud tshana ye shes rgyal mtshan dam pa’i chos la
dad pa bskyed nas / klu mes shes rab tshul khrims* la sogs pa mi ♦klu m e d tshul
khrims shes rab
bcu rab tu ’byung bar brdzangs pas / bla chen dgongs pa rab gsal
las rab tu byung nas chos rgyun dbus gtsang spel ba las / bstan pa’i
me ro smad nas langs pa de la zer ba yin ’dug / stod nas gso ba ni /
glang dar ma’i sras ’od srung dang / yum brtan* gnyis byung ba las / ♦ b s t a n
’od srung gi sras / mnga’ bdag dpal ’khor btsan / de’i sras bkra shis
rtsegs pa dpal dang / skyid lde nyi ma mgon gnyis byung ba’i / .
skyid lde nyi ma* mgon gyi sras / dpal gyi mgon / lde btsug mgon / ♦ n y i m a o m i t t e d
bkra shis mgon gsum byung (9b) bas / bkra shis mgon gyi sras /
*od kyi rgyal mtshan / srong nge dang khor* re gnyis byu,ng bas / ♦kho
srong* nges gu ger mtho lding lha khang bzhengs / kho rdng mkhan ♦ s o n g
slob* med par rab tu byung nas bsnyen par rdzogs / mtshan lha bla ♦ b l o b
ma ye shes ’od du btags / sras gnyis kyang rab tu byung du bcug /
rgyal srid gcung* lha lde la gtad / de la sras gsum byung ba’i bar pa
byang chub ’od yin / lha bla ma ye shes ’od dang / lha btsun byang
chub ’od mes dbon* gnyis kyis / rin chen bzang po la sogs pa’i'^bod ♦ d b o s
phrug* nyi shu rtsa gcig rgya gar yul du btang nas lo tsa’ slab cing ♦'phrug
dam pa’i chos bod du sgyur bcug / khyad par du rin chen gser'ia ma
brtsis* shing / rang nyid kyi lus srog Ia’ang phangs pa med par sdod ♦ ’p h r u g
su bcug nas / rgya gar nas pandi* ta Inga brgya’i (10a) gtsug rgyan ♦ p a n t l ta
jo bo rje dpal ldan A ti sha zhes mtshan nyi zla ltar yongs su g^ags
pa de nyid mnga* ris* gung thang du spyan drangs nas chos kyi ’khor *ri
lo bskor ba dang / de nas rim pas dbus gtsang du phebs nas / sangs
rgyas kyi bstan pa rin po che dar zhit^g rgyas pa nam mkha’i mtha’
dang mnyam par gyur ba’i rgyun dus ding sang gi bar du yod pa de
yin no / / zhes rgyal rigs ’byung khungs gsal ba’i sgron me las / gangs
can bod du mi brgyud spel zhing rje rgyal spyan drangs nas sangs
rgyas kyi bstan pa dar zhing rgyas pa’i le’u ste dang po’o //
 S E C T I O N II

(lOa‘0 IIde nas yang rgya gar ’phags pa’i yul dang / gangs can bod
du byung ba’i stobs kyis ’khor los bsgyiir ba’i rgyal po* rim par • s t o b s k y i ' k h o r lo
s g y u r ba'I rg y a l p o
byon pa’i gdung rabs kyi ’ byung khungs rgyas pa ni / rgyal rabs* •rab
gsal ba’i me long dang / dpag bsam ljon pa / rgyal (10b) rabs khug
pa mams la gsal bas* ’dir ma bkod / de yang rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me • b a ' l
long las kyang / Iho phyogs mon gyi rgyal po rnams / lha sras gtsang
ma’i gdung brgyud yin gsung ’dug pa dang / da lta na’ang rgyal rigs
dang mi sde thams cad kyi gtam rgyun la’ang / rgyal rigs thams cad
rgyal mkhar mi zim pa las so sor ’gyes pa’i gleng gtam kho na kun
mthun kyang / ’ga’ re nas so sos ’dod gtam nga rgyal gyi nga yin
khyod min zer ba dang / la las ni ma go ba’i hoi spyod gzu lum gyi
gtam lha sras gtsang ma nas sras brgyud gdung rabs bcu tsam re
bgrang nas de’i bu nga yin zer nas nges rtags* kho na smras pa dang / * r t a g
la las ni sras brgyud rim pa’i* ming ’di yin ’di min zer nas / brtsod •pas
cing rang rang so so’i ’di rang yin zer ba ni / ma rig blun rmongs* •mongt
shes rig med pa (Ha) kho na yin te / dper na mi gcig la’ang ming
mang po yod pa* kun gyis shes pa de bzhin / pha mas chung dus •ba
bkra shis mnga’ gsol nas btags* pa’i ming dang gees par bskyang nas • b t a g
’phangs pa’i ming dang / bya ba’i gnas skabs dang gzugs byad* la •byas
dpag pa’i ming dang / che sar bkur ba’i zhe* sa che bijod kyi ming •zhes
dang bcas ji snyed yong bas gcig ’dzin pa ni dpyad dka’o / / la las
lha sras gtsang ma Iho mon du phebs nas lo grangs tsam ’das dang /
gdung rabs tsam song gi khungs ma chod par sras brgyud rim pa ’di
yin ’di man gyi ’byung khungs nges rtags ltar brjod pa ni / nga rgyal
khengs shing dregs pa’i bab col* gyi gtam gzu lum kho na yin pas** • b c o l • * p a ,i
ijes su mi ’brang ’tshal lo / / / / dper na lo’i nges pa ni mkhas grub
lha dbang bio gros kyi bstan brtsis gdan dus (lib ) mthun mongs las /
me kyis rtag par dpyad pa’i spyod yul du rag las pas so / / / / de nas
yang gong du bshad pa’i ’phros las / lha sras gtsang ma dpon g.yog
Inga tsam Iho brag phyogs la byon rtsis yin kyang / sngon gyi smon
lam dbang gis* gtsang phag ri phyogs nas spa gro** gnam mtho­ •gi * * d r o
ng* dkar po la phebs / der zhag kha shas bzhugs pa’i bar la bud med * t h o n g
shin tu mdzas shing lang tsho dang ldan pa zhig rtse grogs brten nas /
lha sras nyid tshur phebs pa’i rjes la / phyis bu med de las ma nges
pa’i bu yan pa gcig btsas pa dang / ’ga’ res nas lha sras gtsang ma’i
sras yan po yin pa ’dra zer ba’i bu brgyud / da lta spa gro’i* rgyal > d r o ’l
gdung zer ba dang / thim phu’i gdung ’brog rus che ba rnams yin
zer ba’i ’phros gtam re yang zer gyi ’dug / de nas rim pas thim phu
(12a) gzhung / thed lung chu pho chu mo dbang ’dus pho brang
bar grong zam pa rgal nas shar lung sgor mo la slebj/ de nas* kho •de nas pas
dwangs kha / sngan* lung mang sde lung / kheng / rta li / sbu li / •ngan
stung la sbi / zhong dkar mol ba lung pa rnams rim pas bgrod cing /
 DU I

sku ri chu la sleb pa dang / chu bo’i stod smad gang la ltas kyang
zam pa med par ha las te ci drag thugs nas bsain bio zhig btang* • ’t h o n g
bas Ilha sras kyi thugs la ngas lung phyogs Mi la gnas shing dbang
sgyur ba’i skal* ba yod na zam pa** tshug par gyur cig zer ro / / •bskai •• pa r
gnam lha la dmod bor nas / shing sdong gcig bead cing sgyejl bas /
chu phan tshun sbrel ba’i zam pa lta bur byung bas / chu bo rgal
nas lcang bum du sleb cing skor ri’i lab* rtsa rgal nas / snga tshang •lam
gi sa cha dang she ri chu rgal nas ba geng bre mi he long / (12b)
rtseng mi’i* sa cha mams rim par bgrod nas byams mkhar la sleb / ’ma’i
tshang zam gyi zam pa las ’thon te mug ltang mkhar thum bur zer
ba’i spang logs la sleb cing log nas bltas pas / gong ri grang ma’i chu
rgyud de lung pa’i har yangs shing dwangs sangs pa* ’dugs pas / lha •ba
sras thugs nyams* spro ba’i rnam pa zhig byung nas dngul gyi mda’ •nyam
zhig yod pa de ’phangs pa’i chu byung ba da lta’i gser sgom zer ba
de yin no / / de nas wang ser kung par sleb nas phyogs mthar gzigs
pas lung pa dwangs spro ba yod kyang / mi dang grong zhing re
gnyis las med pas der bzhugs ma spro / / de dus Iho mon gyi lung
phyogs sa cha gang la’ang / rgyal (13a) po khyi kha ra thod dang
mnyam po yong ba’i mi ’thor bu res bzung ba’i khyim zhing* ’thor •khyin zhin
bu re las med pa las / lha sras kyang phebs cing bzhugs ma Spro bar
rim pas ’di phyogs la phebs pa yin ’dug / de nas lha sras nyid kyis* •kyi
mi rnams la mi dang yul grong gang la mang dang / sa gzhi* gang la •zhl
bzang zer nas dris pas / mi rnams kyis la ’og yul gsum dpal mkhar
bzang zer bas / rim pas dpal mkhar du phebs nas bzhugs pas / bod
khams la sdig rgyal dang sdig blon rnams kha mthun nas sangs rgyas
kyi bstan pa bshig pa’i skabs yin zer ba’ i skad cha thos byung ba
dang / bod yul dang thag nye ba’i gshis* kyis der bzhugs ma spro •shis
bar ’ brong mdo gsum btsan mkhar la phebs nas / rgyal mkhar
bzung ba’i ’os* gang la ’dug gzigs (13b) pas / mi zim pa’i sa cha de • ’o d
chu brag gis skor zhing lung* pa’i ’dus che la sa btsan pa ’dug •lus
dgongs nas der phebs pas / de na A mi don grub rgyal zer ba’i mi
zhig gis bdag byas pa’i mi khyim zhig ’dug pa la / lha sras kyis don
grub rgyal la gsungs pa / khyed rnams Mir yong nas mi rabs tsam
song / rigs ms lung phyogs gang nas yin zer bas / don grub rgyal
kyis smras pa / yul phyogs bod nas nga’i pha ma’i dus la yong .
ba yin / rigs rus ni slob dpon padma’i dngos slob A m i* byang
chub Mre bkol rlangs* lha gzigs k y i** brgyud pa / byar po’i yul •r my ang ••kyi*
i
du yod pa pha spun nang ’khrugs nas mnga’ ’bangs dbang rgyu
ma byung ba las ’dir yong ba yin / zer ba’i lo rgyus* zhib par zhus •brgyud i
pas / lha sras kyang yid ches* nas der gnas bcas nas bzhugs* •che
(14a) pa A mi don grub rgyal dang rigs brgyud gcig pa ni / ;
deng* sang sde phag mo gru** pa ’am / sne gdong*** gong ma •der **grub •• •a don g
chen mo zer ba dang ms gcig pa yin ’dug / A mi* don gmb rgyal •ni
gyi bu mo bsod nams dpal skyid / lha sras gtsang ma’i btsun mor
blangs pas / sras khri m i* lha’i * * dbang phyug dang / gees bu • m i ’i • • o m i t t e d
mthong legs btsun gnyis ’khrungs nas sku nar son pa dang / mi
khyim yul grong ’ thor bu re yod pa mams la dbang sgyur nas rgyal
mkhar brtsigs pas / bod chos rgyal gyi gdung zhes grags pa cher song
ba dang / khri mi lha’i dbang phyug / la ’og yul gsum nas blon ’bangs
mams kyis rje dpon spyan* drangs nas phebs pa / phyis sras rgyud •omitted
mams lha’i khams pa la bzhugs pas khams pa jo bo zer ba’i ming de
las grags pa yin / (14b) gees bu* mthong legs btsun rgyal mkhar mi *pu
zim pa bzung ba’i sras khri brtan dpal dang / gong dkar rgyal dpal
bskyed* dar gnyis mnyam por ’khrungs pa’i sras mtshe** ma gnyis * » k y e d • • ’t e h e m
yin Isras gsum sku nar son pa dang / yab kyis gsungs pa / khyed
gsum gyi gnyen byed pa la lung phyogs *di la gnyen zla ch$ cher
med pa las / sngon rgya gar gyi yul du rigs rus gcig la / shakya* ♦sha ka
chen mo / shakya ri brag pa / shakya li tsa byi la sogs pa ming so
sor btags nas gnyen du sdebs pa ltar / khyod rang gsum yang de'ltar
gyis* shig** gsungs*** nas / de yang gnas skabs dang bstun nas rus •gyi **shis • • • g s u n g
kyi ming btags ba la khri brtan dpal / sras kyi thog mar ’khrungs
pa’i rje rgyal po ltar bkur* bas** na rus kyi ming la rje zer cig / •bskur ••bar
gong dkar rgyal dang dpal bskyed* (15a) dar gnyis sras mtshe** ma • s k y i s • • ’t » h e m
gnyis mnyam por sbyar nas ’khrungs pas* na rus kyi ming la sbyar** • p a ’i * * b y a r
zer cig gsungs nas / gong dkar rgyal kho long stod kyi rje dpon du
spyan drangs nas byon / khri brtan dpal gyi rgyal sa bzung bas sras
gnam bskos lde / de nyid kyis yab mes gong ma rnams kybyig
tshang la gzigs shing phyag srol* ji lta ba** bzhin dpe blangs nas ♦sros • • o m i t t e d
mdzad pas / lung phyogs phal* cher mnga’ ’bangs la ’dus shing •pher
dbang sgyur / sras yang gung ri rgyal / lha bzang dar / gnam sa
’bangs*/ dpal * * mthong legs bzhi ’khrungs nas sku nar son zhing •bang ••dpel
stobs mnga’ thang che ba’i skad sgra lung pa* mtha’ dag la thos •omitted
pa dang / de’i sngon thog tsam la bod yul du rgyal po glang dar '
ma’ i sras ’od srung dang yum brtan gnyis rgyal srid la ma cham £ar
(15b) dbu ru dang g.yo* ru so sor phye** nas lo bcu gnyis kyi bar • g . y u • • ’p h y e
du ’ khrugs pas / ’od srung pham nas mnga’ ris stod du bros pa’i
blon ’bangs rnams Iho mon* gyi phyogs su ’ thor nas yong pas mi •smon
rnams kyis yul grong phal cher de dus btab pa yin pa ’dug / de’i
sngon la mi dang yul grong cher med pa dang / rje ’bangs kyi rim
pa med par ’ thab cing rtsod* pa las / sngon gyi smon lam shugs •brtsod
byung lta bu thams cad kha cham nas / rgyal mkhar mi zim par rje
dpon gdan ’dren zhu bar phyin pas / rgyal po gnam bskos sde’i zhal
nas khyod rnams ’dir ci la yong gsungs // nged rnams bod chos kyi
rgyal po’i gdung yod zer ba nas rje dpon zhu bar yong ba yin zer
bas / rgyal po’i zhal nas de ni rten ’brel* shin tu legs so / / gsungs • ’b r c *
nas / gung ri rgyal ’dir rgyal (16a) mkhar bzung ba la ’dir sdod cig /
sras gzhan mams blon ’bangs so so’i bio dang sbyar nas gdan ’dren
gang du zhu ba’i sar song la / blon ’bangs rnams byams dang snying
rje thabs mkhas kyi sgo nas skyongs* shig gsungs nas / bkra shis *»gyons«
smon lam* gyi rgyas btab cing dngos po yo byad** sna tshogs kyi **yod by«d
rdzong ba mdzad pas / lha bzang dar nyi ma che* rigs la gdan *tsh«
drangs / gnam sa ’bangs nyi ma chung rigs la gdan drangs / dpal
mthong legs smad gdung bsam la gdan drangs nas byon pas / de
mams so so’i sras brgyud rim * par bgyis pa ni / de dus rgyal po •chu
mams yul grong gcig tu nges pa mi ’dzin par / blon ’bangs mams,
kyi yul grong skor nas bzhugs pa yin ’dug / lha bzang dar che rigs
la byon pa’i sras / stong gsum rgyal po / de’i bu (16b) som rgyal /
som dar / som bzang / som bzang gi bu / bla ma dang / ’od ’bar /
bla ma’i bu rgyal gdung ’jig stang la / de nyid kyi was chur thum
nang mkhar la rgyal mkhar brtsigs* shing / gnas mo chen chung
blangs pas chen mo’i bu rgya nag dang ma ku gnyis byung / chung
ma’i bu rin bzang / dpal bzang / grags pa bzang / bsod nams ’bum* * ’b u m a
bzhi byung bas / skya sa mkhar gyi sa cha gsal la dwangs* shing •dangs
phu mda’ ’ brel pa nyam dga’ ba yod pa las / khong pha bu rnams
kha cham nas der rgyal mkhar brtsigs shing rgyal sa bzung nas / de
las so sor ’gyes pa las rgyal po snga tshang phyi tshang zer ba de las
byung ba yin / rgya nag gi bu / ham po dang / grags pa gnyis yin /
ham po’i bu lha dar / de’i bu rdor chos dbang / des mkhar nang du
’thon rgyal mkhar (17a) brtsigs shing der sdod / de’i bu gsang bdag
dang Idpal bkra shis gnyis yin / dpal bkra shis kyi* bu / dar ’jam 'omitted
dang / chos ’jam gnyis yin / chos ’jam gyi bu / rdor tshe dbang /
de’i bu lha dbang / mi dbang gnyis / lha dbang gi bu / dar ’jam / de’i
bu nor bu dbang rgyal dang / ngag dbang nor bu gnyis / yang rdor
tshe dbang / rtseng mi’i blon ’bangs rnams kyi rje dpon du gdan
drangs yong nas / tshan Inga shing mkhar la rgyal mkhar bzung nas /
chung ma* blang pa’i * * bu / kun thub / de’i bu rgyud stong ldan • m o • • m a ’i
dang dbang bstan ’dzin grags pa’i bu brgyud mkhar nang dang / mu
sde nor bu sgang la yod pa’i* rgyal rigs** rnams yin / gong du bshad ' o m i t t e d • • r t i i g s
pa’i chung ma’i bu / rin bzang gi bu brgyud rim par ’gyes pa be tsha
nang mkhar gyi rgyal rigs (1 7b) rnams yin / bsod nams ’bum* skya 'bum
sa mkhar du rgyal mkhar bzung nas sdod pa’i bu / dngos ’bum dang /
chos ’bum gnyis yin / dngos ’bum gyi brgyud pa spun mang tshan
gyi rgyal rigs rnams yin / chos ’bum gyi bu / sgrub pa dang / sgo la
gnyis yin / sgrub pa'i bu / rang po dang rdor* bzang / rdor bzang** • r d o s • • o m i t t e d
gi bu Ibang nge dang khri mi gnyis yin / de gnyis kyi* bu brgyud •bkyis
rim par ’gyes pa ’ da lta skya sa mkhar / khas mkhar / mug hang
mkhar / skyed mkhar / the nang sbi la yod pa rgyal* rigs mams yin / • r g y a g
khri mi’i* bu / nyi ma bzang / de’i bu sangs rdo rje yin / des ’dre" •mi
spong la song nas rgyal mkhar brtsigs nas btsan sa bzung ba’i bu
rgyud rim par bgyes nas* ’dre spong gi rgyal rigs rnams yin / sangs •omitted
rdo ije*i bu / zla’u la / des mong sgar (18a) du yong nas rgyal mkhar
brtsigs shing sa gzhis bzung ba’i bu / rgyal po nor bu dbang phyug
dang / dbang drag gnyis yin / bang nge’i* bu sngo seng / de’i bu tshe • * p a n g de'i
dbang / de’i bu tshe ring dbang chcn / de’i bu* rgyal po yin / / // ♦omitted
gnam sa ’bangs* nyi ma chung** rigs la byon pa’i bu brgyud la / ♦bang ♦♦chu
me gdung stong gsum zer ba’i rgyal po spun gnyis byung ba’i / me
gdung gi bu / sman khyi dang / thos pa / sman khyi’i* bu / bya ku ♦khyi
dang* Inya ku / de las so sor ’gyes pa wang ser kum pa’i rgyal rigs ♦omitted
mams yin / thos pa’i bu / gser gdung dang ldan pa / gser gdung beng
mkhar bkra shis sgang la byon nas / rgyal mkhar brtsigs shing rgyal
sa bzung ba’i* bu khu na / de’i bu kha khas / dngos / rgya mtsho ♦omitted
bang gsum byung ba’i dngos kyi bu brgyud (18b) grong stod kyi
rgyal rigs rnams yin / rgya mtsho bang gi bu brgyud grong Smad kyi
rgyal rigs rnams yin / kha khas kyi bu brgyud rang ci mkhar las
yong ba’i rgyal rigs mams yin / ldan pas* gcen mkhar du song nas ♦ p a ’i
rgyal mkhar brtsigs nas* blon ’bangs la * * dbang sgyur nas / ije ♦omitted ♦♦omitted
dpon mdzad pa’i bu thub sbi / de’i bu brgyud la cho ka rdo rje /
mgon po rdo rje / senge rdo rje gsum yin / cho ka rdo rjes* rgyal ♦rjo

mkhar bzung nas* rgya gar rdo rong rwa dza dang ’phrul thabs ♦omitted
bsdur bas cho ka rdo rje rgyal nas de* tshun chad nas** rgya’i las ♦ d e las ♦ ♦ o m i t t e d
sgo la dbang sgyur ba yin / cho ka rdo rje’i bu / khyi rog / rdos /
rgyas mtsho* gsum yin / khyi rog gi bu / bla ma / de’i bu lha mo ♦rgyal tsho
A chi / de’ibu rdo rje phan pas / de’i bu zu gi / de’i bu brgyud gcen
mkhar la yod / rdos kyi bu dngos grub dang / bla ma grags pa / ’
dngos (19a) grub kyi bu rgyal mtshan / de’i bu nor bu rgyal po 'dang
gsang grags / nor bu rgyal po’i bu* rgyas mtsho / de’i bu khyi rog ♦omitted
dpal yin brgyud chad / gsang grags kyi bu tshe dbang / de’i bu*| ♦omitted
rin chen rgyal po dang / karma rgyal po gnyis yin / bla ma grags'
pa’i bu brgyud phra sgom gyi rgyal rigs mams yin / spun chung ba
rgyas mtsho / kha gling gi blon ’bangs rnams kyis* gdan drangs’nas / ♦kyi
kha gling mkhar la byon nas rgyal mkhar brtsigs shing / blon ’b^ngs
dang* rgya gar g yi** las sgo la * * * dbang sgyur nas / stobs mnga’ ♦omi tte d ♦♦gi
♦♦♦omitted
thang che bar byung ba dang / phyogs mtha’i mi sde thams cad der
’dus* pas** da lta’i kha gling gi Ar tshan zer ba’i yul tshan rnams ♦d us ♦♦?!*!
de yin pa ’dug / rgyas mtsho’i bu / rgyal bu / de’i bu brgyud bsod
nams dpal ’byor / de’i sras che ba chos kas / chung ba rgyas bsam
grub / chos* kas kyi sras tshe (19b)g.yang/ tsheg.yanggi sras che ♦cho
ba Irgyal bu / chung ba bla ma don grub / rgyal bu’i sras / padma
rgyal po / padma rgyal po’i sras / gees bu / bsod nams dbang / khri
mi gsum yin / gees bu’ i* bu bkra shis dar rgyas dang / sing po gnyis ♦ p u ’l
yin brgyud pa chad / khri mi’i* bu bde ba'i brgyud chad / bsod ♦ml
nams dbang la brgyud pa med / bla ma don grub kyi sras / sangs
rgyas po / nor bu rgyal po / karma tshe ring / ’brug rgyal po bzhi
 U1U

byung ba'i / karma tshe ring gi bu / bstan 'dzin rgyal po dang* / •omitted
bstan 'dzin dbang 'dus / bstan 'dzin dbang 'dus kyi bu / |
ngag dbang bsam 'phel/ngag dbang bsam 'phel gyi bu / j
ngag dbang phun tshogs dang / bsod nams 'brug rgyal gnyis yin /
bsod nams 'brug rgyal gyi bu / ’brug bde legs / ’brug rgyal po’i* •po
bu jbang ga / rgyal po bsam (20a) grub / ba man gsum yin / bang
ga’i bu jsngon la / de’i bu bla ma rgyal po / ngag dbang bsam grub /
karma bstan ’dzin yin pas brgyud chad / seng ge rdo rje’i bu brgyud
rim par ’das pa’i brgyud pa la / U rgyan dang / rgyas dar gnyis
byung Irgyas dar gyi bu / rgyal po dang las kyi / rgyal po’i bu /
rgyal bkra shis / de’i bu tshe ring dang nor bu dbang gnyis yin / de'i
bu brgyud sdom mkhax la yod pa’i rgyal rigs rnams yin / las kyi’i* •kyi
bu ngag dbang / de’i bu pho brang dang nag seng gnyis yin / de’i bu
brgyud btsan mkhar gyi rgyal rigs rnams yin / rje dpal mthong legs
gdung bsam la byon nas blon ’bangs dang rgya gar la dbang sgyur
nas / stobs mnga’ thang che bar byung zhing / btsun mo blangs pas
sras 'od bar byung / de’i bu tsha bo chang po / de'i (20b) bu brgyud
rim par 'das pa’i bu brgyud la* / bstan na dang / bang tsho zer ba’i •rim
rgyal bu spun gnyis rgyal srid la ma cham par ’khrugs pas / bang
tsho pham nas yul ’thon song ba’i bu brgyud gung gdung rgyal po J
dang / gzhong dkar stong phu la yod pa’i rgyal rigs rnams yin /
gdung bsam mon yul stong gsum la* yod zer ba’ang / de’i dus la •omitted
'thor ba yin ’dug / gong du brjod pa’i me gdung gi gcung po stong
gsum / de’i sras stong rab / de gnyis kyis gcen mkhar dang sgam ri
lung pa ra’ti / phong mi khang pa mkhar la sogs par rim par phebs
kyang / rgyal sa bzung ma thub par mthong rong wa ma spang
gdung la yul bzung nas re zhig der sdad / de nas slar log nas mkhar
gdung la yul bzung sdod pa’i bu brgyud mkhar gdung gi rgyal (21a)
rigs rnams yin / yang gong du bshad pa’ i ’phros las / gong dkar
rgyal kho long stod smad kyi blon ’bangs rnams kyi rje dpon du
gdan drangs nas kho long stod la ’phebs / rgyal mkhar brtsigs shing
mnga’ ’bangs mi sde thams cad la stobs shugs* che ba’i sgo nas •shug
dbang sgyur nas / btsun mo che ba dpal ’dren skyid / rdor ’dzom
pa jA thung skyid /g.yang dpal mo bzhi yang khab tu blangs /
btsun mo che ba dpal ’dren skyid las / sras mthong legs dpal dang /
btsun gong rgyal gnyis ’khrungs pa dang mo nga rgyal langs nas /
rgyal po la’ang* zlo / btsun mo gzhan gsum phyir bton nas rang •langs
rang so so’i yul du log btang ba’i rtsis byas pa la / rgyal pos ma
nyan par bzhag pa dang / btsun mo gsum (21b) gyis kyang sems
chung gi dngos nas btsun mo che ba’i g.yog mo’i tshul ltar bzung
nas sdod pa’i / zla dus ’khor ba dang btsun mo gsum la’ang rgyal
po’i sras lus la chags pa dang / gt^o* rgan stong ’dus dar** gyis*** •gtior • * d u r •••g yi
shes nas j btsun mo gsum la gsang gtam phan tshig smras pa /
khyed gsum la rgyal po’i sras lus la yod pa btsun mo che bas* shes •ba'i
 Dll

nas ngan sems phrag dog gi gnod pa skyal nyen che bas bag gzon legs
par gyis shig zer bas / btsun mo gsum gyis* kyang de bzhin byas / *gyi
zla grangs tshang rim * gyi sras po re re btsas pa dang / btsun mo *rin
che bas* tshor gyi dog nas / rdor ’dzorn pas** btsas pa’i sras po de / *ba’i
zo ba* gyas kyi nang du gsang nas gsos / A tilling skyid ky.i sras po *xo b« a* \
de gzeb ma stung gi nang du sbas nas gsos /g.yang dpal mo’i sras
(22a) po de / sa dong wang gi nang du ’gab nas gsos pas / gsum ka
gzugs byad* bzang shing bskyed yang che bar byung nas *gro ’grul *byas
shes shing gtam ’thol re smra shes pa dang / btsun mo chung ba
gsum gyis* kyang btsun mo che bas gnod pa skyel** gyis dogs*** * g y i **«ky»i • • • d o *
nas / blon ’bangs rnams kyis* bran nas bu chung gsum khrid cing "kyi
gong dkar drung du phyin nas smras pa / btsun mo che ba’i phra
dog la ’jigs nas sbas gsang thabs mkhas kyis* gsos** pa’i sras*** * k y i * * b s o s • • • p a ’i
gsum po ’ di yin zer bas / rgyal po thugs dgongs shin tu dgyes shing ,rfl* om
bud med shes rab kyi rang bzhin yin zer ba bden par ’dug gsungs* *gsung
nas Isras gsum po rim pas phang du blangs shing mgo la btsugs* *’rdzu9
btsugs* re mdzad nas / dus ma ’ong pa na gtam rgyun ngo mtshar • ’jus
che zhing ya mtshan pa’i phyir du sras gsum po’i (22b) mtshan ma’i
ming dang rus kyi ming so sor btags dgos gsungs nas / rdor ’dzom
pa’i bu snod yas kyi nang du gsang nes gsos* ba yin pas nq / ming *bsos
gsang sde btsan du btags* / rus kyi ming la yas sde zer / A thung
skyid kyi bu snod stung gi nang du sbas nas gsos* pa yin pas na /
ming sbas sde btsan du btags* / rus kyi ming la stung sde zer / g.yang *btag
dpal mo’i bu sa dong wang gi nang du ’gab* nas gsos** pa yin pas *gab •*b*os
na / ming ’gab* sde btsan du btags** / rus kyi ming la wang ma *gab ••btag
zer cig / da dung bu gsum nar ma son gyi bar du legs par bskyangs
shig gsungs nas / yum gsum la bza* btung mkho ba’i yo byad* dpag * b y e d
tu med pa gnang ngo / de nas sras Inga nar son zhing dpa’ brtul lang
tsho dar la babs nas / stobs mnga’ thang che bar song ba dang / yab
gong (23a) dkar rgyal yang thugs dgyes pa’i nga rgyal langs nas /
blon ’ bangs rnams la khral *u lag gi rgyun che bar btsugs shing / lung
pa’i phu las sha khral / mda’ las nya khral / tshong pa lam ’grul las
lam khral tshugs* len pa dang / blon ’bangs rnams dka’ las che bar *tshug
len pa dang / blon ’bangs rnams dka’ las che bar byung ba dang /
thams cad kha mthun gyis ngo log nas / gong dkar rgyal yab sras
mams rgyal mkhar las bton* btang ba dang / log yong nas re ** zhig * g t o n **ri
rgyal mkhar mi zim par bzhugs pa’i skabs der / sngar nas rje dpon
gdan ’ dren ma zhus pa’i mi rnams kyis / lha sras gtsang ma’i gdung /
gong dkar rgyal gyi sras rnams yod par shes nas / rgyal mkhar mi
zim par yong nas / gong dkar rgyal gyi drung du zhus pas / nged kyi
yul du rje dpon med par ’thab (23b) cing brtsod pa’i sdug bsngal
yod pas* de scl ba’i phyir du / sras rnams nged** so so’i yul phyogs *pa’i * * d e d
kyi rje dpon la zhus dgos zer bas / gong dkar rgyal gyi zhal nas /
mthong legs dpal nga rang gar sdod kyi sa gzhi zung ba la bzhag

J
 DI

dgos / bu gzhan mams khyed rang blon ’bangs so so ’i bio dang sbyar
nas khrid cig gsungs pas / yas* sde gsang sde btsan / sa gling rgyan •yang
mtshams la gdan drangs nas byon / stung sde sbas sde btsan / zang
lung pa la gdan drangs nas byon / wang ma ’gab* sde btsan / gang •gab
zur stod la gdan drangs nas byon / sras mams so sor ’gyes pa’i rjes
su / yab gong dkar rgyal yang thugs mkhyen stobs kyi mdzad
khyon* rlabs che ba’i bshams ra sgrigs pa dang / sngar nas mi zim •khyod
pa’i rgyal mkhar ’dzin mkhan gnam bskos (24a) lde’i* thugs ji ltar •sde
yong mi shes bsam nas / gong dkar rgyal yab sras gsum ri gzhung
thang ngos* la phebs nas gnas gzhi bcas bas / de’i nye ’khor na yod • j n g o s
pa’i mi sde thams cad kyang sngon gyi smon lam shugs byung lta
bur* rang dbang med par mnga’ ’bangs la ’dus** pa dang / gzhan • b u ’i • • ’d u d
yang yul grong mang po zhi rgyas dbang drag gi sgo nas mnga’ ’bangs
la bcug cing / stobs mnga’ thang che bar byung nas / sgo khyi yang
stag la byas pa’i rdo phong bug* pa phug nas gtags pa’i bshul da •phug
Ita’ang ’dug / gong dkar rgyal gyi sras / mthong legs dpal / de’i sras
rgyal gdung dar / de’i sras ngam bzang la / de’i sras sprang po dar /
btsan ’dus la / Ong ma gsum byung ba’i / sprang po dar gyi pha nor
che dgu thams cad khyer nas / shar dom (24b) kha la sonig nas stobs
shugs che ba grub thob spyod pa lta bus / mi sde thams cad mnga’
’bangs la bchug cing rgya’i las sgo la dbang sgyur nas stobs mnga’-
thang che bar byung ba’i bu brgyud* shar dom kha dang / mur •brgyud
shing la yod pa’i ba spu rnams yin / bar ma btsan ’dus la* tsha se • b t s a n 'dul
la song nas rgyal mkhar bzung nas blon ’bangs la dbang sgyur ba’i
bu / btsan gong la dang / lag sdum pa de gnyis kyi bu brgyud so sor
’gyes pa / tsha se dang / yu rung / khang pa / phyi mung / zla gor la
yod pa’i byar pa’i rigs thams cad de’i brgyud pa yin no / / chung ba
Ong ma U dza rong la song nas / rgyal mkhar bzung nas blon ’bangs
la dbang sgyur nas rje dpon mdzad pa’i bu / dpal ’bum dang / bzang J
dar / lu btsan gsum byung ba las so sor ’gyes (25a) pa / U dza rong
dang / gtor ma gzhong / yong ka la / lcags mkhar bzung / ku ri smad I
rgya ras zur / byog kang / ngang la / khom shar / ne to la / kheng* •khyed
rigs mam* gsum la yod pa’i byar pa’i rigs thams cad byar Ong ma’i •rnams
bu brgyud yin no / / yang zur du bshad* na / dpal ’bum gyi bu •phye
brgyud la / gser ’bum* / dngos ’bum*/dar ’bum* gsum byung ba’i •bum
gser 'bum* gyi bu / thur skye / de’i bu rdo rje grags pa / de’i bu •bum
las kyi bang dang / padma dbang / las kyi bang gi bu / bstan ’dzin
bsod nams dang / bstan ’dzin grags pa yin / ’di gnyis kyi bu brgyud
dang / dngos ’bum* dang dar ’ bum* gyi bu brgyud U dza rong yod •bum
pa rnams yin / gong du brjod pa’i ’phros las / yas* sde gsang sde •yang
btsan / sa gling rgyan mtshams (25b) du blon ’bangs rnams kyis* •kyi
gdan drangs nas byon te / rgyal mkhar brtsigs shing rgyal sa bzung
ba’i bu brgyud la yas sde su na zer ba’i dpa’ mdzangs bio gros thabs
la mkhas pa zhig yong ste / des* sgam ri’ichu rgyud phan tshun gyi • d e ’i

f
mi sde blon ’bangs thams cad la dbang sgyur nas bu na la’ang rgyal
mkhar brtsigs shing lam khral bsdu bas stobs mnga’ thang che bar
byung nas / sngon gyi dus su sa brtsi ri brtsi la ma cham par / yas
sde su na la gtug nas bgo shag byas pa yin zer ba’i gtam rgyun / dus
ding sang* gi bar la’ang ’dug / de’i bu brgyud rim par ’gyes pas sa •gsang
gling rgyan mtshams dang / dga’ gling mkhar mi / ’phong mi / ra ma
geng ra / khre phu / stag tshang la yod pa’i yas sde rgyal rigs thams
cad (26a) yas sde su na’i bu brgyud yin no / / / / yang de’i bu brgyud
la yas sde yang phan zer ba / ’phong mi blon ’bangs rnams kyi ije
dpon du gdan drangs nas yong bas / de nyid rje dpon gyi bya ba
mdzad pa la / rig* rtsal shin tu che shing ’phrul thabs la mkhas pas •tigs
pha rol gyi dgra bo thams cad zil* gyis gnon zhing / rku ’phrog •gzll
khrims ’gal gyi gnod pa thams cad las* bsrungs bas na / blon ’bangs •omitted
mams kyis* ming yang yas sde bsrungs ma dar zer nas mtshan yongs •kyi
su grags pa stobs mnga’ thang che ba byung / de’i bu bsod nams
rgyal po / sa na / ’ tsheng rgyal po / rgyal bu don grub bziii byung
bas / bsod nams rgyal po rgyal mkhar bzung ba’i brgyud / glang
khyim gyi yas sde rgyal rigs rnams (26b) yin* / sa na dang** •omitted ••omitted
rgyal bu don grub gnyis kyis zer khyim bzung ba’i bu brgyud
breng khyim gyi yas sde rgyal rigs rnams yin 1/ ’tsheng* rgyal pos • ’t s h e n g s
khang pa mkhar bzung ba’i bu brgyud khang pa mkhar gyi yas sde
rgyal rigs rnams yin / de las yang zur du bshad* na / ’ tsheng** • p h y e • • ’t s h e n g *
rgyal po’i bu / som bzang / de’i bu som rgyal / karma rgyas / rdor
tshe ring gsum / rdor tshe ring gi bu / sgo nu / de’i bu dag pa / de’i
bu lug dkar / de’i bu* dkon dbang yin / gong du bshad pa’i ’phros •omitted
las Istung* sde sbas sde btsan / zangs lung pa / ’dus stung mkhar •stong
la ’phebs nas rgyal mkhar bzung nas blon ’bangs la dbang sgyur bas
sras / thorn pa dang som dar gnyis byung bas / thorn pa’i btu brgyud
(27a) la stung* sde As mang zer ba brtul phocl shin tu che ba grub •stong
thob kyi spyod pa lta bus / ngam grog g.yang sa chen po brags zer
tog la sogs pa las sngar med pa’i lam bton zhing / dag pa bd mi sa ri
yul grong thams cad la dbang sgyur nas stobs mnga’ thang che ba* • b a ’i
byung ba’i khral gyi rgyun da lta’ang yod zer gyi ’dug / de’i bu
brgyud so sor ’gyes pa khyi nyil / kham nang / bu ri gyang phu /
zangs lung pa / kha ’ thor dag pa be mi la yod pa’i stung* sde’i rigs •stong
thams cad stung* sde As mang gi bu brgyud yin no / / / / yang •stong
gong du brjod pa’i 'phros las / wang ma ’gab* sde btsan gyis / •gab
sgang zur stod la yong nas rgyal mkhar wang ma mkhar brtsigs nas
rgyal sa bzung zhing / blon ’bangs ’thor bu re yod pa la kha lo sgyur
de’ i bu gnyis byung ba’i / che ba gung la rgyal / chung ba dpal la
(27b) dar yin / rgyal mkhar wang ma mkhar de / sa cha zur chod du
song ba dang / blon ’bangs yang cher mi ’dus shing / longs spyod

1, T h i s s e n t e n c e is r e p e a t e d .
yang dkon tsam byung ba dang / bu chung ba dpal la dar / lha sa
bsam yas nas yong ba’i sgom chen gsum dang chas nas / A r po gnyis
khrid nas / lha sa bsam yas mjal ba la song nas / bod kyi sgom chen
gnyis dang bcas lo rog phyogs nas slog te / shar them spang la sleb
pa dang / sgom chen gnyis kyis wang ma dpal la dar la zhe sa che
brjod byas nas / lha btsun zer nas bos pas / them spang gi gtso rgan
A rgyal zer bas* / lha btsun zer ba’i ming gi rgyu mtshan ci yin zer • b » ’l
ba las / sgom chen rgan pa na re / lha btsun chos rje* zer ba de / •mrjod
sngon gyi bsam yas kyi rgyal po khri srong lde* btsan gyi sras •sde
brgyud yin pas na / Lha btsun zer ba yin zer bas / (28a) gtso rgan
A rgyal yid ches nas / ’d na de ltar yin na nged rang gi ije dpon gyi
glo* kha! dkar kha nag kha gnon la bzhugs dgos zer nas / blon •do
’bangs rnams kyis bkur zhing / rgya’i las sgo la* dbang sgyur bas / •omitted
ba spu zer ba de rgya skad kyi ming btags pa yin / dga’ re nas them
spang ba spu’i chad khungs bsam yas nas yin zer ba yang / wang ma
dpal la dar bsam yas phyogs nas yong ba la* brten** nas zer ba yin / •las • • r t e n
them spang la chad pa’i ba spu wang ma dpal la dar gyi brgyud pa
yin no / / wang ma ’gab sde btsan / pha spad gnyis kyang / rgyal
mkhar wang ma mkhar bzhags nas / kha gling lung pa’i mjug / man
chod lung pa la song nas / gdung rus che ba’i lo rgyus* bshad pa •brgyud
dang / der mi ’thor bu re yod pa rnams kyis* kyang bkur sti cher •kyi
byas pas / rgya gar (28 b) gyi mi rnams kyis* bkur zhing las sgo la •kyi
dbang sgyur bas longs spyod che bar byung ’dug pa dang ' (da lta’i
man chod dang / gzhan la yod pa’i wang ma’i rigs thams cad /
wang ma gung la rgyal gyi brgyud pa yin no / / ’dir yang ’phros las /
la ’og yul gsum rgyal rigs jo bo rnams kyi brgyud khungs kyang
cung zad brjod par bya’o / / de las* yang rgyas pa** ni jo bo na rim •omitted ••(
gyis blon ’bangs la dbang sgyur zhing rgyal sa bzung nas mdzad'
khyon* rlabs chen gyis stobs mnga’ thang che bar byung ba’i ♦khyod
gleng gtam rgyas* pa ni / jo bo sras brgyud mkhyen dpyod che •rgyai
ba rnams kyi phyag gi deb* ther yig cha la gsal bas** ’dir ma bkod / •d eb s ••ba'i
nye bar brgyud pa’i rim pa ni / lha sras gtsang ma rgyal mkhar mi
zim par phebs nas / sras gnyis byung Ba’i sras che ba khri mi lha’i
dbang phyug / la ’og yul gsum du blon ’ bangs (29a) rnams kyis'rje
dpon du gdan drangs nas phebs pa’i sras lha mgon / de’i sras bkra
shis bsod nams / de’i sras tshe dbang rnam rgyal / de’i sras dpal
’byor bzang po / de’i sras nam mkha’ bsod nams / de la sras bdun
byung ba’i che ba gong dkar rje yin / ^e yis lha’u kham par byon
nas rgyal sa bzung ba’i kham pa jo bo zer ba’i ming yongs su grags
pa de las byung ba yin ’dug / sras bdun las gcig shar sde rang gi rje
dpon du gdan drangs nas phebs pa’i sras brgyud shar sde rang gi jo
bo rnams yin ’dug / zhib par ni yig cha dang gtam rgyun mthong
thos med pa las ’dir ma bkod / gong dkar rje’i sras dzo ki dang
 DID

btsun cung / btsun cung gi sras rgyal mtshan grags pa byung / des
bu ri gyang phu nas stung* sde min bla ma skyid btsun mor blangs •stong •
pas I(29b) sras che bar rgyal po dar / lhun grub / ku nu / gsum
byung ba’i / rgyal po dar gyis* rus po mkhar bzung nas bse ru’i •gyi
ije dpon mdzad / lhun grub kyis ber mkhar bzung nas shar tsho’i
ije dpon mdzad / kun nus kham pa rang du bzhugs nas / yab kyi
rgyal sa bzung ste lha'u’i rje dpon mdzad / lhun grub kyi sras jo bo
sangs rgyas cung / de’i sras sangs rdo rje / la kra / dge shes / kra’u
bzhi byung ba’i / kra’u sgam ri lung pa’i blon ’bangs rnams kyis ije
dpon du* gdan drangs nas ra ti la phebs / sangs rdo rje’i sras jo bo •omitted
dar rgyas kyis / ram geng ra nas U sen rgyal mo blangs nas bzhugs
pa’i skabs der / grub thob thang stong rgyal po bsod snyoms la
byon pa nang du gdan drangs nas bsnyen bkur pliun sum* tshogs •gsum
par mdzad cing / ’bras Chang tshim par drangs pa gsol ba’i ijes la
’bras (30a) chang gis ka’ pa li bkang nas grub thob kyis nam mkha’
la ’phangs pas / chang ma ’bor bar grub thob kyi phyag la babs pa
jo bo dar rgyas la gnang ste / chang ’ thung gang thub gyis dang rten
’brel gyi rtags khyad par can yong gsungs pas / jo bo dar rgyas kyis
chang ka’ pa li drug rdzogs par ’thung / gcig las phye kha lus pa
dang grub thob kyi zhal nas / khyod la bu bdun yong ba ’dug ste /
gcig gis* phan mi thog / bu drug pa las gcig sa bcu’i byang chub •gi
sems dpa’ bshad grub kyi bstan pa ’dzin zhing sems can gyi ’gro don
dpag tu med pa zhig ’ong ba ’dug gsungs nas / ka’ pa li chang gi
bkang nas / ’o jo bo chen po ka’ pa li ’di ni mkha ’gro ma ’gro ba
bzang mo’i dbu thod yin pas / shin tu ’gangs* che khyod la dad' •gangs
pa’i rten du bzhag (30b) go gsungs nas gnang / de nas gzhan yang
grub rtags bton pa’i rten khyad* par can rnams kyang gnang ngo / / •khyed
grub thob kyi lung bstan pa bzhin sras bdun byung ba’i / che ba
bkra shis dar rgyas / de ’og bsod bzang / gsum pa / rgyal po dar /
sangs rdo rje / dgos cung rnams yin / jo bo bkra shis dar rgyas
kyis* rgyal sa mdzad / jo bo gsum pas thams cad mkhyen pa dge •kyi
’dun rgya mtsho* dpal bzang po las / rab tu byung zhing mdo •mtsho'i J
sngags la sbyangs pa mdzad cing phul du phyin pas / mtshan yang
bio bzang bstan pa’i sgron me* gsol nas bshad sgrub** kyi bstan pa • m e d ••omitted
’dzin zhing / grub thob kyi spyod pa lta bus / shar stag lung / me
rag sag stengs / Ar rgya gdung la sogs par dgon gnas mang po btab
cing ’gro don rgyas par byung ba dang / jo bo gzhan bzhi pos kyang
spa’u gdung byam (31a) mkhar / shar nub / sgreng mkhar bcas
bzung ba’i brgyud pa da lta yod pa’i jo bo rnams yin no / sras tha
chung ni lung bstan bzhin chung dus* nas ’das / jo bo bkra shis dar •du
rgyal* gyi sras / bkra shis bzang po / de’i sras sa ’dzin / de’i sras •rgyal
sangs rgyas grags pa / chos mdzad / dar rgyas gsum byung ba’i /
sangs rgyas grags pa’i sras jo bo karma / de’i sras phun tshogs dang* •omitted
’dzom pa dbang / phun tshogs kyi sras brgyud b.er mkhar ’og ma’i
jo bo rnams yin / ’dzom pa* dbang gis A’u gdung du sa bzung nas •omitted
ije dpon mdzad pa’i sras sangs rgyas rdo rje dang jo bo sri thar gnyis
yin / jo bo dar rgyas kyi sras / karma rdo rje dang jo bo sde pa
gnyis yin / karma rdo ije’i* sras brgyud ber mkhar gong ma la yod *r>
pa’i jo bo rnams yin / sngon dus sgam ri lung pa ra ti la / rje dpon
(31b) rim pas yul mkhar bzung ma thub par ’thon song ba dang /
blon ’ bangs mams gros sdur byas nas / la ’og yul gsum nas kham pa
jo bo gdan ’dren* du phyin pas / de’i dus su** la ’og yul gsum la / •dren **«i uhole
jo bo ku nu / lhun grub / rgyal po dar gsum gyis* rje dpon mdzad *gyi
nas yod pa las / ber mkhar nas jo bo lhun grub kyi sras* sangs cung / •omitted
de’i bu skya’u la rgya mtsho gdan drangs yong nas / ra ti la rgyal
mkhar bzung zhing rje dpon mdzad pa’i bu bla ma / de’i bu brgyud
rim par ’gyes pa’i rgyal mkhar bzung mkhan mi rabs brgyad la jo bo
kham pa zer ba byung nas brgyud chad / pha spun so sor ’gyes pa’i
bu brgyud da lta ra ti sgam rir* yod pa'i kham pa jo bo’i rigs yin zer *ri
ba thams cad skya’u la rgya mtsho’i bu brgyud yin no / / rgyal rigs
’byung khungs (32a) gsal ba’i sgron me las lha sras gtsang ma’i
gdung brgyud la rigs rus kyi ming so sor btags nas / Iho phyogs mon
gyi lung phyogs so sor ’gyes shing rje dpon mdzad pa’i le’u ste gnyis
pa’o / /

SECTION III

(32a2) //'d a ni bum thang* sde bzhi’i gdung rnams kyi chad khungs *stang
’byung tshul kyang bijod par bya’o / / de nas sngon rgyal po khyi
kha ra thod dang mnyam po yong ba’i mi ser ’thor bu re yod pa
mams rje dpon med par ’khrugs cing brtsod pa las / khong rang
mams kha mthun gyi rje dpon ’ tshol ba’i rus chen rgyal rigs med
pas rje dpon ma rnyed par / gnam* lha ’o de gung rgyal mchod cing *gnas
gsol ba btab pas / ’o de gung rgyal gyis bka’ bsgos nas / lha’i bu gu
se lang ling lha’i rmu thag la ’jus nas / U ra la bab po ’od du zhun* *zhu
nas / bud med ye shes (32b) kyi mkha’ ’gro’i mtshan dang ldan pa
bsod nams dpal ’dren gyi lhums* su bzhugs nas rdzus skye lta bur •lhum
’khrungs pa’i phyir / bar snang gi sgra las / ’o bu ’di ni lha’i bu yin
pa’i gdung rabs mang po’i bar du rje dpon byed par ’gyur to zer
ba’i sgra / yul de’i mi dpon gyi skye dman ’dzom pa sgron gyis* *gyi
thos pa dang / de ltar yong na mi sde la dbang sgyur nas mo la
mthong* bkur mi yong bsam pa’i gdug rtsub kyi nga rgyal langs nas • ’t h o n g
smon lam log par btab kyang / lha’i bden pa’i* mthus / lha’i sprul *par
pa’i gdung ’khrungs / mtshan lha mgon dpal chen gsol nas / mi sde’i
yul khams la dbang sgyur nas rje dpon mdzad pa’i sras lha bzang
rgyal1 / (33a) de’i sras gdung grags pa dbang phyug byung nas / de
la sras med par snyung gzhi drag pos tliebs nas grongs khar thug pa
dang / blon ’bangs rnams kyi smras pa / gdung rin po che nyid mya
ngan ’das nas / nged rnams kyi re Itos su la re zer nas smre sngags* •*mres ngag
’don pas / gdung grags pa dbang phyug gi zhal nas / nga nad ’di las
ma thar par tshe’i ’dus byas nas khyed rang rnams nga dran pa’i
dus byung na / bod yul dbus kyi gzhung yar lung grong mo che la
song nas / mon gyi shing ’bras stong kha dog legs pa khyer nas byis
pa mang po’i khrod du stor cig / stong mang po gang gis zin pa de
lha’i rnam ’phrul yin pas* de gdan ’dren zhus las / khyod rang •p a ’i
rnams kyi ije dpon bcol zhig zer nas ’das so / / de nas (33b) blon
’ bangs rnams kyis kyang lo Inga tsam song ba dang / sngon nas
ije dpon gdung gi kha chems bzhin / U ra pa mi Inga stong gi ’bras
bu khyer nas yar lung du de* ltar phyin pas / yar lung gi sa cha de •omitted
lag mthil ltar mnyam shing yul sde che ba lta bas mi ngom pa ’dug /
kha chcms bzhin lha’i ’phrul pa* gar yod ni ma shes pa dang / yul •omitted
grong mang po bshal nas phyin pas / grong mtshams kyi thang zhig
la byis pa mang po tshogs nas rtsed mo rtses kyi ’dug pa dang /
khong ’ tshol mkhan mi Ingas / gnam gyi lha mchod cing dmod* bor *»mod
nas / byis pa mang po ’dzom pa’i khrod du stong kha shas skyur
btang bas jbyis pa gzhan rnams sngar nas mthong ma myong ba’i
shing ’bras mthong* ba dang / thams cad ha las te ’thu ma shes par •'thong
ha re lus pa dang / de’i nang nas (34a) byis pa mtshar zhing mdzas
pa lta na sdug pa / yan lag khyug bde ba hrig ge ba zhig gis skad* •bsknd
cig la shing ’bras thams cad hub kyis* blangs nas bsdus pas / ’tshol •kyi
mkhan Inga po yang sngar nas lung bstan pa’i byis pa de yin par
’dug bsam nas yid ches so / / de dus bod mon gnyis ka’i skad ma go
ba dang / mi Inga pos lag brda* byas nas shing ’bras de byis pa *rda
gzhan la by in / da rung yod khyod la ster ro zer ba’i brda byas has
stong bstan* pas / byis pa des stong byis pa gzhan rnams la sbyin •bsten
nas / kho rang la da rung dgos zer nas lag pa gdeng nas yong ba .
dang Imi Inga pos stong bstan* zhing tshur tshur khrid yong nas •bsten
lkog tu sleb pa dang / gsang thabs kyis* rtsid phad nang du bcug •kyi
cing ’ kliur yong nas / U ra zhang ma’i la la slebs* pa (34b) dang / •sleb
rtsid phad kha ’phye nas bltas pas / byis pa lha’i bu ’dra ba de zhal
’dzum mu le ba byas langs nas ’thon byung ba dang / bcug pa’i snod
stong rtsid phad sprugs* pas bod kyi rtsa chun po zhig yang tshud •sprug
’dug pa der ’ thon song ba* las skyes nas / dus da lta’i bar du yang •omitted
bod kyi* rtswa** sa cha gzhan la med pa zhang ma’i la la rtswa •kyis **ftsa
sgor ba cig yod do / byis pa des U ra la gdan drangs nas rje dpon du
bkur nas ming yang lha dbang grags pa btags nas / sku nar son zhing
blon ’bangs la dbang sgyur ba dang / lha dbang grags pa rang nyid

1. T h i s s e n t e n c e is r e p e n t e d .
byis pa’i dus / pha ma gnyis ka’i ming phan* tshun ’bor re rna bas •phun
thos pa tsam ma gtogs* rigs rus che chung ji ltar yin sogs dran pas •togs
mi zin pa nas / [ . . . . ] 1 pha ma’i* ming bton ste** de’i byis p a *** •ming ••omitted
• • • p a ’i
stor ram ma stor zer nas yar lung du rtsad gcod par (35a) btang
bas / de’i rigs rus khungs chod do / de* ji ltar yin zhe na / glang dar • d e ’i
ma’i sras mnga’ bdag ’od srungs / de’i sras mnga’ bdag dpal ’khor
btsan myang stod du snyags kyis bkrongs nas rgyal srid ’thor ba’i
skabs / sras bkra shis brtsegs pa dpal dang / skyid lde* nyi ma mgon •sde
gnyis kyang / stod mnga’ ris dang dbus gtsang du ’thor song bas /
bkra shis brtsegs pa dpal gyi sras / dpal lde* / ’od lde* / skyid lde* •sde
gsum byung ba las / rim par gyes* nas** dpal lde sras brgyud yar • ’g y e s • • o m i t t e d
lung du chags pa’i jo bo kun dga’ grags pa dang / yum dpal mo
’dzom gnyis la* sras bzhi yod pa’i tha chung hur rgol la gar song •omitted
cha med du stor ba de yin par nges shing / chos rgyal gyi* gdung •gyis
kho na nyid yin pas na / blon ’bangs mams kyang (35b) dga’ zhing
mgu la rjes su yid rangs* nas / chos ’khor nas A Ice sgron ’dzom •rang '
btsun mor blangs nas phul bas / sras grags pa dbang phyug / lha
dbang bkra shis / phun tshogs don grub gsum byung ba nas / rim
par ’gyes pa’i sras brgyud / chu smad gdung dang / rgya tsha / sdom
mkhar / dur dang / ngang / bum thang* la yod pa’i gdung thams •stang
cad de’i brgyud pa yin no / / kheng rigs mam* gsum dang / gzhong •rnams
sgar mol ba lung pa la’ang / U ra gdung gis* dbang sgyur nas gdung •gi
grags pa* dbang phyug lo re bzhin khral bsdu ba la yong ba dang'/ •pa dang
zur du dpon mo bkra shis dbang mor bsten pa’i sras nyi ma dbang
rgyal byung ba nas sras brgyud rim par ’gyes pa / stung la sbi / go
zhing / phang mkhar / ka lam ti / nya mkhar dang / kheng rigs
m am * gsum la yod pa’i gdung (36a) thams cad dang / gzhong sgar
mol ba lung pa la yod pa’i yong lam rje .zer ba thams cad kyang
de’i brgyud pa yin no / / / / yang bum thang* sde gzhi gdung dang / •stang
yong* lam rje’i chad khungs lugs cig la ni / bon thang la ’od dkar •yang
gyi yig gtcr dang / gzhong sgar mol ba lung phyogs dang / gdung
bsam mon yul stong gsum gyi gleng gtam ngag rgyun la ni / me rag
sag stengs ’brog pa’i mes po* rnams sde pa ya bu bzang po gsang •mepho
nas Imtsho sna bse ba mkhar las yul ’thon nas yong skabs gnam '
gyi lha la mchod cing gsol ba* btab nas yong bas / sum cu rtsa •omitted
gsum gyi pho brang nas lha dbang po brgya* byin gyis / lha’i bu •rgya
gu se lang ling Iho gdung mtsho skar ma thang gi lha la stongs
grogs gyis bka’ bsgo* brdzangs pas / rmu’i yul du phebs nas re zhig •sgos
der bzhugs shing rmu’i ije (36b) dpon mdzad pas / ming* yang •mi
rmu btsan lha gnyan chen por btags / de nas shar gangs ri dkar po’i
rtse la phebs nas gzigs pas / ri mtho la mdzas pa wang seng gi ri bo
de mthong nas der phebs shing / gnas yangs shing rgya che la

1, A passage a p pe a rs to b e missing here.

 tixa

nyams* dga’ ba mu ku lung mtsho mo la pho brang gzhal yas khang • m n y a m

bkod nas / snang srid lha srin sde brgyad kyi sde dpon mgo nag mi’i
skyabs mgon mdzad cing bzhugs pa la / shar phyogs nas bud med lang
tsho rgyas shing shin tu mdzes pa’i A ya cig gdung bsam mkhar rgyal
po’i bag ma la yong ba mtsho ’gram la zhag nyal ba’i nub mo / mtsho
de’i nang nas sbrul dkar po zhig ’thon bag ma de la* gom** nas song • o m i t t e d • • ‘g o m
ba dang gnyid* gsad / de nas gdung bsam la sleb pa dang bu gcig ‘g n y i s
skyes* ba las pha med par bar las byung ba dang / ming yang bar ‘* k y e
skyes btags (37a) nas / gzugs byad nar son pa dang / rgya’i las sgo
la phyin pas / ngas gtsang long pa’i mtsho gram la slebs pa dang /
bar skyes de lha btsan gyi bu yin pa’i gshis* kyis / ngas gtsang long * « h i s
pa’i klu bdud kyi cho ’phrul bstan nas rgya la ma thar ba dang /
khyim du log nas A ma la nga su’i bu yin dris pas / A mas slab ma
nyan / g.yo thabs kyis sgo nas dris pas A mas smras pa / khyod ni
mu ku lung lha btsan mi ma yin gyi bu yin pas na / klu bdud kyis* ‘k y i
cho ’phrul bstan nas lam bkag pa yin zer bas / byis pa bar skyes de
nyid kyis / de ma thag tu mu ku lung mtsho ’gram gyi rtsar song
nas / A pa la ’o* dod ’bod pas / mtsho’i nang nas skyes pa gzhon * ’o d p a y i n ’d o d
nu lang tsho* dar la ** babs pa dar dkar gyi gos gyon zhing / dar •tshod **ba
dkar thod being pa’i rtse la (37b) yid bzhin gyi nor bus brgyan pa
zhig ’thon yong nas / khyod kyi pha ni nga yin pas don ci dgos
nas yong ba yin zer bas / ngas gtsang long pa nas lam ma thar ba’i
lo rgyus zhib par smras pas / pha na re ’o de ltar yin na ngas khyod
la dmag dpung zhig ster* ro zer nas / smyug ma’i dong pa kha bead
pa cig byin byung nas / ngas gtsang long pa’i mtsho’i gram la ma
sleb bar du kha ma ’phye cig zer nas btang bas / bar skyes kyi bsam
pa la ’di ci yin nam ma shes bsam nas / lam bar klire phu la sleb pa
dang / yid ma ches bar smyug dong kha ’phye nas bltas pas dug
sbrul* kha shas der song ba dang / yang la ’ur kha bead nas / smyug ‘s p r u l
dong de khyer nas ngas gtsang long pa’i mtsho ’gram la sleb pa dang
kha ’phye bas / de’i nang nas sbrul rigs* nii gcig** pa sa g zh i*** •rig • * c l • • • z h i g
gang bar (38a) ’ thon nas / skad cig de nyid la mtsho brtol nas bye
ma’i thang skam shar re ba byung ba dang / de’i dkyil na zangs chen
cig kha sbub nas yod pa mthong ba dang / gzhon nu bar skyes des* / • d e
der song shing kha slog* nas bltas pas / de’i nang nas klu bdud •slob
kyi* g.yog mo nang sgur ma cig yod pa des / zangs skyogs kyis •kyis-
gzhon nu bar* skyes kyi dpral bar rgyab nas dcr gsad pas klad pa •bang
de nya gcig gis zos pas / bar skyes mi ma yin gyi bu yin pa dang /
kho’i mam par shes pa* de nya la ’dzul nas nya la gyur to / de nas •omitted
nya de grang ma’i chu dang ku ri chu gzhong sgar* mol ba’i chu •dkar
rnams la rims pas bzhugs cing / de nas phyang khos kyi* chu la *kyls
mdzegs pas / phyang khos kyi nya rwa* la tshud nas / pho rengs •omitted
gcig gis* khyer nas yong / mi’i skad gtam smras (38b) pa dahg / •gl

J
za ma nus par chu bkang sa’i wa nang la bzhag pas / nyin* cig pho •nyon
rengs de zhing las la song nas log yong ba dang / khyim nang la mi
med pa la chu* len nas bzhag Mug / yang nyin cig thab** kha la me • m e • • t h a b s
phu nas bzhag Mug pa las / pho rengs* de ci yin nam bsam nas •reng
nyams* mi dga’ bar zhing las la song ba ltar byas te log yong nas •nyam
khyim gyi zur cig las gsang nas ltas pas / wa nang gi nya’i khog pa’i
nang las byis pa dpa’ zhing khyug bde ba zhig ’thon nas / me phu
chu len gyi* bya ba byas pas / pho rengs**de’i bsam pa la byis pa •gyis • • r e n g
de kho’i bu tshab byas dgos bsam nas / nya’i pags pa’i sob de thab
nang gi me la skyur btang bas me tshig pas / byis pa Mzul sa ma
snyed par de gar lus song bas mi la gyur to // kho mi ma (39a) yin
gyi bu yin pa’i gshis* kyis / mthu stobs dang dpa’ * * rtsal shin tu •shis * * d p a l
che ba sus kyang ’gran* par mi nus pa byung bas na / ming** yang gram ••ml
ral pa stobs can du grags shing / de nyid kyis I tung la zer ba’i sa
btsan po* zhig la mkhar rtsigs nas / U ra dang mol ba lung pa la •pa
sogs pa’i yul khams mi sde thams cad la dbang sgyur nas / stobs
mnga’ thang che bar byung ba dang / grags tshad mi zin par / zhahg
po’i yul phya li mthong ba’i phyir du stong phu’i ri’i sa bead nas '
brdal dgos zer nas ri bead pas / bud med shes rab kyi rang bzhin
can gcig* gis** smras p a ** * / ri mthon po bead pa las mi mthon •tsam **gyi ***pas
po bead na sla zer bas / tshig de’i don blon ’bangs mams kyis rig ’
nas / ral pa stobs can de g.yo thabs kyis* bslus nas / kar** sbi’i •k y i ♦ • k a ra
(39b) thang la gser gyi mda’ rtses byed kyi Mug / ltas mo la ’gro
dgos zer khrid yong nas / snying khar mda’ rgyab nas der bsad* ’g s a d
pa’i kha chems la / khyed rang rnams nga dran pa’i dus yong na
nga’i skye ba bod yul gyi gzhung yar lung grong mo che la yong
rgyu yin pas* khyed rang rnams ’gron** bu khyer la shog cig • p a ’i + * g r o n
’gron bu de byis pa mang po ’dzom pa’i khrod du stor cig ’gron bu
*ub gyis ’dus nas khyer ba de nga’i skye ba yin no zer nas Mas so /
de nas lo gcig gnyis song ba dang rje ’bangs kyi rim pa med pa las /
steng nas ’phrog* ’og nas brkus pa las / ’khrugs cing brtsod pas** • ’p f i r o g c i g * * p a ’l
yul khams thams cad mi bde bar gyur pa las / sngon gyi rje’i kha 1
chems dran nas / mi Inga ’gron bu khyer nas / bod gzhung yar lung
grong mo cher phyin nas byis pa mang po tshogs pa’i sar ’gron* 'gron
bu stor nas khrid yong ba dang / gong du bshad pa’i U ra pa mi
Inga pos stong gi* ’bras bu stor nas brkus yong ba ni / don cig ming ’ g y i s
gi (40a) mam* grang yin Mug / de ji ltar zhe na / U ra pa dang mol 'mams
ba lung pa* rnams kyis yar lung du rje dpon gyi skye ba ’tshol du ' p a ’i
phyin pa dang / gdan drangs nas U ra la byon lugs yab mes* gong 'med
ma rnams kyi rigs brgyud kyi ’byung khungs / phyi gdung lha
dbang grags par mtshan gsol ba sogs ngo bo gcig pa kho na yin
Mug kyang / mdzad pa so sor mam pa mi cig pa lta bu’i gtam rgyun
smras pa de ni / khong lha klu mi ma yin gyi* bu yin pas nk / so • g y i p a ’i
so’i mthong snang tsam ma gtogs ngo bo cig pa kho na nyid yin no //

I
zhes rgyal rigs ’byung khungs gsal ba’i sgron me las / bum thang
sde bzhi’i gdung rnams kyi chad khungs ’byung tshul bshad pa’i* •omitted
le’u ste gsum pa’o / /

SECTION IV

(40as) da* ni Iho phyogs mon lung shar phyogs kyi dpon chen / •de
(40b) 2 hal* ngo kheng po zer ba’i brgyud khungs kyang cung 1 •zhel
zad brjod par bya’o / / de yang gong du bshad pa’i ’phros las / rgyal
po glang dar mas sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa bshig* cing snubs pa’i dus / • s h i g
lha sa’i gnas bdag ma gcig dpal gyi lha mos / lha lung dpal gyi rdo ije
la lung bstan zhing rgyud bskul ba dang / nyin cig rgyal po glang dar
ma lha sa’i phyi skor du skyo bsangs la phebs nas / rdo ring gi yi ge
la gzigs cing bzhugs pa’i skabs lha lung dpal gyi rdo rje sngags chas
phod ka phu dung gi nang du mda’ gzhu bcug nas gar stabs ’cham
zhing yod pas thams cad de la bltas'nas g.yeng ba dang / phu dung
gnyis kyi nang las mda’ gzhu kha sprad* nas rgyal po’i * * dpral bar •sbrad * * p o
rgyab ste der bkrongs te bros* song ba dang su yin ma shes / rjes •brol
snyags nas bdas pas ma zin / de (41a) nas lha lung dpal gyi rdo rje
yer pa’i brag la song nas sgom sgrlib byed pa’i tshul du bzhugs shing /
rkang ijes* rnams bya zin zhing dkrogs nas bya thal gyis rkang •rje
rjes bsub nas sdod pa dang bded m i* rnams der yong nas / mi ’di • ’d a s m o
ni man pas rkang pas rgyu ’grul med pa yun ring po song ’dug zer
nas log song ba dang / mi bio* gros can nyams che ba gcig gis logs •lo
yong nas / lha lung dpal gyi rdo rje’i snying kha’i thad kyi brang la
spar mo* bkab nas bltas** pas / snying*** ’p h a r**** ’phar spar ba • s p r u r • • l t a s
• • • s n y i n g la • • • • p h a r
shes nas dmangs* kyi don la sgos kyis th od ** pa mi bcag zer nas •mongs ••thong
gzhan la ma bshad* par log song ba dang / lha lung dpal gyi rdo tje •shnd
der g.yang grog za nas tshug ma thub* par khams la bros song b'a •thob
las / khong gi sku niched* rdo rje spun drug yang so sor kha ’th‘6r •chen
nas bros song ba (41b) las / stobs ldan la ba rdo rje / mgar ba khye’u
rdo ije / g.yang rtsal spre’u* rdo ije gsum / gtsang pha r i* * phyogs • • s p r u l ' u * * p h a g r i g |
las spa gro* rgyud nas rim pas bum thang** la slebs pas / sngar de •dro ••stang
na rgyal po khyi* kha ra thod dang mnyam po yong ba’i mi brgyud • o m i t t e d
dang grong zhing ’ thor bu re yod pa rnams kyi yul bshal nas song /
khong spun gsum gyi bsam pa la / bod kyi dpon rigs ms yin pas na* I• n a s
rigs rus kyi mthong* bkur re byed mi yong ba bsam pa la byed mi •'thong
ma byung nas / stobs shugs che tsam gyi ngos kha lo sgyur dgos
bsam pa la / sngar nas rje ’bangs kyi rim pa mtho man med pa las
bstod bkur byed ma nyan pa dang / spun gsum ci drag la thug nas
gros bsdur byas shing / zhi ba thabs gyi sgo nas gang la gang ’dul
mi sde’i bio dang sbyar* nas byas pas (42a) kha la nyan tsam byung • b y a r
ba dang / stobs ldan la ba rdo rje / stang lung pa la song nas yul
mkhar* btab cing sa gzhi bzung ba’i* * bu brgyud rim par je ’thor •repeated ••b*»
song zhing dpon por gyur ba’i bu brgyud yin no / / g.yang rtsal
spre'u rdo rje bum thang* du yul mkhar btab cing sa gzhi bzung / •stang
bu brgyud rim pas pha las bu drag* pa byung nas bum thang** chos •grags ••stang
’khor dpon po zer / stobs mnga’ thang che ba ming yongs su grags
pa de byung ba yin ’dug / chos ’khor dpon po spa gro* nas yin zer •dro
ba’ang gtsang pha*ri phyogs las spa gro** rgyud nas yong ba las •phag **dro
zer ba yin ’dug / mgar ba khye’u rdo rje sa gtsang la ri mtho zhing
bod yul thag nye ba bod mon gnyis kyi mtshams / sha mar thud
gsum dang ’bru sna ’dzom pa’i las sgo la long spyod pa’i phyir bod
mon mtshams kyi* (42b) ’brog bzung ba’i bu brgyud** d a *** lta’i •gyi • • o m itt ed
•••omitted
mtshams pa’i ’brog rigs mtho ba rnams yin ’dug / yang spun gsum
Iho brag phyogs las yong ba / kha rtsing las kyi rdo rje / pho mtshar
grags pa rdo ije / smras mkhas* spyang rig** rdo rje gsum ku ri • k h a s • • s p y o d rigs
lung du sleb nas / gros bsdur byas pas / kha rtsing las kyi* rdo rje •omitted
na re nged* rang gsum mnyam po sdod** nas / pha ma’i lugs •red **stod
kyis* sa gzhi** bzung nas mi sde la dbang sgyur ba zhig byed dgos •kyi ••gzhls
zer bas / pho mtshar grags pa rdo rje na re / de bzhin byas na lung
phyogs ’di la mi dang grong zhing ’thor bu re las med pas / nged* •red
rang spun gsum bya spyod kyi rlabs ’dir byed* rin mi chog / lung •byas
phyogs so sor song* nas pho res stobs shugs kyi sgo nas mnga’ •bsong
’bangs btsol* nas yul mkhar bzung dgos zer bas / spun gsum de la •btsal
kha cham nas / kha rtsing las kyi rdo rje (43a) ’du rang gi smad
tshi rab stong phu zhang tshan yong nas mi sde* la dbang sgyur •lde
bas / mi zim pa’i rgyal mkhar bzung mkhan rgyal po yong la phan
gyi sems la phog nas / khong nas ’khrngs pas yong la phan gyis*' •gyi
tshugs* ma thub par yul las ’ thon song ba las / de’i mi sde thams •tshug
cad kyang kha rtsing las kyi* rdo rje’i ’og tu bcug go / de’i bu •omitted
brgyud so sor gyes* pa tshi rab stong phu zhang tshan** dang / •'gyc • • m t s h a n
mu hung shes ro gsar rnying* la yod pa’i dpon chen zer ba’i rigs •snying
thams cad kha rtsing las kyi rdo rjc’i* bu brgyud yin no / / pho • r d o r j e' i r e p e a t e d
mtshar grags pa rdo rje ku ri lung stod smad thams cad la dbang'
sgyur ba* brgyud pa da lta’i k u ** ri lung gi dpon chen zhal ngo* •bas **sku
thams cad pho mtshar grags pa rdo rje’i bu brgyud so sor ’gyes pa’i
brgyud pa yin no / / smras mkhas spyang rig* rdo rjes gzhong sgar • c a d rigs
mol ba (43b) lung pa song nas thabs mkhas g.yo ’phrul sna tshogs
kyis kha lo sgyur nas mi sde thams cad mnga’ ’bangs la bcug cing
pho ngar khengs* pa byung bas na / rus kyi ming la ’ang kheng* ; •mkheng
po zer nas btags cing / stobs shugs che ba byung ba’i* bu •bas
brgyud / gzhong sgar* dang tog ka ri / the mung / phya li / •dkar
nya rtsis sogs la yod pa’i kheng* po’i rigs thams cad smras mkhas •kheng
spyang rig* rdo rje’i bu brgyud so sor gyes** pa’i brgyud pa yin • c a d r i g s • • ’g y e s
no / / rgyal rigs ’byung khungs gsal ba’i sgron me las / lha lung
dpal gyi rdo rje’i sku mched rdo rje spun drug lung phyogs so sor
song nas / dpon po gyur ba’i le’u ste* bzhi pa’o / / •te
 SECTION V

(43b4> / / da ni "og ma ’bangs kyi mi rabs chad khungs ’byung tshul

dang rigs kyi ming yang brjod par bya’o // de yang sngon gangs can
bod du m i* brgyud spel ba’i pha rgan byang chub sems dpa’ de / •omitted
bu brgyud rim * par phel** (44a) zhing / rus rigs bzhi ru ’phye ba •rims ••'phel
la Ise dang rmu / ldong dang stong ste bzhi’o / / de las so sor ’phye
ba la / se las byu* legs k y i** bu bzhi srid / rmu las ko le phra*** •byus ••omitted
***khra
brgyad* srid / ldong las rus chen bco brgyad srid / stong las ije •brgyal
bzhi khol* brgyad srid ces pa / se las ’gyes pa’i rus rigs bzhi ni / • k h o las
rgyal nang rje / ’gro gang nyer ba / ’og gog btsan / bde stong se dang
bzhi’o IIstong las rje bzhi khol brgyad so sor ’gyes pa’i rus kyi ming
ni jcog la ram pa rje / rtsang ije thod dkar rje / te tsom* snyal po *t40g
ije Isnyags rje thog sgrom* rje dang bzhi’o // ’bangs ni dmar dang •sgom
dmar.ma dang / snyal* dang snyal dben rngog dan khrog / rtog dang •snyel
sbas te brgyad yin no / / rmu las ko le* klira brgyad so sor ’gyes pa’i •las
rigs rus kyi ming ni ngam* dang snubs dang gzhung dang smon / ’gar •dbab
dang dkar dang (44b) snyos dang ngan lam ste brgyad yin no //
ldong las rus chen bco brgyad so sor ’gyes pa’i rus kyi ming ni / cog
dang cog rtse cog ro dang / ’brom dang khyung po zla ba dang /
’bring dang lha lung lha rtse dang / brang* dgos pa khu na dang / •brang na
nya dang tshe spong lu nag dang / snying* dang pho gong thag ' •snyld
bzang la rus chen bco brgyad zer ba yin / sngon gyi dus su gangs
can bod kyi rigs rus ming gi rtsa ba de rnams las med kyang phyis
nas mi brgyud yul khams lung phyogs so sor ’gyes pa las / bya ba’i
gnas skabs dang sbyar ba’i rus kyi ming dang yul skad so so’i smras
gtam gyi skad zur chag pa dangs rigs rus kyi so sor lta bur snang ba
yin ’dug / khyad par du ’ang Iho mon kha bzhi’i lung phyogs ’di '
nyid kyi mi rnams bod yul nas Iho mon la yong nas yun ring po* • y u l rin p o
ma song bas / gong du brjod pa’i rigs rus kyi brgyud pa kho na
(45a) nyid yin ’dug kyang / Iho mon gyi lung phyogs ’dir / rgya
bod kyi lugs ltar rigs rus la mtho dman gyi dbye ba med cing
mthong* bkur che bar mi ’dzin pa las yig cha la ma bkod** pa dang •'thong •*bkos
khungs ma chod pa yin ’dug / Iho mon nyi ma shar phyogs ’di
nyid la pha tshan so sor ’phye ba’i rus kyi ming / dang ri* / skye • p e r h a p s n g a n g ri
stong / yu sbi / ri bsangs / ba gi / glang la / chur nang / shar ro / ,
ra ma / nya mi / gnam sa / skom mo / rlon mo / rog mo / mkhar
mo / khu mo / brag mo / skyid mo / seng po / rong bu / mthong
re / geng ra / snying len / zur / gter ci / nga rig la sogs pa’i rus kyi
ming ji snyed yod pa dang / de bzhin Iho mon shar phyogs kyi lung
phyogs gang la ’ang so so’i yul skad dang bstun* pa’i rus kyi ming •bstan
ji snyed yod pa sha stag yin kyang / ’dir khungs ma chod* pa las •mchod
(45b) ’di tsam las yi ger ma bkod do //
If’ga’ * re nas so sos gtam rgyun smras pa la las ’byung khungs lha’i
rmu skas* dang gser dngul gyi phya** thag la ’jus nas mi’i yul du •skad ** dp yad
babs pa yin zer ba’i gleng gtam phal cher gyis yongs su grags pa de
ni bon lugs kyi yig gter gyi gtam rgyun yin nam / sangs rgyas byang
sems mams kyis ’gro ba’i don du sprul pa’i snang brnyan* rigs rUs •snyan
 j & yt

!
s
de rnams kyi bu brgyud la ’khrungs nas / rtags* bcu yon tan •lag |
brgyad* la sogs pa’i sgo nas ’gro ba’i don mdzad cing / dbon sras •brgyas
rim par dbu ’phang gong na ’phags shing chos kyi ’khor lo rgyun
chad med par skor ba la zer ba yin nam / * y^ng na ’jig rten gyi lha •omitted t
chcn po tshangs pa dang / dbang phyug la sogs par pha mes gong
ma na rim nas lung phyogs thams cad kyi mgrin gcig* tu lo re •omitted
bzhin mchod cing (46a) gsol ba las / mgon skyabs dang stongs
grogs mdzad pa’i phyir du lha’i bu’i mam par sprul pas / gong du
bijod pa’i rigs ms de rnams la ’khrungs shing / stobs kyi ’khor lo
sgyur nas yangs pa’i rgyal khams thams cad bde skyid kyi dpal la
bkod cing / sras gdung brgyud rim pas sa chen kun la dbang sgyur
zhing stobs mnga’ thang gong du* ’phags pas lha’i longs spyod kyi •omitted
dpal la ji srid yun ring du spyod cing / lha’i rnam par,sprul pa’i
snang brnyan dngos su bstan pa las ya mtshan pa’i gtam rgyun
yongs su grags pa* yin nam / de dag ni skye bo phal pa rnams •omitted
kyis* rtogs par dka’ zhing bsam pa’i yul las ’das pas / skyc bo dam •kyi
pa mkhyen dpyod phul du phyin zhing mngon par slies palmnga’
ba rnams kyi spyod yul du* snang ngo / / zhes rgyal rigs ’byung •omitted
(46b) khungs gsal ba’i sgron me las / ’og ma ’bangs kyi mi rabs kyi
’byung khungs* dang rigs rus so sor ’phye ba’i le’u ste Inga pa’o / / •omitted

I
 CONCLUDING VERSES A N D CO L OP H O N

(46bi) smras pa //

gangs can lho phyogs mon khams shar gling ’dir / /

sngon nas rim par byung ba’i skye ba yis //
rje ’ bangs rigs kyi* chad khungs gleng ba’i gtam / / •omitted
brtag par ma dpyad yi ger ma bkod pas / /
gtam rgyun khungs bead yi ge ’ thor bu 'dus / /
legs par sgrigs pa’i mun gsal sgron me ’di / /
mkhas pa’i gral bsnyegs rlom pa’i nga rgyal dang / /
snyan grags gtam gyi ’ dod pa ma yin par //
ma ’ongs ijes ’jug dus kyi phyi ma la / /
ya rabs mkhas btsun bzang po rirp byon tshe //
sngon med ’byung khungs deb* thcr ’di gzigs pas / / •debs
zhal bgad rtse mo’i zhal Mzum ’phye ba dang / /
gzu lum (47a) nga rgyal ’joms pa’i dpa’ * bo d e ** / / • d p a ’i • • s t e
ma rig* mun pa sel ba’i sgron me yin / / | ’ •rigs j
pho nmyam gzhon pa phan tshun smra* ba’i gtam / / •omitted
lhag bsam rnam par dkar bas* ’di sgrigs pas // •omitted I
kun ’dus tshig la lhag chad ’gal ’khrul rnams / /
mkhas mchog bio gros spyan yangs bzod par bzhes / /
mam g.yeng nor dang ’dzol ba’i cha mchis pa //
mkhyen dbang dag gis gzigs nas bcos par gsol / /
zhes dang / /

kha gling gi rgyal rigs bslab gsum sde snod ’dzin pa mkhyen pa la
mi rmongs pa’i lha btsun ngag dbang phun tshogs dang / phyi tshang
mong sgar* gyi rgyal rigs dpa’ * * mdzangs*** brtul phod che zhing •omitted ••
•••bdzang*
khungs btsun pa’i rgyal po dbang grags dang / phyi tshang skya sa
mkhar gyi rgyal rigs shes bya bio gros rgyas shing smra ba stong
sde’i* ru dar la mkhas pa’i rgyal po dang / phong mi’i yas sde’i •de
rgyal (47b) rigs ’phrul thabs sgyur rtsal la mkhas pa’i chos mdzad
lug* dkar dang / shar phyogs sdc rang gi rgyal po mi chos yon tan •klu
drug dang / thabs bzhi’i mnga* brnycs* ’phrul thabs kyi ’khor lo •banye* |
sgyur ba’i jo bo A bzang dang / de dag rnams kyis so sos nas lhag
bsam rnam par dkar bas gsung gis bskul ba las / shes rig sbyangs
brtson gyi yon tan dang mthong thos nyams* myong rig rtsal gyi •mnyam i
spobs pa gang yang med kyang / gsung rigs gyen zlog ma nus par
byar gyi bende wa gindras ming gis sngon byung gi rgyal rabs dang /
 J6U

phyis byung gi yig cha ’ thor bu rnams so so nas ’dus shing / rgan
rabs kyi gtam rgyun gyi khungs legs par dpyad cing gcig tu bsdus
pa* ’di ni phur bu zhes p a ** sa pho spre lo’i hor zla brgyad pa’i yar *p»M #*pa»
tshes bzang po la / gza’ dang skar ma’i sbyor ba phun gsum tshogs
(48a) shing lang tsho dpal gyi nyi mas gang ba’i nyin / rgya bod kyi
’dun sa bkra shis sgang gi pho brang gzhal yas khang gi zur khang
du zin bris su bkod pa las / thog mar yi ge’i lam du spel ba po snga
tshang bkra shis sding mkhar gyi rje rigs chos mdzad nor bu dar rgyas
kyis* bris pa dge legs phyogs dus gnas skabs thams cad du dar zhing * k y i
rgyas la yun ring du gnas par gyur cig /
Om swa sti dha rma ra dza ni rma ka ya na ma /

gangs can Ijongs ’dir dpal ldan rgyal ba’i bstan / /

chos srid mam pa zung gis gong nas gong / /
spel mdzad sngon byon chos rgyal mes* dbon ni // •me
yab sras brgyud par bcas la phyag bgyi’o //
gang de’i gdung rabs mtha’ bzhir ’gyes pa yis //
rgya bod Iho mon rgyal khams ’dzin pa dang //
dgos ’dod kun ’byung las sgo’i sgo* phye nas // •go
rnam mang skye ’gro’i re ba (48b) skong ba’i gtam / /
ya rabs gong ma’i gsung ngag dri med dang / /
dngos bzhugs rgan mgo’i rgyud tshig drang* po’i don // •drag
phyogs lhung ’dod dbang spong ba’i lhag bsam gyis //
mchog gsum dbang du bzhugs pa’i tho chems bris //

ADDENDUM

(48b2) / de yang rgyal brgyud zur tsam bshad pa ni / rgyal po

srong* btsan sgam po / khri lde gtsug b rta n **/ de’i brgyud khri •spong **khri sde
btsug Bstan
srong lde* btsan / de’i bu mu khri btsan po / ma rung btsan po / •sde
bzhi khri btsan po / khri ral pa rnams yin / bzhi khri btsan po’i
brgyud pa mon* yul la ’og yul gsum la byon pa yin / de nas rgyal •yon
mkhar mi zim pa la babs pa yin / mi zim pa la mi rabs Inga drug
sdod pa yin / de nas shar sde* rang rgyal po dang / sgam ri radhi •sdi
rgyal po dang / snga tshang phyi tshang rgyal po dang / sngon la
srin mi rgyun mi’i rgyal po dang / beng mkhar / kha gling /
gdung* bsam / de tsho’i rgyal po mi (49a) zim pa las ’gyes pa yin / •bdung
mi zim pa’i rgyal po khun dang zer ba dang / thum bi zer ba gnyis
yod pa’i khun dang gi bu gser gdung / thum bi’i bu ldan bu yin /
gser gdung dang ldan bu gnyis kyi thog la mi zim pa nas babs ste /
gser gdung gis* beng mkhar bzung / mkhar la btsan sa** brag chen •gi * * p a
yod / phyi’i lcags ri’i grang ma chu dang mi thi gnyis kyis bskor ba
yod / las sgo ni sgam ri nya’u chung gser mi yod / phu ni tsheng
phu’i 'og la sdod pa yin / de nas mkhar gcen mkhar ’di / sngar dang
po ni rgyal po stong rab kyis bzung ba yod / stong rab kyi mag* •smag
pa sbyar pa da las bu yin / stong rab kyi brgyud pa chad nas mag* *smag
pas bzung ba yin / de nas rgyal po ldan bu* ni mi zim pa nas gcen • b u ’l
mkhar la babs pa yin / ldan bus* zer ba la / • b u ’l

chos rgyal gdung brgyud nga rang yin / / ,

bu ri stag gi mgo* stog yin / / •go

gcen mkhar j stag gi sked pa yin / /

smad gdung bsam ’di rkang bsten gyi mdzub (49b) m o* yin / / •mtsho m o
1gdung bsam stag gi ’jug ma yin //
ri sa pha sgam ’byung mo ’di rgyab rten* gyi ri bo yiij / / •bstan
sgom la ’brog gsum gser gyi gzhong pa ’dra //
sgam ri mdo bzhi yid* bzhin nor bu ’dra / / •yin
beng mkhar ’di srin yul gyi sgo bsrung ’dra //
gcen mkhar ’di ka ta rgyug pa’i shong lam yin / /
kha khra* rgyug pa'i chu lam yin // •khrag
mi lam rgyug pa’i gsang lam yin / /
rgya bod ’gro ba’i lam ’gags yin / /
’di las ma gtogs gzhan las ’gro sa med //
phu yon phu gser gyi yol ba* brkyang** ba ’dra ba ’dug / / •la # * r k y a n g
mda’ ldom gzi ni glang chen ’dra ba ’dug //

zhes gsungs so / /

*di’i dus su ’bum pa yer la tshong ’dus btsugs ste / rgya’i A tsa ra
dang bod pa khams pa / mon yul gyi mi thams cad ’dzom pa yin
nof / / rgyal po* ldan bu la bu gsum yod pa’i che** shos*** •bu **bche
•**#hog
mchog ka rdo rje / de’i ’og ma mgon po rdo rje / chung (50a) shos
seng ge rdo rje / / mchog ka rdo rje yab sras kyi the skor sor gdub
bskur ba tsam gyis kyang gnyer kha thub* pa yin no // •thum

H U
de nas yo* gdung wang ma rnams kyi rgyal rabs bshad pa ni / rgyal •yong
mkhar mi zim pa nas pha ma’i lung bstan dang bstun te / las sgo yo
gdung la babs pa yin* / de nas ’ brug pa kun mkhyen padma dkar •.. . p h a ma'l lung
b s t e n te / las s g o
po’i slob ma bla ma bkra shis dbang zer ba lung bstan mdzad nas dang bstun nas y o
g d u n g .. .
gnang ba yin* / de nas bla ma bkra shis dbang dang yo gdung wang
*... lung bstun /
ma yon mchod gnyis kyis* rgya gar rtswa mchog grong gi gnas sgo m d z a d nas n a n g ba
yin /
•kyi
1, T h e f o l l o w i n g t w o lines are t a k e n f r o m
t b e l o w w h e r e t h e y d o n o t a p p e a r to belong.
phye nas / rgya bod / hor khams pa / stod mnga’ ris* man chad kyis "rigs
gnas mjal la ’dzorn sa yin / de nas las sgo sa* gzhi thams cad k y i** •omitud ••kyu
bdag po yo* gdung wang mas byed pa la / spun so sor ma ’chams *g.yo
ste / yo gdung wang ma / dog shing wang ma ya (50b) ran wang
ma / rgyal gdung sman mkhar gyi wang ma de tsho las sgo’i rtsa ba
las ma ’chams par / yo gdung wang mas gcen mkhar rgyal po
mchog ka rdo rje las* srid tshol nas / dmag bkug'ste rgyal gdung *u
sman mkhar la dmag rgyab ste / thams cad gtor brlag gtang nas /
las sgo rtsis Ien te / gcen mkhar ba la las sgo sbyin pa’i rtsa ba ’di
yin / mchog ka rdo rje yan chad ni khong gis las sgo mi thob / de
nas bu mo btang ste gnyen yang byas* pa yin / *bye$

IIII1
de nas yo gdung wang ma’i brgyud pa* rim par las sgo thob' tshul *... w a n g n r n
dang Isa bead kyi tshams gzhan yang gnas rtswa* mchog grong gi** • r t i a * * g i a
gnas sgo bye* tshul zur tsam bkod pa ni / sngon thog mar dkar •dbye
rgyud bla ma kun mkhyen ngag dbang nor bu de nyid kyis* mdzad • k y i
pa’i dus su wang ma ge gser rgyal po dang gtso rgan dung bu yin /
(51a) de’i rjes su bla ma bkra shis dbang rgyal kyis mdzad dus wang
ma Inga rigs rgyal po dang gtso rgan gsang gus yin / de’i rjes su bla
ma Om bu kun bzang gis* mdzad dus su wang ma phrong rgyal po *gi
dang gtso rgan la pas yin / rje de’i rjes su bla ma dge slong dmags
’dus kyis* mdzad dus wang ma rin chen rgyal po dang gtso rgan ru ’k y i
pa yin / de’i rjes su bla ma ’brug pa kun legs kyis* mdzad dus wang ’ k y i
ma kun rgyal po dang gtso rgan spen da yin / de’i rjes su bla ma
sku’i skyes dang thugs dam pad dkar* gyis mdzad dus wang ma •thugs gd a m s dpe
dkar
bstan nyi rgyal po dang gtso rgan rdo las yin / de’i ijes su bla ma
sku’i skyes dang dpon slob ngag dbang bkra shis gnyis kyis* mdzad ’k y i
dus wang ma chos rgyas dang gtso rgan zo gi yin / de’i rjes su [bla
ma sku’i skyes dang dpon slob ngag dbarig bkra shis] skye pa mam
rgyal ’phrin las gnyis kyis mdzad dus / wang ma nor bu dar rgyas kyi
bu gsum las che ba ko li rgyal po / bar ma smin drug dbang rgyal /
chung ba ka rma dbang rgyal gsum / gtso rgan bkra shis yin / kar rdzi
shes rab ’brug rgyas ’di rnams yin no / / de’i rjes su (51 b) bla ma
bstan ’dzin rgyal pos* mdzad dus / wang ma ko li gyi bu gsum las •po't
che ba nor bu rgya mtsho dang / bar ma bkra shis srid thal / churig
ba cu pas gsum / gtso rgan ngag dbang tshe ring de’i bu sprul rgyal
yin / de’i rjes su bla ma sku drung shar phyogs ’dra’os* mdzad dus / ’ ’d r a ' o ’i
wang ma nor bu rgya mtsho’i bu gsum las che ba tshe dbang rgyal
po / bar ma ’brug dbang rgyal / chung ba ngag dbang ’phrin las yin /
gtso rgan bstan ’dzin ’brug rgyal yin / de’i rjes su bla ma bsam grub
dang bla ma . . .* / wang ma tshe dbang rgyal po’i* bu gnyis las che *spod
ba ’brug rnam* rgyal dang chung ba rdo rje ** bar ma ’brug dbang • m a m • • i d o r rj«*
rgyal gyi* bu gnyis las che ba srid thal nor bu dang chung ba bkra *gyu
shis srid thal / gtso rgan bsam* bstan ’dzin yin / de’i ijes su bla ma , •sums
...J /

I IV ] I

de nas rgyal po wang ma bdag gis* yo gdung rgyal mkhar nas (52a) • g i
rgyal sa thob tshul ’di’i sa mtshams ni / stod skyi shing rung nas man
chad / mu ris sgam phug nas man chad / jo bo sha wang nas man
chad Irdo mchod rten* nas tshur / tur pa nas yan chad / nye ring • m c h o r brten
ngang rgyu nas yan chad / ti ki ri rdo phug nas yan chatj / dngul
•gum ba nas man chad / phrang phrang ba lab rtsa nas man chad /
*di rnams thams cad wang ma bdag gi sa yin no / /

[VI I

de nas yang wang ma bdag gi las sgo’i sa mtshams ’di yin bya'ba’i
’dzin tho* la / thog mar sbo ka li sa phyogs kyi stod go ma ri / shar •thog
pas ki pa ra / khe sha zu li / nub phyogs ma / khyir zan / hal da sba
ri Isbe ta na / za lugs sba ri / sdi ga las sdob li bar gzhung / gling
zan / mo long dga’ / bar gtsong / sgam ri ka ta / sdo bskor par /
khang zu li / wag (52b) zam sba ri / .no sgor / shing ging sba ri /
shams nyi ya / kho kho ra sdob li stod / phan tsho / shab kha / spu
la / yang shar phyogs nye’u li nas man chad / sbar da nas tshur / ga
ga ri zan nas* tshur / bzo ya chu nas nub phyogs / brong dgon chu •omitted
nas nub phyogs / da khu bha nas nu;b phyogs / dho kha shing nas
nub phyogs / bhu la zu li nas shar phyogs / nye ri chu phran 'has
yar phyogs / shu ka la nas shar phyogs / gho na bar nas sdong gos
shar phyogs / bhu li sdob li nas shar phyogs / shu ba pur / bhos
sprog chu nas shar* phyogs** / ’di rnams wang ma bdag gi dbang •shis • • o m i t t e d
ba’i sa yin / bdag gi rgya’i sa dang ming dang sa mtshams tshang* •'tshang
ngo //

IV I 1 !

de nas tha khur gyi rgyud las sngar dang po thog mar tha klujr phur
gtum pa Ide’i bu Ur ka / de’i bu la’u zi / de’i bu mas na / de’i bu
kong ga / de’i bu (53a) khong thabs / de’i bu the kha ra / de’i bu
sham lung / de’i bu sham za / de’i bu lo khin bar / de’i bu sho na
1. A n a m e s e e m s to b e mi ss ing here.
2. N a m e s omitted.
ram / por ya pha’o la / tha khur A nas / spun gsum yin* / ’di •s pu n s u m yin
wrongly placed
mams bdag gi tha khur gyi brgyud yin tshang ngo* / / after s h o n a r a m >
* ’t s h a n g g o

[ V II ] |

de nas dang po nye ba li gyi las sgo shor ba’i* rgyu mtshan ni / •bas
gdung bsam pa’i* tsha’o shag ci yang rgyas dang / khres phug pa’i •pas
tsha bo la na spun gsum gnyis ma cham nas / rgyal sa gcig la rgyal
po gnyis mi ’thad* pa ’dug zer nas / sho rgyan rgyab pas la na spun •thad
gsum pham nas gsod* dgos pa byung / gsod* pa dang srog nor •bsod
dngul phor byin nas btang bas / yang dngul phor ’di lam du sbas
bzhag nas (53b) log te yo gdung wang ma’i rtsar yong nas las sgo
gcig dgos pa ’dug zer nas bslangs* byung / de nas nye ba li de las •blongs
shor ba yin no / /

(viii) |

sngon dang po chos ije * ’brug pa sku gsar byon pa’i skabs su / •rjes
rgya gar las sgo med pa’i dus / rgyal po wang ma bdag gi* las •gis
sgo las Imo long dga’ zer ba’i* las sgo ’di / ’brug pa sku gsar byon •bas
pa’i skabs dus su / phud du ’bul ba’i las sgo yin no / /

[ix] I,1

bla ma bkra shis dbang rgyal* gtso by as nas / wang ma Inga** •rgyas ** n g a
rigs* rgyal** po dang gtso rgan gsang*** gus dang / kar rdzi •rig * * r g y a l rg ya l
•••bsang
padma rus gnam sa yin / ’di rnams kyis* gnas rtswa** mchog
•kyi **rtsa
grong* gi gnas tshol phyin nas brnyed** de / rtswa mchog grong • omitted'* *brnyen
gi gnas kha ’di dag* rnams kyis** thob nas de las tshur mjal ba •bdag ••kyi
byung ngo //

(54a) gong gsal mdzad bzang mam dkar rta bdun ’od //
tshul min kunda’i nags ljongs kun bcom zhing / /
dge legs padmo’i ze’u brtas pa ni //
gangs can bod* rigs bkra ba khyod kyis** dran // •omitted ••kyi
(1 a) The L a m p W h ich Illuminates with C e r t a i n t y the
Origins or Generations of ’E a r t h - P r o t e c t i n g *
Kings a n d the Manner in Which Generations of
Subjects Came into Being is contained / h e r e i n ? .

(1b) nama Ar.ya 1 ok e sva ra - dha rma ra jab odh i s a t tva ya

I bo w down to the powerful protector

Avalokitesvara,
The ’su p e r i o r d e i t y ’ in w h o m the compassion
of all Jinas is united
And .-who b y his method of converting' in all
situations shows himself in
forms everywhere
In this ignorant and dark land of Tibet, a
barbarous border region.

H a v i n g m a n i f e s t e d .his various visible forms

Out of the dance of illusion, bein g s in the
world increased.
(2a) So that the Buddha's teachings might spread
in all directions,
The human race in India was emanated f r o m the
gods and thus gen e r a t e d and
The humans of Tibet were transformed fro m
monkeys and spread.
As for those w ho b e s towed on t h e m the finest
me t h o d of attaining virtue, j
In the co u n t r y of India K ing Mahasammata,
In Tibet, the L a n d of Snow, the Lord-King
g H y a ’-khri b T san</-po/r,
Sron g - b t s a n sGam-po and Khri Srong-lde-btsan;
and
In Mon to the South, the Divine Prince
gTsang-ma, so it is said.
The origins of1 generations of lords above
And the m a n n e r in wh_ich g enerations of subjects
b e n e a t h / them / came i n t o being,
(2b) /AH of* who m w e r e under the authority/*1 °f these
excellent emanated beings,
Is recited in this Lam p w h ich Illuminates with
Certainty.
A needful a c c o u n t in brief, that all can
understand well, of
The geneses in India a n d in Tibet, the L a n d of Snow
A c c o r d i n g with all the stories and shastra read
and heard
A n d the oral traditions of wise old m en of the
wo rl d ,
W i l l be en l a r g e d upon b y discourse. As a result,
however, of the
Malicious and rash conduct of beings in the Age
of Degeneration
There is no distinction between noble lords
a n d their subjects.
At ^/t’hisT' ver y time w h e n families an d lineages
have become disordered
Even though ancestral origins a re explained, it is
the cause of useless sloth.
(3a) However, if at certain times in the future
One of high family and lineage, noble a nd judicious
A descendant of the Lord-Kings who gov e r n e d the
earth
P r o m the power of their being a p p o i n t e d by heaven,
can come forth like a star that appears
in daytime,
(3a2) Then for the sake of joyful smiles and a feast
for the ears
I sing the tune of a secret little song in this
manner,
E v e n though I do not dare to address to the J
audience of all ears
This discourse which is given s o as to be
i ntelligible to nobles of eq.ua! standing.
 SECTION I

O
(5a) No w then, a c c o r d i n g to the p r o p h e c y g i ven in
- - "5
the Pun&arika-sutra, at the t ime w h e n the

B u d d h a B h a g a v a n was living, there w a s a g r eat lake

w h i c h h a d come forth swirling on top of all the

mountains, valleys and g r o u n d in thi s region of

Tibet, the L a n d of Snow, W h e r e u p o n the B u d d h a

B h a g a v a n c o m m a n d e d A v a l o k i t e s v a r a a n d he, agreeing,

o p e n e d up the e f f l u e n t of the K o n g - c h u

river simply by r e c o l l e c t i n g the p o w e r of a

. ' v isualizing p r a y e r 1 . T h e entire lake sunk a w a y

there and so the g r o u n d a p p eared forth </as clear*7

as the p a l m of one's hand. A great f o rest of Sal a

trees a r ose a nd then A r y a A v a l o k i t e s v a r a and the L a d y

(5"b) T a r a ^"transformed themselves i n t o 7 a m o n k e y b o d h i s a t t v a

a n d a rock demoness. C o m i n g t o g ether as h u s b a n d a nd

wife, t h e y b e g a t six m o n k e y children w h o g r a d u a l l y

increased. When there w e r e five h u n d r e d m o nkey

children, Arya A v a l o k i t e s v a r a t r a n s f o r m e d h i m s e l f int o

an e x t r e m e l y h a n d s o m e and mature youth. The m o n k e y

g r a n d c h i l d r e n a s k e d him; "Where does y o u r b e a u t i f u l

appearance come fro m ?" So the man e x p l a i n e d to t h e m

the d o c trine of a b s t a i n i n g from the ten evil deeds.

Accordingly;, after the monkey g r a n d c h i l d r e n h a d ^

t h e m selves p r a c t i s e d it, they too 'gradually t u r n e d

into humans.

T h e n A r y a A v a l o k i t e s v a r a gave five k i nds of g r a i n

to the o l d m o n k e y b o d h i s a t t v a and so the m o n k e y s w h o

had b e c o m e humans sta rted upon a g r i c u l t u r a l w o r k .

W h e n the h a r v e s t ripened, they each s c r a m b l e d to

obtain w h a t t h e y could, fighting a n d quar r e l l i n g .

 Since there wa s no l o r d - c h i e f a b o v e and no g r a d e d

( 6 a) order of sub j e c t s below, ^ s o m e o n e / replied:

So w i t h u n i v e r s a l accord the y h e l d c o n s u l t a t i o n s d u ring

w h i c h it w a s d e c i d e d to s e a r c h for a lord-chief. There­

upon, i n d u c e d b y the rays of c o m p a s s i o n o f A r y a

Avalokitesvara, R u - p a - s k y e </Rupati7 w h o w a s the y o u n g e s t

son of King d M a g - r g y a - p a ^/Udayana/ met those T i b e t a n s j

w h o h a d gone in s e a r c h of a l o r d -chief on the p e a k of

‘lHa-ri Rol-pa. T he T i b e t a n s a s k e d the king: “W h e r e do

y o u c om e f r o m ? ,r Since at t h a t time I n d ians d id no t

u n d e r s t a n d t he la n g u a g e of Tibet, the k i n g r a i s e d his

f i n g e r to the s ky and so they said: “T h i s p e r s o n seems

to be a g o d w h o has come fro m the sky." So m a k i n g a

throne of their necks, they b o r e him off. Th e k i n g ’s

n a m e was t h e r e f o r e f i x e d as rJe g W y a ’-khri ( ’N e c k - t h r o n e ’)

bTsan-po. He w a s the first k i n g of Tibet. If it b e

asked: “What w a s the orig i n of this k i n g ’s f a m i l y a n d

• l i n e a g e ?" ,/the a n s w e r is as fo l l o w s ] 7 l n f o r m e r times

t h e first k i n g of the sacred land of India w a s the L o r d

M a h a s a m m a t a Raja. In the d y n a s t y of the line o f h i s

descendants w h o f o l l o w e d e a c h other s u c c e s s i v e l y there

( 6 b) a p p e a r e d K i n g s B h a r a d v a j a and Gautama, these two.

Gautama, w h i l e innocent, was d e c l a r e d g u i l t y a n d i m p a l e d

(3a2) on the t o p of a p o i n t e d stake. As drops of b l o o d d r i p p e d

forth he said prayers ove r them, c a u s i n g them to turn

into three eggs. These w e r e p l a c e d in b e t w e e n the leav e s

of a sugar-cane tree and turned into three l i t t l e infant

p rinces. W h e n the line of t h e i r desc e n d a n t s h a d

p r o l i f e r a t e d successively, jit b e c a m e k n o w n asj t he

lineage of the B u - r a m - s h i n g - p a (jksavaku) dynasty. Prom

f o rce of c i r c u m s t a n c e s j^-^s membersj came to reside in the

 great city of Ser-skya (Kapilavastu) and in the lineage

which arose as a result of brothers and sisters

cohabiting there issued f o r t h the three royal f a m i l i e s

— •'*_ /_ _
of the so-called 1 M a h a - S a k y a ’, the ’Sakya-Licchavi and

the ’Sakya R i - b r a g - p a *. As for rJe g N y a ’-khri bTsan-po,

he was of the Sakya-Licchavi lineage. ■

(3b) In the t w e n t y-fifth generation a f t e r g N y a ’-khri

b T s a n - p o there came forth K ing lHa-tho-tho-ri gNyan-btsan.

Then, a f t e r five generations, K i n g S r o n g-btsan sG-am-po

came forth. Then, a f t e r five generations, King Khri

Srong- l d e - b t s a n came forth. King Khri Srong- l d e - b t s a n

had three sons: Mu-ne bTsan-po, Mu-khri bT s a n - p o and

Sad-na-legs. Of these, Sad-na-legs had three sons:

Khri Ral-pa-can, lHa-sras gTsang-ma and G l ang lur-ma.

Of these, as for Khri Ral-pa-can, he w a s the emanation

of Vaj r a p a n i as p r o p h e c i e d in the K a r u n a p u p d a r i k a - s u t r a . ^ ^

A f t e r he had b e e n raised to the royal throne and h ad

g a i n e d p o w e r over the /remaining/’

'" two-thirds of t he world,

his strength and dominion equalled that e n j oyed b y the

gods. He built the great temple of ’U-zhang-rdo w i t h a

Chinese roof and nine stories. In order to cause the

(i|a) doctrine of the Buddha to flourish and increase, he

e stablished thirty-six great religious communities

throughout dBus-gteang in Tibet and as far as Khams;

these included twelve colleges of the V i n a y a , twelve

colleges of scriptural study and twelve colleges of

meditation, /al l of them/ great monastic communities. He

invited m a n y pandits from India, including the pandit

Danasila; together with the Tibetan translators, he

caused them to render all the scriptures / i nto T i b e t a n /

b y means of the 1 new l a n g u a g e ’ /devised for
 the translation of B u d d h i s t t e x t s / .. So the h o l y

dharma f l o u r i s h e d and increased. In particular, seven

h o u s e h o l d s of hi s subjects w e r e a p p o i n t e d jjbo p r o v i d e for], j

the h o n o u r of each m e m b e r of the sa ng ha a n d the k i n g

h i m s e l f c a u s e d the m o n k s to sit u p o n a length o f c o t t o n

/ t h e e nd of / w h i c h he a t t a c h e d to the tresses of his o wn

head.

A s a c o n s e q u e n c e of his p a y i n g enormous a n d u n s u r p a s s e d

h o n o u r to the d o c t r i n e of the Buddha, his subjects w e r e faced

w i t h quite c o n s i d e r a b l e difficulties. T h e r e u p o n the sinful

m i n i s t e r s b e c a m e o b s tinate to the extent that d B a s - r g y a l

(i+b) T o -re a nd C o g - r o L e g s - s g r a — /the s e ? t w o — held consulta­

tions a b o u t h o w they w o u l d d e s t r o y the religious l a w a f t e r

killing the king. C o g - r o L e g s - s g r a said: " E v e n if the

k i n g should be killed, there s t ill remain the D i v i n e P r i n c e

g T s a n g - m a a n d the C h i e f M i n i s t e r dPal-gyi Yon-tan. It

the
w o u l d therefore b e impo s s i b l e to d e s t r o y / r e l i g i o u s l a w . ’*

To that dBas - r g y a ! To-re replied: "I h a v e a s o l u t i o n . ”

H e gave rewards in the form of w e a l t h and g o ods to a l l the

(femalei)diviners a n d a strologers throughout d B u s - g t s a n g in

Tibet and f o r c e d them to s a y w i t h u n i v e r s a l .accord: "If

the Divine P r i n c e g T s a ng-ma resides this y e a r in this

re a l m of Tibet,
there is a danger that impediments w i l l
P.rince
arise in the lives of b o t h the k i n g and the D i v ine/gTsang-ma.

( 6 bl) In p a r t i c u l a r also, pestilence, famine, ■ t r o u b l e d times a n d

so f o rth will come to this realm of Tibet," He s a i d this

/ t o the diviners and to the a s t r o l o g e r s / a n d

h a v i n g f o r c e d them to s p eak these w o r d s ' w i t h u n i v e r s a l

accord, they were spoken. T h e r e u p o n dBSs-rgyal T o - r e

re p o r t e d t h e m to the k i n g who declared: "This y e a r m y

y o u n g e r b r o t h e r g T s a n g - m a m a y depart in o r der to r e m o v e o u r
 J c) i

o b s t acles a n d in o r der to see wha t the s u b j e c t s a n d

comm u n i t i e s in lHo M o n are like and to e n q uire into

their welfare.” 7/hen, in a c c o rdance w i t h t h e s e words,

he / g T s a n g - m a / h a d d e p a r t e d ^ in the d i r e c t i o n of lHo

sPa-gro, once a g a i n b oth dBas-rgyal T o - r e a n d C o g - r o

L e g s - s g r a a g r e e d and spread a slander, saying: "The

K i n g ’s queen, Nga n g - t s h u l - m a , a n d B l o n - c h e n dP a l - g y i

Yon-tan — [these] two — h ave s e c r e t l y i n d u l g e d t h e i r

(7 a) lust a n d f o r n i c a t e d w i t h o u t the k i n g ’s k n o w i n g i t . ”

O n a c c o u n t of this, the q u een N g a n g - t s h u l - m a b e c a m e

t e r r i f i e d and, c o m m i t t i n g suicide, she died. The king,

p a y i n g h e e d to the 3 lander, h a d B l o n - c h e n d P a l - g y i

Y o n - t a n p l a c e d on a great pyre a n d killed. Having

a c c o m p l i s h e d t h e i r purpose, the two sinful m i n i s t e r s J

t w i s t e d the k i n g ’s h e a d round and k i l l e d h i m w h i l e he w a s

s l e e p i n g after h e h a d drunk rice beer.

Then, a f t e r G l a n g Dar-ma h a d b e e n r a i s e d t o the

royal throne, he d e s t r o y e d the temples a n d the body,

s p eech a n d mind-s u p p o r t s . He s c a t t e r e d the m o n a s t i c

c omm u n i t i e s and k i l l e d those / m o n k s / w h o r e f u s e d t o hunt.

He s t o p p e d the r e m a i n i n g w o r k of t r a n s l a t i n g the scriptures

a n d so the pandits returned to their ov/n countries.

The doctrine of the Buddha was abolished, not e v e n its

(7b) name remaining, so that IHa-lung dPal-gyi r D o - r j e k i l l e d

Gl a n g Dar-ma, h is spirit having b e e n roused b y M a - g c i g

dPal-lha, the g u a r d i a n d e i t y of lHa-sa.

He / G l a n g D a r - m a / had two sons, ’O d - s r u n g s a n d

Yum-brtan. When they grew up they fell out o ver t h e •

g o v e r n m e n t and, h a v i n g split into a 'central w i n g ’

and a ’left w i n g ’ , they contended

over a peri o d of twelve years, so that / ^ h e c o u n t r y /

 tJcJO

b e c a m e like a l a n d of darkness, devoid of b o t h state and

re l i g i o u s law. Whe n a b o u t s e v e n t y years h a d elapsed,

the Buddha a n d A rya A v a l o k i t e s v a r a l o oked d o w n w i t h

loving c o m p a s s i o n and so the circumstances a r o s e w h e r e b y

in the l a n d of darkn e s s the a s h e s of the B u d d h a ' s d o c trine ^

were r e v i v e d f rom sMad, n o u r i s h e d from sTod and c a u s e d to

f l o u r i s h and p r o s p e r in dBus-gtsang. As to how the a s h e s

of the B u d d h a Ts d o c t r i n e were r e v ived from sMad: At the

time w h e n the do c t r i n e was b e i n g caused to decline,

/_
g T s a n g Rab-gsal, g . Y o d G e - ' b y u n g and d Mar S a k y a m u n i —

(8a) [thes ejthree — w h o w e r e at d P a l-chen Chu - b o - r i medi t a t i n g ,

saw a m o n k w h o w a s h u n t i n g and a s ked h i m his story.

H e a r i n g a n a c c ount of how the king was a b o l i s h i n g the

doctrine, the three of them became t e r r i f i e d and, having

l o a d e d up a mule w i t h the volumes of the V i n a y a , they fled

to mDo-smad-khams. a n d stayed at g N a m - r d z o n g - b r a g m e d i t a t i n g .

A t that time a child call e d rMu-gsal g S h e n - ' b a r , w h o

was. a y o ung Bon</-pp7 b o r n in the district of T s o n g - k h a ,

set off to p a s t u r e his cattle and ^ c a m e t o / a t e mple w h i c h

h a d gone to rui n c a l l e d sNang-gsal lHa-khang. W h e n he saw

the p i cture of a m o n k on the w a l l - p a i n t i n g s inside, the

child e x p e r i e n c e d a f e e l i n g of extreme happiness. There

was a n old l a d y close by, s u p p o r t i n g h e r s e l f on a stick, a n d

he a s k e d her: " W hat is this pictur*e and w h o does it d e p i c t ? "

The old l a d y replied: "When I was young there w e r e m a n y

(8b) c ommunities of s o - c alled ' m o n k s ’ ^ w h o used to wear/'’ t hat

k i n d of costume. There have b e e n none since G l a n g D a r - m a

caused the d o c t r i n e to decline." The child said: "Weren't

the monks of that time s c a t t e r e d to some o t h e r area ?"

The old l ady replied: "Nobody knows w h e t h e r or not t h e y

are som e w h e r e else. It is s a i d /Jxov/everT" that there are

 three monies n o w resident at mDo-khams g N a m - r d z o n g - b r a g

who f l e d f r o m dP a l - c h e n Chu-bo-ri." At that v e r y

i n s t a n t the child w e n t o f f to g N a m - r d z o n g - b r a g a n d on

m e e t i n g g T s a n g Rab-gsal, g.Yo dGe-'byung a n d d M a r

Sakyamuni — three -— he b o w e d down to them

with devotion. H a ving s u r p assing faith in the d h a r m a

and in the V i n a y a , he was ordai n e d monk and g i v e n the

name of d G e - s l o n g Rab-gsal. L a t e r his mind b e c a m e

e x c e e d i n g l y c l e a r (r a b - g s a l ) and, h a v i n g a b s o r b e d all

the p i t a k a - ' of the dharma into his mind, h e b e c a m e

(9a) w i d e l y r e n o w n e d u n d e r the name of B l a - c h e n d G o n g s - p a

Rab-gsal. In dBus bSam-yas, T s h a n a Ye-shes rGyal-

mtshan, w h o w a s the descendant of Yum-brtan, having

gain e d f a i t h in the h o l y d h a r m a , he s e n t t e n p e r s o n s

i n c l u d i n g K l u - m e s Shes- r a b Tshu l - k h r i m s to be ordained

monks. T h e y w ere ordained by B l a -chen d G o n g s - p a K a b - g a a l

an d so the c o n t i n u i t y of the dharma was s p r e a d to

dBus-gtsang. It is this jliequence of- events] which is

c a l l e d "the r e v i v a l from sMad of t h e .d o c t r i n e 1s ashes".

As for "the n o u r i s h i n g ^ o f the doctrine^7" f r o m sTod":

Of the two sons w h i c h G l a n g Dar-mh had, TO d - s r u n g a n d

Yum-brtan, 'Od-srung's son was m N g a 1 -bdag d P a l - Tk h o r -

btsan. Of the t w o sons w h i c h he had, b K r a - s h i s rTsegs-

pa-dpal and sKy i d - l d e Nyi-ma-mgon, the l a t t e r h a d three

(9b) sons: dPal-gyi-mgon, IDe-btsug-mgon and bKra-shis-mgon.

Of the sons w h i c h b K r a - s h i s - m g o n had, 1O d - k y i rGyal-

m t s h a n a n d both Sro n g - n g e and Khor~re, it w as S r o n g - n g e

wh o b u ilt the m T h o - l d i n g temple in Gu-ge. Without

abbot or teacher, he b e c a m e a monk and too k h i s final

ordination. He was g i v e n the name of lHa-bla-ma

Y e - s h e s - fod. He made his two sons b e c o m e monks too. He

 h a n d e d the g o v e r n m e n t o v e r to the y o u n g e r b r o t h e r lHa-lde.

The l a t t e r had three sons of w h o m the m i d d l e one w a s

B y a n g - c h u b - 1od. l H a - b l a - m a Y e - s h e s - 1od. and l H a - b t s u n

B y a n g - c h u b - Tod, b o t h g r a n d f a t h e r a n d grandson, sent t w e n t y -

one T i b e t a n boy s i n c l u d i n g R i n - c h e n b Z a n g - p o to India.

H a v i n g s t u d i e d to b e translators, he made t h e m t r a n s l a t e

t h e h o l y dharma into Tibetan. In p a r t i c u l a r he c o m p e l l e d

/ h i m s e l f / to live w i t h o u t regard for precious g o l d a n d

without sparing his own life / T n order to7 invite from India

10a) to m N g a T-ris G u n g - t h a n g the cr o w n - o r n a m e n t of f ive h u n d r e d

pandits , Jo-bo-r.je d P a l - l d a n Atisa, w h o s e n a m e is as

w i d e l y ren o w n e d as the s un a n d the moon. He 1t u r n e d t he

w h eel of the d h a r m a 1 LthereJ a n d then p r o c e e d e d b y s t a g e s to

d Bus - g t s a n g a n d so the p r e c i o u s doctrine of the B u ddha came

to f l o u r i s h a nd .prosper. That its ■continuity w h i c h reached

t h e ver y limits of the sky s h o u l d continue to e x ist up to

p r e s e n t times is / d u e tp7 this / s e q u e n c e of events/*

This is the first s e c t i o n from The Lamp Which I l l u m i n a t e s

the Or i g i n s of Royal F a m ilies concerning how, a f t e r the

h u m a n race had come to be spread in Tibet, the L a n d of Snow,

a l o r d - k i n g w as i n v i t e d ahd the doctrine of the Buddha

f l o u r i s h e d and prospered.
 0*1.

SECTION II

Now, 3 .ince the e x t e n d e d a c c o u n t of the o r i g i n s of

s uccessive g e n e r a t i o n s of ha 1 a -cakrava r t i - ra r
ja s w h o

a p p e a r e d in India an d in Tibet, the L a n d of S n o ^ h a s

b e e n made c l e a r in the rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g ,

i c
(10b) the d P a g - b s a m Ljon-pa a nd in the rGyal-rabs khuq - p a ,
" D
it is not i n c l u d e d here. Now even in the r G y a l - r a b s

gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g it is s a i d that the kings of M o n to

the s o u t h are of the lineage of the D i v i n e P r i n c e

7
g T s a n g - m a a n d even at present times the oral trad i t i o n s

of the royal f a m i l i e s and of the public ar e a l s o a ll in

perfect a g r e e m e n t in t h e i r versions of h o w a l l the royal

families came to be s eparately dif f u s e d from / t h e d i r e c t i o n

~ 8
oly the M i - z i m - p a royal castle. Some, however, g i v e

arrogant v e r s i o n s b a s e d on their individual d e s ires,

saying: "It is I, not you". Others g i v e m i s u n d e r s t o o d

accounts w h i c h are une x a m i n e d and ill-considered; having

c o u nted about t e n g e n e r a t i o n s of the D i v i n e P r i n c e

gTsa n g - m a ' s issue they say: "I am that p e r s o n ' s son",

telling this as sure evidence. Others say: " T h e s e a re

the names of t h e s u c c essiv e descendants. T h o s e are not."

. This q u a r r e l l i n g a n d saying of "It is exactly this"

(11a) b y each one d i f f e r e n t l y is just ignorant, foolish and

uneducated. F o r example, just one p e r s o n can h a v e m a n y

names and can be k n o w n to everyone in this manner: b y the name

given to h im in h i s chi l d h o o d by his parents at the

cer e m o n y of w i s h i n g him a u s p icious success a n d b y the n a m e ‘

they used w h e n l o o king a f t e r him lovingly a n d s u c c o u r i n g

him; b y the names g i v e n a c c o r d i n g to the c i r c u m s t a n c e s of

his w o r k a n d his physical appearance; and b y his h o n o r i f i c

name g i v e n to h im in e u logy as a mark of respect f o r his

 h i g h position, and so on — as there are so m a n y it w o u l d

b e d i f f i c u l t to e x a m i n e t h e m all in o r der to h o l d to one

of them. O t h e r p e o p l e speak u n f o u n d e d l y o f a c e r t a i n

n u m b e r of years h a v i n g el a p s e d since the Divine P r i n c e

gT s a ng-ma came to llio M on a n d of a certain n u m b e r of g e n e r ­

a t ions h a v i n g gone by. Such d e c l a r a t i o n s as: "The

s u c c e s s i v e d e s c e n d a n t s / o f our ancestors/7 are these, not

those", g i v e n as w i t h c e r t a i n p r o o f of their origins, are

just ar r o g a n t and p r o u d talk that is rash an d i l l - c o n s i d e r e d

a n d so I ask y o u not to c o n c u r w i t h them. F or example,

(11b) w i t h r e gard to c h r o n ological a c c u r a c y i t is

s aid in the b s T a n - b r t s i s gdan-dus m t h u n-mongs of m K h a s -

grub l H a - d b a n g Bio-gros: "To examine b y means of 'fire*

/the number ' depends on the object of enquiry

Now — in c o n t i n u a t i o n of that which has b e e n e x p l a i n e d

a b ove — although the Divine Prince gTs a n g - m a in a p a r t y of

a b out five p e r s o n s i n c l u d i n g the l o r d and his a t t e n d a n t s

h a d i n t e n d e d to p r o c e e d in the d i r e c t i o n of lHo-brag, due

to the p o w e r of h i s aspi r a t i o n s made in p r e v i o u s lives,

fro m the d i r e c t i o n of P h a g - r i in gTsa n g he went to g N a m -

10
m t h o n g d K a r - p o in sPa^-gro. While r e s iding there for some

days he c o h a bited w i t h a n e x t r e m e l y bea u t i f u l y o u n g girl

as his p l a y - m a t e a n d w h e n the Divine Prince h i m s e l f h a d

p r o c e e d e d on his way, that girl later g a v e b i r t h to an

u n c l a i m e d s on of u n c e r t a i n p a t e r n i t y and some p e o p l e s a i d

that he w as p r o b a b l y the illegitimate son of the D i v i n e

P r i n c e gTsang-ma. Nowadays some legends are s"till told

of h ow the i m p o r t a n t clans of the so-called r G y a l - g d u n g

11
of sPa-gro and o f the g D u n g - b r o g of Th i m - p h u are the

d escendants of that son. Then in stages he /gTsang-ma/7

(12a) p r o c e e d e d b y w a y of the central region of Thim-phu, the

 O lAO

12
C h u - p h o a n d C h u - m o rivers of the T h e d valley, a nd

dBang-'dus Pho - b r a n g . H a v i n g crossed the b r i d g e of

13
B a r - g r o n g he a r r i v e d at s G or-mo in the Sha r district.

Then he t r a v e l l e d in s t ages t h r o u g h - K h o - H w a n g s - k h a ,

sNgan-lung, Mang-sde-lung, Kheng, rTa-li, sBu-li,

s T u n g - l a - s b i a n d Z h o n g - d k a r Mol-ba-lung~pa. W h e n he

a r r i v e d at the sKu-ri C h u river, w h e r e v e r he l o o k e d

u p s t r e a m or d o w n s t r e a m there w a s no bridge. He w a s

s u r p r i s e d a n d , p o n d e r i n g in his min d w h a t w o u l d b e b e s t

done, the P r i n c e said to himself: "If I h a v e the f o r ­

tune to reside in this r e g i o n a nd g a i n c o n t r o l of it,

m a y I JjPirstf e r e c t a b r i d g e . 1' S e n ding up a p r a y e r to the.

15
God of Heaven, he f e l l e d and t o p p l e d a tree t r unk so that

it b e c a m e like a b r i d g e joining b o t h sides of the river.

16
C r o s s i n g the r i v e r he a r r i v e d at ICang-bum and then
17
p a s s e d o v e r the top of the sKor-ri Pass. A f t e r .travelling

in stages t h r ough the lands of sNga-tshang, c r o s s i n g the

S he-ri C h u r i ver and then / H a v i n g p r o c e e d e d / t h r o u g h

(12b) B a - g e n g B r e - m i ~ h e ~ l o n g and the lands of rTseng-mi, he

18
a r r i v e d at Byams - m k h a r . L e a v i n g the b r i d g e of T s h a n g -

zam he c a m e,to the open- surface of the p a s t u r e c a l l e d

19
T h u m - b u r at M u g - 1 t a n g - m k h a r and looked back. The course

of the G r a n g - m a 'i C h u river of Gong-ri f o r m e d a b r o a d a nd

c l e a n v a l l e y and so the Divine Prin c e h a d a f e e l i n g of

h a p p i n e s s a n d d i s c h a r g e d a s i lver arrow he had, causing a

s t r e a m to a p p e a r jjwhere the a r r o w came down] ; it is the

p l ace c a l l e d g S e r - s g o m nowadays. T h e n he a r r i v e d at W a n g -
20
s e r - k u n g - p a a nd looking a r o u n d in a l l ' d i r e c t i o n s he saw

that al t h o u g h the v a l l e y was clean, a nd pleasant, there

w e r e v e r y few inhabitants, settlements a n d f i e l d s a n d so

he did not feel inclined to reside there. S i n c e at t h a t j ‘

 time t hroughout the regions of lHo Mon there w e r e no mor e

than a few h o u s e s a n d fields w h i c h had b e e n a p p r o p r i a t e d

b y t h e s m a l l n u m b e r of p e o p l e w h o ha d come in c o m p a n y
21
(13&) w i t h K i n g Khyi-lcha Ra-thod, w h e n the Divine P r i n c e a l s o

came he h a d no desire to stay there and so p r o c e e d e d b y

Divine
stages in this direction. Then the/Prince h i m s e l f

a s k e d the people, s a y i n g :"Where are t h ere m a n y p e o p l e a n d

s e t t l ements and w h e r e is there g o o d land v " The p e o p l e

22
replied: " d P a l - m k h a r in L a - Tog Y u l - g s u m is good." So he

w e n t in stages to d P a l - m k h a r and resided there. W h e n he

came to h e a r talk of h ow it w as a time in Tibet w h e n the

23
sinful k i n g a n d sinful ministers h a d a g r e e d a m o n g them- ■

selves to d e s t r o y the teachings of the Buddha, he did not

feel inclined to reside in that place due to its close

p r o x i m i t y to T i b e t and so he w e n t to b T s a n - m k h a r in f8 r o n g -

mdo-gsum. Looking around for a suitable p l ace to take for

(13b) a royal castle, he thought: "That 3a nd of M i - z i m - p a is

sur r o u n d e d b y w a t e r and rocks, the valley is rich a n d the

site is strong," a n d so he w e n t there. At that p l a c e t h e r e

2k
w as a h a b i t a t i o n owned b y a man called A-mi D o n - g r u b - r g y a l

a n d the Divine P r i n c e said to Don-grub-rgyal: "Iiow m a n y

g ene r a t i o n s hav e p a s s e d since y o u people came here ?•

W h i c h family, clan and region are y o u f r o m ?" Don-grub-

rgyal said: "We came in m y p a r e n t s ’ time fro m the land.of

Tibet. As for our f a m i l y clan it is of the li n e a g e 6 f A-mi

Byang-chub 'Dre-bkol of the Rlangs lHa-gzigs / c l a n / w h o was

• the direct d i s ciple of the acarya. Padraa^Sambhava] 'Bue to

a quarrel with m y paternal siblings w h o w e r e in the c o u n t r y

26
of Byar-po, the c o n trol that I should have g a i n e d o v e r our

subjects w a s not f o r t h c o m i n g and b e c ause of t h a t w e came

here." As he told this story in detail the D i v i n e P r i n c e

 b e l i e v e d h i m an d so, h a v i n g settled there, he took up

(lha) residence. As to the f a m i l y lineages w h i c h are t he

27- -r
same as that of A - m i Don-grub-rgyal, n o w a d a y s / t h a t of/

the s o - c a l l e d sDe/ - s r i d / P h a g - m o - g r u - p a / o t h e r w i s e

ca l l e d / the s N e - g d o n g G o ng-ma Chen-mo is of the sam e clan.

28
b S o d - n a m s dPal-skyid, the d a u g h t e r of A -mi D o n - g r u b - r g y a l ,

w as t a k e n as w i f e b y the D ivi n e P r ince g T s a n g - m a a n d so

b o t h K h r i - m i l H a Ti - d b a n g - p h y u g a n d g C e s - b u m T h o n g - l e g s -

b t s u n w e r e born. W h e n they g rew up they g a i n e d c o n t r o l

ove r the few h a b i t a t i o n s and s ettlements w h i c h e x i s t e d a n d

b u i l t a royal castle. W h e n the fame of the s o - c a l l e d

’C l a n of the T i b e t a n P h a r m a r a j a s ’ h ad b e c o m e great, K r i - m i

l H a ri - d b a n g - p h y u g w as i n v ited b y the officers and sub­

jects from L a - o g Y u l - g s u m as t h eir chief and he w e n t thereL*^

— 7 30
L a t e r the name of the s o - c a l l e d ’K h a m s - p a Jo-bo* / c l a n /

a c h i e v e d r e n o w n f r o m the fact that his d e s c e n d a n t s r e s i d e d

(ll|b) in the d o m a i n o f the gods (l h a ’i k h a m s - p a ?). The s o n of

g C e s - b u m T h o n g - l e g s - b t s u n w h o took control of the M i - z i m - p a

.royal c a s t l e w a s K h r i - b r t a n - d p a l . There w e r e a l s o the sons

Gong-dkar-rgyal and dPal-bskyed-dar who were two twins b o r n

together. When these t h ree sons g r e w up, t h e i r f a t h e r said:

"Since f o r the m a r r i a g e s of y o u three there a r e n o n e r e a l l y

fit f o r m a t r i m o n i a l a l l i a n c e in this region, so j u s t as in

India in pr e v i o u s times there w ere a p p l i e d v a r i o u s names

to one f a m i l y — i.e. the Maha-Sakya, the Sakya R i - b r a g - p a ,

the Sakya-Licchavi and s o on who then i n t e r m a r r i e d —

so a lso s h o u l d y o u three do likewise." Then, g i v i n g c lan

names in a c c o r d a n c e with t h e i r i ndividual c i r c u mstances,

he said: "Gall K h r i - b r t a n - d p a l b y the cla n n a m e of -rJe *'

( ’L o r d 1) in o r der to h o n o u r him like a lord-king, b e i n g

(15a) the first-horn of my sons. Gall both Gon g - d k a r - r g y a l and

dP a l - b skyed-dar b y the elan-name of sByar ('Attached')

since they were born as two twins a t t a c h e d to each o t h e r . ”

Gong-dkar-rgyal was invited as the lord-chief of K h o - l o n g -

stod and w e n t there. The son of Kh r i - b r t a n - d p a l who t o o k

control of the royal site / o f his father/7* was g H a m - b s k o s -

sde. He look e d to the records of his ancestral forebears

and, taking their custom as an example just as t hey u sed

xp
to be, he a c t e d a c c o r d i n g l y and so subjugated most regions

and gained power. His sons, Gung-ri-rgyal, lHa-bzang-dar,

gN am-sa-'bangs and d P a l - m t h o n g - l e g s , ^these/7 four, were born.

They g r e w up and accounts of their great strength and p o w e r

were heard in all the valleys.

At a time just prior t o these events, 'Od-srung and

Yum-brtan, the two sons of K i n g Glang Dar-ma, had not bee n

(15b) in accord over the government and, separating i nto a central

wing and a left wing, they had contended over a p e riod of

twelve years. After ’Od-srung had been defeated those of

X X
his officers and men w h o had fled to mKga'-ris sTod/"^ were

dispersed in the direction of lHo Mon and it seems that it

was at that time that most of the settlements were establish­

ed b y these people who had come. Previous to that there had

not b e e n many people or settlements and in the absence of a

graded order among ruler and subjects they disputed a n d

quarrelled. Then, as if by the power of their former

aspirations / m a d e in previous lives/*, they all came to

agreement and set off for the Mi-zim-pa royal castle in

order to extend an invitation to a lord-chief. King gHam-

bskos-sde said: "Why have you come here ? ” ”77e have come

to ask for a l o r d -chief since it is said that there is a

 clan of the T i b e t a n D h a r m a r a j a s / h e r e / ", they said.*

" T h e n that is a v e r y g o o d auspice", s a i d the king. "Let

G u n g - r i - r g y a l s t a y here so as to take c o n t r o l of the

(16a) royal c a s t l e in this place. M a y the other sons depa r t

to w h a t e v e r places they a re i n v ited according to the

i ntentions of the subjects and officers an d m ay they p r o ­

tect the s u b jects a n d officers b y clever means w i t h love

a n d c o m p a s s i o n , " he said. S e a l i n g the m a t t e r w i t h pr a y e r s

of g o o d auspice, he sent them off with a v a r i e t y of g o o d s

a n d chattels. l H a - b z a n g - d a r w a s i n v ited to N y i - m a C h e -

rigs. gNam-sa-'bangs was i n v i t e d to Nyi-ma Chung-rigs,

dPal-mthong-legs was i n v i t e d to lower gDung-bsam* and

so they w e n t off. As to the s u c c essive issue of t h e i r

va r i o u s descendants: At that time the k i n g s d i d n o t take

c o n trol of single s e t t lements d e c i s i v e l y b u t i n s t e a d the y

ci r c u l a t e d a r o u n d the settlements of the s u b j e c t s a n d ■

officers, residing there / e a c h b y turn/. The son o f I H a -

. (16b) b z a n g - d a r w h o w e n t to Ch e - r i g s w a s s T o n g - g s n m rGyal-po.

His sons wer e Som-rgyal, S o m - d a r a n d Som-bzang* Sora-

bzang's sons w e r e B.la-ma a n d 'Od-*bar. Bla-ma's son was

r G y a l -gdung ’J i g - s t a n g - l a w h o b u i l t a royal c a stle at

3h
W a s - c h u r T h u m - n ang-mkhar. A c q u i r i n g a s e n i o r and j u n i o r

wife, two sons of the senior, rG-ya-nag a n d Ma-ku, came

forth and four sons of the junior, Rin-bzang, dPal-bzang,

Grags-pa-bzang and b S o d - n a m s - ' b u m came forth. Since the

land of s K y a - s a - m k h a r w as clear and pure a nd its c o n n e c t e d

u p p e r and l o w e r parts w e r e pleasant, they, f a t h e r a n d sons,

came to an agreement and b u i l d i n g a royal castle i n that ^

pl a c e t h e y took control of a r o yal site. The s o - c a l l e d

- 35
'Kings of s N g a - t s h a n g / a n d / Phyi-tshang' a r o s e f r o m a m o n g

th eir various issue. The sons of rGya-nag w e r e H a m - p o a n d

 Grags-pa, / t h e s e / two. The s o n o f Ham-po was ( H a - d a r

17a) a n d his s o n w a s rDo r C h o s - d b a n g w h o p r o c e e d e d to m K h a r -

n a n g and, b u i l d i n g a royal castle, r e s i d e d there. H is

sons w e r e g S a n g - b d a g a nd dPal-bkra-shis,[these] t w o . The

sons of d P a l - b k r a - s h i s w e r e D a r - * j a m a n d Chos - ' j a m , [these]

two. The s o n of C h o s - 1jam wa s rDor-tshe-dbang. H i s sons

w e r e L h a - d b a n g a n d Mi-dbang. The s on of L h a - d b a n g w a s
36
Dar-* jam. His sons are (v)Nor-bu dBang-rgyal and N g a g - d b a n g

Nor-bu, / t h e s e / two. As for rDor-tshe-d'bang, he w a s in v i t e d

/to a c t / as the chief of the officers and subjects of

rTseng-mi a n d c a m e there. H a v i n g taken c o n trol of a royal

castle at T s h a n - l n g a Shing-mkhar, Kun-thub, the s o n of the

junior w i f e h e m a r r i e d /there, w a s born/". Th e d e s c e n d a n t s

37
of his progeny, s T o n g - l d a n a n d d B ang b s T a n - * d z i n Grags-pa,

a r e t he royal f a m i l i e s w ho a re at raKhar-nang a n d M u -sde

N o r - b u sGang.

The s u c c e s s i v e issue of the d escendants of Rin-bzang,

the aon of the j u n i o r w i f e m e n t i o n e d above, a r e the royal

(17b) families of B e - t s h a Nang-mkhar, b S o d ~ n a m 3 - fb u m took control

of a royal castle at s K y a - s a - m k h a r a n d r e s i d e d there. His

sons w e r e d N g o s - * b u m a n d Chos-*bum,- / t h e s e / two. The

d e s c e ndants of d N g o s - ' b u m are the royal fam i l i e s of s P u n -

mang-tshan. The sons of C h o s - ' b u m were sGrub-pa a n d sGo-la,

[these]two. The sons of s G r u b ^ p a were R a n g-po a n d r D o r - b z a n g

T he sons of r D o r - b z a n g w e r e B a n g-nge and Khri-mi, [these]two.

T h e successive issue of the d e s c e n d a n t s of these two are now

t he royal fa m i l i e s w h o a re at sKya-sa-mkhar, K h a s - m k h a r ,

Mug-ltang-mkhar, s K y e d - m k h a r and T h e - n a n g - s b i . The s o n of

K h r i - m i w a s Nyi-ma-bzang. His son was G a n g s - r d o - r j e . H a v i n g

gone to 'Dre-spong h e b u i l t a royal castle a n d took control

of the s t r o n g h o l d . Havi n g p r o l i f e r a t e d successively,

 bay
his desc e n d a n t s are the royal families of 'Dre-spong.
38
(18a) The s o n of S a n g s - r d o - r j e was Zla'u-la. H a v i n g gone to

Mong-sgar, he "built a royal castle and took c o n t r o l of

a n estate. His sons are the r G y a l - p o ( s ) N o r ~ b u dBang-

3 9 —
p h yug a n d d B a n g - d r a g , two. The son of B a n g - n g e

w as sNgo-seng. His son was Tshe-dbang. His.son was

1*0
T s h e - r i n g dBang-chen. His son is rGijid-po.

A m o n g the d e s c e n d a n t s of g N a m - s a h a n g s , w h o h a d

gone to Nyi-ma Chung-rigs, there came forth two b r o t h e r s ,

the k i n g s call e d M e - g d u n g and sTong-gsum. The sons of

M e - g d u n g were sMan-khyi a n d Thos-pa. The sons of s M a n -

khyi w e r e B y a - k h u and Nya-khu. The s u c c e s s i v e issue

hi
f rom t h e m are the royal families of Wa'ng-ser-kum-pa. T h e sons
k2
of Thos-pa w e r e g S e r - g d u n g and IDan-pa. g S e r - g d u n g w e n t to

. Beng-mkhar bKra-shis-sgang, b u ilt a royal castle and took

control of a royal site . His son w a s Khu-na.

H is sons, Kha-khas, dNgos and rGya-mtsho-bang, / t h e s e ?

three, came forth. The d e s c e n d a n t s ' of dNgos a r e _ the

Uh
( 1 8 b) royal fam i l i e s of Grong-stod. The descendants o f rGya-

m t s h o - b a n g a r e the royal families of G-rong-smad. The

d e s c endants of K h a - k h a s are the royal families w h o come

f ro m Ra n g - c i - m k h a r . IDan-pa, h a v i n g gone to g C e n - mkhar,

b u i l t a royal castle,
g a i n e d p o w e r over the o f f i c e r s a n d
h5
subjects and acted as lord-chief. His son w a s Thub-sbi.

A m o n g his descendants there v/ere Cho-ka rDo-rje, mG-on-po

rDo-rje, and Senge rDo-rje, ^ t h ese/ three. After Cho-ka

rDo-rje h a d taken control of a royal castle he v i e d in

U7
ma g i c a l s k i l l w i t h the I n d i a n rDo-rong' Rwa-dza; Cho-ka

r Do-rje w o n a n d t h e r e a f t e r the I n d i a n duars v/ere in a

state of subjugation. The sons of .Cho-ka r D o -rje w e r e

K h y i -rog, rDos and r G y a s - m t s h o,^these^three. The son of

 K h y i - r o g w as Bla-ma. His son was IHa-mo A-chi. His son

was rDo-rje Phan-pas. His so n was Zu-gi. His d escendants

h9
are at gCen-mkhar. T h e sons of rDos were dNgos-grub'and

Bla-ma Grags-pa. T he son of dNgos-grub was rGyal-mtshan.

19a) His sons w e r e N o r - b u rGy a l - p o and gSang-grags. The son of

N o r - b u r G y a l - p o w as rGya-mtsho, His son w a s K h y i - r o g - d p a l

a n d then the lineage expired. The son of g S a n g - g r a g s w as

Tshe-dbang* His sons w e r e Rin-chen rGyal-po an d K a r m a

rGyal-po, / t h e s e / two. The descendants of B l a-ma G r a g s - p a

are the royal families of Phra-sgom. The y o u n g e s t brother,

rGj'S-mtsho, h a v i n g b e e n invited by the officers and subjects

of K h a - gling, h e w e n t to K h a - g l i n g - m k h a r and b u i l t a royal

castle. “ He b r o u g h t under his p o w e r the officers and s u b jects

an d £ a l s o 7 the Indi an' d u a r s » a n d when his strength and

d o m i n i o n b e c a m e great a ll the communities from e v e r y d i r e c ­

tion a s s e m b l e d t h ere a nd s o the present s o - c a l l e d A r - t s h a n

districts of K h a - g l i n g 's e e m to b e those / p l a c e s w h e r e they

_ 50
s e t t l e d / . The s on of r G y a s -mtsho w as rGyal-bu. His d e s c e n d ­

ant w a s bSoJi-nams dPal-'byor* His elder s o n w a s C h o s - k a s a n d

(19b) h is y o u n g e r s o n rGyas-bsam-grub. T h e s o n of Chos-kas w a s

Tshe-g.yang. The e l der son of T s h e - g . y a n g w as r G y a l - b u and

his y o u n g e r s o n wa s Bla-ma Don-grub. The son of r G y a l - b u w a s

P a dma rGyal-po. The sons of Padma rGyal-po w e r e gCes-bu,

bSod-nams-db.ang1a n d Khri-mi, / t h e s e / three. The sons of

g C e s - b u w e r e b K r a - s h i s D a r -rgyas and Sing-po, / t h e s e / two,

51
and t h e n the lineage expires. The s on of K h r i - m i w a s b D e - b a

a n d t hen the lineage expired. b S o d - n a m s - d b a n g had no lineage.

The sons of Bla-ma Don-grub, Sangs-rgyas-po, N o r - b u rGyal-po,

Karma T s h e - r i n g and fB r u g rGyal-po, / t h e s e / four, came forth.

The sons of K a r m a T s h e - r i n g w ere b s T a n - ' d z i n r G y a l - p o and

bsTan-'dssin d B a n g - ’dus. The s on of b s T a n - 1dzin d B a n g - 1dus

 w as N g a g - d b a n g b S a m - ’phel. The sons of* N g a g - d b a n g b S a m -
■52
rphel a re N g a g - d b a n g P h u n - tshogs a nd b S o d - n a m s TB r u g -

rgyal, / t h e s e / two. The s o n o f b S o d - n a m s fB r u g - r g y a l is -

(20a) *Brug hDe-legs. The sons of 'B r u g rGyal-po w e r e Bang-ga, .

53 _

r G y a l - p a b s a m -grub, and Ba-man, / these / three. The eon j

of B a n g-ga was sNgon-la. His sons w e r e 'Bla-ma rGyal-po,

N g a g - d b a n g b S a m - g r u b and Karma b s T a n - ' d z i n a n d t h e n the

li n e a g e expired.

I n the l i n eage that p a s s e d down s u c c e s s i v e l y among

the d e s c e n d a n t s of S e n g-ge rDo-rje there came f o r t h

U - r g y a n a n d rGyas-dar, these two. The sons of r G y a s - d a r

were rGyal-po a n d Las-Kyi. The son of r G y al-po w a s

3-1-
rGyal-bkra-shis• His sons w e r e Tsh e - r i n g a n d N o r - b u - d b a n g .

T h e i r d escendants are the royal families w h o a r e at

sDom-mkhar. The son of Las-kyi was Ngag-dbang. H is sons

55 56 .

■w e r e - P h o - b r a n g a nd Nag-seng, /_/> h ese/ two. Their descendants

are the loyal f a m i l i e s of bTaan-mkhar.

57
H a v i n g g o n e to gDung-bsam, Lord (r Je) dPal m T h o n g -

legs g a i n e d p o w e r ov e r . t h e officers and subjects and /alsp7

the I n d i a n s and his st r e n g t h a n d do m i n i o n b e c a m e great.

A f t e r m a r r y i n g a consort, a son, f0d-bar, came forth. His

( 2 0 b ) ' s o n w a s T s h a-bo Chang-po. In the lineage that p a s s e d d o w n

successively among his descendants the two p r i n c e l y b r o t h e r s

ca l l e d bs T a n - n a and Ban g - t s h o w e r e not' in a c c o r d o v e r the

g o v e r n m e n t a nd they contended. Ban g - t s h o w a s defeated

a n d d e p a r t e d f r o m the home. His d e s c e ndants are t he k i n g s

58
of G u n g - g d u n g a nd the royal families w h o a re at g Z h o n g -
59
dkar sTong-phu. They are also said to be at g D u n g - b s a m
GO
M o n - y u l s T o n g - g s u m and it w a s at that time that t h e y w e r e

s c a t t e r e d there. . ,.

sTong-gsum was the y o u n g e r b r o t h e r of M e - g d u n g w h o is

 61
m e n t i o n e d above. His son was sTong-rab. A l t h o u g h they b o t h

w e n t in stages to gCen-mkhar, s G a m - r i - l u n g - p a Ra-ti, Phong-

mi K h a n g - p a - m k h a r a nd o t h e r places they w e r e u n able to take

control or a royal site and s o they seized a home at m T h o n g -

r o n g W a - m a s P a n g - g d u n g and f o r a time resided there* Then,

62
h a v i n g returned, t h e y s e i z e d a h o m e at m K h a r - g d u n g a n d their

21a) d e s c endants w h o reside there are the royal families of •

mKhar-gdung.

Now, in c o n t i n u a t i o n o f what w as e x p l a i n e d above, Gong-

dkar - r g y a l w e n t to U p p e r K h o - l o n g h a v i n g b e e n i n v i t e d as the

chief of the officers a n d subjects of U p p e r and L o w e r K h o -

long. H a v i n g b u i l t a royal castle and brought u n d e r his

p o w e r a l l the s u b j e c t s and c o m m u n i t i e s b y means of g r eat

force, he b r o u g h t to his court the senior consort dPal-'dren-

skyid, a n d r D o r - 1dzom-pa, A - t h u n g - s k y i d and g.Yang-dpal-rao,

/ t h e s e / four. W h e n the sons m T h o n g - l e g s - d p a l a n d b T s u n - g o n g -

rgyal, £theseTJtwo, w e r e b o r n to dPal-'dren-skyid, the senior

63
consort, she b e c a m e p r oud and v i e d even with the king. As f o r

h e r p lan to e x p e l the other three consorts and s e n d them

b a c k each to t h e i r v a r i o u s homes, the k i n g w o u l d n ot l i s t e n

!1b) a n d re t a i n e d them. T h e three consorts, however, b e c a u s e of

their genuinely humble disposition, kept on b e h a v i n g in the

m a n n e r of servants to the s e n i o r consort. When the months

h a d e l a p s e d a nd w h e n the king's sons had also b e e n g e n e r a t e d

in the b o dies of the three consorts, the he a d m a n s T o n g - ' d u s -

6Lj
dar, k n o w i n g about it, spoke useful w o r d s in secret to the

three consorts. "If the senior consort knows that y o u three

h a v e the k i n g ' s sons in y o u r bodies there is great d a n g e r

that she v/ill t r y to harm y o u on account o f 1m a l i c i o u s envy.

So take careful heed," he said. The three consorts t h e r efore

d i d so. W h e n the n u m b e r of months h ad come to a n end a n d

 they each gave b i r t h to a son, f e a r i n g that the s e n i o r

c o n s o r t w o u l d p e r c e i v e it, the son w h o m r D o r - * d z o m - p a

h a d given birth to was reared se c r e t e d inside a g.yas

trough. The son of A - t h u n g - s k y i d was reared h i d d e n inside

(22a) a s t u n g pannier. The son of g . Y a n g - d p a l ~ m o w a s r e a r e d

■ 65
c o n c e a l e d in a w a n g pit. Th e t h r e e of them w e r e b o r n

of fine a p p e a r a n c e and w h e n they gre w b i g g e r a n d k n e w

h o w to w a l k a b o u t a n d sud d e n l y b e g a n to speak w o r d s , the

t h ree j u n i o r consorts w e r e fearful that the s e n i o r c o nsort

m i g h t do them a n i n j u r y and so the officers a n d s u b j ects,

knowing a b o u t it, w e n t b e f o r e G o n g - d k a r Z-rgyal/7 a n d

said: "These are the t h ree sons w h o in f e a r of the

j e a l o u s y of the s e n i o r consort have b e e n r e ared b y c l e v e r

means in s e c r e t hiding." The k i n g was o v e r j o y e d a n d

,/co m m o n l y /
declared: "It i s / s a i d that w o m e n a re of the-true n a t u r e

of w i s d o m a n d it w o u l d see m to be true." He took up the

t h r e e sons in s u c c e s s i o n on his lap and p a t t e d e a c h o n the

head. "In o r d e r that in times to com e the l e g e n d m a y be

w o n d r o u s an d strange, it is n e c e s s a r y to give p e r s o n a l

(22b) n a mes and clan names to the three sons i n d i v i d u a l l y , " he

said., "Since the son of r D o r - 1dzom-pa was reared secreted

(g s a n g ) in a y as - v e s s e l give his name as g S a n g - s d e - b t a a n

66

a n d c all his c l a n n a m e Yas~sde. S i n c e ’ the son of A - t h u n g -

s k y i d w as reared h i d d e n (sbas)inside a stung - vessel

g i v e his name as s B a s - s d e - b t s a n and call his c l a n n a m e

sTung-sde. Since the s on of g. Y a n g - d p a l - m o w a s reared

c o n c e a l e d ( 1g a b ) in a w a n g -pit give his name as TG a b - s d e -

b t s a n and call h is c l a n name Wang-ma. Now g u a r d the three

sons w e l l until they grow up," he said. To t h e t h ree

m o t hers he gave a l i m i t l e s s supply of food, "drink a n d

requisites. T h e n w h e n the five sonss' grew up, b e c a m e b r a v e

 a nd a t t a i n e d y o u t h f u l manhood, their strength and dominion

2 3 a ) i n c r e a s e d and their father, Gong-dk a r - r g y a l , in h is j o y

b u r s t e d w i t h pride. So he e s t a b l i s h e d in large m e a s u r e a

r e g u l a r custom of t a x a t i o n a nd c o rvee among the officers

a n d subjects; he i n t r o d u c e d and col l e c t e d a m e a t ~ t a x f r o m

the u p p e r part o f the district, a f i s h - t a x f r o m the l o w e r

part and a r o a d-tax f r o m the t r a d e r s w h o travelled the roads

When great difficulties arose for t he officers a n d s u b j e c t s

they u n a n i m o u s l y r e v o l t e d a nd G o n g - d k a r - r g y a l , f a t h e r a n d

sons, w e r e e x p e l l e d f rom the royal castle. At the time

when, having returned /t o their original h o m e / they w e r e

r e s i d i n g at the M i - z i m - p a royal castle, those p e o p l e w h o ha d

p r e v i o u s l y not i n v i t e d a chief, knowing that the ‘sons o f

Gong-dkar-rgyal were of P r ince g T s a n g - m a ’s clan, they came

to the M i - z i m - p a royal castle. In f r ont of G o n g - d k a r - r g y a l

they declared: " T h e r e b e i n g no l o r d - c h i e f in o u r c o u n t r y

there is suffering on account of quarrels a nd c o n t e n t i o n s

23b) and so in o r d e r to remove it (i.e. t he suffering) we must

request y o u r sons / t o a c t / as b h e l ord-chiefs of o u r v a r i o u s

districts." Gong-dkar-rgyal said: "I must k e e p m T h o n g - l e g s

dpal in order to control the e s t a t e s w h e r e v e r I s t a y . . T a k e

a w a y w i t h y o u the other sons in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the v a r i o u s

de s i r e s of y o u r of f i c e r s and men." Yas-sde g S a n g - s d e - b t s a n

was i n v i t e d to S a - g l i n g rG y a n - m t s h a m s and departed. sTung-

to
sde s B a s - s d e - b t s a n w a s invite^/ Zang-lung-pa and departed.

Wa n g - m a 'G a b - s d e - b t s a n w a s i n v i t e d to U p per G a n g - z u r a n d

departed. After the sons had d i s p e r s e d in d i f f e r e n t d i r e c ­

tions, t h e i r father, G o n g - d kar-rgyal, through the s t r e n g t h

of his p e r c e p t i o n s also p r e p a r e d a plan o f extensive a c t i o n

a n d thinicing that he c o u l d not know w h a t would a r i s e i n the

2ha) m i n d of g N a m - b s k o s - l d e / h i s nephew J w ho h ad a c t e d f r o m
 p r e vious times as the c a s t e l l a n of Mi-zim-pa, Gong-

d k a r - r g y a l f a t h e r and sons - three / I n all/- - w e n t to

a p a s t u r e at R i - g z h u n g a n d f o u nded a settlement there. •■

A ll the communities that w e r e in the v i c i n i t y of that

place w e r e ga t h e r e d together as subjects w i t h no f r e e d o m

/ o f choice/, as if-the force of a s p i r a t i o n s m a d e in

previous lives h a d b e e n accomplished, and furthermore

m a n y dis t r i c t s and v i l lages w e r e s u b j u g a t e d b y peaceful,

enriching, strong a n d fier c e means and- so his s t r e n g t h a n d

do m i n i o n b e c a m e g r eat . U s i n g a tiger as a g u a r d dog, he

tied it to a b o u l d e r in w h i c h he h ad p i e r c e d a hole, the

g a p of which exists e v e n at present. The son o f G o n g -

dkar-rgyal w a s m T h o n g - l e g s - d p a l . His s o n w a s rGyal-gdung-

dar. His son w a s Ngam- b z a n g - l a . His sons, s P rang-po~dar,

b s T a n - Tdus-la and O n g - m a - / t h e s e / three - came forth. Of

them, sPrang-po-dar, taki n g with him all his p a t r i m o n y a n d

(2hb) his most p r e cious p o s s e s s i o n s a nd having g o n e to S h a r Dora-

kha, s u b j u g a t e d a l l the communities with g r eat e n e r g y as *

in the m a n n e r of a m a h a s l ddha a n d g a i n e d p o w e r o v e r the

Indian d u a r s . His. descendants, whose strength and

d o m i n i o n b e c a m e great, are the b a - s p u ( ' B a b u T) w h o a r e at

(5 "7
Shar D o m - k h a an d at Mur-shing.

The m i d d l e son, b T s a n - 'dus-la, a f t e r g o i n g to T s h a - s e

took c o n t r o l of a royal castle and gained p o w e r o v e r t h e

subjects a nd officers. The descendants of his two sons,

b T s a n - g o n g - l a and L a g - s d u m - p a , dispersed in d i f f e r e n t

d i r e c t i o n s and their lineages are / p r e s e r v e d h y / all the

B y a r-pa families who are at Tsha-se, Yu-rung, K h a n g-pa,

P h y i - m u n g and Zla-gor.

The y o u n g e s t son, Ong-raa, a f t e r going to U ~ d 2 a~rong,

took c o n t r o l of a r o y a l castle and, g a i n i n g p o w e r o v e r

 the subjects a n d officers, a c t e d as their chief. After

his sons, d P a l - ’bum, bZang-clar and L u - b t s a a - /these/-

three - h ad com e f o r t h they s p read in d i f f e r e n t d i r e c tions. •'

The d e s c e n d a n t s of B y a r Ong-ma are all the Byar-pa

25a) families w h o a r e at U - d z a-rong, g T or-ma-gzhong, Yong-ka-la,

l C a g s - m khar-bzung, Ku-r i - s m a d , rGya-ras-sur, Byog-kang,

Ngang-la, Khom-shar, Ne-to-la and Kheng-rigs rNam-gsum.

Nov/ if it s h o u l d b e e x p l a i n e d additionally, a m o n g the

desc e n d a n t s of d P a l - ’b u m there came f o rth g S e r - ’bum, dNgos-

’b u m an d B a r - ’bum, / t h e s e / t h r ee / b r o t h e r s j / a n d of them,

the s o n of g S e r - ’b u m w a s Thur-skye. H is son w a s rDo-rje

Grags-pa. His sons w e r e L a s - k y i - b a n g a nd P a d m a - d b a n g . The

sons of L a s - k y i - b a n g w ere b s T a n - ' d z i n b S o d - n a m s a nd b s T a n -

’dzi n Grags-pa. The d e s c endants of these 'two a n d the .

descendants of d N g o s - ' b u m a n d D a r - ’b u m are those w h o - a r e at

U-dza-rong.

In c o n t i n u a t i o n o f what was said above, Yas-sde gSang-

(2 5 b ) s d e - b t s a n w a s i n v i t e d b y the officers a n d s u b j e c t s to

Sa-gling rGyan-tshams and wen t there. Building a royal

castle h e t o o k c o n t r o l of a royal site. A m o n g his d e s c e n d a n t

there came f o r t h a c e r t a i n courageous and w i s e p e r s o n w h o w a s

i n t e l l i g e n t a n d c l e v e r in skilful means call e d Y a s - s d e Su-na.

He g a i n e d p o w e r o v e r all the communities, the of f i c e r s a nd

subjects on b o t h sides of the course of the sGam-ri C h u

r i v e r and t h e n since he also b u i l t a royal castle at B u - n a

1
and c o l l e c t e d r o a d - t a x his strength and d o m i n i o n b e c a m e

great. T h e r e is a l e g e n d s t ill exist i n g at p r e sent w h i c h

says that in p r e vious times they /his s u b j e c t s / fell o u t

w i t h each o t h e r over the q u e s t i o n of - the d e l i n e a t i o n of

th e i r agric u l t u r a l l a n d and pastoral l a n d ' a n d so the m a t t e r

wa s b r o u g h t b e f o r e Y a s - s d e Su-na w h o made / s u i t a b l e /
 'O 'J I

divisions. His descendants spread s u c c e s s i v e l y a n d so

all the Y a s - s d e royal fam i l i e s w h o a re at S a - g l i n g

r Gyan-mtshams, d G a '-gling-mkhar-mi, 'Phong-mi, Ra-ma-

geng-ra, K h r e - p h u a n d s T a g - t s h a n g are the d e s c e n d a n t s

(26a) of Y a s - s d e Su-na.

Now a m o n g his descendants there w a s one c a l l e d Y a s - s d e

Y a n g - p h a n w h o wa s i n v i t e d to act as the chief o f the

o f f icers a n d subjects of 1Phong-rai and so w e n t there.

As for the p e r f o r m a n c e of his w o r k as c h i e f s h i s skill in

l e a r n i n g was v e r y g r e a t and as he w a s clever in magical

^ o r mechanical i/ devices he conquered a l l e x t e r n a l enemies.

Be c a u s e he g u a r d e d (b s r u n g s ) against all in j u r i e s that

t r a n s g r e s s e d t he law ^suciv a s 7 robbery, the o f f i c e r s a n d

subjects c a l l e d him b y the name of Y a s - s d e b S r u n g s - m a - d a r,

a n a m e e v e r ywhere renowned, a n d his s t r ength a n d d o m i n i o n

b e c a m e great. His sons, b S o d - n a m s rGyal-po, Sa-na,

*T s h e n g rGyal-po a n d r G y a l - b u D o n - g r u b , : four, came

forth. The descendants, of b S o d - n a m s rGyal-po w h o t o o k

control of a royal castle are the Y a s - s d e royal f a m i l i e s

(26b) of G l ang-khyim. T he descendants of Sa-na and rGyal-bu

Don-grub w h o t o o k co n t r o l of Z e r -khyim are the Y a s - s d e r o y a l

families of Breng-khyim. The descendants of 'Tsheng

rGyal - p o w h o took c o n t r o l of K h a n g - p a ~ m k h a r are the Y a s - s d e

royal families of K h a n g - p a - m k h a r .

If it should be e x p l a i n e d in even g r e a t e r detail, the

son of TT s h e n g rGyal-po was Som-bzang. His sons w e r e

Som-rgyal, K a r m a - r g y a s an d rDor-tshe-ring, </these7’ three.

The s o n of r D o r - t s h e - r i n g was sGo-nu. H is s on w a s Dag-pa. <

68
His son is Lug-dkar. His son is dKon-dbang.

I n c o n t i n u a t i o n of w h a t was s a i d above, sTung-sde

J
69
s B a s - s d e - b t s a n went to 'D u s - s t u n g - m k h a r in Zangs-
 55

lung-pa having taken control of a royal fort he gained power over the

officers and subjects. His sons, Thom-pa and Som-dar, [these] two,

came forth. Among the descendants of Thom-pa there was one called

(27a) sTung-sde As-mang whose bravery was very great and whose behaviour

was like that of a mahasiddha; he laid out roads which had previously

not existed from ngam-grog, g.Yang-sa Chen-po, Brags-zer-tog and so

forth and having gained power over all the Dag-pa districts and

villages of Be-mi and Sa-ri his strength and dominion became great. It

is said that the tradition of his [right to] taxes exists even at

present. His descendants dispersed in different directions and all the

sTung-sde families who are at Khyi-nyil, Kham-rang, Bu-ri Gyang-phu,

Zangs-lung-pa, Kha-'thor and Dag-pa Be-mi are the descendants of

sTung-sde As-mang.

Again, in continuation of what was said above, Wang-ma 'Gab-sde-

btsan, having come to sGang-zur-stod and built the royal castle of

Wang-ma-mkhar, he took control of the royal site and ruled the few

officers and subjects who were there. Of his two sons that came forth,

(2?b) the elder was Gung-la-rgyal and the younger was dPal-la-dar. As for the

royal castle of Wang-ma-mkhar, when its land had become split up and

when the officers and subjects no longer assembled there in great

number and when even its riches had become rather scarce, the younger

son dPal-la-dar set off with three meditators who had come from lHa-sa

and bSam-yas. Taking a couple of menials with him he went Con pilgrimage]

to see lHa-sa and bSam-yas and then together with two Tibetan meditators

came back by way of Lo-rog. When they reached Shar Them-spang the two

meditators addressed Wang-ma dPal-la-dar in most respectful terms. As

they addressed him saying .

 *l H a - b t s u n * the h e a d m a n of T h e m - s p a n g c a lled A - r g y a l

said: "What a r e the grounds f o r this n ame TI H a - b t s u n * ?"

The e l d e r m e d i t a t o r replied: "As for the form o f a d d r e s s

'l H a - b t s u n C h o s - r j e ' , since he is a descendant o f the

a n c i e n t k i n g of bSara-yas, K h r i Srong-lde-bt3an, he is

(28a) called *i H a - b t s u n 1*" The headman A - r g y a l b e l i e v e d h i m

a n d said: "Well, if that is so, he must reside / h e r e /

70
as a l o r d - c h i e f to suppr e s s the Glo (Cha-dkar and K h a - n a g . "

The officers and subjects h o n o u r e d h i m and since he g a i n e d

p o w e r over the I n d i a n duars he was g i v e n the I n d i a n name

of B a - s p u (Babu) . A l t h o u g h s o m e s ay that the B a - s p u

~TT
of T h e m - s p a n g h a d t h eir o r igin in bSam-yas, it is s a i d so

h o w e v e r due to the fact that W a n g - m a d P a l - l a - d a r h a d come

there from the d i r e c t i o n of bSam-yas. The B a - s p u born

i n T h e m - s p a n g are the lineal d e s c e ndants of W a n g - m a

dPal-la-dar.

Wang-ma !Ga b - s d e - b t s a n , b o t h f a t h e r a n d son, also

a b a n d o n e d the royal castle of W a n g - m a - m k h a r a n d w e n t - t o the

district of M a n - c h o d at the l o wer e n d of the K h a - g l i n g

district. When they d e l i v e r e d an a c c o u n t of t h e i r g r e a t

clan, the few p e o p l e who v/ere there p a i d the m g r e a t

respect a n d so the Indian p e ople h o n o u r e d t h e m a n d t h e y

(28b) g a i n e d p o w e r o ver the d u a r s a n d their w e a l t h b e c a m e g r e a t .

All the W a n g - m a families w h o a r e at p r esent in M a n - c h o d

a n d e l s ewhere are the lineal descendants of vVang-ma

72
Gung-la-rgyal.

I w i l l als o speak b r i e f l y here in c o n t i n u a t i o n / o f the

73
passage a b o v e / about the ancestral origins of the J o - b o /clansmen/

w h o are the royal f a m ilies of L a - ’og Yul-gsum. S i nce a

more e x t e n d e d v e r s i o n c o n t a i n i n g a full a c c o u n t of h o w the

s u c c e s s i v e Jo-bo, h a v i n g g a i n e d p o w e r o v e r the .o f f i c e r s ■

a n d su b j e c t s and taken c o ntrol of a royal site, cam e to

 enjoy g r eat s t r e n g t h a n d d o m i n i o n due to t h e i r f a r - r a n g i n g

endeavours has b e e n c l a r i f i e d in the p e r s o n a l d o c u m e n t a r y

records of the J o - b o d e s c e n d a n t s w h o p o s s e s s e d great

discernment, / t h e details of these r e c o r d s / are n ot i n c l u d e d

here. As to the s u c c e s s i o n of their close lineal descendants:

After Prince gTsang-ma went to the M i - zim-pa royal castle, two

a) sons a p p e a r e d of w h o m the elder, K h r i - m i l H a fi-dbang-phyug,

was i n v i t e d as c h i e f to L a - !og Y u l - g s u m b y the o f f icers and

subjects and so he w e n t there. His son w as lHa-dgon, His

son was b K r a - s h i s b S o d -nams. H i s son w as T s h e - d b a n g rNam-

rgyal. His son w a s d P a l - * b y o r bZang-po, His son was N a m -

mkha* b S o d - n a m s . Of his seven sons that came f o rth t he eldest

son was G o n g - d k a r - r j e . H a v i n g gone to l H a ' u K h a m - p a he took

control of a royal site a nd it w a s from there that the w i d e l y

r e n o w n e d n a m e of K h a m - p a J o - b o arose. Of the s e v e n sons one

w as i n v i t e d as chief to S h a r s D e - r a n g a n d w e n t there. His

descendants are the J o - b o of Shar sDe-rang. As to the.

‘details, since I have not s e e n or h e a r d the w r i t t e n r e c o r d s

75
a n d oral traditions, they a r e not i n c l u d e d here. T he sons

of G o n g - d k a r - r j e w e r e Dzo- k i a n d bTsun-cung. The s on of

bTsun-cung, rGyal-rmtshan Grags-pa, came! forth. H e took as h is

76
9b) w i f e s T u n g-sde M i n - b l a - m a - s k y i d from B u - r i - g y a n g - p h u a n d so

rGyal-po-dar, the eldest son, lllun-grub and Ku-nu, jthesej

three, came forth. Of these, r G y a l - p o - d a r took control o f R u g

p o - m k h a r a n d so a c t e d as the lord-chief of bSe-ru, lHun-grub

77
took control of B e r - m k h a r a n d a c t e d as l o r d - c h i e f of S h a r -

tsho a n d Ku-nu, st a y i n g in K h a m - p a itself, took c o n t r o l of

the royal site o f his f a ther a n d acted as the l o r d - c h i e f of

lHa'u. The son of lHun-grub was J o -bo S a n gs-rgyas-cung. His

sons, Sangs-rdo-rje, La-kra, dGe-shes and Kra'u, jthe sejfour,

came forth. K r a !u, h a v i n g b e e n i n v i t e d as chief b y the

officers a n d subjects of sGam-ri Lung-pa, w e n t to Ra-ti. At

 the time w h e n J o - b o Dar-rgyas, the son of S a n g s - rdo-rje,

h a d taken U - s e n from R a m - g e n g - r a as his q u e e n a n d wa s

re s i d i n g / t h e r e j / s he i n v ited to his hom e the m a h a s i d d h a

78 ■
T h a n g - s t o n g r G y a l - p o w h o w a s g o i n g a r o u n d b e g g i n g alms

and p e r f o r m e d h i m e x c e l l e n t w o rks of v e n e r ation. After

he h a d c o n s u m e d some rice-ale*’ w h i c h h a d b e e n s e r v e d h im

(3 0 a) to his f u l l s a t i s f a c t i o n he f i lled a skull-cup w i t h some

rice-aler a n d the m a h a s i d d h a threw it into the sky. He

gave to J o - b o Dar-rgyas the ale w h i c h fell into hiB

h a n d s w i t h o u t s p i l l i n g a n d said: "Drink as m u c h aid* as

y o u c an a n d a sp e c i a l sign of the omens w i l l come forth."

Jo-bo Dar-rgyas c o m p l e t e l y drank up six s k u l l - c u p s of ale.

W h e n hal f r e m a i n e d from a / f u r t h e r / cupful the m a h a s i d d h a

declared: "It seems that y o u w i l l h a v e s e ven sons b u t ^

one w i l l b e of no use. ' O f the six / r e m a i n i n g / sons one

will be a bodhisattva of the tenth stage w h o w i l l u p h o l d

the t e a c hings p e r t a i n i n g to expla n a t i o n s of the d o c t r i n e s

a n d t h e i r r e a l i s a t i o n ,and w h o w i l l b e o f i n f i n i t e b e n e f i t

to s e n tient b e i ngs." P i l l i n g the skull-cup w i t h ale , he

said: "Oh, G r eat Jo-boI Since this s k u l l - c u p is the

cranium of the dak in IT *Gro-ba b Z a n g - m o it is ext r e m e l y •

valuable. I leave it with y o u as the support of y o u r faith"

(30b) a n d h e - g a v e it to him. Furthermore, he then a l s o g a v e h i m

s p e c i a l relics w h i c h h a d brought forth signs of r e alisation.

In a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the p r o p h e c y of the m a h a s i d d h a . seven

sons c a m e f o r t h of w h o m the eldest was bKr a - s h i s D a r - r g y a s

a n d below h i m b Sod-bzang, gSum-pa, rGyal-po-dar, Sangs-rdo-

rje a n d dGos-cung. J o ~ b o bKra-shis Dar-rgyas controlled

the royal site. J o - b o g S u m - p a received his o rdination,

79
f r o m the O m n i s c i e n t d G e - d u n rGya-mtsho d P a l - b z a n g a n d as

he p u r s u e d t he s t udy of the sutras and t a n tras an d

a t t ained per f e c t i o n t h e rein he received the n a m e o f Blo-

b z a n g bsTan- pa'i sGron-me. Up h o l d i n g the teachings of

explanation and realisation, and in "behaviour like a

_ ' Q Q

m a h a s i d d h a . he fo u n d e d many mo nasteries at Shar sTag-lung,

81 82
Me-rag Sag-stengs, Ar-rgya-gdung and so on, a c c o m p l i s h i n g
P i ^
extensive "benefit to "beings. J The other four Jo-bo took
8h 88 86
control of s P a !u-gdung, Byam-mkhar, Shar-nub, sGreng-mkhar

and so forth a n d their lineal descendants are the J o - b o w h o are

there at present. The youngest son died a t a n early age in ^

A "7
accordance with the prophecy. The son of Jo-bo bKr a - s h i s

Dar-rgyas was bKr a - s h i s bZang-po. His son was S a - fdzin, His

sons, Sangs-rgyas Grags-pa, C h o s -mdzad and Dar-rgyas — /t hes

three — came forth. The son of Sangs-rgyas Grags-pa was Jo-bo

Karma. His sons were Bhun-tshogs and 1Dzom-pa-dbang. The

descendants of Phun - t s h o g s are the Jo-bo of Ber-mkhar fOg-ma.

fD z o m - p a - d b a n g took control of land at A fu-gdung a n d a c t e d as

chief. His sons w e r e Sangs-rgyas rDo-rje a n d Jo-bo Sri-thar —

/these/ two. The descendants of Karma rDo-rje are the Jo-bo

w ho are at Ber-mkhar Gong-ma.

In previous times w h e n the successive lord-chiefs at Ra-ti

in sGam-ri-lung-pa had b e e n unable to take control of the district

castle and had departed, the officers and subjects d i s c u s s e d the

m a t t e r and then w e n t to invite a ,/member of the c l a n of/

Kh a m - p a Jo-bo. At that time in L a - fog Yul-gsum t h ere were

Jo-bo(s) Ku-nu, lHun-grub and rGyal-po-dar acting as lord-

chief©. At their i n v i tation sK y a ' u - l a rGya-mtsho, the son of

Sangs-cung w ho w a s the son of J o -bo lHun-grub, came and,

talcing control of the royal castle at Ra-ti, a c t e d as lord-

chief. His son was Bla-ma. A f t e r eight generations of royal

castellans called Jo-bo Kham-pa had come forth among his

successive descendants, the lineage died out. The d escendants

 of the pa t e r n a l siblings w h o s p r e a d in d i f f e r e n t

directions / o r w h o i s s u e d colla t e r a l l y that is those

s a i d to be of the K h a m - p a J o - b o families that ar e now

in Ra-ti sG-am-ri, are all the descendants of s K y a fu-la

rG-ya -mtsho.

(32a) This is the s e c o n d s e c t i o n f r o m The L amp w h i c h I l l u m i n ­

ates the Origins of Royal Families c o n c erning how,

a f t e r individual names w ere g i v e n to the f a m i l i e s a nd

clans d e s c e n d e d fro m the Divine Prince gTsang-ma, these

came to be s p r e a d in the d i f f erent parts of S o u t h e r n M o n

a nd b e c a m e lord-chiefs.
 SECTION III

(32a2) N o w I s h all s p e a k about the h i s t o r y of the origins

of the g P u n g / f a m i l i e s / of the f o u r districts of Bum-

88
thang.

Nov; then, in p r e v i o u s times a f t e r the f ew subjects

w h o came in c o m p a n y w i t h K i n g K h y i - k h a R a - t h o d had, in

the a b s e n c e of a lord-chief, c o n t e n d e d a n d q u a r relled,

t h e y s e a r c h e d f o r a u n a n i m o u s l y c h o s e n chief. Since

there w a s n o royal ihmily / a m o n g them b e l o n g i n g t o / a

great cla n t h e y did not find a c h i e f a n d so they w o r ­

s h i p p e d a n d s u p p l i c a t e d the G o d of H e a v e n 'O-de G u n g -

rgyal* *0-de G u n g - r g y a l enj o i n e d saying: 11T he d i v i n e

s on G u - s e L a n g - l i n g , h a v i n g g r a s p e d the d i v i n e rmu-cord,

will d e s cend to U-ra" a n d h e rae.lted into the light. After

he / G u ~ s e Lang-ling/7, h a d r e s i d e d in the w o m b of b S o d - n a m s

(32b) d P a l - fdren, a w o m a n w h o p o s s e s s e d the marks of a dakini

of gnosis, in cinder that he m i g h t b e b o r n as if b y a

m i r a c l e a v o i c e f r o m space declared: n0h! This b o y is a

divine son and for iriany g e n e r a t i o n s / K i s descendants/

w i l l com e to a ct as l o r d - c h i e f s „” When ’D z o m - p a - s g r o n ,

the w i f e o f the h e a dman of that place, h e a r d it she

thought that if it s h o u l d c ome to pass in s u c h a m a n n e r

no h o n o u r w o u l d b e p a i d to h e r a f t e r / G u - s e Lang-ling/7"

g a i n e d p o w e r o v e r the c o m m u n i t y a n d so m a l i c i o u s ^

a r r o g a n c e arose in h e r a n d she u t t e r e d m a l e d i c t i o n s . Due,

however, to the p o w e r of divine truth the d i v i n e l y

e m a n a t e d g P ung w a s born. A f t e r r e c e i v i n g the nam e of

l H a - m g o n d P a l - c h e n he g a i n e d p o w e r o v e r t he c o m m u n i t y ' s

(33a) t e r r i t o r y and a c t e d as lord-chief. His s o n w a s l H a -

bsang-rgyal. His son, g P u n g G r a g s - p a d B a n g - p h y u g came

 f o r t h and, h a v i n g no son, w h e n he was a f f l i c t e d w i t h an

illness and was on t h e point of dying the officers a n d

subjects said: " A f t e r you, Pre c i o u s g P u n g , h a v e died, in

w h o m s h o u l d we p l a c e o ur hope ?" Saying this t h e y

lamented. g P u n g G r a g s - p a d B a n g - p h y u g said: "As I am not

' g o i n g to survive this illness, a f t e r the composite

s u b s t a n c e of life (has -d i s s o l v e d ] , w h e n the time c o m e s

89
that y o u r e m e m b e r me go to Y a r - l u n g ■G r o n g - m o - c h e at the

c entre of dBus in the c o u n t r y of Tibet a nd t a k i n g w i t h y o u

90
some n i c e l y c o l o u r e d stong fruit of Mon, drop these a m o n g

a l a rge c r o w d of children. Since t he o ne -who s e i z e s m a n y

a t o n e is & s 7 d i vine e m a n a t i o n invite a n d a p p o i n t h i m y o u r

33b) lord-chief." S a y i n g this he died. ' -

T h e n w h e n a b o u t f i v e years h ad e l a p s e d for. the officers

a n d subjects, in a c c o r d a n c e with the w i l l w h ich the l o rd-

c h ief g P u n g h a d p r e v i o u s l y given, f i v e men-of U -ra w e n t in

that m a n n e r to Y a r - l u n g t a k i n g with them some s t o n g fruit.

T he t e r r i t o r y of Y a r - l u n g was as flat as t he p a l m of one's

h a n d and the great d i s t r i c t w a s so b e a u t i f u l that t h e y

c o uld not gaze at it long enough. T h e y did n o t k n o w w h e r e

the d i v i n e e m a n a t i o n w a s a n d so in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t h e w i l l

they went r o v i n g t h r o u g h m a n y villages. In the p a s t u r e on

the outskirts of a c e r t a i n v i l l a g e there w ere m a n y c h i l d r e n

a s s e m b l e d and playing, w h e r e u p o n the five searchers w o r ­

s h i p p e d the G o d of H e a v e n and cast prayers up to him. They

t h e n s c a t t e r e d some of the stong into the large crowcl, of

c h i l d r e n a s s e m b l e d there. W h e n the c h i l d r e n o t h e r ^ t h a n the

one w h o w a s to b e chosery7 saw fruit w h i c h they h a d n e v e r

were
seen before t hey were so a m a z e d that they / unable to p i c k

3U&) the m up, being left .wonder-struck. Among them a child

w h o was fine, h a n d s o m e and love l y to behold, a g ile i n limb

 ) a n d sharp-sighted, in an instant seized and g a t h e r e d

up all the fruit in handfulls. The five s e a r c h e r s

therefore thought: "The c h ild a b o u t w h o m the p r o p h e c y

w as p r e v i o u s l y g i v e n seems to be this one" a n d so

they b e l i e v e d in him. A t that time the l a n g u a g e s of

Tibet a n d Mon w e r e not m u t u a l l y u n d e r s t o o d a n d so the

five m e n made g e s t u r e s as if to say: "Give those fruit

to the o t h e r children# There are more a n d w e s h a l l •-

give t h e m to you." I n d i c a t i n g .this, they s h o w e d the

stong. The /child gave his s t o n g to the o t h e r c h i l d r e n

and, saying that h e w a n t e d more, cam e forward w i t h his

hands open. S h o w i n g h i m the stong, the f i v e m e n l e d

h i m f u r t h e r a n d f u r t h e r away a n d w h e n they a r r i v e d at

a p l ace of c o n c e a l m e n t the y s t e a l t h i l y put h i m i n s i d e

a y ak h a i r b a g and c a r r i e d h i m off. O n a r r i v i n g at the

pas s of Zhang-ma'i La i n U-r a they opened the y a k h a i r

(34’h) "bag an d looked inside. The child who w a s like a d i v i n e

son stood up s m i l i n g and came out. W h e n the e m p t y

receptacle, the yak h a i r bag into w h i c h he h a d b e e n put,

w as s h a k e n a b u n d l e of Tibetan g r a s s w h i c h h a d also b e e n

put into it came out and g rew / i n that place/7. E v e n up

to p r esent times t h ere is at Zhang-ma'i La a p a t c h of

this T i b e t a n g r a s s w h i c h does n o t exist in a n y o t h e r

91
p l a c e b u t this.

T h e c h i l d w a s i n v i t e d to U-ra, i n s t a l l e d as l o r d -

c h ief a n d g i v e n the n a m e of l H a - dbang Grags-pa. W h e n he

grew up h e g a i n e d p o w e r ove r the officers a nd subjects#

At the time w h e n l H a - d b a n g Grags-pa w as h i m s e l f a child,

apart f r o m just h e a r i n g the names of b o t h his p a r e n t s

b e i n g c a l l e d out h e r e a n d there, h e h d d no r e c o l l e c t i o n

as to w h e t h e r his f a m i l y a n d c l a n were great o r small..

 / T o m e people/7 were the r e f o r e sent o ff to Y a r - l u n g in o r d e r

to m a k e an i n v e s t i g a t i o n "by m e n t i o n i n g the names o f his

p a r e n t s a nd asking w h e t h e r o r not t h e i r child h a d "been lost.

?a) So t he o r i g i n of his c l a n w a s substantiated. If it b e

a s k e d "What w a s it like ?" ^/the answ e r is as f o l l o w s ^

son of G l ang Dar-ma w a s m N g a '-bdag TOd-srungs. A t the time

w h e n royal government d e c l i n e d a f t e r his son, mN.ga1- b d a g

d P a l - fk h o r -btsan, h a d b e e n k i l l e d i n - M y a n g - s t o d b y sNyags,

his sons, b K r a - s h i s b r T s e g s - p a - d p a l a n d sKyid-lde N y i - m a -

m g o n -[^theseTj two - w e r e a l s o d i s p e r s e d to dBus-gtsang.

A f t e r the' sons of b K r a - s h i s brTsegs - p a - d p a l , ^namely/7 <fPal~

lde, TO d - l d e a n d s K y i d - l d e - /These/7 t h ree - h a d come f o r t h

they g r a d u a l l y s p r e a d a n d the d escendants of d P a l-lde a p p e a r

92 93
ed at Yar-lung. A m o n g them J o - b o K u n - d g a T Grags - p a a n d the

m o t h e r d P a l - m o - Tdzo m - / t h e s e / two - h a d four sons of w h o m

it s e e m e d c e r t a i n that he ^LHa-dbang Grags-pa] w a s the y o u n g

est w h o had b e e n lost in a s u d d e n raid w i t h o u t news

of w h e r e he h a d gone. B e c a u s e h e w as of the v e r y same cla n

as the Pharmara ja3 the officers a n d subjects were h a p p y a n d

9b) g l a d and they rejoiced. P r o m C h o s ~ !k h o r they f e t c h e d A - l c e

( fThe L a d y 1) s G r o n - ' d z o m as his consort a n d o f f e r e d h e r to

h i m a n d so the sons G r a g s - p a dBang-phyug, lHa-dbang bKra-

shis a n d P h u n - t s h o g s D o n - g r u b - / t h e s e / three - c ame forth.

T h eir d e s c endants w h o g r a d u a l l y spread, / T . e j a l l the

g D u n g /^families/ w h o are in B u m - t h a n g / i n c l u d i n g the C h u -

s mad g D u n g a n d ' / T h o s e of/7 rGya-tsha, sDom-mkhar, Dur and

Ngang, are of t h eir lineage. The U-ra gDung h a v i n g a l s o

SU
gained power over Kheng-rigs rKam-gsum a n d g Z h o n g - s g a r M o l -

ba-lung, g D u n g Grags-pa d B a n g - p h y u g came a n n u a l l y to co l l e c t

taxes and in p r i v a t e he lived w i t h d P o n - m o i( 1C h i e f t a i n e s s 1)

bKr a - s h i s d B a n g - m o of w h o m the s o n Nyi-raa r N a m - r g y a l cam e

 iJUO

forth. His descendants g r a d u a l l y spread and all the

gDung / f a m i l i e s / wh o are in Kheng-rigs rNam-gsum, /T.e.

(3 6 a) those of/ s T u n g - l a - s b i , Go-zhing, Phang-mkhar, Ka-lam-ti

and N y a - mkhar and also all the so-called rJe / f a m i l i e s

o f/ Y o n g-lam who a r e i n .g Z h o n g - s g a r M o 1 - b a -lung-pa are of

his lineage.

Now, a c c ording to one version of the origins of the

gDung / f a m i l i e s / of Bum-thang sDe-bzhi and of the rJe

/ f a m i l i e s / of Yong-lam, / t , e j according to the treasure-

w r i t i n g of Bon Thang-la 'Od - d k a r and the oral tradition of

stories told in the vicinity of gZhong-sgar Mol- b a - l u n g and

of Mon-yul sTong-gsum in gDung-bsam, the ancestors of the

pastoral people of Me-rag / a n d / Sag-stengs left t h e i r home

at mTsho-sna bSe-ba-mkhar, conceali.ng / t h e i r d e p a r t u r e /

from sDe-pa Y a - b u bZang-po. As they went they worhshlpped

a nd supplicated the God of Heaven so that from the palace

of the T rayastrimsat Heaven Indra the ruler of the gods

despatched the d i vine son Gu-se Lang-ling, comm a n d i n g him

to assist the god of / T h e lake a l / lHo gDun g - m t s h o sKar-

ma-thang.*^ So he / G u-se L a n g - l i n g / went to the l a n d of

rMu, stayed there for a time and acted as the lord-

(3 6 b) chief of rMu, b e i n g given the name of rMu-btsan lHa-

gnyan Chen-po. The n having gone to the summit of Gangs-ri

dKar-po to the east he looked and saw a tall and

b e a utiful mountain, the mountain of W a n g - s e n g and so he

went there. Having built a palace at / T h e lakeside of/7

M u - k u-lung mTsho-mo, a broad, extensive and pleasant

place, he resided as the chief (sde-dpon) of the TEight

Classes of lHa-srin / B e l o n g i n g to/ the Visible W o r l d 1

a nd as the protector of the 'black-headed ones', the

humans. At that time a girl in the fullness of youth, a

 most lovely beauty, who was coming from the east as the

bride of the king of gDung-bsam-mkhar, slept the night

at the side of the lake. During the night a white snake

came out fro m with i n the lake and when it went away after

crawling on her she awoke. W h e n she a r r i v e d at gDung-

bsa m she gave birth to a son who w a s given the nam e of

Bar-skyes ('Born I n t e r j a c e n t l y 1) since he had come forth

(37a) i n t e r jacently w i thout a father, //hen he g r e w up he set

off for the Indian duars. On arriving at the lakeside

of N g a s - g t s a n g - l o n g - p a , on a c c o u n t of the fac t that Bar-

skyes was the son of a l h a - b t s a n . the nagft-devil of

Ng a s - g t s a n g - l o n g - p a displayed magical a pparitions and

so he d id not reach India, Having returned to his house

he asked his mother; "Whose son a m I ?" His mother w o u l d

not hear of telling him but when he asked h er cunningly,

the mother said; "Since y o u a r e the son of the hon-human

lha-btsan of M u - k u - l u n g f the n a g a -devil d i s p l a y e d magical

apparitions and so the road was blocked." The child Bar-

skyes therefore immediately w e n t himself to the lakeside

97
of Mu-ku-lung and called out loudly for his father's

help. Prom w i t h i n the lake a mature youth w e a r i n g clothes

of w h ite silk and a d o r n e d with a w i s h - f u l f i l l i n g gem at the

top of his b o u n d turban of white silk came forth and said:

(37b) "Since I a m y o u r father 1 have come to fulfil whatever

it is that y o u want." A f t e r / B a r - s k y e s / had r e c o u n t e d in

detail the s t o r y of how he could not p r o ceed on his w a y

b e y o n d Ngas-gtsang-long-pa the f a t h e r said: "If that is

the case I shall give you an army," Giving him a bamboo

tube w i t h a closed opening he said: "Do not open it until

y o u have a r r i v e d at the lakeside of Ngas-gtsang-long-pa"

and he sent him off. Bar-skyes thought to himself: "I

 d o n ’t k n o w what this is" a nd so when he reached K h r e -

p h u h a l f w a y on his path he o p e n e d up the b a m b o o tube

a n d l o o k e d i n s i d e disbelievingly. some p o i s o n o u s

snakes came out and so he q u i ckly c l o s e d it up again.

C a r r y i n g the b a m b o o tube off w i t h him he a r r i v e d at

the lakeside of N g a s - g t s a n g - l o n g - p a a n d o p e n e d it up.

Different kinds of snakes came out from inside, filling

(38a) the g r o u n d a n d at the very instant they r e a ched the

lake in a flash it b e c a m e a dry sandy plain. O n s e eing

in its centre a great copper vessel w h i c h w a s there

turn e d upside down, the young Bar - s k y e s w e n t there,

turn e d it o v e r and looked. C o iled inside w a s a m a i d

■servant of the n a & a -de.vil w h o hit the y o u n g B a r - s k y e s f

f o r e h e a d with the c o p p e r vessel, k i l l i n g h i m there.

His b r a i n was eaten b y a fish and since Bar - s k y e s w a s

the so n of a n o n - h u m a n his c o n s c iousness e n t e r e d the fish

a n d so he became a fish. Then the fish s t a y e d ' b y turns

in the G r a n g - m a ' i C h u river, the Ku-ri Chu- r i v e r and the

g Z h o n g - s g a r M o l -bali C h u river and then, h a v i n g c l i m b e d

up the river of P h y a n g - k h o s it entered a fish-net of the

(38b) P h y a n g - k h o s p e o p l e and was c a r r i e d off b y a bachelor .

Since it spoke t o h i m in human speech he could n o t eat

it a nd so he k e p t it inside a trough in the g r o u n d f i l l e d

w i t h water. One day the bachelor went to w o r k i n the

fields and w h e n he came back / h e saw that/7 w a t e r h a d b e e n

f e t c h e d and left in the house although it was e m p t y of

people. A g a i n one day a fire was left b u r n i n g in the

hearth. W o n d e r i n g how this h ad h a p p e n e d and f e e l i n g

disturbed, the bachelor pr e t e n d e d to set off for his work

in t h e fields a n d t h e n returned and w a t ched in c o n c e a l m e n t

fro m a c o r n e r o f the house. F r o m inside the b e l l y of the

 f i s h that w a s in the t r o u g h there e m e r g e d a s t r o n g a n d

a g i l e c h ild w ho p e r f o r m e d the work of f e t c h i n g w a t e r

a n d l i g h t i n g a fire. The bachelor . thought how he w o u l d

like to m a k e the c h i l d his a d o p t e d s o n a n d s o he t h r e w

the empty fish skin into the hearth fire and it "burnt.

Since ,the child, "being unable to f i n d a n y t h i n g to enter,

9a) w a s left in that condition, he b e c a m e human. Due to the

fact that h e w a s the s o n of a non-huraan his strength

an d skill in combat w a s e x c e e d i n g l y great and n o b o d y c o u l d

c h a l l e n g e him. On a c c o u n t of this he was r e n o w n e d b y the

n a m e of.Kal-pa s T o b s - c h e n ( TStro n g Locks'). Having h i m ­

s e l f b u i l t a castle at a fastness c a lled I-tung La, he

g a i n e d p o w e r over all the lands and dominions of U-ra, Mol-

b a - l u n g a n d so forth. His strength a n d dominion b e c a m e

great a n d hisreno w n immeasurable. In order to see hi s

98
uncle's h ome at P h y a - l i he said t h a t t h e ground of the m o u n ­

tain of s T o n g - p h u s h o u l d be cut down and s p r e a d out a nd so

99
it was cut down. A lad y p o s s e s s i n g t h e n a ture of w i s d o m

declared; "It is e a s i e r to cut down a tall man than it

is to cut d o w n a t all mountain." H a v i n g g r a s p e d the m e a n ­

ing of these w o r d s the officers and subjects b e g u i l e d R a l -

pa s T o b s - c h e n b y ,cunning means a n d said to him:... " T h e y a r e

59t>) p l a y i n g w i t h a g o l d e n a r r o w on the p a s t u r e of sKar-sbi.

Y o u must go and see the show," A f t e r they h a d led h i m there

he w a s shot w i t h an a r r o w in the heart and killed. As his

last w i l l he said: "When t he time comes that y o u r e m e m b e r

me my i n c a r n a t i o n w i l l have com e to Ya r - l u n g G r o n g - m o - c h e

at the centre of the c o u ntry o f Tibet. So y o u b r i n g some

cowrie shells and come there. S c a tter the c o w ries i nto a

large crowd of children a s s e m b l e d there. The one w h o

g athers the cowries in ha n d f u l Is and carries them off is m y

 incarnation*" T h e n he expired. W h e n one o r two years

elapsed, on a c c o u n t of there b e i n g no h i e r a r c h y of

l o r d a n d subjects, acts of seizure w e r e c o m m i t t e d fro m

above and a c t s of theft f r o m below. The res u l t i n g

quarrels and cont e n t i o n s c a u s e d a l l the d i s t r i c t s to

fall into a s t ate o f unhappiness. Then, remembering

the last w i l l of t h e i r f o r m e r lord, f i v e m e n toolc some

cowries and w e n t to Y a r - l u n g Grong-mo-che, the centre

of Tibet, a n d s c a t t e r e d the cowries in a p l a c e w h e r e

there w e r e m a n y children assembled. Their escorting

/of the chosen b o y / ar*d the theft of / l H a - d b a n g Grags-pa/*

b y the five m e n of U-ra a f t e r s c a t t e r i n g the s t o n g

fruit as d e s c r i b e d above are of t he same B e n s e b u t there

(hOa) is a v a r y i n g e n u m e r a t i o n of names. If it b e a s k e d how

this c o u l d b e, / T h a t is to say h o w c a n o ne reconcile the

different/* w a y s in w h i c h the people of - U - r a and those

of M o l - b a - l u n g w e n t to Y a r - l u n g i n s e a r c h of the i n c a r n a ­

t i o n of theii? l o r d - c h i e f and, having b r o u g h t h i m forth,

how he c a m e t o U- r a , / h e / the source of the family

lineages o f the ancestral forebears, and how he later

received the n a m e of gDung lHa-dbang Grags-pa and s o on,

/ T h e a n s w e r w o u l d be that t h e s e differing v e r s i o n s / are

o f the v e r y s ame substance but the o r a l traditions

re g a r d i n g his various actions appear diverse. This is

simply due to the f a c t that since h e w a s the s o n of a

non-human lha-klu /He assumed different appearances ir/*

the sight of d i f f e r e n t persons. Apart fr o m this / T h e

stories/ are of e x a c t l y the same essence.

This is the t h i r d s e c t i o n from The Lamp Which Illuminates

the Origins of Royal F a m i l i e s in w h i c h is e x p l a i n e d the
an c e stral origins of the g D ung ^ f a m i l i e s [ of the fou r
districts of Bum-thang.
 *J * <-

SECTION IV

(hOa5) Now I s h a l l s p eak 'briefly a b out the a n c e s t r a l

(i.|.Ob) origins of the s o - c a l l e d Zhal-ngo Khengr-po. chiefs of

the'eastern districts of the S o u t h e r n M o n Country.

N ow then, In c o n t i n u a t i o n o f what was e x p l a i n e d above,

at the time w h e n K i n g G l a n g Dar-ma w a s d e s t r o y i n g the

i
teachings of the Buddha and c a u s i n g them to decline, the

g u a r d i a n d e i t y of lHa-sa, M a - g c i g dpal-gyi lHa-mo, made a

prophecy to l H a - l u n g .d P a l-gyi rDo-rje an d roused, his

spirit. One day when K i n g G l ang Dar-ma h a d gon e for his

d i v e r s i o n to the outer c i r c u l a t i n g r o a d of l H a - s a and w a s

st a n d i n g l o o k i n g at the w r i t i n g o n the pillar, lHa-lung

dPal-gyi rDo-rje, h a v i n g p l a c e d a bow and a r row in the

b r o a d s l e eves of a tantric costume, p e r f o r m e d the steps

of a dance / b e f o r e him/. W h e n e v e r y o n e 1w a t c h i n g h i m w a s

d i v e r t e d he f i x e d the a r r o w in the b o w / h a v i n g taken them

o ut/ f r o m w i t h i n his two sleeves and, f i r i n g o f f at the

k i n g ' s forehead, k i l l e d hi m there. He f l e d a n d n o b o d y

k n e w w h o he was. Those w h o h a s t e n e d a f t e r h i m in p u r s u i t

(h1a) d i d not c a tch him. l H a - l u n g dPal-gyi r D o -rje then w e n t to

the rock of Y e r - p a a nd s t a y e d there as -if p e r f o r m i n g

m editation. His f o o t - p r i n t s w e r e t a ken o ver b y b i r d s w h o

c h u rned them up and c o v e r e d them w i t h droppings. As he

stayed there the pu r s u e r s came up. "It is not this man;

a l o n g time has el a p s e d w i t h o u t his moving a r o u n d on

foot", t h e y said. As they w e r e returning, however, one

/from among them/ who was intelligent a nd n o b l e - m i n d e d

came b a c k and placed his h a n d on lHa-lung dPal-gyi*

rDo-rje's chest at a p o int over his heart a n d looked.

Knowing that the p u lse of his heart w as b e a t i n g / r a p i d l y

 u «

with fear on account of his guilt/ h e said: "For my own part

I shall not break his skull for the sake of the common w e a l ' O ^
101
He w e n t back without telling the others. F e e l i n g great fear

in that place, lHa-lung dPal-gyi rDo-rje was compelled to flee

to Khams.

A f t e r this his brothers, the Six Va^ra Brothers, also

(Mt>) scattered in different directions and fled. sTobs-ldan La-ba

1 02
rDo-rje, mG-ar-ba K h y e ’u rDo-rje a nd g.Yang-rtsal s P r e ’u rDo-r^e,

/ t h e s e / three, arrived in Bum-thang in stages b y w a y of sPa-gro

f rom the direction of gTsang Pha-ri. They proceeded, roving

through the villages o f the few people who w e r e there with their

habitations and fields who descended from those t hat had come

there in previous times with K i n g Khyi-kha Ra-thod, In their

minds the three brothers thought that since they w e r e from the

families and clans of Tibetan chiefs, a few peop l e w o u l d come f o r ­

w a r d to do honour to their families and clans but no such people

arose. As for t h e i r thinking that they should rule by means of

some considerable force, due to the fact that from previous times

/ T n Bum- t h a n g / there had b e e n no high a n d low grades b e t w e e n a

lord and his subjects, / t h e p e o p l e / would not' hear of snowing

them respect. T h e reupon the three brothers fell to won d e r i n g

what w o u l d be b e s t done and so they held a disc u s s i o n a n d / d e c i d e d

that/* by peaceful means each should convert in the manner best

(Jl^2a) suited to h i m in accordance with the will of the communities.

So w h e n some compliance at least was shown, sTobs-ldan La-ba

rDo-rje went to the district of sTang, e s t a b l i s h e d a district

Castle and took control of an estate. His descendants gradually

increased and are the descendants who became chiefs (d p o n - p o ) .

g.Yang-rtsal s P r e ' u rDo-rje e stablished a district castle in Bum-

thang and took control of an estate. His descendants gradually

came forth, the sons exceeding the fathers, and the so-called
1 0 "5
Bum-thang C h o s - M c h o r d P o n - p o , this universally renowned name
/oT those possessing/
 d /a

great s t r e n g t h and dominion, arose. Although the

C h 0 3 - ' k h o r dP o n - p o are said to be from sPa-gro, it

is s a i d so b e c a u s e / g . Y a n g - r t s a l sPre ' u r D o - r j e / came

b y w a y of s P a - g r o from the direction of g T s a n g Pha-ri.

m G a r - b a K h y e ' u rDo-rje, in o r d e r to enjoy the

mart v/here meat, b u t t e r and cheese, / t h e s e / three, and

various k i n d s of grains a b o u n d e d close to the country

o f Tibet .on the b o r d e r of Tibet a n d Mon, / s u r r o u n d e d

b y / p u r e land a n d l o fty mountains, s e ized the p a s t u r e -

(42b) l a n d on the T i b e t - M o n bo r d e r . His d e s c e n d a n t s ar e at.

p r e s e n t the important pastoral families of m T s h a m s - p a .

• F u rthermore, t h e .three b r o t h e r s w h o came f rom t he

d i r e c t i o n of lHo-brag, (i.e.) Kha-rtsing Las-kyi

rDo-rje, P h o - m t s h a r Gra g s - p a rDo-rje a n d s M r a s - m k h a s

s P y a n g - r i g rDo-rje, / t h e s e / three, h a v i n g a r r i v e d in

Ku-ri-lung, h e l d a discussion. Kha-rtsing Las-kyi

• rDo-rje said: "We three r e s i d i n g to g e t h e r m u s t g a i n

p o w e r o ver the communities a f t e r t a k i n g co n t r o l of an

estate in t h e m a n n e r of our parents." Pho-mtshar

G r a g s - p a rDo-rje said: "If we should act in that manner,

since there are not more than a few p e o p l e w i t h t h e i r

h a b i t a t i o n s and f i e l d s in this district, it is i n s u f f i c i e n t

for the t i m e l y p e r f o r m a n c e here of extensive a c t i v i t y b y

us t h r e e brothers. We must take control o f distr i c t

castles a f t e r g o ing to different areas and i n d i v i d u a l l y

se a r c h i n g f o r subjects w i t h v i g o u r and strength. T he

(43a) three b r o t h e r s a g r e e d to this a n d so K h a - r t s i n g La s - k y i

rDo-rje came to T s h i - r a b s T o n g - p h u Z h a n g - t s h a n in the

l o w e r part of 'Du-rang a n d g a i n e d p o wer o v e r t h e

communities. This a r o u s e d K i n g Yong-la-phan, the

c a s t e l l a n of the royal castle of Mi-zim-pa; contending

w i t h him, Y o n g - l a - p h a n w a s unable to inflict a n y d a m a g e a n d

so d e p a r t e d from his home. A f t e r this all the communities

of that p l a c e w e r e b r o u g h t under the s u b j u g a t i o n of K h a -

rt s i n g L a s - k y i rDo-rje. His descendants w h o s p r e a d in

different directions, / i . e ^ / all the families of the so-

called dPon-chen ('Great Chiefs') w h o a r e in T s h i - r a b

s T o n g - p h u Z h a n g - t s h a n and in M u - h u n g Shes-ro g S a r - r n y i n g

are the descendants of K h a - r t s i n g Las-kyi rDo-rje.

P h o - m t s h a r Grags-pa rDo-rje gained p o w e r o v e r all t h e

u p p e r and l o w e r parts of K u-ri-lung. His descendants, at

pr e s e n t a l l the d P o n - c h e n Zhal-rngo ('Chief Nobles') of

1 04
K u - r i - l u n g are of the lineage of the d e s c endants of P h o -

mtshar Grags-pa rDo-rje w h o s p r e a d in d i f f e r e n t directions.

s Mras-mkhas s P y a n g - r i g rDo-rje w e n t to g Z h o n g - s g a r

M o l - b a - l u n g - p a and a f t e r imposing his rule t h r o u g h v a r i o u s

clever means and c u n n i n g designs all the c o m m u n i t i e s w e r e

made subject. S i nce he c a m e f o r t h - s t r o n g and p r o u d ( k h engs-

105
pa), he w a s g i v e n the c l a n name of Kheng-po and his

descendants w h o came f o r t h w i t h g r eat vigour, a l l the

Kheng-po families w h o a r e in gZhong-sgar, Tog-ka-ri,- T h e -

mung, Phya-li, N y a - r t s i s a n d so forth, are of the lineage of

the descendants o f s M r a s -mkhas s Pyang-rig rDo-rje w h o s p r e a d

in different directions.

This is the fourth s e c t i o n f r o m The Lamp rthich I l l u m i n a t e s

the Origins of Royal F a m ilies [which explains howj the

b r o t h e r s of l H a - l u n g d P a l-gyi rDo-rje, the S ix V a j r a

Brothers, w e n t to different districts and beca m e chiefs.

 D il

SE C T I O N V

(L3bh) Nov/ I shall speak a b o u t the h i s t o r y of the a n c e s t r a l

origins of g e n e r a t i o n s of subjects b e n e a t h ^.the rulers^"

a n d also about t h e i r f a m i l y names,

Nov; then, the d e s c e ndants of the old f a t h e r Bodhisattva

(hha) w h o p r o p a g a t e d the h u m a n race in f o r m e r times in Tibet, the

L a n d of Snow, g r a d u a l l y i n c r e a s e d a n d w e r e d i v i d e d into

f o u r c l a n - stockB Se a n d rMu, lDong a nd

sTong — ^these7four. As f or their separate c l assification;

It is sai d that f r o m the Se there w e r e the ’F o u r Sons of

Byu-legs'; f r o m t h e rMu there w e r e the 'Eight K o - l e - p h r a ' ;

f r o m the l D ong there w e r e t h e 'Eighteen Great L i n e ages';

a n d from the sTong there w e r e the 'Eight rJe-bzhi-khol' ♦

T h e f o u r clan - s t o c k s w h i c h issued from the Se w e r e ^ S e - g o n g / r

rGyal-nang-rje, 'Gro-gang Nyer-ba</“ se7'* ’O g - g o g b T s a n ^ - s e /

a n d ^ T Og~ma/r b D e - s t o n g - s e — ^ t h e s e / four. T he c l a n n a m e s

of th e 'Eight r J e - b z h i - k h o l ' w h o issu e d v a r i o u s l y f r o m the

s T o n g w e r e Cog- l a Ram-pa-rje, rTsang-rje Thod- d k a r - r j e ,

T e - t s o m s N y a l - p o - r j e and sNy a g s - r j e T h o g - s g r o m - r j e ■
— t h ese

four. T h e i r su b j e c t s w ere the dMar and the dMar-ma, the

sNyal and- the sNyal-dben, the rNgog and the Khrog, the

rTog a n d the sBas — ^ t h e s e / eight. The f a m i l y a nd cla n

names of the 'Eight Ko-le-phra' w h o i s sued v a r i o u s l y f r o m

the rMu w e r e Ngam, sNubs, g Z h u n g and sMon; 'Gar, dKar,

(hi^b) sNyos a nd N g a n - l a m — /thesje / eight. The c l a n names of

the 'Eighteen Great Lineages' v/ho i s s u e d v a r i o u s l y f r o m

the l D o n g w e r e Cog, C o g -rtse a n d Cog-ro; 'Brom, K h y u n g - p o

and Zla-ba; 'Bring, l H a - l u n g and lHa-rtse; Brang, dGos-pa

and Khu-na; Nya, T s h e - s p o n g and Lu-nag; sNying, Pho-gong

and Thag-bzang — these are the so-called 'Eighteen Great

 Lineages',
these
A l t h o u g h no m o r e than/roots of the f a m i l y a n d c l a n

names of Tibet, the L a n d of Snow, existed in p r e v i o u s

times, l a t e r on a f t e r the h u m a n race h a d s p r e a d to d i f f e r ­

ent d i s t r i c t s in the country, there a p p e a r e d cla n n a m e s

c o n f o r m i n g to the c i r c u m s t a n c e s . o f their deeds, / d e r i v i n g

fr o m / the cor r u p t e d speech of various local dialects and

/ i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h / the different natures of the f a m i l i e s '

a n d clans. I n particular, as it is n o t long since the p e o p l e

of this area of lHo M o n Kha b zhi came from the c o u n t r y of

Ti b e t to lHo Mon, they are of the v e r y same l i neage as

5a) those / T i b e t a n / families and clans m e n t i o n e d above. However,

in this area of lHo M o n t h e r e are no high a n d l ow d i v i s i o n s

among the fa m i l i e s a n d clans as in t h e m a n n e r of India a n d

Tibet a n d since they w e r e not u p h e l d w i t h g r eat h o n o u r they

are not m e n t i o n e d in the records and are uns u b s t a n t i a t e d .

The clan names which differentiate the families / o f s u b j e c t s / in this

E a s t e r n P r o v i n c e of lHo M on are: Dang-ri-/or Ngang-ri 3 7 .

sKye-stong, Yu-sbi, Ri-bsangs, Ba-gi, Glang-la, Chur-nang,

Shar-ro, Ra-ma, Nya-mi, gNam-sa, sKom~mo, Rlon-mo, Rog-mo,

mKhar-mo, Khu-mo, Brag-mo, sjCyid-mo, Seng-po, Rong-bu,

mThong-re, Geng-ra, sNying-len, Zur, gTer-ci, M c a - r i g a n d so

107
on — there are numerous clan names. Thus a l t h o u g h t h e y

represent all the n u m e r o u s c l a n names w h i c h a c c o r d w i t h the

various local dialects p r e v a i l i n g throughout t he area of the

E a s t e r n P r o v i n c e of lHo Mon, since they cannot b e s u b s t a n t i a t e d

^jb) here, no m o r e than just this has b e e n put in w r i t i n g . '

As for the v e r s i o n w h i c h most stories- make u n i v e r s a l l y

r e n o w n e d a c c o r d i n g to w h i c h some people, in r e c o u n t i n g the

various oral traditions say that the origins / o f t h e i r

ancestors lay in a / descent to the l a n d of humans a f t e r

 s/a

grasping the divine r m h -ladders and the g o l d and s i l v e r

n h y a -cords^ is this a l e g e n d b a s e d on the treasure-

texts of the B o n t r a d i t i o n ? O r is it said of the

B u d d h a s a n d B o d h i s a t t v a s w h o s e m a n i f e s t e d forms, emanated

f o r the sake of beings, w e r e b o r n among the scions of

these families a n d clans V / A c c o r d i n g to t h i 3 i n t e r p r e -

tatioiy'' h a v i n g acted f o r the w e l f a r e of b e i n g s b y m e a n s

109 110
of the T e n Signs,, the Eight Q u a l ities a n d so f o r t h

their descendants were gra d u a l l y e x a lted on h i g h a n d

turned t h e w h e e l of the P h arma unceasingly. O r else is

it / b a s e d on? the famous legends v/hich m a rvel a t the

true appearance of the m a n i f e s t e d forms of divine

emanations ? / A c c o r d i n g to these l e g e n d s / the great gods

of the world, Brahma, Isvara and so forth, w h o m s u c c e s s i v e

forbears a n n u a l l y w o r s h i p p e d and s u p p l i c a t e d as w i t h the

(h6a) single v o i c e of all districts, t h e r e f o r e e m a n a t e d divine

sons w h o w e r e b o r n in the clans m e n t i o n e d a b ove f o r t he

sake of p r o t e c t i n g and a s s i s t i n g / t h e s e forbears/.

T u r n i n g the 'wheel of s t r e n g t h 1, they e stablished a l l the

w i d e k i n g d o m s in the g l o r y of h a p p i n e s s and so s u c c e s s i v e

m e m b e r s of t h e i r sons' lineages g a i n e d p o w e r over the

w h o l e earth a nd a c t e d for periods as long as p o s s i b l e

in the g l o r i o u s state of divine p l e n t y !on a c c o u n t of t h e i r

strength a n d d o m i n i o n b e ing e x a l t e d on high. It is

d i f ficult for the m a j o r i t y of people to u n d e r s t a n d / t h e

t r u t h of/ these / v a r i o u s i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s / a n d as it

exceeds the scope of t h e i r minds, it is p e r c e i v e d / o n l y /

w i t h i n the sphere of a c t i v i t y of those s a c r e d b e i n g s

w h o s e d i s c e r n m e n t is p e r f e c t and w h o p o ssess s u p e r ­

s e n s i b l e cognition.
 tj U V

'h6b) This is the f i f t h se c t i o n f r o m The L a m p w h i c h I l l u m i n a t e s

the O r i g i n s of Royal Fa m i l i e s / i n w h i c h is e x p l a i n e d /

the o r i g i n of g e n e r a t i o n s o f subjects b e n e a t h / t h e

ru l e r s / and w h i c h c l a s s i f i e s 'their v a r i o u s f a m i l i e s a n d

clans.
 tlCJ1
J

CONCLUDI KG- V E R S E S A ND C O L O P H O N

(U6bl) It is declared:

In this eastern r e g i o n of the Mon c o u n t r y

soutn of the L a n d of Snow

The b e i n g s w h o a p p e a r e d s u c c e s s i v e l y in
p r e v i o u s times

Di d not examine or put in w r i t i n g

The stories that recount the origins of

the families of lords a n d subjects;

So oral traditions have b e e n substantiated

a n d a few documents collected.

This p r o p e r l y c o m p i l e d L a m p W h i c h I l l u m inates
Darkness

D i d not arise f rom b o a s t f u l pride in a s p i r i n g

to the rank o f scholars

O r fro m desire for r e p u t a t i o n and. celebrity,

But rather that in the future, a f ter the

time of our successors,

W h e n n o b l e m e n w h o a r e learned, h o n o u r a b l e
a n d g o o d s u c c e e d each other b y turn,

O n s e eing this u n p r e c e n d e n t e d record of origins

T h e i r smiles m a y open at the peak of l a u g h t e r

(U7a) A n d that this h ero w h i c h defeats stu p i d i t y a n d

pride

M a y be a lam p w h i c h removes the darkness of

ignorance.

A discourse w h i c h y o u n g m e n of equal s t a nding

tell each other,

Since this w o r k was compiled out of purest

devotion

May e x c e l l e n t scholars w h o have u n d e r s t a n d i n g

and b r o a d outlooks show f orgiveness f o r

The omissions, exagge r a t i o n s and del u s i o n s In the

w o r d s of this a l l - i nclusive work.

On s e eing those sections which contain slips,

faults a n d errors

E r u d i t e persons are requested to correct them.

 DiSrf

lHa-btsun Ngag-dbang p h u n - t s h o g s of the royal family

of Kha-gling, upholder of the P i t aka and the Three Precepts,

112
unimpaired as to knowledge; rGyal-po dBang-grags of the

royal family of P h y i - t s h a n g Mong-sgar, of great h o n o u r and j

b r a v e r y a n d of noble ancestry; r G y a l - p o ^ ^ of the royal f a mily

of P h y i -tshang sKya-sa-mkhar, of extensive knowledge and

11 h 11 *5
understanding, skilled in rhetoric; Ghos - m d z a d L u g - d k a r
the _
(U7b) of the r o yal f a m i l y of/Yas-sde /clan/ of Phong-mi, s k i l l e d in

the dexterous use of magical means; Jo-bo A-bzang, King of

116
sDe-rang in the east, wh o has gained the power of the Six

Virtues of W o r l d l y R e l i g i o n ^ ^ a nd of the Four Methods,

119
and who turns the Wheel of Magical Means; — h a v i n g been

individuall y e x h orted in speech b y these persons out of purest

devotion, al t h o u g h pos s e s s i n g no confidence at all in learning

acquired by the diligent study of knowledge or in a n y p r o ­

ficiency b orn of the personal experience of things seen a n d

heard, but b e ing unable to resist what was said to me, I

W a g i n d r a /^N'gag-dbang/’ by name, a monk of the Byur ^cilan7,

collected t o g e t h e r from different places the few r o y a l

histories of former times and records of later times and also

carefully examined the grounds for the oral traditions of

elders; and so this work w h ich combines all these accounts

was put into draft form during the auspicious second half

of the eighth H o r month of the iSarth Male Monkey Year called

fThe D a g g e r ’ /=l728/r, a time of excellent p l a n etary and astral

(U8a) conjuncti on w h e n the days were filled with the youthful sun,

in a side building of the palace of bKra-shis-sgang, the

1 20
meetin g - p l a c e of India and Tibet. The one who first d i s ­

tributed it in w r i t t e n form w a s Cho s - m d z a d N o r - b u D a r - rgyas

of the noble family of sNga-tshang bKra-shis-sding-mkhar, w h o

 U U v

wrote it out. May its v i r tuous qualities flourish and

increase in all circumstances of place and time and may

it enjoy a long duration.

O m swasti d h a r m a r a j a nirma/na/kayanam a

/J J "bow to the former Dharmarajas,

g.ra ndf a th e rs and gra ndso n s ,

Together with their father-son lineage,

w ho spread

Prom height to height the teachings of the

glorious J i n a

In this L a n d of Snow by combining religious

and secular spheres.

./This/ story ./has recounted/ how their

succeeding generations which had spread
to the four limits

Game to take control of realms in India,

Tibet and lHo Mon and how,

Having opened the doors to the t r a d e-marts

f rom w h e r e all w i s h e s and wants came lb rth,

(U8t>) They fulfilled the hopes of m any kinds of beings.

/ T h i s / t e stamentary record which is s u s t a i n e d b y

the power of the Three Jewels was w r i t t e n

P r o m d e v o t i o n which rejects partiality and

the force of personal desires

On the b a s i s of the unblemished discourses

of ancestral nobles and on

The just a nd tradition w ords of elders in person.

 584

1 21
A D D E N D U M : B r i e f R e cords of the Y o - g d u n g W a n g - m a C l a n

/l . The R u l i n g Families of* B e n g - m k h a r a n d g C e n - m k h a r

. a n d their lineages/"

(i+Sb2) Now, as f o r a b r i e f a d d i t i o n a l e x p l a n a t i o n o f the

royal lineages: K i n g S r o n g - b t s a n sGam-po; Khri IDe-

gtsug-brtan; his descendant Khri ^ r o n g - l d e - b t s a n ; his

jj= Mu-runy
sons w e r e Mu-khri bTsan-po, Ma-rung/bTsan-po, bzhi-

khri b T s a n - p o and Khri Ra 1 -pa,^-c a n7\ The d e s c e n d a n t s

1 22
of b Z h i - k h r i b T s a n - p o went to L a - ’og Y u l - g s u m in

Mon-yul. T h e n they came d o w n to the royal c a s t l e of

Mi-zim-pa. . T h e y s t a y e d f or five or s ix g e n e r a t i o n s

at Mi-zim-pa. T h e n the Kings of Shar sDi-rang* the

Kings of sG-am-ri Radhi, the K i ngs o f s N g a - t s h a n g

^and/* P h y i - t s h a n g , the ancient K i ngs of Srin-mi

123
rGyun-mi and the K i n g s o f Beng-mkhar,' K h a - g l i n g a n d

(U9a) gDung-bsam — a l l these spread forth from M i-zim-pa.

There w e r e two kings of Mi-zim-pa called K h u n - d a n g

and T h u m - b i of w h o m K h u n - d a n g ’s s on w a s g S e r - g d u n g
• 12U
a n d T h u m - b i ’s s on w a s IDan-bu. D u r i n g the li f e t i m e s

of b o t h g S e r - g d u n g a n d I D a n - b u they, came down f r o m

M i - z i m - p a a n d g S e r - g d u n g took control of B e n g - m k h a r .

For /The site of/ a castle there was a great rock

stronghold. The outer w a l l ^/formed b ^ the Gr o n g - m a
. 125
C h u river e n c i r c l e d it to ^ t h e distance of/ two m i - t h i .
As f or /his/ d u a r s . /he/ h ad /Those of/ sGam-ri N y a fu-
c h ung gSer-mi (?). As to the top part /of the B e n g -
m k h a r district //, he r e s i d e d below Tsheng-phu.

Now, as regards t h e castle of gCen-mkhar, in

previous times it was first c o n t rolled b y K i n g sTong-rab.

126
s T o n g - r a b ’s s o n - i n - l a w w as sByar-pa Da-las-bu. When
 1 27
s T o n g - r a b fs l i n eage d i e d out, the s on-in-law took c o n t r o l

^ o f gCea-iakha*^. Then, as f o r K i n g IDan-bu, he came d o w n

from Mi- z i m - p a to gCen-rnkh&r. I D a n - b u declared:

"I a m the des c e n d a n t of the Dharmarajas.

Bu-ri is the tiger's head.

g C e n - m k h a r is the t i g e r ’s waist.

L o w e r g D u n g - b s a m is the toe a t t a c h e d to the

^ t i g e r ’s / foot.

g D u n g - b s a m is the t i g e r ’s tail.

The m o u n t a i n - l a n d of P h a - s g a m - ’byung-rao is the

’s u p p o r t - m o u n t a i n ’ ^ o f the tiger^T".

sGom-la ’B r o g - g s u m is like a golden trough..

sGam-ri m D o - b z h i is like a w i s h - f u l f i l l i n g gem.

B e n g - m k h a r is l ike the d o o r - g u a r d of a demon-land.

1 28
gCen-mkhar, is the r i d g e - w a y w h e r e the k a - t a run.

It is the w a t e r w a y w h e r e the K h a -khra run.

It is t h e secr e t w a y w h e r e the path of h u m a n s ■run.

It is the check-post on the way to India /jor? Tibet:

There is no o t h e r w a y than this.

The top of the district,' Yon-phu, is- like a g o l d e n

c u r t a i n s p r e a d out.

The lower end of the district, IDom-gzi, is like

an e l e p h a n t . "

Thus he spoke.

In his time a market was e s t a b l i s h e d at ’B u m - p a - y e r

1 29
a n d the A-tsa-ra(s) of India, the Tibetans, the Khams-pa(s)

a n d all the p e o p l e of Mon-yul g a t h e r e d there.

K i n g I D a n - b u h a d three sons of w h o m the eldest w a s

m C h o g - k h a rDo-rje, b e l o w h i m m G o n - p o rDo-rje and the y o u n g -

130
est Seng-ge rDo-rje. S i m p l y b y sending out their t h u m b -

rings mCh o g - k a rDo-rje, f a ther and sons, could e n s u r e /th&t/

h e e d </would b e p a i d to t h eir c o m m a n d .
 UDU

/II. The Yo-gdung Wang-ma Clan - IntroductionJ

Nov/, as for t h e royal lineage o f the Y o - g d u n g

Wang-ma / c l a n / : In a c c o r d a n c e with the p r o p h e c y of

/ t h e i r / parents, / m e m b e r s of this c l a n / came d o w n to

d.uar o f Yo- g d u n g . Then the d i s ciple of the

131 "
Omniscient 'Brug-pa P a d m a dKar-po called B l a - m a b K r a -

s h i s - d b a n g made a prophecy. T h e n Bla-ina b K r a - s h i s -

dbang a n d the ./chief of the/ Y o - g d u n g Wang-ma, b o t h

p r i e s t a n d patron, o p e n e d up the w a y t o the h o l y shri n e

132
of the I n d i a n K u s i n a g a r a so that it is / a t p r e s e n t / the

m e e t i n g place of pilgrims f r o m India a n d Tibet, Hor and

Khams(-pa) a n d / f r o m a l l those a r e a s / b e l o w s T o d m N g a 1-

ris. T h e n w h e n the Y o - g d u n g W a n g - m a w a s a c t i n g as the

o w n e r of a l l t h e duar lands, the c o u s i n - b r o t h e r s / w i t h i n

the c l a n / fell into c o n t e n t i o n w i t h each o t h e r a n d so

(50b) the Y o - g d u n g W a n g - m a , the Dog-shing Wang-ma, the Y a - r a n

Wang-ma a nd the W a n g - m a of rG-yal-gdung s M a n - m k h a r —

all t h e s e / s u b - c l a n / / — q u a r r e l l e d over the q u e s t i o n

of the dua r s . As a result the Y o - g d u n g VVang-ma t r i e d

to w i n p o w e r f r o m m C h o g - k a rDo-rje, King of g C e n - m k h a r

and, d r a w i n g up his forces, b a t t l e was fought at r G y a l -

g d u n g sMan-mkhar. W h e n a ll h a d b e e n b r o u g h t to d e s t r u c ­

tion / o n the s ide of the Y o - g d u n g Wang-ma/, / m C h o g - k a

r D o - r j e / took over charge of the d u a r g . This w a s

the cause of / t h e i r / h a v i n g to give the duars to the

people of gCen-mkhar. In the times after m C h o g - k a rDo-rje

they did not / r e ^ / g a i n the d u a r s . The n a girl / o f the

Y o - g d u n g W a n g - m a / w as
sent / to m a r r y into the r u l i n g
™ - 133
f a m i l y of gCen-mkhaiy a n d so they became kinsmen.'
 /III. The Lineage of the Y o - g d u n g VVang-ma/7

Now, as for* a b r i e f a c c o u n t of the l i n e a g e of the

Y o - g d u n g VVang-ma / 1 1 1 / , the m a n n e r in w h i c h they g r a d u a l l y

a c q u i r e d d u ars / / v J / 9 the b o u n d a r i e s o f t h e i r l a n d ­

h o l d i n g s / I v / a n d also the m a n n e r in w h i c h the w a y to the

h o l y shri n e of K u s i n a g a r a wa s opened up / I X / : In p r e v i o u s

times, at t h e beginning, d u ring the p e r i o d of t he dKa'r-

13*+
r g yu d Bla-ma, the O m n i s c i e n t N g a g - d b a n g N o r - b u himself, the
135
W a n g - m a w a s G e - g s e r r G y al-po an d the g t s o - r g a n was Dung-bu.

/ T h e list of the s u c c e s s i v e incumbents to the p o s i t i o n s of

(^) “B l a - m a , (2) W a n g - m a a n d (3) g T s o - r g a n m a y be set out

in t a b u l a r f o r m as f o l l o w s ^ /

BLA-MA VVANG-MA GTSO-RGAN

(i) N g a g - d b a n g N o r - b u G e - g s e r rGyal-po Dung-bu

) (2) b K r a - s h i s d B a n g - r g y a l lNga-rigs rGyal-po g San g - g u s /+ Kar-rdzi 13

Padma-rus-gnam-sa ?7
(3) O m - b u K u n - b z a n g P h r o n g rGyal-po La-pas

( k) d G e - s l o n g d M a g s - Tdus R i n - c h e n rGyal-po Ru-pa

137
(3) 1Brug-pa K u n - l e g s ICun rGyal-po sP e n-da
13?
(6) B l a - m a s K u Ti~skyes bsTan-nyi rGyal-po rDo-las
T h u g s - d a m P a d - d k a r ’^-?

(7) B l a - m a sKu* i - s k y e s & C h o s -rgyas Zo-gi

d P o n-slob N g a g - d b a n g
bKra-shis

(8) ? Skye s-pa & N o r - b u Dar-rgyas & bKra-shis # Kar-rdzi

r Nam-rgyal ^Phrin-las his sons: ijKo-li Shes-rab
rGyal-po, 2 ) sMin- *Brug-
d rug dBang-rgyal rgyas
3) K a - r m a dBang-
rgyal
>)(9) b s T a n - ' d z i n rG y a l - p o K o -li & his sons: Ngag-dbang
iV N o r - b u rGya-mtshq T s h e - r i n g &
2) b K r a - s h i s Srid- his son:
thal, 3) Cu-pas .s P r u l - r g y a l
(10) s K u - d rung Shar- N o r - b u rGya-mtsho & b s T a n - 1d z i n
phy og s * M 3 r a - o his sons: I) T s he- " ’B r u g - r g y a l
db a ng r Gy a 1 -p o ,
2) 'Brug d B a n g-rgyal
3) N g a g - d b a n g 'Phrin-
las
 BLA-MA WANG-MA GTSO-RGAN

bS a m-grub & ? Ts h e - d b a n g rGyal-po bSam bsTan-'dzin

& his sons:
1) TBrug rNam-rgyal,
2) rDo-rje
3 ) (?) ’Brug dBang-
rgyal and his sons:
1) Srid-thal N o r - b u
& 2) b K r a -shis
Srid-thal.

? ? ?

/iv . The Boundaries of the Yo-gdung W a ng-ma P r i n c i p a l i t y /

Now, as for the boun d a r i e s of the royal lands w h i c h I

King Wang-ma, f rom / m y / royal castle of Yo-gc3ung, acqui r e d

in such manner: /A ll the land/ 1) below sKyi-shing-rung

at the top; 2) b e low Mu-ris-sgam-phug: (3) b e l o w Jo-bo

Sha-wang: ij.) h i t h e r w a r d from rDo-mchod-rten: 5 ) above

Tur-pa; 6) above Nye-ring-ngang-rgyu; 7) above the stone-

cave of Ti-ki-ri; 8) b e l o w dNgul-gum-ba: 9) b e l o w the top

of the pass of P h r a n g - p h r a n g - b a ; — all these / d i s t r i c t s /

are the land b e l o n g i n g to me, ;Vang-ma.

/V. The b o u n d a r i e s of the Yo-gdung Wang-ma duars 7

Now, furthermore, in the inventory ( rd z i n - t h o )

specifying the b o u n d a r i e s of the duars that b e l o n g to me,

Wang-ma: First of all, Go-ma-ri at the top of the sBo-

ka-li district; to the east: Ki-pa-ra / a n d / Ke-sha-zu-li;

the w e s t e r n / d u a r s / : Khyir-zan, H a l - d a - s b a - r i , sBe-ta-na

/and/ Za-lugs-sba-ri; in the central region b e t w e e n

sDi-ga and sDob-li; Gling-zan, M o - l o n g - d g a ', H

 Bar-gtsong, sGam-ri-ka-ta, sDo-b skor-par, K h a n g - z u - l i ,

!b) W a g - z a m - s b a - r i , No-sgor, Shin g - g i n g - s b a - r i / a n d / S h a m s -

nyi-ya; a b o v e K h o - k h o - r a - s d o b - l i : Phan-tsho, Shab-kha / a nd/

1U2.
sPu-la; furt h e r m o r e , / a l l the l a n d / b e low Nye ' u - l i in the

east; h i t h e r w a r d f r o m sBar-da; h i t h e r w a r d from G a - g a - r i -

zan; w e s t w a r d s f r o m the b z o - y a River; w e s t w a r d s from t h e

B r o n g - d g o n River; w e s t w a r d s f r o m Da-khu-ba; w e s t w a r d s from

Dh o - k h a - s h i n g ; eastwards from B h u - l a - z u - l i ; u p wards from

the Nye-ri Stream; eastwards from Shu-ka-la; e a s t w a r d s from

G h o - n a - b a r to (?) sDong-gog; eastwards from B h u - l i - s d o b - l i ;

eastwards fro m S h u - b a - p u r a n d (?) the B h o s - s p r o g River,

T h e s e / d u a r s / are' the land ruled over b y me, W a n g - m a * My

I n dian lands, t h e i r names and b o u n d a r i e s are c o m p l e t e / i n

n u m b e r herein/,

/VI. T he L i n e a g e of the T h a - k h u r /

1A3
Now, f r o m a m o n g the lineage of the Tha-khur: At, first

in pr e v i o u s times to b e g i n w i t h / t h e r e was/: , I) T h a - k h u r

Ph u r - g t u m - p a ; 2) his s o n Ur-ka; 3) his son La'u-zi; h) his

son Mas-na; 5) his son Kong-ga; 6) his s on K h o n g - t h a b s ;

7) his son The-ka-ra; 8) his son Sham-lung; 9) his son

Sham-za; 10) his son L o - k h i n - b a r ; 11) his sons Sho- n a - r a m ,

P o r - y a - p h a 1o-la / a n d / T h a - k h u r A - n a s wh o are (?) three

br o t hers. These are all of the l i n e a g e of m y T h a - k h u r

/ s u b jects, and the l i s t / is complete.

 Nov/, as fox* the reason for the loss in p r e v i o u s

times of the d u a r of Nye-ba-li: The g D u n g - b s a m - p a

c o u s i n Shag-ci Ya-ng-rgyas a n d the IChre-phug cousins,

U -.& J the three L a - n a b r o t h e r s — these two / p a r t i e s /

— w e r e not in a c c o r d and as it was said to b e u n f i t

f o r two k i ngs / t o e x i s t / where there w a s place f o r only

one king, lots w e r e cast w i t h dice. The three L a - n a

b r o t h e r s lost a n d it b e c a m e n e c e s s a r y to kill them.

W h e n they h ad b e e n killed, / s h a g - c i Y a n g - r g y a s was

g i v e n a s i l v e r cup, the 11l i f e - w e a l t h " / o f the L a - n a

brothers ?/ a n d s e n t on his way. As for this s i l v e r cup,

(53b) he left it h i d d e n by the road and then returned a n d came

to w h e r e the Y o - g d u n g Wang-ma was. He b e g g e d / h i m /

saying: r,I w a n t a d u a r ." Then Nye-ba-li was lost a s a

1kk
result of it.

/VIII. The G r a n t of the M o - l o n g - d g a 1 duar to Z h a b s -

d r ung I ( ? ) _ 7
1A5
In p r e v i o u s times when the new e m b o diment of the

TB r u g - p a H i e r a r c h s cam e forth, at a time when h e d i d n o t

have a n y Indian d u a r s , it was the d u a r called M o - l o n g - d g a 1

w h i c h I, K i n g Wang-ma, offered as a special d o n a t i o n f r o m

a m o n g m y own d u ars at the time when the new e m b o d i m e n t

o f the 'Brug-pa H i e r a r c h s came forth.

 /lit. The Di s c o v e r y of K u s i n a g a r a /

W i t h Bla-ma b K r a - s h i s d B a n g - r g y a l at the head, the

W a n g - m a v/as INga-rigs rGyal-po, the g t s o - r g a n w a s

g S a n g - g u s a n d the k a r - r d z i was P a d m a - r u s - g n a m - s a (?).

These persons w e n t in search of the h o l y shrine of . , .

K u s i n a g a r a an d f o u n d it. When they h a d f o und the h o l y

shrine of K u s i nagara, f r o m that time onwards it h a s b e e n

/possible to/ see it.

5ka) Remember, y o u f o r t u n a t e bein g s of Tibet,

the L a n d of Snow,

How the w h i t e light of the sun in the g o o d

deeds r e l a t e d a b o v e

C o n q u e r e d t h e w h o l e of this chaotic f o r e s t ­
land of j essamines

A n d so c a u s e d the anthers of the lotus of

v i r t u e to swell.
 Notes to Text I

It is inte r e s t i n g to note that the a u t h o r here seems

quite content to regard the area of Bhutan as part of

Tibet (see also f. 5a below). Elsewhere he makes a

clear dist i n c t i o n b e t w e e n Bod (Tibet) a n d M o n (Bhutan).

This s e c t i o n is a summary of Tibetan history from its

l e g e n d a r y origins in the p r e - d ynastic p e r i o d down to the

re s t oration of B u d d h i s m in the middle years of the

11th century. It is a s t a n d a r d account derived

a p p a r e n t l y from a reading of the rGyal-rabs g s a l - b a 1!

m e - l o n g b y bSo d - n a m s r G y a l - m t s h a n (c. 1373)# As it

covers w e l l k n o w n g r o u n d that lies outside the scope of

this study, no comments are offered.

T o h o k u No. Ill

T o h o k u No. 112 (?)

dGe-'dun R i n - c h e n claims this occurred in 'das-lo 1779 :

I c a g s - b y a . i.e. A.D. 8h1 (L C B II, f. 68a). This is the

same date as that g i v e n b y Bu - s t o n (f. 130b) for the

a s s a s s i n a t i o n of R a l - p a - c a n w h i c h is now thought to have

h a p p e n e d in c. 8 3 6 . O n the w h o l e tradition o f g Tsang-ma*s

sojourn in Bhut a n see Ch. 2 Section h above.

The rGyal-rabs g s a l - b a fi m e - long is u n d o u b t e d l y the same

w o r k as t hat referred to in note 2 above. - I cannot i d e n t i f y

the d P a g - b s a m l,1on-pa. n o r the rGyal-rabs k h u g - p a . My

Informant Slo b - d p o n P a d m a - l a g s insists the latter means

'The R e c u r r e n t History* (as in bskal-pa bar-gyi khug-pa

b c o - b r g y a d . 'the e i g h t e e n recurring (lit. 'looped*) kalpas

of the middle'). However, another interpretation would

 suggest that the phrase refers to all the other w r i t t e n

sources used b y Ngag-dbang, taking khug-pa as 'found*

or 'obtained' (see J a s c h k e ' s dictionary).

7* No such statement is found in the rGyal-rabs gsal-ba*i

me-long. However, it is found in the b S h a d - m d z o d

(lho-phyogs mon-gyi rg.yal-po rnams / m n g a 1-bdag rt s a n g -

ma'i g d u n g - r g y u d yin / f. 85b). The two w o r k s p r o b a b l y

b e c a m e co n f u s e d in Ngag-dbang*s memory.

8, This important place seems to be located just ’s o u t h of

sKur-stod, but see p. 21^ above.

9. LP: / me zhes-pa grants gsum-g.yi mlng / gsum-gyi sgyur-

bko d - k y i s b r t a g s - s h i n g d p y ad-par-bya'o / / zhes-pa'i don

y in- p a - ' d r a / ("'Fire' / t h e third of five e l e m e n t s / is the

/ s y m b o l i c / w o r d for n u m b e r three. The meaning seems to be:

'Examine a n d enquire b y means of a triple c alculation (?)•'")

This does little to bring o u t the sense of the quotation or

i

its relevance for the argument. The b s T a n - b r t s i s r e f e r r e d

to is w e l l k n o w n t o Bh u t anese scholars as one of the

principal texts of their astrological tradition. Its

author, l H a - dbang Blo-gros of the 'Brug-pa school, w a s

the chief m a s t e r of Zhabs-drung Ngag - d b a n g rNam-rgyal.

T he Jesuits Cabral a nd Cacella met him at ICags-ri in

1627 (see p . . 751 below), the place where h e - c o m p o s e d the

g Dan-dus m t h u n - m o n g (LCB I, f. 29b).

10. A village situated in the upper reaches of the sPa-gro

valley.

11. On these two clans, perhaps tribes (also the W a n g - g d u n g

and M I 'i-rgya 1-mtshan w h o similarly claimed descent from

gTsang-ma) see pp. 196.7 , 255.6 above.

 D M

12. More c o m m o n l y k n o w n as the P h o - c h u and M o - c h u ( fMale

R i v e r ’ , ’Female R i v e r ’) which meet at the rDzong of

sPu-na-kha.

13. This i r o n -chain s u s p e n s i o n "bridge.was built b y Thang-

^standard’
stong rGyal-po (see f. 85 of h i s / rnam-thar w h e r e the
spelt
place is wronfily /Bag - g r o n g ) . The bridge is no longer

standing but a pile of the original chains is still to

be f o u n d on the river-bank,

1U. Kh o - d w a n g s - k h a and sNgan-lung are s ub-districts of Shar.

rTa-li, sBu-li a nd sTung-la-sbi are villages in the

K h eng district, z hong-dkar (or -sgar) lies due east of

Kheng. Mol-ba-lung(-pa) must be a sub-district of

gZhong-sgar. Up to this point in the story Ngag-dbang

has b e e n a t t e m p t i n g to h a r m onise the t r a d i t i o n of

g T s a n g - m a ’s arrival i n Bhutan b y w a y of s P a - g r o with the

other tradition that claimed he came b y w a y of l H o -brag

(see p . 196 above). H a v i n g now arrived in e a s t e r n Bhutan,

the s t o r y picks up the oral t r a d i t i o n s relating to

gTsang-ma p e c u l i a r to this a rea of the country. F r o m here

onwards the names of m o s t of the vi l l a g e s a n d districts

m e n t i o n e d in the text remain unidentified. I n e ver h a d

occasion to visit this part of the country a n d m y

informants from this a r e a wer e generally v e r y vague about

locations. It is h o p e d that this serious g a p w i l l b e f i l l e d

at some future date.

15. The G o d of H e a v e n is surely ’O-de Gung-rgyal (see ff. 32a,

33b, 3 6 a b e low a n d pp. 2 6 3 - 4 above). L G B II (f. 6 8 b) provides

a synopsis of the story; it has dmod-btsugs for d m o d - b o r .

16. I C a n g - b u (loc. cit.)

17. K u - r i Ti La (loc. cit.)

18. *Jam-mkhar (loc. cit.) F o r the folk etymology o f this

name see b S o d - n a m s b Z a n g - p o ' s oral a c c o u n t on p. 203

above,

19. M u - t a n g - m k h a r (loc, cit.)

20. Wang-eeng (loc. cit.)

21. See Ch. 2 Section 3 above.

22. The three v i l lages (yul g s u m ) of L a - fog, in the v i c i n i t y

of rTa-wang rDzong, aye: Shar-tsho, b S e - r u and l H a'u

(V a i d u r y a S e r - p o . p. 396). O n the J o - b o c lan of L a - ' o g

Yul-gsum, s ee ff. 28b-31b below.

23* Clang Dar-ma.

2U. A-mi Don-grub (LCB II, loc. cit.)

25* In the G a n gtok recension of the Rlangs po-tl b s e - r u which

recounts t h e ancestral legends of the Rlangs clan,

Byang-chub 'Dre-bkol is the principal hero ^of the story

a n d is p r e s e n t e d as the incarnation, not the disciple,

o f Padmasambhava (stein 1962:79, 84). The tra d i t i o n

w h i c h claimed him as the f o r e b e a r of Don-gr u b - r g y a l m a y

have a r isen f r o m the fact that they share the same, rather

unusual title of A-m i (or A - m e s ) w h i c h appears to mea n

y o gin (Stein 1959a : 404-5 note 33). A n o t h e r m e m b e r of

the Rlangs c l a n w h o has le g e n d a r y associations w i t h B h u t a n

is dPal-gyi Seng-ge, considered one of the twenty-five

disciples of Padmasambhava. dPal-gyi Seng-ge is said to

have received the initiation of Va ^ r a k i l a f r o m the G u r u ^

at the shrine of sTag-tshang in sPa-gro. His r e m a i n s wer e

e n t ombed in a large stupa inside a cave w h i c h can still

be seen there today. The gn a s - y l g of s T a g - t s h a n g refers

to the tomb as sku-gdung rl l - p o r b z h u g s - p a 1i m c h o d - r t e n

("the stupa w h e r e his entire b o d y remains"). Kong-sprul,

however, claims in his gTe r - r n a m (f. 22b) tha t it w a s a

quite different p e rson of the same name and clan w ho is

a s s o c i a t e d w i t h sTag-tshang, name l y Rlangs dPal-gyi

Seng-ge 'the Later' (p h y i - m a ) . This person w a s the son

of B yang-chub 'Dre-bkol. No doubt the story a p p e a r s also

in the Rlangs po-ti b s e - r u applied to one or other of the

dPal-gyi Seng-ge. I do not have access to this w o r k at

present b ut acc o r d i n g to Stein (1962: 98) its account of

dPal-gyi Seng-ge 1the E a r l i e r 1 is closely m o d e l l e d on

that of B yang-chub 'Dre-bkol himself (or vice versa).

!
By a r - p o Is a Tibetan district some miles to th e north-east

of Bhutan; it appears as B y n r in Ferrari (1958:51 , 127

n o t e 261) a n d as Bya-yul in W y l i e (1962:93* 174 note 552).

The Bya c l a n associated with this district appe a r to have

ha d a conn e c t i o n with t he ancient seat of royal p o w e r in

Yar-lung (Blue A n n a l s . Vol. BA f. 11b), a fact w h i c h H a a r h

(1969:210-11) has made m u c h of. The leaders of the clan

w e r e g e n e rally a p p o i n t e d governors not only of Bya-yul but

of all the surrounding districts from the time of Sa-skya

rule down to at least the time of P h a g - m o - g r u - p a rule in

Tibet (Blue A n n a l s . Vol. BA ff. 11b-l4a). Don-grub-rgyal

in our text, if he is an historical f i g u r e at all, m a y

perhaps have come from this clan, not;the Rlangs. His

title of A -mi is also applied to one of the members of the

clan, A-m i Bya-nag Chen-po (Wylie op. cit., 94 a n d Blue

A n n a l s . Vol. BA, f. 12a). One is also tempted to look for

a c onnection b e t w e e n ths Bya r clan of e a s t e r n Bhutan (see

 Oil i

below) and the Bya clan of Bya-yul (or Byar, B y a r - p o ) .

Unless, however, the link were derived m e r e l y f rom a

b o r r o w i n g of a name, it is difficult to imagine how a

single clan structure could have cut across t h e distinct

ethnic and linguistic identities of the two people.

27. The P h ag-mo-gru-pa rulers h ad of course long d i s a p p e a r e d

b y the time this work was w r i t t e n in 1728, Th e statement

therefore derives from m i s a p p l i e d hindsight on the part

of the author, or else it appears as a quotation from an

ea r lier textual source w r i tten at the time of P h a g - m o -

gru-pa supremacy.

28. b S o d - n a m s d P a l -bskyed (LC B II, f. 68a)

29* It may be n o t e d that Khri-mi ('the Enthroned') lHa'i-

dbang-phyug, w h o a p p ears to be the eldest son, goes off

to seek his fortune w h i l e his younger brother, g C e s - b u

('the B e l o v e d Son') mThong-legs-btsun, remains with his

f a t h e r a n d succeeds him. In the next generation, however,

it is the eldest of three sons who succeeds w h i l e the

y o u n g e r two fulfill their destinies elsewhere. As Allen

(1976:267) has pointed out, the principle of p r i m o ­

geniture does not provide the norm fo r a ll periods and

areas in the Bo d i c - s p e a k i n g world.

30. See ff. 2 8 b -3 1b below.

31 . See pp. 2I5-I6 a-b0 V e and f . 20a below.

32. This is quite a common theme in histories dealing with

the dynastic p e r i o d in Tibet.

33. This is the g e n e r a l name for w e s t e r n Tibet.- It s h ould

be w r i t t e n s Tod mNga'-ris. I can f i n d no passage in any

 T i betan history to corroborate the tradition that the

followers of 'Od-srung were d i s p e r s e d to Bhutan.

34* O r perhaps W a s - c h u r - t h u m Nang-mkhar, 'The I n ner Castle

of Was-chur-thum' (cf. Be-tsha Nang-mkhar, f. t'7a below).

35# The p a i ring of these names may be compared to those b e l o w

of Nyi- m a Che-rigs / Chung-rigs, GHang-khyim / B r e n g-khyim

(and Zer-khyim ?) , Be-mi / Sa-rl, Kha - g l i n g P h y i - ' k h o r /

Nang-'khor, L a s-pa / Los-pa and Srin-mi / rGyun-mi. (See

also the A d d e n d u m (f. 48b) for f u r t h e r m e n t i o n of

the kings of sNga-tshang and Phyi-tshang.)

36. I w o uld i d e ntify this figure with King Dar-'Jam of

sNga-tshang, one of the first rulers of eastern B h utan

to submit to the 'Brug-pa authorities (L o - r g y u s . f. 10a).

He was a m o n g the group of rulers that took the oath of

allegiance at the conclusion o f the ca m p a i g n (op. cit.,

f. 21b). His sons may w ell have b e e n a l ive at the time

w h e n the rG-yal-rigs w as composed,

37. This must be K i n g sTong-ldan (or sTobs-ldan) of rTseng-mi,

cousin to Dar-'Jam, a n o ther supporter of the 'Brug-pa who

took the oath of allegiance (L o - r g y u s . ff. 12a, 20a, 21b).

38. This is King Zla*u-la of Phyi-tshai]g of which Mong-sgar,

his capital, must be a part (L o - r g y u s . ff. 10a, 21b and

the next n o t e ) . Z l a 1u is the common Bh u t a n e s e contraction

of Z l a - b a . 'moon'.

39. "King dBang-grags of the royal family of P h y i - t s h a n g

Mong-sgar, of great h o n o u r and bravery and of noble

ancestry", according to the colophon (f. 47a) where he is

listed among those who r e q u e s t e d the c o m p osition of the

rGyal-rlgs.
1*0, "rGyal-po of the royal family of P h y i - tshang sKya-sa-

mkhar, of extensive knowledge and understanding,

skilled in rhetoric" ( f . l*7 a "below), an o t h e r of those

w h o requested N gag-dbang to w r i t e the r G y a l - r i g s .

2*1 . Cf. L o - r g y u s . f, 17b a n d f. 36b "below ("the m o u n t a i n

of W a n g - s a n g " ) .

1*2. A c c ording to the A d d e n d u m I (f. 2*9a), K h u n - d a n g (sic)

and Thum-bi (sic) were the fathers, not the sons, of

g Ser-gdung a n d l D a n-bu (sic) respectively.

2*3. b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g is actually the name of the fort built

much l a t e r at B e n g - m k h a r b y sKu-drung P a d - d k a r

C hos-'phel (L o - r g y u s . ff. 17a, 19b, 22a).

1*2*. G r o n g-stod and G r o n g-smad a p pear to be ha m l e t s at

Beng-mkhar. A k ing of G r o n g - s t o d appears in t h e

L o - r g y u s . h is name spelt Slang-ega (f, 12b), Glang-nga

(f. 16a) a n d IHa-lnga (f. 22a).

45* The A d d e n d u m /T/ (f. i*9a) suggests that K i n g I D a n - b u

(sic) g a i n e d p o w e r a t g C e n - m k h a r b y d i s p l a c i n g the

son-in-law (from the B y a r clan) of K i n g sTong-rab, the

latter having a p p a r e n t l y died without issue. sTong-rab

is p r e s e n t e d here as I D a n - b u 1s cousin (see f, 20b below).

2*6. I translate b u - b r g y u d t e n t atively as 'descendants', b u t

the meaning m a y be simply 'sons'. The A d d e n d u m

(ff. U9a-50a) claims that mChog-ka rDorje (sic),

mGon-po rDo-rje and Seng-ge rDo-rje w e r e the sons of

IDan-bu.

1*7. The rDo-rong Rwa-dza here is without doubt the Raja of

Darrang, a tributary chief of the Ahom kings. It is not

 buu
clear in Devi's study (1968:197) w h e t h e r the office

existed p r i o r to 1616 w h e n a certain Bali N a r a y a n

was appointed, Darrang h a v i n g just b e e n r e c l a i m e d

J
f rom Mogul exp a n s i o n in this area. B a s i n g h e r a c c ount

on an e a r lier British study by Wade, she m a i n t a i n s that

soon a f t e r 1616 an unsuccessful Bhutanese c a m p a i g n w as

launched to t r y a n d regain control of lands lost to

the Darrang Raja. The Bhutanese rulers are oddly

referred to as the HDeva - D h a n n a R a j a s ” , s u r e l y an

allus i o n to the Zhabs-drung and s D e - s r l d , i nstitutions

w h i c h ha d not yet b e e n p r o p e r l y established. Zhabs-drung

Nga g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal h i m s e l f a r rived as a refugee o n l y

in 1616 , On later relations between the D a r r a n g Raja

and the Bhutanese see Bhuy a n (1933:123, 181), Devi

(1968:200-209) and Gait (1926:207).

h 8. On Cho- k a r D o - r j e !s a n n e x a t i o n of ce r t a i n dua rs b e l o n g i n g

1to the Y o - g d u n g W a n g-ma clan, see the A d d e n d u m {Tf?

(f. 50b).

1+9* One of these descendants, King Sangs-rgyal ( - r g y a s ) - p o

of gCen-mkhar, wa s k i l l e d d u r i n g the fB r u g - p a campaign

(L o - r g y u s . ff. 15a, 16a).

50. One of the two (or in some records, three) duars that

are s i t uated in the Darrang district is that of Khaling,

spelt K u l l i n g in P e m b e r t o n (1839:15) a n d K i l l i n g in

Devi (1968:205). The duar must have taken its name

from t h a t of the village of K h a - g l i n g whose ruler,

rQyas-mtsho, is claimed here to have an n e x e d it.

51. This is p r e s u m a b l y K i n g b D e-ba of Kha-gling. The account

of his dispute w i t h a certain 'Brug-rgyal forms the

 DUX

i n t r oduction to t h e story of t he 'Brug-pa campaign

(L o - r g y u s . ff. 2a-b, 11b, 16b).

52. ”lHa-btsun N g a g - d b a n g Phun-tshogs of the r o yal family

of Kha-gling, up h o l d e r of the P i t aka an d the Three

Precepts, unimpaired as to k n o w l e d g e ” , one of those that

requested the composition of the rGyal-rigs (f. h7a

below).

53- B a -man (lit. 'non-cow') is the name f or the mithun,

here used as somebody's personal name.

3k* K i n g T s h e -ring of 'Dom-mkhar (sic) was the e n e m y of his

cousin, Kin g Pho-brang of b T s a n - m k h a r (L o - r g y u s . f.15h).

33* P h o - b r a n g A-chi, K i n g of bTsa n - m k h a r (,L o - r g y u s . ff. 15a-

16b) is also d e s c r i b e d as king of rKaiig-lung (f. 12a).

K i n g C h a n g - l o - d p a l of K h a - g l i n g and he w ere "father a n d

son" (p h a - s p a d . f. 16b), apparently onl y in a figurative

sense.

56 . This p e r s o n is not to be c o n fused with, Bla-ma Nag-seng

of M e - r a g (L o - r g y u s . ff. 12a, 1 7 b-1 8a) . He a n d

K i n g P h o - b r a n g wer e allies of the dGa'-ldan-pa

(= d G e - l u g s - p a ) .

31* It is not p o s s i b l e to say w h e t h e r rJe here is a clan

name or a title (see p .215 above).

58 . On the recalcitrant k i n g of Gung - g d u n g see t h e L o - r g y u s .

ff. 22b, 2Ua.

59. O n the kin g of sTong-phu, one of the first rulers to be

de f e a t e d b y the 'Brug-pa campaign, see the L o - r g y u s .

ff. 9b, 2ha.

 0U<5
t

60. See f. 36 a 'below.

61 . Cf. the A d d e n d u m (f. 49a) and note 45 above.

62. TD; m k h a r - d u n g (sic) zer-bar rdzong-shul y o d / d e fi

mi-rnams b r o a - z u r rta-dbang phy o g s - s u sa b c a g s / ^ b cas 7 -pas

mi n g-yang m k h a r - d u n g z e r - g y i - 1dug / ("There is a ruined

fort at the place called mKhar-dung. The p e o p l e of that

place fled s e c r e t l y (?) and, settling in the area of

rTa-dbang, ( t h e i r new home) is also c a l l e d mKhar-dung.'*)

63. LP: / zlo-ni 'gran-pa'i don yin-pas /■ ("zlo has the sense

fg r a n - p a . 'to contend, vie*.")

64. See the G l o s s a r y u n der b r a n ( - p a ) .

1
65. The w o rds (g . ) y a s . stung and w a n g are Ts a n g l a for zo-ba

('trough, pail'), gzeb(-ma) (a b o x or p a n nier m ade of

split cane) a n d sa-dong ('earth pit') in the w e s t e r n

Bhutanese dialects (and T i b e t a n ? ) . T he s y ntax m a k e s use

of the c o m m o n c o n s truction w h e r e b y a n o u n m a y be

c lassified b y a s ucceeding noun for the sake of c l a r i t y

or rhetoric (e.g. pho-brang g z h a l - y a s - k h a n g ) . See also

snod-yas and s nod-stung b e l o w (f. 22b). The device is

used w i t h effect here in order to establish the ety m o l o g y

of the clan n a mes Yas-sde, sTung-sde and Wang-ma. The

l egend m a y be compared to that of 'Od-srungs in, f o r

instance, the rGyal-rabs gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g . f. 95a.

66 . The names of the t h r e e half-brothers c a rry obvious

allusions to those of the T i b e t a n kings K hri S r o n g - l d e -

brtsan (b. 742) a n d Khri gTsug-l d e - b r t s a n (b. 805)•

J
 693
67. F o r a quite different a n d more authentic p i c t u r e of

the origins of these rulers, s e e the pa s s a g e s quoted

fro m the histories of 1Gos Lo-tsa-ba a n d dPa*-bo

g T s u g - l a g on pp. 216-18 ap 0V e ♦

' 68 , "C h o s - m d z a d L u g - d k a r of the royal family of the

Yas-sde /clanT* of Phong-mi, skilled in the dexterous

use of magical m e a n s 1' (f • h 7a-b b e l o w ) , one of those

w ho r e q u e s t e d the c o m p o s i t i o n of the rG.val-rigs.

69. See p .224 above.

70, The K h a - n a g (1B l a c k - M o u t h s f) are the A k a tribals of the

Ka m e n g district of Arunachal. K e n n e d y 1 91h (quoted in

Elwin 1959: h 3 8 note 1) derives t he w o r d Aka, meaning

f a i n t e d 1, from their c u s t o m of decorating their f a ces

w i t h a mixture of p i n e - r e s i n and charcoal. The K h a - d k a r

( ' W h i t e - M o u t h s 1) are still unidentified. B o t h are

te rmed Glo-pa (or K l o - p a ) , a vague term a p p l i e d to all

the tribals of this region. The K h a -khra (*Striped-

M o u t h s 1) are m e n t i o n e d on f. h9b below in t h e A d d e n d u m J

The y also remain unidentified. Elsewhere the term

Kha-khra is used to signify the early Inhabitants of

Bhutan itself (Aris 1976:628 note 66 ). All the terms

carry a strong pejo r a t i v e tone (LP: sems-can b s a d - p a

d g e -bar r t s i - m k h a n klo k h a - d k a r kha-nag y i n - 1dug / "The

Kl o K h a - d k a r an d ^Klo/r K h a - n a g are people w h o c o n s i d e r it a

virtue to kill sentient beings." Note also kla-klo a

' b a r b a r i a n 1 .) The K l o-pa b e s t known to the Tibetans are

those living south of Kong-po w h e r e T h a n g - s t o n g rGyal-po

c onsecrated ’a stupa to suppress the K l o 1 (K l o Kha-gnon-gyi

... m c h o d - r t e n , f. 120a of his biography. See also ff.

72a-76b on his a ctivities among the K l o - p a ) • These are

 604

divided into the same t h ree groups m e n t i o n e d above

(Wylie 19^2: 178 note 583)*

71* ' T e m b a n g 1 of the maps, five miles east of Dirang Dzong.

The The m - s p a n g p e ople can p r o b a b l y be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h

the ' T h e m o n g s 1 w i t h w h o m t he Sherdukpens tr a d i t i o n a l l y j

intermarried. The legend recounting ho w this custom

came to an e nd is given in Paul 1958:2U-25.

72. For the records of the Y o - g d u n g Wang-ma c l a n see the

Addendum /l - T%/ (ff. h8b-53"b below).

73. See f. 1ha above.

7h. Gf. lha*i k h a m s - p a . f. 1ha above.

75. This must surely have b e e n a d i sappointment to Jo-bo

A-bzang, K i n g of sDe-rang (Dirang), w h o w as among those

who e n c o u r a g e d the c o m p o s i t i o n of this w o r k (see f. h7"b

below). On P a dma G l i n g - p a fs m e e t i n g w i t h a K i n g of

Di r a n g see p.224 above.

76. This name does not look right. However, as a m e mber of

the sTung-sde clan of B u - r i - g y a n g - p h u (see f. 27a above),

the l a d y fs marriage to th e h e r e d i t a r y chief of the J o - b o

clan is a clear e x a mple of how political a f f i l iations

could be determined, a n d indeed sought, through marriage

alliances.

77. TD: b e r - m k h a r zer-ba-de b e - m k h a r zer- g y l n - y o d / rgyal-ba

t s h angs-dbyangs r g y a - m t s h o 1a ng de-la fkh r u n g s / ("The

place c a l l e d Ber - m k h a r is now called Be-mkhar. rGyal-ba

Tshang s - d b y a n g s rGya-mtsho £ £ t h Dalai Lama, 1683-? 1 706J7

was even b o r n there.") See pp. 316-17 above.

 UUD
78. E v i dence for the a c t i v i t y in this are a of the great

b r i d g e - b u i l d i n g saint T h a n g - s t o n g rGyal-po (1385-11+61+)

is f o u n d in his s t a n d a r d b i o g r a p h y b y 'Gyur-med

bDe-chen. A l t h o u g h it does not c o n t a i n an

account of his visit, the area of Shar-mon is p r o p h e c i e d

on f. 1+1a to be one of the districts where he w o u l d be

active. A g a i n at the end of the work (f. 170a) we read

that sKyabs-pa bZang-po, his great-nephew (?), carried

on the saint*s wor k in shar-mon. The l e g e n d recounted

here is still current a n d has bee n r e c o r d e d b y S a r k a r

( 1975 :32 ) w h o adds the i n f o rmation that t h e h o u s e h o l d of

J o -bo Dar - r g y a s in B e r - m k h a r is known as B u - b d u n

( 1S e v e n S o n s 1).

79. This is the 2 nd Dalai L a m a (11+75-151+2) .

80. TD: shar stag-lung zer-ba-la deng-sang-gi b a r - y a n g

r d zong-dpon-re rta-dbang g r wa-tshang-nas b s k o s - k y i - y o d /

("Even at present a r d z o n g - d p o n is a p p o i n t e d b y the

monastic college of r T a - d b a n g / t o c o n t r o l t h e -m o n a s t e r y /

f o r t / c a l l e d S h a r s T a g - l u n g . ’*) This is the *Talung

Dzong* o f t h e maps, a few miles north-east of K a l a k t a n g

in the K a m e n g F r o n t i e r D i v i s i o n . *'From t h e r e / s T a g - l u n g ^

he went to A s s a m a n d m e t the king. The k i n g received him

cordially, p r o m i s e d h i m all h e l p a n d donated hi m land in j

the p l a i n s in O d a l g u r i a n d A m r a t o l a a r e a s . ’* (Sarkar 1975:

31+)

81. bKra-shis rTse-gling dGon-pa in S a g - s t e n g s a n d dGa*-ldan

rTse-gling dGon-pa in M e - r a g (loc. cit.). bsTan-pa*i

sGron-me is said t o h a v e d i e d in the l a t t e r p l a c e at the

age of n i n e t y - n i n e .
 U \J

82. F o r the legend of this monastery's foundations, see

S a r k a r (op. cit., 33) where it is spelt 'Ariakdun*

a n d is s aid to "be l o c a t e d h a l f a mile from lHa'u,

eight miles east of rTa-dbang.

83. S a r k a r (op. cit., 3 5 - U O provides short sketches of

the lives of nine incarnations of bsT a n - p a ' i sGron-me

w h o have succeeded eac h o t her up to the present day.

Most important of these, from the point of v i e w of the

p r e sent study, w a s the fourth in the line, 'Lote Gyatso',

w h o c a n he i d e n tified w i t h the Me-rag Bla-ma N a g - s e n g

w h o p l a y e d such an important role on the dGe-lugs-pa

side d u r i n g the w a r w i t h the fBrug-pa a u t h o r i t i e s of

w e s t e r n Bhutan (L o - r g y u s . ff, 12a, 17b-l8b).

8U. TD: A'u-dung

85- TD: Byang-mkhar

86 . TD: S h a - n u

87* J o - b o Sangs-rgyas TO d - z e r of L a -'og Yul-gsum, w ho is

me n t i o n e d on f, 95b of Padma Gling-pa's autobiography,

must have b e e n a contemporary or near c o n t e mporary of

these seven sons.

88 . The content a n d significance of this s e c t i o n have bee n

discussed at some length in Chapter 2 Section 5 above,

Notes 89 to 99 b e l o w deal w i t h a few points w h i c h

remain u n t r e a t e d in that discussion.

89* Grong-mo-che m a y simply m e a n "the great s e t t l e m e n t 11 (of

Y a r - l u n g ) . Cf. yul-sde c h e - b a . f. 33b below.

90. I cannot i d e n t i f y the fruit referred to here. Notice

how the fruit "become cowrie shell© (*g r o n - b u ) in the

variant tradition of g Z h o n g - s g a r and g D u n g - h s a m

(f. 39b "below) a n d dice (sho) in the m o d e r n v e r s i o n of

bSod-nams b Z a n g - p o (p, 2?2 a b o v e ) ,

91 • The same p a t c h of grass w a s pointed out to me b y my

porters w h e n I crossed the Z h a n g - m a fi La pass b e t w e e n

sTang a n d U-ra in 1970.

92. This does not accord w i t h the rG-yal-rabs gsal-ba'i

me - long (ff. 98b-99a) w h e r e w e read that^the Y a r - l u n g

J o -bo d e s c ended from 'Q-lde (brother of dPal-lde)

through his son K h r i - c h u n g w ho settled at Yar-lung.

93. U n i d e n t i f i e d in the Tibetan records,

9h* LP informs me t hat "the t h r e e divisions (?) of K h e n g ”

(Kheng-rigs rNam-gsum) are those of P h y i - fkhor,

N a n g - ' k h o r and m T h a * - m a - p h y o g s - ' k h o r (sp ?).

95* This place, v i s i t e d b y Padma Gllng-pa ( f . 62a of his

a u t o b i o g r a p h y ) , is p r o bably crucial to the g D u n g complex^

discussed in C h a p t e r 2 Section 5 above. A c c o r d i n g to

Siob-dpon Padma-lags, 3ust as the Klo-pa tribals in the

v i c i n i t y of the hol y shrine of Tsa-ri are considered

b y Tibetans to b e the 'retinue* ( 'k h o r - b a ) of the goddeBS

Zhing-slcyong dBang-mo, so a l s o a r e the Dag-pa people of

eastern B h u t a n regarded as the retinue of J o -mo Re-ma-ti

w h o has her shrine at t his place called gDung-mtsho

('Origin Lake'). The m i t h u n (b a - m a n ) is s a i d to b e the

animal specially a s s o c i a t e d w i t h this g o d d e s s a n d the

Dag-pa observe a sacred trust to look a f t e r it on her

behalf. The y have to invoke her through v a r i o u s rituals

 b'JS
i

w h e n the y are e n g a g e d in wo r k i n g with mithuns. The

sacred cha r a c t e r of the m i t h u n is c e l e b r a t e d b y all

the tribal peoples of A r u n a c h a l and N a g a l a n d and no

doubt the b e l i e f s of the Dag-pa (and M o n-pa ?) in

this respect derive from a n e a r l y p r e - B u d d h i s t form

of mithun-worship. TJ i g s - m e d Gling-pa p r o vides a v e r y

interesting a c count of the mythological origins of the

m i thun an d the h y b r i d rgya-tsha in Chapter 3 of hie

gTam-tshogs (f. 32b).

96. Unlike the last place, this is proba b l y a my t h i c a l land

(Stein 1 9 5 9 b : 55)* F r o m rMu-yul the g o d r e t u r n s again

to the e a s t e r n marches of Bhutan. Ga n g s - r i dKar-po

( TThe W h i t e Snow M o u n t a i n 1) is not ident i f i a b l e but

the m o u n t a i n of Wan g - s e n g is surely related to W a n g - s e r -

khum-pa/-khung-pa (f. 18a above a n d L o - r g y u s . f. 17t>).

One w o u l d like to see a connection too with ’J u m u

Wang-sing* (= ? Jo-mo Wang-seng) who is the meat-eating,

blood-drinking ’god of the f o r e s t s ’ f o r the S h e r d u k p e n -

people. Elwin (I958:2h3) records the m y t h w h i c h tells

h o w this g o d h a d an argument w ith ’K o n c h o s u m ’ (the

Triratna personified) over the sacrifices owed to h im

(her ?) by the Jiji, the ancient n on-Buddhist priest of

the Sherdukpen. A compromise was reached.

J
97 - LP k i n d l y p r o v i d e d the correct reading of this phrase

fro m f. 5*b line 2 of his c o p y of the MS.

98, This should perhaps be Phyang-khos, the ’u n c l e ’ b e i n g

his adoptive father, the b a t c h e l o r of Phyang-khos.

99. Cf. f. 22a above.

t
100. The rGyal-rabs g s a l - b a ’i m e - l o n g , w h i c h is the source

fo r this story, has s p y i ’i tha-ba-la / d g o s - s u shol

m i -beog (f. 95a). The meaning of shol here is quite

uncertain, and m y emendation of thong-pa to thod-pa

in the text is most tentative.

101. The phrase g.yang-grog ga-nas tshug m a - t h u b - p a r is a l B O

problematic. LP suggests that dogs-pa za-nas sdod

m a - t s h u g s - p a r ("being unable to ptay, feeling fear")

might be a b e t t e r reading.

102 . See pp.280-82 above.

103. See pp.248“50at)ove. The C h o s - ’kho r dpon-po is almost

the onl y one of the h e r e d i t a r y offices m e n t i o n e d in

this s e c tion k n o w n from other sources a n d still

remembered t o d a y in local traditions.

104. The d P o n - c h e n Zhal-ngo of Ku-ri-lung m ay p e r haps have

included lHa-bu-dar, the dPon-po of Rag-sa, and

Dar-ma, the d P o n - c h e n of sKyi-gling (L o - r g y u s . f. 8b).

105. There is p r o b a b l y a conne ction b e t ween the name of

this clan a n d that of the Kheng district w h i c h adjoins

gZhong-sgar.

106. The f o l l o w i n g c l a s s i f i c a t o r y schema of the Tibetan

clans (or tribes) appears to be a summary of C h a p t e r 4(2)

of the b S h a d - m d z o d (ff. 9 0 b - 9 2 a ) , e n t itled 'Og-ma

’b a n gs-kyi mi-rabs b s h a d - p a ’i le'u ("The C h a p t e r w h i c h

Explains th e Generations of Subjects B e n e a t h ^ J h e

Rulers7’") » a title which N g a g -dbang seems to have

borrowed for this section of the rGyal-rigs. Allowing

for variants, the names w h ich follow have therefore b e e n

 U.LU

c orrected in order to c o n f o r m to those f o u n d in the

bShad-mdzod. The structure and c o n tent of the schema

in its b a sic for m have b e e n e x a m i n e d b y Tucci (1949:

713-17), Stein (1959b:passira) a n d H a arh (1969:279-88).

The schema of the b S h a d - m d z o d itself has b e e n st u d i e d

b y E. Gene Smith in his A p p e n d i x I to L o k e s h C h a n d r a ’s

ed i t i o n of that w o r k ( ’The tribal structure of the w o r l d

as outlined in the Bsad m d z o d y id b z h l n n o r b u T).

107. As in t he case of the ruling clans in e a s t e r n B h u t a n

(the Jo-bo, rJe, Byar, Yas-sde, sTung-sde a n d W a n g - m a ) ,

none of these names are remembered today.

108. See p p. 259-64 above.

109. LP informs me that th e 'Ten Signs' are the product of

yogic a ttainment in the Mahamudra system of meditation.

They divide into the following groups: (A)'Five external

signs m a n i f e s t e d after gaining control of the prana of

the five e l e m e n t s ’ (p h y i - r o l - d u 'byung-ba l n g a ’i rlung

zin-pas rtags I n g a ) consisting of ( 1) 'smoke, b y

controlling the e a r t h - p r a n a ' (sa-rlung zin-pas du-ba) ;

(2 ) ’mirage, b y c o n t r o l l i n g the w a t e r - p r a n a 1 (c h u - r l u n g

zin-pas smi g - r g y u ) ; (3 ) 'burning, b y controlling the

f i r e - p r a n a ’ (me-rlung zin-pas m e - k h y e r ) ; (4) fa lamp,

b y controlling the w i n d - p r a n a ’ (rlung-gi rlung zin-pas

m a r - m e ) ; a n d (5 ) 'a clear, cloudless sky, b y c o n t r o l l i n g

the sky-prana (n a m - m k h a ’i rlung zin-pas spr i n - m e d nam-

mkha' dwangs-pa) . (B) ’Five special signs of f i x e d n e s s ’

(br t a n - p a khyad-par-gyi rtags I n g a ) c o n s i s t i n g of:

(1) 'sight of the earth's g o l d e n s u r f a c e ’' (gser-gyi

sa-gzhi m t h o n g - b a ) : (2) ’silver-like c l a r i t y of body*

(lus d n g u l - b z h i n dwangs) : (3) 'great st r e n g t h a n d s p e e d ’

 Oil

(stobs che-zhing 'gro-ba m g y o g s ) ; (k) 1n o n - p e r c e p t ! o n

of physical happiness' (lus b d e - z h i n g y o d - p a m i - t s h o r ) ;

a nd 'sight of the T a t h a g a t a s ' h e a v e n a n d the realms of

the six classes of "beings' (de - b z h i n -gshegs-pa'i zhlng

dang rigs-drug-gi gnas m t h o n g - b a ) •

110 . This is a n o t h e r numerical category relating to certain

yogic attainments- LP, however, w a s unable to supply

a complete list in this case.

111 . See f. 19b above.

112 . See f. 18a above.

113- See f. 18a above.

112+. The odd phrase stong-sde'i ru-dar (lit. 'wing-banners

of the thousand-districts') is found in t h e b S h a d - m d z o d

(ff. 253*>» 2 6 1 b ) . Gene Smith translates it as 'rhetoric',

though it is not clear how the term has acq u i r e d this

figurative sense. LP takes the whole phrase in w h i c h it

appears quite literally a n d suggests either 'skilled in

the means of spreading f o r t h m any mi l i t a r y divisions'

(dmag-gi sde m a n g-po 'phel-ba'i thabs-la m k h a s - p a ' i ) or

else 'skilled in the experience of causing m any

companies (?) of one's own side to flourish a n d prosper*

(rang-ph.yogs-gi sde-tshan m a n g-po dar-zhing rgyas-pa'i

byus-la m k h a s - p a ' i ) .

115- See f. 26b above.

116. See f. 29a above.

 U X k

117. Unidentified, but perhaps related to the mi-chos

gtsang-ma b c u - d r u g ('Sixteen Pur e Rules of H u m a n

J^6t©
Conduct'). s e e / M to Text 3 below.

118 . 'Pacifying, enriching, overpowering a n d destroying*

(zhi rgyas dbang d r a g ) .

119. The term 'phrul-thabs seems to refer in this text to

me c h anical devices used in warfare, whose operation is

linked to t h e activity of the guardian divinities.

120 . The b S h a d - m d z o d (f. 99b) describes the d i s trict of

Gru-shul, s i t uated just b e y o n d the n o r t h - e a s t e r n

corner of Bhutan, as Mthe meeting-place of India, Tibet

and Mon, ^/these^ three" (rg.ya bod m on gsum-gyi mdun

& 1d u n ^ -sa) . It seems practically c e r t a i n tha t

Ngag - d b a n g was f a m i l i a r w i t h ths b S h a d - m d z o d . (Cf. notes

7 1 106 and 1114. above.)

121 . It is not k n own w h e n the Ad d e n d u m was composed, w ho

its a u t h o r r e a l l y w a s or when it was appended to the

m anuscript of the rGya1-rigs from w h i c h the present copy

was made. The a u thor refers to h i m self as "I, Wang-ma"

(f. 52a-b) or "I, K i n g Wang-ma" (ff. 51b, 53b). It can

be a s s u m e d that he w a s the here d i t a r y ruler of the

W a n g - m a clan w h i c h was introduced above (ff, 22b, 23b,

27a-28b) in a m a nner that accords ver y little w i t h the

information pr o v i d e d here. Until the g e o g raphical picture

becomes clearer the lines between the two texts w i l l

remain obscure an d muddled. The p r o b l e m is further ,

e x a c e rbated b y the fact that the author of the A d d e n d u m

seems to have b e e n b a r e l y literate, the s-tyle is crude

and several ambiguities remain unsolved. Moreover, since

 bid

the w o r k was aimed at a local audience that w a s perfectly

fa m iliar w i t h local institutions and customs, no

expl a n a t i o n of these is g i v e n a n d we are left to guess

their nature as "best w e can.

122. b z h i -khri b T s a n - p o is a fictitious name and the list of

T i b etan kings in which it appears is m u d d l e d in the

extreme. However, because the n^me precedes that of

Khri Ral - p a - c a n in the list, we m a y c o n j e c t u r e that the

p e r s o n referred to is actually lHa-sras gTsang-ma, b r o t h e r

of Ral-pa-can, w h o m Nga g - d b a n g and a ll his informants

claimed to b e the true a n c e s t o r of the Bhutanese clans.

123. All these ’k i n g s ’ have b e e n introduced a b o v e in the

rG-yal-rigs proper, w i t h the exception of those of Srin-ml/

rGyun-mi. This is the only reference to the place I can

find. The name is compara ble to all the other 1paired*

names in this area (see note 33 above) and particularly

to 1S e n j i t h o n g j i 1, the local name of the ’S h e r d u k p e n 1

people of Kameng.

121*. See f. I8a-b above.

mi-thl should perhaps be corrected to m l g - mthong (lit.

'e y e - s i g h t * ), a vague m easurement of distance used in

Bhutan. See f or instance the a u t o b i o g r a p h y of Padma

Gling-pa, ff. 62b-63a.

126. i.e. "of the Bya r clan*'.

127. See ff. 20b-21a above.

128. Perhaps k h w a - t a . ’c r o w ’ or ’r a v e n 1,

129. Sanskrit acarya ( ’t e a c h e r 1), a term us u a l l y applied to

the clown dressed as an Indian who performs during

 1)14

festivals of sacred dance, ‘but here a p p lied to Indians

in general.

130. See f. 18b above.

131. On Padma dKar-po (1527-92), the greatest s c h o l a r of the

*Brug-pa school, see pp.289-90 above,..

13 2 . This is the temple of Ha jo n e a r Oauhati In Assam.

See p p . 2^ ”^ a -b0V e B

133. As a result of this arrangement, the Y o - g d u n g W a n g - m a

seem to have r e g a i n e d control of their d u a r s . See

below.

134. I.e. Padma dKar-po.

133- V i l l a g e he a d m e n are still c a l l e d gtso-rgan in e a s t e r n

Bhutan.

136. See below.

137. The only evidence that ’Brug-pa Kun-legs (1455-1529) was

ever active in this part of the country is found in the

passage from t h e rnam-thar of K u n - d g a 1 r Gyal-mtshan quoted

in Note 9 to the rG.ya 1 - r i g s .

138 . The name means fthe re-incarnated l a m a ’. He m a y have bee n

sNyan-grags (or Rin-chen) dPal-bznng of s D i n g - p o - c h e . See

Note 10 to the r G y a l - r i g s .

139. This p e rson is the same as the T hub-brtan P a d - d k a r m e n t i o n e d

3-n ^4e Lo-rgyus (f. 5a-b) , a contemporary of zhabs-drung J

Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal w h o had control of c e r t a i n ’Brug-pa

monasteries in ea s t e r n Bhutan.

140. The kar-rdzi m a y have been the official w h o h a d charge of

the r u l e r ’s herds of c a t t l e (rdzi-bo = ’h e r d s m a n ’).

 0 ID

11+1 . See /y III/ below.

11+2 . See / V I l / below.

11+3. T h a k u r ( ' L o r d 1) is an hon o r i f i c used in addr e s s i n g

certain people of the B r a h m i n caste in Bengal. It Is

not c l e a r w ho the T h a k u r here referred to are. Their

names should eventually h e l p to identify the m w i t h one

of the Indi a n b o r d e r peoples of this area.

11 +1+. The sense of this w h o l e passage is a m b i g u o u s a n d the

t r a n slation remains tentative.

11+3* LP suggests this m i g h t b e Zhabs-drung N g a g - d b a n g

rNam-rgyal.

11+6 . This elegant verse could not have bee n w r i t t e n b y the

same p e r s o n who composed the Addendum.

J
TEXT II
(Ia) dPal 'brugpar lung lha’
igdung brgyud kyis* bstanpa’iring •kyi
lugs* JIho mon kha bzhi lasnyi ma sharphyogs su byung •lug
zhing* rgyaspa’ilorgyus** gsalba’ime long bzhugs so I/1 •omitted **rgyud

(lb ) na mo wa gindra A n na dha dza ya //

’dzam gling yangs pa’i sa chen la chos srid stobs kyis* *khor los** •kyi " l o
bsgyur* ba’i chos kyi rgyal po ngag dbang rnam par rgyal ba la / •sgyur
snying nas gus pa’i spyi bos* phyag bgyi’o / / de’i bstan pa’i ring • b o ’i
lugs gangs can lho phyogs kyi nyi ma shar phyogs su byung ba’i
tshul cung zad* brjod par bya’o / / de yang sngon shar phyogs kyi *bzad
rgyal khams (2a) ’dir / sde srid chen po gtsang pas mnga’ ’bangs
btsugs nas dbang sgyur zhing yod pa’i skabs la / ri bo dga’ ldan pa’i
phyag* mdzod sde pa nang so** A bos g.yo ’phrul sgyu ma’i ’khrul •phyegs " n a g s o n g
'khor du ma shams nas / byang mtsho kha sngon mo nas (sog po)2
rgyal po rda las bha dur gyi dmag bkug* nas / sde srid chen po •bkun
gtsang pa* phab rgyal** srid ’phrog te mnga’ ’bangs thams cad la •omitted "stal
dbang sgyur nas yod pa’i skabs der / kha ling (2b) rgyal po bde ba
dang / ’ brug rgyal gnyis rgya’i las sgo’i sa cha dang mnga’ ’bangs
kyi rtsa ba las ma cham par / ri bo dga’ ldan pa’i sde srid la zhu bar
phyin pas / lha sa gzhung nas mi sna dpon chen gnyis gnang byung
ba khrid nas kha ling du sleb pa dang / mi sna dpon chen gnyis kyi
drung du kha ling rgyal po bde ba dang / ’brug rgyal gnyis kyi tshig
bden rdzun sdur bas / de dus rgya bod dang lho mon mams phan* •phun
tshun cher ma phrad cing brda ma mjal* ba’i gshis** kyis byung • ’jal " z h l s
kliungs kyi lo rgyus* ji ltar bshad kyang / mi sna dpon po gnyis1 •rgyud
kyis* mon pa’i * * skad ma go bar / bod skad shes pa’i lo ts a *** •kyi **po'i *"tsa'i
ba* dgos zer ba bzhin / ’brug rgyal gyi ngos nas bod kyi ’brug pa’i •omitted
bla ma thub bstan pad dkar gyi bu bla ma mam* sras rdo rje / bde •mams
ba’i phyogs nas la ’og yul gsum gyi lta* wang bla m a** chos dbyings •lto • • o m i t t e d
rgya mtsho gnyis kyis lo tsa byas nas / bden rdzun khru sbyangs
(3a) zhib par sdur bas / tshig bden rdzun ’dra ba yin ’dug kyang /
bod pa dang mon pa khyad par gyi skad kyi sgyur stabs snyan ’jebs
dang bstun / ’ brug rgyal gyi ngos nas gsal dwangs* ngos killings •dings
chod pa’i tshig don bshad byung ba dang / mi sna dpon po gnyis
kyang yid mgu ba lta bu sems la bsam pa’i mam pa byung ba dang /
rgyal po bde ba yid ma rangs pa’i phra dog gis kun blangs te / g'.yo
’khrul gyi phra ma sems kyis* bshams nas / g.yo thabs kyi sgo nas •kyi
mi sna dpon po gnyis la phra ma zhu ba la / khyed dga’ ldan pho
brang gnam dga’ ldan sa dga’ ldan gyi dpon po yin kyang / khyed la
ni bsnyen bkur shabs tog dang tshogs chang drang mkhan mi gcig

1, T h e title h a s b e e n r e c o n s t r u c t e d f r o m t h a t f o u n d i n t h e c o l o p h o n £ f . 2 4 o * b ) . O n l y
t h e f i n a l p a r t , s t a r t i n g w i t h nyi nta shar phyogs, is w r i t t e n o n t h e ti tl e p a g e . T h i s
d o e s n o t m a k e s u f f i c i e n t s e n s e b y It se lf.
2, sog po h a s b e e n a d d e d b e l o w t h e l i n e i n a d i f f e r e n t h a n d .
kyang min ’dug / bla ma rnam sras la ni A ma bu mo mang po tshogs
nas nyin re bzhin tshogs chang nyin mtshan khor* mo ster gyi ’dug / *kho
khyed la ni (3b) min ’dug pas nga’i khyim du gdan.drang* so zer •drangs
nas / rgyal po bde ba’i khyim la khrid nas / zas kyi sna rigs mi gcig
pa mang pos bsnyen bkur dpag tu med pa dang / lhag par du ’bras
chang gi* yang snying dang A** rag la sogs skoms kyi rigs / dpag •gyi • • o m i t t e d
tu med pa drangs* zhing** blud pas / dpon po gnyis kyang chang •dwangs "*hlng*
gyi gzi byin bskyed pa’i gtam sna tshogs smra ba dang / rgyal po
bde ba’i bsam pa la da ni glags* brnyed par ’dug snyam nas / yang •zhings
phra ma zhus pa da len nged kyi khyim du gdan ’dren zhus nas
bza’ gtung gi bsnyen bkur phran bu tsam zhu ba ma gtogs / bla
ma mam sras la* tshogs chang ’dren mi bu mo mtshar zhing mdzas •sa
pa lha’i bu mo ’dra ba tshogs chang ’dren mkhan ni mi ’dug zer bas /
dpon po gnyis kyis* de lta bu’i bu mo mdzas pa rang yod dam zer •kyi
bas Iyul stod dar ma dar phi la nges par rang yod zer bas / dpon po
gnyis (4a) kyis* nged kyang ji ltar yod lta bar ’gro dgos zer nas / •kyi
dpon g.yog* ’khor bcas chang gis ra ro nas gom pa ’khyor zhing *g.y©gs
phyin pas / na chung bu mo mdzas ma mang po yod pa’i nang na /
bla ma rnam sras kyi brtse* grogs bu mo lha mo ’dra ba gnyis •rtse
khrid nas / ki ki ngar sgra sgrogs cing yongs bas bla ma rnam sras
kyi bsam pa la / nyes med kyi bsam pa la / nyes med kyi bu mo la
de ltar byed pa mi ’os bsam nas / ma bzod* par ki ki’i ’khus** lan •z od ••Jehus
btab* pa las / mi sna lding** dpon bstan srung zer bas nged la mi •btabs ••ding
ma rtsi bar ’khus* lan de ltar btab las thag chod dam zer nas yongs •khus
bas / bla ma rnam sras kyis grwa pa rtogs* ldan gnyis khrid nas •rtog
khyim nang las phyir thon yong bas / lding* dpon bstan srung dpon •ding
g.yog ’khor bcas kyis* grwa pa rtogs** ldan gnyis der bsad*** do/ •kyi " r t o g •••gsad
bla ma rnam sras kyis* kyang lding** dpon bstan srung gi snying •kyi " d i r
kha’ i (4b) thad du gri shugs che ba btsug pas shi yod dam bsam nas
sngangs skrags cing bros, pas / lding dpon la mtshon bsrung zab mo
yod pa’i gshis* kyis** ma shi ba’i skad cha thos kyang / ri b o *** •shis " k y i • • • o m i t t e d
dga’ ldan pas* skos pa’i dpon po yin pa nas / phugs su rtsad gcod • p a ’i
kyi nag gcod drag po yong* bsam nas / la ’og yul gsum du phyin / •yongs
ku ri lung pa las rgyud nas song bas / krong sar rdzong du sleb dpon
slob mi ’gyur brtan* pa mjal / skad cha gleng mo zhib par ’dri ba •bstan
gnang ba bzhin / lan rim par zhu bas / dbu cog cog tsam yang yang
mdzad nas / khyed bla* ma rin po che’i sku gzhogs** su mjal bar •blad • • g z h o g
’gro dgos pa ’dug gsungs nas / dpon slob rin po che’i phyag phyir
byas nas phyin pas / spung thang du sleb sde pa dbu mdzad chen* •chon
mos sna khrid mdzad nas / bla ma rin po che (5a) ngag dbang rnam
rgyal gyi zhabs drung du sleb nas phyag ’tshal zhing zhal mjal ba’i
mod la / spyan ras gzigs dngos su yin no snyam pa’i snang ba byung
zhing mi mched pa’i dad pa thob / zhabs drung rin po che zhal has
bla ma rnam sras la bka’ stsal pa / khyod yul dang skye sa gang nas
 yin / ’di ru don ci la yong gsungs pas / bla ma rnam sras kyis* lan *kyi
zhu ba / bdag gi* pha’i yul ni dbu gzhung rnam rgyal rab brtan** "kyi • • b it a n
rtsc nas yin / ming la thub bstan* pad dkar zer ba yin / nga rang gi *brtan
skye sa ni shar phyogs tsha se zer ba nas yin / nga’i A pa grwa sding* *d in g
po1* che nas ’ brug pa sprul sku snyan grags** d p a l*** bzang ■grig ‘dpa’
gis* shar phyogs mon yul du grags pa’i dgon lag yod pa thams cad
kyi bdag ’dzin du bla ma skos* nas btang ba yin / bdag kyang phas • b k o d
’dzin pa'i dgon lag mams kyi (5b) bdag ’dzin byas nas sdod pa las /
dga’ ldan pho brang gi sku tshab dang / kha ling rgyal po rnams kyi
mig la babs po rang ma ’byung ba nas / bla ma rin po che’i sku
gzhogs su ’di phyi’i skyabs gnas zhu ba la yong ba yin* zhus pas / • y o m g yin
bla ma rin po che’i zhal nas / khyod kyi pha thub bstan* pad dkar •brtan
de / nged gdan sa ra lung la yod dus / yar* ’brog snang dkar rtse’i •yam
pho brang nas / sde pa khri dpon zhu ru byung ba dang bstun / yar* • y a m
’brog sgang gsum gyi gdul* bya la ** nged dpon slob sgar chen •'dul **orrtltted
btegs nas phyin dus kyi ma pi’i dge bskul ba chen po thub bstan* •brtan
pad* dkar gyi bu yin ’dug gsungs** nas thugs dgyes dgyes mdzad •dpad ••gsung
de / dpon slob thugs yid gcig tu ’dres / gtsug phud kyi skra phud
phul bas Idpal ldan ’brug pa’i bstan paspel zhing mi ’jigs pa’i ming
yang gnam sa’i rdo rje btag / de nas rim pas dbang lung man ngag
thams cad gnang nas rdo rje ’dzin pa’i go ’phangs la bkod bkra shis
mnga’ (6a) gsol mdzad cing / sku gsung thugs kyi rten dang chos* ‘m c h o s
chas la sogs pa dpag tu med pa gnang nas / nyi ma* shar phyogs ‘o m i t t e d
su chos kyi bstan pa spel ba ’gro ba’i don kho na nyid yin kyang /
khyad par du shar phyogs kyi yul khams der / dpon po mang zhing
cig ’og tu cig mi ’dzul ba’i nga rgyal dregs pa dang ldan zhing / drag
po’i khrims kyi ma gcun* pa’i ma rung mu rgod mtha’ khob kyi yul ' b c u n
khams der / bka’ khrims drag pos ma gcun* par / zhi ba’i sgo nas ‘b c u n
chos kyi bstan pa’i ring lugs spcl ba la shog rgya cher mi yong ba
’dra lags zhus pas / zhabs drung rin po che’i zhal nas / phyis ’jug
nga’i bstan pa lugs gnyis kyis sgo nas / shar phyogs kyi rgyal khams
der dar zhing rgyas pa’i* lung** bstan yod pas / de dus khyed rang 'khang ••omitted
snying khams ma chung bar* de ltar bgyis shig** gsungs pas / bla ‘p a r * * s h b
(6b) ma rnam sras yang yid* ches** sliing snying nas gus pa’i ‘y l • • c h e
phyag ’ tshal zhing zhabs spyi bor blang nas krong gsar du log go /
de nas lo gsum song ba dang / sngar bum thang chos ’khor dpon po
sbyin bdag gi rtsa ba yin pa la / rgyu rkyen gyis bskul nas dpon
slob mi ’gyur brtan* pa’i * * bka’ la mi rtsi bar ngo log pa dang / •bstan **pa
dpung chen lan gnyis gsum bar du bcug* kyang glag** ma ’k h el*** • b c u g s • • g l a g s
•mkhas
par log pas / dpon slob kyi thugs dgongs la bla ma’i lung bstan
yod pa bzhin bcas la mi ’dul ba dpe mi srid snyam nas / zhi ba’i.
sgo nas g.yo thabs kyi ’phrul* ’khor rnam ** pa mang po thugs la •sphrul **rnan
bkram nas pho nya ba mngag* gzhug** nub chu stod nas chos •mnga' **zhu
mdzad rgyal mo* bkug nas / thabs sna tshogs pa byed dgos pa’i bka’ •ma
bsgo bas / chos mdzad* rgyal mos nga bas chos ’khor dpon po dang • o m i t t e d
thag nye ba chu smad gdung bsod nams dbang po yod pas / bka’
bsgo (7a) ba bzhin gyi g.yo thabs ngas kho* la ** slab po zer nas •khol ••omitted
bka’ bsgo ba bzhin slab pas bsod nams dbang pos kyang nga bas
gnyen sha khrag* gis** ’brel bas*** / sdom mkhar mi djpon •khri •• om itted
•••■as
dbang thob yin pas bka’ bsgo ba bzhin g.yo thabs kho la byed du
bcug go zer nas / sdom mkhar dbang thob la dpon slob mi ’gyur
brtan pas bka’ bsgo ba bzhin slab* pas / ’grub pa’i nus nga las med *»leb
kyang / bka’ phebs gang gsung ba bzhin gyi thabs sna tshogs pa
mams / nga’i zhang po lcags mkhar gnas po mar rgan la sogs pa’i
pha tshan mams chos ’khor dpon po’i bka’ blon nang ma yin pas /
bslu* E tshug lta’o zer nas song ngo / de nas dbang thob kyis** •bslus **kyl
kyang dpon slob mi ’gyur brtan pas thabs sna tshogs pa bka’ bsgo
ba bzhin zhang po nang blon mams la smras pa / khong rnams yid
ches nas bka’ ji ltar gnang ba bzhin nged rnams kyis* ’grub bo zer •kyi
nas khas blangs so / de nas dbang thob* kyis** kyang rim (7b) par • o m i t t e d * * k y i
*ded nas sngar gyi gtam rgyus rnams / dpon slob mi ’gyur brtan pa’i
snyan du zhus pas / dpon slob kyi* zhal nas da ni dpung chen • m l kyi
bcug go gsungs nas / spung thang bde ba* can** nas dmag; dpon •riB * * c h e n ,
chen mo gnyer pa ’brug rnam rgyal gyis* gtsos pa’i tsho** chen • ’b r u g r n a m s p a ’i
••mtsho
gyi dpung chen dang / wa can mnga’ og shar rus dge gling nyi shor
dga’ seng bcas pa’i dmag bkug nas / mang sde lung pa’i dmag dang
bcas dpon slob mi ’gyur brtan pas* dmag dpon mdzad / bla ma • p a ’i
mam sras kyis* dmag rgyab sna po byas nas / bum thang chos • kyi
’khor yur ba zhing gi rdzong la dmag gis bskor nas / ’tshang kha
rgyab pa dang / sugar gi nang blon khas len pa mams kyis* sna •kyi
len byas nas yur ba zhing gi rdzong bcom pas / chos ’khor dpon
po rnams sngangs skrag cing mi kyang rta kyang re byas nas bod du
bros so / de nas mnga’ ’bangs mi sde yul ’khor dang / bum thang
sde bzhi thams cad mnga’ ’og tu bcug / padma gling pa’i sku gdung
la sogs pa’i rten khyad par ’phags pa dang / nor rdzas kyi rigs bye
brag (8a) dpag tu med pa brtsis blang nas / bya dkar rdzong la
rdzong gi shorn ra sgrigs* nas rdzong bdag la gnyer pa long ba • ’g r i g s
bskos* pa gnang bas** / der tshogs pa’i mi thams cad kyis • b s k o d ••ba'i
smras* pa / E ma mi ’di ni mig long ba rkang pa zha bas dpon po •smas
mi yong zer bas / dpon slob mi ’gyur pa’i* zhal nas / sngon gyi •pas
las ’phro lung bstan la yod pas / sngon bum thang lcags mkhar du
rgya gar gyi rgyal po sindhu ra dza zhes bya ba byung ba la / Orgyan
padma ’ byung gnas kyis* dus ma ’ong pa na khyod mig long ba •kyi
rkang pa zha ba gcig tu skyes nas / bum thang ’dir dbang bsgyur
ba’i dpon du ’gyur ro / / zhes lung bstan la yod gsungs bas thams cad
yid ches so / der dmag dpung thams cad* ’khrugs pa las rgyal zhing • t h a m s c a d l a
bio bde bar ngal so zhing yod pa’i skabs la / sngar nas zhabs drung
rin po che lung bstan pa bzhin / dus (8b) la babs pa dang shar ku
ri lung du rag sa’i dpon po lha bu dar de nyes pa med par / skyi
gling* gi dpon chen dar ma dang / gzhung phag gi gdung gyi rgyal * * ii

po dga’ ba gnyis kha mthun nas bsad* pa dang / de’i yug sa ma •gsad
rengs* mo dang / blon ’ bangs rnams kyis len byed dgos bsam pa la •reng
ni stobs mnga’ thang gis* ma thub par ci drags la thug nas yod •gi
pa’i skabs ’dir / ’brug pa’i dpung chen bum thang la sleb nas chos
’khor dpon po bcom pa’i skad cha thos pas / rag sa’i mo rengs* •reng
mo dang / ’bangs mams shintu dga’ nas dpung chen gdan ’dren
zhu ba la / pho nya brdzangs pas dkyil sgar du sleb byung bas
dang / dpung* (9a) chen gyi kha ’khyogs nas ku ri lung du phyin •dpun
pas / rgyal po dga’ ba dang / dpon chen dar ma gnyis kyis dmag
dpung gi lam du bsu nas ’thab pas skad cig nyid la khong gnyis
dmag pham nas skrag cing bros pas / dpon po gang yod rnams lag
tu tshud nas btson* du bzung khong gnyis mnga’ ’bangs mi sde •brt*on
dang / ku ri lung stod smad thams cad mnga’ ’og tu bcug nas /
gleng gleng du rdzong btab nas ming yang lhun grub rtse btags /
rdzong dpon bla ma ’brug phun tshogs bskos* pa gnang nas / •bskod
dpung chen shar kho long phyogs la kha ’khyogs pas / kho long pa
mams ’jigs shing skrag nas ’babs zhus kyi mnga’ ’og tu ’dus shing /
dong sti bkra shis yang rtse rdzong btab pas / ’jigs grags kyis
’brong mdo gsum zangs lung pa phan tshun chad kyi ’bab zhus
(9b) byas so / de nas dpung chen tshur log nas smin rgyal yul
gsum sleb pa dang / stong phu rgyal po stobs mnga’ thang che
tsam byung bas / mol ba lung pa la shugs drag brtsong ba dang
gzhong sgar kheng po rnams bio ma rangs par / rgyab rten zhu ba
la gros bsdur byas nas chos mdzad dkar po gdung / dpung chen
gdan drangs pa la smin rgyal yul gsum la song nas / dmag dpon
gnyis la zhu ba la nged kyi yul du rdzong sa btsan* zhing lung pa brtsan
mang po’i / sa ’dus che ba yod pas der byon pa zhu zer bas / dmag
dpon gnyis kyis* kyang zhal gyis bzhes nas / dpung chen gyi kha •kyi
’khyogs pa tsam la / sngon las chos ’khor dpon dang ku ri lung gi
dpon stobs ’byor rgya che ba rnams skad cig nyid la bcom pa’i skad
cha thos pa’i ’jigs grags la sngangs shing skrag nas / lam bar (10a)
gyi rtsa bar mang po’i dpon khag mi sde thams cad ’jigs shing dpa’
khum nas mnga’ ’bangs su bzhag* go / stong phu rgyal pos ’thab** •zhag **th«b
ra’i mtshon* cha** bzos*** nas rgol ba’i sham ra grigs pa la / •btion •♦chi chab
•••ZQ5
dpung chen ’gro ba’ i zhor gyi skad cig de nyid la ming med du
brlag par byas nas / gzhong sgar du sleb pas / snga tshang phyi
tshang gi rgyal blon ’khor dang bcas pa phyogs ris gnyis su phye
nas / ’thab cing brtsod nas ’khrugs pa’i skabs yod pa la / dpung
chen gyi stobs la gnyis ka ha las ’das nas / sngon nas skyabs mgon
 U/G

dpung gnyen sus zhu ba de / kha ’dzin* zhing ngo che ba yong bsam •blsan
nas / gnyis ka hab* thob kyi ’bab zhus byung ba la / snga tshang •has
nas rgyal po dar ’jam spun chas dang gtso las rnams / phyi tshang
nas rgyal po zla’u la spun chas dang gtso las / ba geng bre mi he
long nas (1 Ob) rgyal po rdo re dang yong nas / de nas bzung chos
ije ’brug pa’i bka’ ci gsung* ’grub rgyu yin zer nas khas blangs so / 'gsungs
gnyis ka’i zhu tshig zhabs ’dzul la khyad par med kyang / sngar nas
bla ma rnam* sras dang drin** shin tu che ba’i gshis*** k y is **** / • m a m * •*'drin
••♦shi* •• •• kyi w a
dmag dpon gnyis snga tshang pa la dag snang dkar tsam mdzad / de
nas dmag dpon gnyis gzhong sgar du rdzong gi bshams ra mdzad
nas bzhugs / bla ma mam sras kyis* dmag dpung kha ’thor shig •kyi
’khrid nas / U dza rong weng li zam pa la sgar bcas nas sdod / rtseng
mi tsho Inga / bkra shis sgang pa / skang lung pa / kha ling pa
mams la mi sna bang chen btang / khyed rang rnams ’bab zhus
byed rgyu yin nam / dmag bcug rgyu* yin gyi Ian gsal gtong zer ba •gyu
dang / bla ma rnam sras dang kha ling pa sngar nas ma cham pa’i
zhe khon* yod pa’i gzhis** kyis / kha (Ila ) ling pa’i dmag dpung • k h y e n ♦•shi* |
U dza rong la yong nas / kha ling pa rnams kyis* U dza rong pa la •kyi
smras pa / khyed rang tsho sa rgyus* dang ri rgyus legs par ston** •rgyud **bion
pas* chog** / dmag dpung gi stobs dang ’khrugs rtsal gyi shed •pa*l * * m c h o g
nged tshos the tshom med par bya’o* zer bas / ngar skad byas nas ♦byas so
’khrugs pa’i ’dzing* ra bshams nas yod pa’i skabs la / bla ma rnam •Jings
sras kyi dmag dpung gi* dkyil nas / dmag mi khal gsum tsam gyis* •gyi
chu la rkyal rgyab nas grang ma’i chu tshur la ’thon byung ba dang /
der yod pa’i kha ling pa’i mi thams cad kyi bsam pa la / dmag mi
de rnams chus mi thub mes mi thub yin pa ’dra bsam nas / rgol ba
la the tshom byas pa dang / lhag par du ba geng rgyal po rdo re U
dza rong pa dang nye ba drung po yin pa’i gshis* kyis / phan sems •shis
kyis bslab* bya smras pa la / kha ling pa’i kha la (lib ) nyan nas •slab
’brug pa’i dmag la rgol ba’i rtsis* ma byed cig / bum thang chos •rtsi
’khor dpon po dang / ku ri lung gi dpon chen stobs che ba rnams
kyi rgol bas* ma thub par bcom pa yin / lhag par du kha ling pa •ba'i
mams dgun gyi dus su rgya’i las sgo la ’dzul ’gro bas khyed rang
tsho cig pos zam pa srung mi tshug / de bas da lta nas ’bab zhus
byed pa drag* zer ba bzhin / U dza rong pas ’bab zhus byas nas 'grags
weng li’i zam sna btad pa dang / kha ling pa dang / rkang lung* 'omitted
pa rnams kyang bya thabs* med par phyi ltar du kha las ’bab zhus •theb
kyi tshul tsam byed pa ma gtogs / nang ltar du ’bab zhus byas pa
la / bios rungs* pa med cing ’og tu ’dzul ba’i bsam pa cig kyang 'rang
med pas / de’i rgyu rkyen gang yin na sngar kha ling rgyal po bde
ba dang / bla ma rnam sras gnyis ma ’chain* (12a) par yul thon •cham
song ba dang / lhag par du shar phyogs lung pa ’dir / kha ling pa
mams mi dpung rgya che ba dang stobs mnga’ thang mgu nas ma
nyan pa dang / rkang lung pa’i rgyal po pho brang A chi pha spad
gnyis Ime rag bla ma nag seng stobs mnga’ thang che zhing / dga’
ldan pa’i kha lo bsgyur mi dang nye ba drung po yin pa’i gshis* •*hl*
kyis rgyab'rten dpung nyen la yid ches nas ’og tu ’dzul mi nyan
pa'i rtsa ba de yin ’dug / de nas rtseng mi’i rgyal po stobs ldan dpon
chen gtso rgan rnams yong nas / nged rnams ni pha* spun snga •phu
tshang rgyal blon mams kyis* ji ltar byed pa bzhin phyag phyir •kyi
zhu’o zer nas ’bab zhus byas so / de dus bkra shis sgang pa dang /
bus mkhar pa gnyis sa cha’i nang nas ma cham par ’khrug pa’i
skabs yod pa la gzhong sgar nas chos mdzad dkar po gdung* gis •drung
bkra shis sgang pa la (1 2b) smras pa / khyed rang rnams dang sbi
mkhar pa ma cham pa las / khyed rang gi rgyab rten zhu sa chos
rje ’brug pa la byas na* kha drag dang dbang che ba yong zer ba •nas
dang / bkra shis sgang rgyal blon spun cha rnams gros sdur nas /
tshe dbang rgyal po dang / slang nga gnyis weng li zam pa la bla
ma rnam sras kyi drung du yong nas / nged kyi skyabs mgon zhu
sa khyed rang byed pa yin / nged kyi yul sa ’dus* che** zhing •dus ••chen
i;dzong sa btsan po yod pas* der byon pa zhu zer ba dang / de dus • y o d pas (rdzong
tu pa) der b y o n
rgyal po snga tshang phyi tshang dang / nyi ma che rigs chung rigs
thams cad ’dzoms nas / tshig chad rdo byed pa la / sngar phan chad
dga’ ldan pho brang pa’i* mnga’ ’og yin kyang / dus d a ** res nas •pas * #de
bzung chos ije ’ brug pa’i zhabs la ’dzul ba yin no zer nas / rgyal
blon gtso las mi sna rnams rang rang so so’i yul du ’gyes so / de nas
bla ma rnam (13a) sras yang dmag dpung dang bcas gzhong sgar du
log nas / dmag dpon gnyis la ’bab zhus kyi nor gser dngul rnams
phul nas / gnas tshul rnams zhib par zhus pas / dmag dpon gnyis
kyi zhal nas / da lan re zhig la de ltar yin gsungs so / de nas yang
nub phyogs stung la ’bi nas gdung nor bu dbang phyug zer ba’i dpon
g.yog kha shas zhig gzhong sgar du yong nas / dmag dpon gnyis la
zhus pas / nged kyi lung pa kheng rigs rnam* gsum gyi rgyal khams •rnams
thams cad la / nya mkhar gdung gis* dbang sgyur nas gzhan gyi' mi *El
sde ’phrog / mnga’ ’bangs mi sde thams cad la mi ’os* mi ’tshams *'od
pa’i sdug po mang po gtang gis yod pas / de gdul ba la byon par
zhu Idmag gi sna ’dren dang lam rgyus* ri rgyus ni ngas bya’o zer •rgyud
nas khas blangs so* / (13b) dmag dpon gnyis kyis zhal gyis** •so pas ••gyi
bzhcs nas / dmag dpung bcas der* phebs pas / gdung nor bu dbang •la
gi spun chas rnams dang / blon ’bangs rnams kyis* lam du sha •kyi
chang gis* bsu nas zas kyi bye brag mang po bsnen bskur zhab tog •gi
dpag tu med pa drangs nas / yul du sleb pa dang che ’byor gyi
phyag mjal* ’bul ba re phul / d a** nas bzung chos rje ’brug pa’i •m ng a’ **de
zhabs la ’dzul ba yin pas / pha tshe bu rabs rim pa ltar la thugs rje
brtse ba mi ’dor ba zhu zer zhing dmag dpung gi sna khrid byas
nas rim par song bas / go zhing phang mkhar / su brang /. go phu /
ta li ’bu li bcas pa’i / kheng rigs mam * gsum gyi gdung** dpon •rnam s ••d d u n g

thams cad rang dbang med par la la ni dag snang mos gus kyi sgo
nas zhabs la btud / la la ni ’jigs shing dngangs* skrag nas btul / la •dangs
la ni gtam gyi ngar* (14a) sgras btud / nya mkhar gdung gi mkhar •sngar

sa btsan po la sleb pa dang / nya mkhar gdung de sngar nas stobs

mnga’ thang che zhing kheng rigs rnam* gsum la dbang sgyur nas •rnam s

gzhong sgar gyi mkhar sa btsan po la dmag rgyab nas bskor ba

dang / bu brag gi rdzong sa btsan* po la gsang dmag rgyab nas •brtsan

bcom pa’i nga rgyal gyis rgol ba’i ’jigs ra bshams shing ’thab pa’i
grab ’grigs nas yod pa la / dpung chen rnams kyis dus cig la dpa’i
ngar skad sgrog pas / gnam sa ’khol ba tsam byung ba dang / me
mda’ thams cad dus cig la rgyab pa’i ’ur sgras stong gsum gang ba 1
byung bas / rgyal blon ’khor dang bcas pa thams cad dngangs* •ngangs

shing skrag nas ha las ’das par gyur te / ’dar zhing dpa’ ’khum nas
rang dbang med par bros pa las (14b) slar yang zhabs la btud nas /
bu chen dang nor rdzas dpag tu med pa* phul nas / mi sde yul •o m itte d

’khor thams cad mnga’ ’bangs la bcug cing / de nas slar* log nas •slar repeated

krong gsar du byon pa’i lam kar* / re phes** bla ma rgyal mtshan •m k h a r **p h a s

gyis* bka’ la mi brtsi bar gnya’ reng byed** nas bros song ba yang •g y i * *b y a d
phyi nas rma bya gdang sa la ’khrug tu yong bas / de yang srog la
thug nas ming med du btang ngo / de nas dpung chen mams krbng
gsar du sleb / dpon slob mi ’gyur brtan pas dga’ ston* gyi gnang •rto n

sbyin nor rdzas dpag tu med pa gnang nas / tshim zhing rgyas pa
bde zhing sky id* pa’i ngang las rang rang so so’i yul du log go / •bskyid

de nas yang zla ba kha shas nas bla ma rnam* sras** k y is *** shar •rnam s • •o m itte d
•••k y i
phyogs lung pa la sngar gyi dam bca’ ba’i tshig chad rdo bzhin yod
med dang mnga’ (1 5a) zhabs yin pa nas / khral ’u lag gi rgyun re
btsug dgos bsam nas / tsha se A zhang tshos rtsar byon nas bzhugs
phyogs mtha’ la mi sna btang nas / khral dang ’u lag dgos pa’i lung
gtong ba dang / de yang dga’ ldan pho brang pa’i ’og la sdod dus /
khral dang ’u lag rgyug pa’i rgyun cher med pa dang / mi sde rnams
kyi sems ’tsher snang lta: bu’i khral rnams phral du rang yong ma
nyan pa dang / bla ma’i phyag g.yog sgar pa rnams so sor btang nas
dbang shugs che ba’i* ngos nas khral ’dus yong bas / kha ling rgyal •bas

po chang lo dpal rgyal blon ’khor bcas / btsan mkhar rgyal po pho
brang A chi pha spad / gcen mkhar rgyal po sangs rgyal po rnams
bios ma rangs* par / khong gsum gros bsdur nas ngo log pa’i rtsis •rang

(15b) byed pa dang / bla ma rnam sras* kyis** skad cha thos nas •o m itte d * * k y i

gzhong sgar phan tshun gyi [ . . . 11 rtsa mang clang / snga tshang
dang phyi tshang dang / rtseng mi tsho Inga / bkra shis sgang Jja
bcas pa’i dmag bkug pa dang / kha ling rgyal po chang lo dpal'gyis* •g y i
kha ling phyi ’khor* nang ’k h o r** las *** dmag m i* * * bsam*^** • b s k o r •• s k o r
• • • o m it t e d • • • • b ls a m
1. A p p r o x i m a t e l y t w o w o r d s s e e m t o h a v e b e e n o m i t t e d here.
gyis* mi khyab pa khrid nas / gcen mkhar du yongs nas rgol ba’i •gyi
’thab ra ’grigs / rgyal po pho brang gis pha phyi mang las rgol ba’i
*thab ra btsan chas bzos nas / grabs* thogs** med ’grigs nas yod •grab ••thog
pa la Idbu mdzad dam chos rab rgyas kyis* dmag dpon byas nas / •kyi
gong gi dmag mams khrid nas song bas / sngar pho brang A chi yis /
’dom mkhar rgyal po tshe ring las sngar nas blon po ’phrog zhe
khon gyis* / ’dom mkhar rgyal po tshe ring spun gnyis kyis** •gyi••kyi
dmag gi sna len dang gdong bsu (16a) byas nas khong gi yul du
bzhag / de’i sang* nyin gcen mkhar dang / pha chi mang gnyis la •gsang
’tshang kha rgyab pas / kha ling pa rnams kyis* dmag dpung gi •kyi
stobs la ma mgu bar / gcen mkhar grong gi ’thab ra’i nang las phyi
la ’thon* byung ba dang / grong stod rgyal po glang ngas lus la •mthon
khrab gon ral gri ’phyar zhing dbyugs* nas / dmag mi mams rjes •kyi
bsnyag la the tshom med par rgyugs cing song ba dang / gdong
bsu’i dmag mams dngangs* skrag nas grong gi ’thab ra’i nang la •ngangs i
*dzul ba dang / rgyal po glang ngas kyang de tsho dang mnyam po
nang du ’dzul song bas nang nas gcen* mkhar rgyal po sangs •gcon
rgyas pos rgol du yong ba la / dbu mdzad dam chos rab rgyas kyis
me mda’ rgyab nas der.bsad pas / nang gi dmag mi rnams dngangs* •ngangs ,
skrag nas rgol* (16b) ma nus par yod pa la / rgyal po chang lo •rgolrepeated
dpal gyis* mkhar m thon** mtho ral pa’i rtse la ’dzegs nas / mda’ •gyi ••'t hon
rgyab pas phyi’i dmag mi rnams kyi reg tu ma nus par yod pa la /
tshe dbang rgyal po song nas / thabs kyis* bslus** nas slab bya •kyi **slus
smras nas khrid yong ba dang / mkhar* m thon** mtho ral pa’i • o m i t t e d • • ’t h o n
rtse la btsan dar ’phyar ba dang / pha phyi mang nas rgyal po pho
brang dang dmag mi rnams kyis* mthong bas / da ni rgyal po’i 1 •kyi
dmag mi pham pa yin ’dug bsam nas / dmag mi rnams dngangs* •ngangs
skrag nas so sor bros song bas / rgyal po pho brang btson du
bzung / de’i sang* nyin bla ma rnam sras tsha se nas byon / rgyal •gsang
po chang lo dpal / pho brang pha spad gnyis btson du bzung nas /
gzhung spung thang bde ba can* la brdzangs / mkhar m thon** • c h e n • • ’t h o n
mtho ral pa rtsa ba nas bshig / (1 7a) blon ’bangs mi sde thams
cad mnga’ ’og tu bcug / rdzong sa btsan po zhig btsal bas* / sngar • b a ’i
dpon slob mi ’gyur brtan pas bka’ bsgos* la yang / lung pa’i * * ’dus •sgo **pas
che zhing sa btsan po beng mkhar la rdzong gtab* na phug su bstan •btab
pa la phan pa rgya chen* po yong** gsungs ba dang / beng mkhar •cher ••yong*
pa rnams kyis* kyang rdzong nged kyi grong la rgyab pa drag zer •kyi
zhus kyang ma gsan par / beng mkhar du btsan sa bzung la dbu
mdzad dam chos rab rgyas bzhag / yul mkhar sa btsan po byi ri zor
la rdzong btab / shar phyogs lung pa’i rgyal po gtso las mi sna
drag* tshad thams cad der ’dus shing khrims ra bcas** nas / khral •grags * * b c a ’
’u lag yang der sdus so / bla ma rnam sras kyi bsam pa la / ra ti jo
bo khams pa ma ’das gong du nga la bu mo ster zhing mag* 17b) •dmag
par bcug pa yin kyang / da ni ’das nas mi ’dug pas sgamj ri lung pa’i
 U .y U

blon ’bangs rnams kyis* nga la dag snang ji ltar yod dam / me rag •kyi .
bla ma nag seng dga’ldan bla ma dbu mched yin pas ji ltar byed
lta’o snyam nas / dmag dum* zhig dang bcas me rag phyogs la kha • ’d a m
gtad nas phyin pas bla ma nag seng grwa bu slob dang bcas yul
’thon nas la ’og yul gsum la song nas mi ’dug / me rag sag steng
dang sgam ri lung pa’i mi sde thams cad kyis* *bab zhus byas mnga’ • k y i
’og tu bcug pas / sbis mkhar chos mdzad yang bros song ’dug / bar
tsho gsum wang ser kung pa nas rgyal po zu gi*/ ser kong / rdo ije •/omitted
rgyal po / ram geng ra nas sangs rgyas rgya mtsho / khong rgyal po
bzhi yis sna drangs nas slebs* byung ba dang / bzhan rnams kyis** • d e b * * k y l
bios ma rangs* pa med kyang / rang bzhin (18a) gyis** zhor*** la • r a n g * * g y l • • • g z h o r
bab* nas mnga’’og tu bcug** go / de nas byi ri zor du log nas / • ’b a b • • ’J u g
phyi mi ser gyi ’dzin skyong gyi sgrig rnam gzhag dang / nang du
rdzong rtsig pa dang / btsan chas byed pa la sogs pa’igang la gang
*os kyi bkod pa bshams zhing byed nas zla ba brgyad tsam song ba
dang / me rag bla ma nag seng gis* sna bo** byas nas dmag dpon •gi • • b o n
phan yul drung ’tsho dang / sde pa ’dzam lha gnyis kyis khrid pa’i
bod kyi dmag dpung dang mon pa’irigs kyi dmag thams cad yongs* • y o n g
nas I skyi ling shing la sgar bcas* nas / beng mkhar grong stod la •bca’
’tshang* kha rgyab byung ba dang / dbu mdzad dam chos rab •tshang
rgyas kyis* me mda’** yis*** mi gsum btud mar bsad**** pa • k y i • • m d a ’i
•••omitted
dang I dmag rnams ’ur langs* nas ’tshang kha rgyab ma nus par ••••gsad
•lang
skyi ling shing du log nas / dmag phal cher kha ling byi ri zor la
song nas rdzong (18b) bskor ba dang / kha ling pa rnams sngar las
bios rangs* po med pa’ikhar** / bla ma nag seng dang bus mkhar • r a n g • • k h a la
chos mdzad kyis g.yo rgyu byas nas / khycd kyi rgyal po chang lo
dpal de / ’brug pa’igzhung phyogs las nged kyi lag tu thob yod zer
nas / lung pa ’di phyogs kyi gos zas cha lugs* rnams bstan** pas / | • l u g * * b s t e n
kha ling pa mams yid ches nas ngo* log** pas bla ma rnam sras •ngog ••omitted
kyis* tshugs** ma thub par tsha se la*** bros pas / lam du kha •kyi **ts hug
•••omitted
ling pas sgug* nas / bka’blon dbu mdzad nor bu der bsad** do ,
•bsgrug •*gsad
bla ma rang tsha se la ’dzul ba dang / dmag thams cad der '
spungs* nas ra bas bskor nas mi thar ba dang / na rang thung pa’i •dpung
rgyal po nor bu A chi spun chas rnams dga’ldan pa’ibio gtad nang
ma yin pa nas / khong la ngo chen bcol nas srog la mi yong ba’i
srog nor ra ti khams pa’ig.yu chen ’bab g.yu skya dkar (19a) sbyin
nas nye skyon med par dmag mi bskor nas / skyi ling shing du dbu
mdzad nor bu’i mgo dang bcas dmag dpon gnyis kyi drung du slebs* • s l e b
byung ba mig gis* m thong ba dang / sugar beng mkhar sa btsan pas *g i
brlags* ma ’khal** kyang*** / dbu mdzad dam chos rab rgyas dang • g l a g s * * k h a d
***T)\e passage
beng mkhar rgyal blon rnams thams cad ci drag gi gros bsdur byas from d b u m d z a d n o r b u is repeated.
pas / dbu mdzad kyi zhal nas da len bla ma dmag* mi’ilag tu tshud • o m i t t e d ]
pa las / nged rang rnams kyis tshugs*mi thub / da len re zhig la ngas • t s h u g
gzhung krong gsar du song nas dpung rgyab kyi dmag zhus, nas
bsleb* yong** / dc’i bar la khyed rang rnams ’bab zhus nas sdod •sleb* * * y o n g s
zer zhing / dbu mdzad rang gzhung la byon / beng mkhar (19b) pa
mams kyis* rdzong ni sprod ma nyan par ’bab zhus byas pas / ma •kyi
’gyur dang bu chen blongs* nas da ni dga’ ldan pho brang gi mnga’ •len
zhabs yin no zer / bla ma rnam sras dang ma ’gyur dang bu chen
mams khyer nas* dmag dpung rnams so sor phye** nas so so’i yul •na* repeated
••'phye*
du log go / bla ma rnam sras Ilia sa la khrid nas / btson khang du
bzhag* pa las bros pas bdas m od** / rjes bsnyags kyis***zin nas •bzhag* • • m o i
•••kyi
bkrongs* ’dug / dbu mdzad kyis kyang / krong gsar dpon slob mi •krong
’gyur brtan pa la dmag mi gnas tshul zhib par zhus pas / dpon slob
kyi zhal nas sngar ngas slab pa bzhin / rdzong sa beng mkhar du
bzung na yong rgyu yin pa la da res cung zad nor ’dug gsungs nas /
gang ltar bla ma’i lung bstan yod pa la da rung* bstan pa ’tshugs** •ni ••gtsug
rgyu yong gsungs nas / gzhung tsho chen gyi dmag dum (20a) zhig
dang / dbang ’dus pho brang gi mnga’ zhabs gang yod kyi dmag
dang / mang sde lung pa’i dmag gang yod bcas la / dmag dpon sku
drung pad dkar chos ’phel dang / gnyer pa long ba gnyis kyis byas /
dbu mdzad kyis* sna khrid ** nas dpung chen btegs nas yong bas / •kyi • * khrin
gnam sa ’khol ba tsam gyi ’jigs sgra byung ba dang / rtseng mi rgyal
po stong ldan gyis* sna len dang gdong bsu** byas nas / zla ba •gyi * * s u
gnyis pa’i nang* la dmag dpung gi dkyil sgar chen mo gong thung* •omitted
du bslebs* dang / dag pa be mi’i* * dmag mi rnams sa bsrung kha • s l e b • • m a ’i
gnon byed pa la bar tsho gsum du bslebs* byung ba dang / gong •sleb
thung nas dbu mdzad dam chos rab rgyas kyis dmag dum zhig
khrid nas song bas / dag pa’i dmag rnams mkhar sing pa’i rtse la
btsan sa bzung nas / ’brug pa’i dmag dang sna phrad nas ’dzing* •'dzings
(20b) grabs byed pa la / dbu mdzad kyis me mda’ cig rgyab pas* •pa'l
chos skyong gi nus mtliu yin nam / tshe snga ma’i las gang yin ma
shes par ’phrul ’khor lta bus / dag pa mi khal Inga tsam dngangs* •ngangs
skrag cing ’ur langs nas mkhar sing pa’i brag gi rtse las / g.yang la
lhung nas shi* bas** dmag mi gzhan rnams ’jigs shing skrag*** nas • s h l s • • b a ’i I
•••sgrag
bros pas / shar phyogs kyi mi ’go mnga’ ’og tu mi ’dzul ba’i* bsam •bas
pa* nga rgyal dang ldan pa rnams kyang dpa’ ’khum par ’gyur to / • p a ’i
beng mkhar du byon nas btsan sa bzung zhing / phyogs bzhi mtha*
dag la pho nya ba bang chen btang nas* / khyed rang rnams ’bab •na
zhus byed pa yong rgyu yin nam / so so’i yul du dmag sgar gdeg* •btegs ‘
rgyu yin gyi lan gsal tong* zer bas / kha ling phyi ’kho r** nang •gtong ••»kor
’khor* / U dza rong pa las p a ** los pa / sgam ri lung pa me (21a) •skor ••omitted
rag sag stengs / bar tsho gsum thams cad ’bab zhus byed pa la kha
’cham* nas / rgyal po gtso las mi ’go thams cad dbu mdzad kyi •cham
drung du* slebs byung ba dang / dbu mdzad kyis mi ser rnams la •omitted
*bab sha ’bab nor phyag mjal ’bul ba dang bcas / gong thung du
dmag dpon gnyis kyi drung du khrid khyer bas / dmag dpon gnyis
kyis zhal nas / khyed rang mams dmag dmangs* gis ’khrug** •dmang **'khrut
rtsod* byed ma dgos** par / gros khyab che ba’i sgo nas ’dir yong •brtsod **go*
ba shin tu legs gsungs so / de nas dam tshig gi dam bca’ byed pa la
lha dpang du bka’ srung* dam can chos skyong thams cad gsol •bsrung
mchod kyis* mnyes par byas nas dpang du btsugs** / mi dpang du • k y i * * b t s u g
tsho chen gyi rgan ’go / dbang ’dus* pho brang gi rgan ’go / mang •dus
sde lung pa’i rgan ’go / chu stod kyi chos mdzad rgyal mo / (21 b)
gzhong sgar chos mdzad dkar po gdung / snga tshang* rgyal po dar • t s h a
’jam / phyi tshang rgyal po zla’u la / ba geng rgyal po* rdor re / •omitted
rtseng mi rgyal po stong ldan mams / zas nor gnang sbyin gyis* •gyi
tshim par byas nas mi dpang du btsugs*/i lha mi dpang** du •btsug ••dpangs
btsugs* pa’ i drung du / shar phyogs lung pa’i rgyal po gtso las / •btsug
mi ’go thams cad mna’ tshig dor* ba la / dus de** ring nas bzung / • ‘d o r • • ' d l
dpon dga’ ldan pho brang pa rgyab skyur zhing / chos rje ’brug pa
mdun du len nas / bka’ gang gnang gsung ci grub byed rang mi
byed re* zer nas mna’ bkal zhing mna’ bor / gang la gang ’os gnas •rl
skabs dang bstun pa’i bu chen dang / btsun khral* rnams bsdus •khros
nas gnyer pa long ba dmag dpung dang bcas* nas gzhung la ** log / •chas **lo
sku drung pad dkar chos ’phel ’khor dang bcas pa beng mkhar du
byon nas grong stod rgyal (22a) po* lha lnga’i khyim du bzhugs •omitted
nas rdzong gi btsan cha bzos / grong stod la ltag rdzong brtsigs* / •btsig
grong smad la rdzong gi dbu rtse lcags ri ’khor yug dang bcas pa
bzhengs nas der phebs cing bzhugs / rgyal khrims chos khrims gnyis
kyi khrims bca’ / dbu mdzad kyis* thabs kyi ’khor lo sgyur nas / •kyi
bka’ blon mdzad / mtho ba khrims kyis gnan* / dma’ ba thabs** •gnon** thams
kyis skyong / bka’ khrims drang po no'r rdzas dang rang ’dod ngo
Ita la ma ’khri bar / khrims dang nyi ma gzhung rgyugs kyis* / •kyi
bzang po la bya dga’ bster* / ngan pa la khyad gsod** byas pas / •ster • • s o d }
steng nas ’phrog sa med / ’og nas bslu ba med par byas / ma nyan
par byung na nag gcod drag po lus srog gi* steng du btang bas / •ml
’jigs shing skrag pas grags pa’i* steng du khyab pa’i stobs las / dus •pa
ding sang gi bar du bstan (22b) pa’i ring* lugs** shar phyogs su •rtngpung ••omitted
yod pa ni / sku drung dang dbu mdzad gnyis kyi phyag rjes yin
’dug Ide’i dus su gung gdung rgyal po yang / sa ri rong dog cing sa
zur chod thag ring ba dang / ’og tu ’dzul ma* nyan par gnya’ rengs** *b« * * r e
byas nas yod pa la / phyis nas lo kha shas song ba dang / sku drung
pad dkar chos ’phel dang gsol dpon bstan pa don ldan gnyis kyis* *kyi
dmag gung gdung la bcug / rgyal po btul nas mnga’ ’bangs la bcug
pa yin / phyis nas sa skyong rdzong dpon rim par phebs cing / bstan
pa rin po che la Mzin skyong spel gsum lugs* gnyis k y i sgo nas / *iun
gees spras* rje cher mdzad pa las / bstan pa’i ring lugs kyi mdzad *spros
khyon* mnga’ thang nam mkha’i gong du ’phags pa las / mnga’ *khyod
’bangs* mi sde yangs pa’i rgyal khams thams cad / zas nor longs • ’b a n g
spyod kyi dpal (23a) ’byor dar zhing rgyas* pa dang / phan tshun *rgyai
’thab cing brtsod pa med pa / phyogs bzhi mtha’* dag nas las sgo’i •mtha'i
kha ’phye nas / bka’ khrims drang po’i gdugs dkar dgung* la ** btegs • d g o n g s • • o m i t t e d
cing skor bas mthu stobs chen po’i bsil grib las / rgya bod shar nub
phyogs bzhi mtha’ dag* gi gzhi lam ’bras**gsum / sa yul gang du •omitted **byed
phyin kyang ’phrog bcom rkun jag med par / rang nyid stabs bde
ba’i ngang las gang la gang ’dod nor rdzas kyi longs spyod la / rang
rang so so’i ci la ci ’dod kyi dngos po dka’ las med par ’bad med lhun
gyis* grub** pa’i bsam don yid bzhin gyi nor bu Ita bur len nas / chu • g y i • • ’g r u b
me shing ’dzoms pa’i sa bde sky id* ngal bso zhing nyes sky on med •skyi
par Irang rang so so’i gnas su log pa dang / yul du ’ang sngar med
kyi so* nams kyi (23b) las la brtson ’grus che shing / gna’ * * dus •bsod ••gnas
kyi snga phyi mig ltos kyang zhing ’debs la / mkhas pas lo thog
mams kyang je cher ’phel zhing rgyas p,a dang / rgyal* khrims gser •rgyas

gyi gnya’ shing chos bzhin skyong ba / dbang chen mtho non nye* •nyer
ring med par bde skyid* phun sum** tshogs pa dang ldan par •bskyid *f gs um
byung ba ni / dpal ’brug pa rin po che ngag dbang rnam* rgyal gyi •mams
thugs rje dang sku drin yin no / gzhan yang sangs rgyas la* khro •omitted
ba yod kyang *dzin pa med pa’i dpe bzhin / sngar gong stobs kyis* •kyi
’khor los* bsgyur** ba’i rgyal po chen po rnams kyis dbang ma •lo * * s g y M r
sgyur ba’i gshis* / rang rang so so’i lung pa la dbang sgyur ba’i •shls
stobs mnga’ thang la mgu nas / shar phyogs kyi yul khams ’dir nga
che nga drag snyam pa’i nga rgyal gyis mnga’ ’og tu ’dzul mi nyan
pa / ku ri lung nas / rgyal po dga’ ba / dpon (24a) chen dar ma /
kha ling rgyal po / stong phu rgyal po / gung gdung rgyal po / nya
mkhar gdung / bla ma rgyal mtshan gyi mi brgyud dang gzhan |
yang bka’ la mi ’khri ba mams kyang / sngar byas spangs shing da
byas dang du len pa’i ’gyod snang gi zhabs phyi ci ’gyur zhu ba la /
thugs ije brtse* bas gzigs nas / btson dang bu gter bzhag pa las •btso
dgongs* yangs** sku d rin *** bskyangs**** nas / rang rang so •gong ••yang
••♦mgri ••••skyangs
so’i yul du gang yod kyi khang zhing nor rdzas blon ’bangs dang
bcas pa gang yod rnams gnang nas / mi brgyud rim* par bded cihg •omitted
ding sang gi bar du skyid* par** yun du longs spyod cing bde bar •skyi ** p h a r p h a
sdod rgyu byung ba ni / dpal ldan ’brug pa’i thugs rje phyogs ris
m i* mnga’ bas [ngan* pa*] tshargcad [bzang* po*] rjes su ’dzin •o m itte d ,
pa las dge legs kyi dpal du gyur pa yin no //
zhes kyang smras so / dpal (24b) ’brug par lung lha’i gdung rgyud
kyis bstan pa’i ring lugs* / lho mon kha bzhi las nyi ma shar phyogs • l u g
su byung zhing* rgyas pa’i lo rgyus** gsal ba’i me long ’di ni / dbu •omitted **rgyud
mdzad dam chos rab rgyas sku dngos kyi zhal nas j i ltar gsungs pa
dang / rgan pa mig mthong rgyus* yod rnams kyis smras pa bzhin / • r g y u
shakya’i btsun pa ban rgan wa gindra’i ming gis yi ger ’khrul med
bkod pa’o // //
The Clear Mirror /containing/ the Sto^y of How the Order Prophesied

to the /School of the7 Glorious 'Brug-fpa by Its Divine Lineage Came

and Spread in the Eastern Province of the Sun Within the 'Southern

Hon Country of Four Approaches'^ is contained ^Tereir^.

2
Obeisance to Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal!

I bow my head with heartfelt devotion to the Dharmaraja

Ngag-dbang rNam(-par)- rgyal(-ba) who turns the wheel of power

pertaining to religious and secular authority on the broad surface

of the world. I shall speak briefly about the manner in which the

order of his teachings came to the Eastern Province of the Sun

south of the Land of Snow.

Now, at the time when the Great sDe-srid gTsang-pa had in

previous times subjugated and gained power over this realm of the

Eastern Province, the treasurer of the Ri-bo dGa'-ldan-pa, sDe-pa

Nang-so A-bo, having prepared many deceitful and cunning plots,

summoned the army of the /jiosot/ Mongol king Dalai Batur from

Kukunor and the Great sDe-srid gTsang-pa was overthrown, his rule
3
seized and all his subjects overpowered. At that time King bDe-ba

of Kha-ling^ and 'Brug-rgyal, /these/ two, were in total disaffection

over the question of the land and subjects of the Indian duars and

so they went to submit the case to the sD e-sri d of the Ri-bo

dGa'-ldan-pa. They were granted two envoy officials from the IHa-sa

government /to try their caseT" and having brought them along with

them, they arrived at Kha-ling where the substantiality of the words

of both King bDe-ba of Kha-ling and of 'Brug-rgyal were judged

before the two envoy officials. At that time, due to the fact

that the peoples of India, Tibet and lHo Mon had not had much

intercourse and so did not understand each other's languages,

despite whatever manner was used to explain the accounts of the

origins /of the dispute/, the two envoy officials said they

required interpreters who knew the Tibetan language as they

themselves did not understand the language of the Mon-pa.

Accordingly, on *Brug-rgyal's side Bla-ma rNam-sras sDo-rje,

the son of the bla-ma of the Tibetan ’Brug-pa, Thub-bstan Pad-dkar?

and, on bDe-ba*s side, the ITa-wang Bla-ma Chos-dbyings rGa-mtsho of

La-’og Yul-gsum, both acted as interpreters. On investigating and

judging in detail the substantiality of their accounts, it

appeared they were the same. However, in accordance with the

euphony /that can be achieved/ in translating between the Tibetan

and Mon-pa languages, when, on 'Brug-rgyal's side, the purport of

his argument in proof of his case was explained with clarity, it

appeared that the two envoy officials, for their part, seemed

contented in their minds. Whereupon King bDe-ba experienced

resentful jealously and having mentally prepared a deceitful

imputation, he cunningly declared it to the two envoy officials,

saying t "Although you are the officials of the dGa'-ldan Pho-brang

— the sky dGa'-ldan, the earth dGa-ldan — there is not even a

single person doing you honour and service or plying you with ale,

whereas there are many ladies and girls gathered who are serving ale

to Bla-ma rNam-sras every day, continuously night and day. Since

there is nobody doing this for you, I shall invite you to my

house." After being conducted to King bDe-ba's house they

were accorded infinite honour with many different kinds

 U0 h
of f ood and, in particular, they w e r e plied a n d s e r v e d

w i t h limitless k i n d s of drink including the finest rice

ale- ", spirits and so forth, so that w h e n the two o f f i cials

recited various d r u n k e n stories K i n g b D e - b a thought to

himself: "Now I h ave got m y chance." O n c e a g a i n h e spoke

s land e r o u s l y , saying: "Now then, havi n g i n v i t e d y o u to m y

house, apart from doing y o u slight h o n o u r w i t h foo d and

drink I h a v e n ' t a n y ale-servers such as the fine a n d

b e a u t i f u l girls w h o a r e like the daughters of gods w h o m

B l a - m a rNam-sras has f o r his ale'-servers." The t w o

officials said: "Does h e really have such b e a u t i f u l g i r l s ?"

"He d e f i n i t e l y has t h e m at t h e t op of the district at

D a r - m a - d a r - p h y i " , s a i d / t h e King/. The two o f f i c i a l s said:

(Ua) "We too mus t go and se e w h a t they are like," a n d so they

set off, the lords and their servants t o g e t h e r w i t h a

retinue, r e e l i n g a l o n g in a drunken stupor. From a home

w h e r e there were m a n y b e a u tiful y o u n g girls they t ook o f f

shrieking "Ki ki!" as they went,
w i t h them/two of B l a - m a rNam-sras* sweethearts w h o w e r e like

g oddesses, ^ - so t h a t B l a - m a

r Nam-sras thought to himself: "It is unlawful to do such a

thing
/ to innocent g i r l s , " Unable to b e a r i t ^he r e t u r n e d the

insult of the shouts of "Ki kij" t h e r e u p o n the e n v o y

c a l l e d C a p t a i n b s T a n - s r u n g came f o r w a r d saying: "Are y o u

re s o l v e d to r e t u r n the insult in that way, h a v i n g no

regard for me as a p e r s o n ?" Bla-ma rNam-sras came out

f rom i n s i d e the house, t a king w i t h h im two y o g i n monks, and

C a p t a i n bsTan-srung, the lord with his servants -t o g ether

with the retinue, k i l l e d the two y o g i n monks there. For

(hb) his part, Bla-ma rNam-sras stuck a k n i f e w i t h g r e a t force

into
/ the region of C a p t a i n b s T a n - s r u n g 1s heart a nd thinking:

"Is he dead , took fright a n d fled. Although he h e a r d

 633
news that since the C a p t a i n had a p o w e r f u l p r o t e c t i v e

amulet against w e a p o n s he ha d not died, he thought that

as he /.the C a p t a i n / was a n officer w h o had "been a p p o i n t e d

b y the R i - b o d G a ’-ldan-pa he h i m s e l f w o u l d e v e n t u a l l y have

an
to f ace severe p u n i s h m e n t as the r e s u l t o f f e n q u i r y a nd so
Proceed!^
he w e n t to L a - ’og Yul-gsum. / b y w a y of K u - r i - l u n g ( -pa)

h e cam e to K r o n g - s a r r D z o n g and saw dPon-slob M i - ’g y u r

brTan-pa.^ In a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the d e t a i l e d questions he w a s

as k e d on the news, he g ave his answers t urn b y t u r n a n d

/th e d P o n - s l o b / s i m p l y n o d d e d his hea d a g a i n and a g a i n and

t h e n declared; " Y o u mus t go and h a v e an a u d i e n c e w i t h the

P r e c i o u s B l a - m a ." A c t i n g as a servant of t he P r e c i o u s
7
d P o n - s l o b he d e p a r t e d a n d so a r r i v e d at sPung-thang.
8
G u i d e d b y the s D e - p a G reat P r e c e n t o r he came into the

(5a) p r e s e n c e of the Pr e c i o u s Bla-ma N g a g - d b a n g r N a m -rgyal a n d

made his obeisance. At the instant he saw him, the n o t i o n

came to h i m that he must be A v a l o k i t e s v a r a in p e r s o n a n d he

g a i n e d steadfast faith. Zhab s - d r u n g Rin-po-che s a i d to

B l a - m a rNa m sras: "Where is y o u r home and b i r t h - p l a c e ? For

w h a t purpose hav e y o u come here ?" ,Bla-ma rN a m - s r a s replied:^

"My father's hom e is in r N a m - r g y a l R a b - b r t a n - r t s e in

d Bu-gzhung. His name is T h u b - b s t a n Pad-dkar. My b i r t h ­

place is T s h a - s e in the E a s t e r n Province. Prom ' Grwa

sDing-po-che my father was a p p o i n t e d b l a - m a and s e n t b y

10
the ’B r u g - p a i n c a r n a t i o n sNyan-grags d P a l - b z a n g to take
II
charge of a ll the b r a n c h m onasteries that existed in th e

so-called ’E a s t e r n P r o v i n c e of M o n - y u l ’ . A f t e r I h a d also

(5b) s t ayed in charge of the b r a n c h monasteries w h i c h m y f a t h e r

h ad controlled, I did not find f a vour in the eyes of the

r e p r e s entatives of the d G a ’-ldan P h o - b r a n g and the K i n g of

K h a - l i n g a nd so on a c c o u n t of thi s I have come b e f o r e the

J
 U !>lA

Preci o u s Bla-mu to seek refuge." The P r e c i o u s Bla-ma

said: "With r e g a r d to y o u r f a t h e r T h u b - b s t a n P a d - d k a r —

w h i l e I was at m y seat of R a - l u n g the sDe~pa K h r i - d p o n ('Myriarch')

me a "/his/
made / request after coming from / p a l a c e of s N a n g -
12
d k a r - r t s e in Yar-'brog; when we, lord and d i s c iples, h a d in

compliance / w i t h this reque e s t a b l i s h e d a g r e a t camp

a m ong the d e v o t e e s of Y a r - ' b r o g eGan g - g s u m and w e r e g o i n g

around, he, T h u b - s t a n Pad-dkar, was a great e x h o r t e r to the

virtue of the m a - ni r e c i t a t i o n — and y o u a r e his s on I"

He r e j o i c e d and the minds of the lor d and d i s c i p l e i n t e r ­

mingled. / B l a - m a r N a m - s r a ^ Z offered his to n s u r e and w a s

g i v e n the name of gNa m - s a ' i rDo-rje ( 1Vadra o f the Sky a nd

Earth*) / a s a m a r k o f / his b e i n g fearless in s p r e a d i n g the

teachings of the Glori o u s 'Brug-pa. T h e n he w a s g r a d u a l l y

given all the initiations, au t h o r i s a t i o n s and instructions

(6a) a n d i n s t a l l e d in th e d i g n i t y of a 'V a j r a - h o l d e r * * An

ausp i c i o u s i n s t a l l a t i o n c e r e m o n y w a s p e r f o r m e d and h e w a s

given an in f i n i t e numb e r of body, speech and m i n d - s u p p o r t s ,

religious o b j ects and s o on* / B l a-ma r N a m - s r a s / said:

"To p r o p a g a t e the dharma *s teachings to the E a s t e r n P r o v i n c e

would be
of the S u n / c e r t a i n l j / f o r the w e l f a r e of beings. In

particular, however, in that r e g i o n of the E a s t e r n P r o v i n c e

there are m a n y chiefs and they are p o s s e s s e d of the p r i d e

a n d a r r o gance w h e r e b y one w i l l not s ubordinate h i m s e l f to

another. It does not s e e m that the p r o p a g a t i o n of the

order of the d h a r m a 's teachings b y p e a ceful m e a s u r e s w i l l

meet w i t h a great deal of success in that a t r o c i o u s and

barbarous border region that has never b e e n s u b d u e d b y

fierce laws unless it is. / f i r s t / subdued b y m e ans of / s u c h /

fierce laws." Z h a b s - d r u n g Rin- p o - c h e said: "Since there is

a p r o p h e c y that in the future my teachings shall f l o u r i s h

 bdi)

and increase in that realm of the E a s tern P r o v i n c e "by

13
means of the dual system, at that time y o u m u s t act

a c c o r d i n g ,/to the p r o p h e c y / w i t h o u t l o s i n g c o u r a g e * "

(6b> B l a - m a rNam-sras b e l i e v e d hi m a n d h a v i n g m ade obeisance

w i t h hea r t f e l t d e v o t i o n a n d p l a c e d / N g a g - d b a ng r N a m - r g y a l ’s /

feet on his head, he re t u r n e d to Krong-gsar.

T h e n whe n t h ree years had elapsed, the C h o s - ’Ichor

14
dP o n - p o of B u m - t h a n g who h ad p r e v i o u s l y b e e n the most

important patron / o f the 'Brug-pa in e a s t e r n B h u t a n / w a s

c o m p e l l e d b y / v a r i o u s / c ircumstances to rebel, p a y i n g no

h e e d to the orders of d P o n - s l o b M i - ' g y u r brTan-pa. Although

a g r e a t host was d e s p a t c h e d up to two or t h r e e times, b e i n g

u nab l e to d e s t r o y h i m it returned. 1 The d P o n-slob thought

to himself: " A c c o r d i n g to the existing, p r o p h e c y of the

/ z h a b s - d r u n g / b l a - m a , it is i n c o n ceivable that he should

n ot b e s u b dued." H a v i n g p r e p a r e d in his m i n d m a n y k i n d s

of cu n n i n g plots that w o u l d employ peaceful m e a sures, he

d e s p a t c h e d a m e s s e n g e r and s u m moned C h o s - m d z a d rG y a l - m o
15
from Nub Chu-stod. On c o m m a n d i n g her to employ v a r i o u s

methods, C h o s - m d z a d rG-yal-mo declared: "The C h u - s m a d g D ung

16
bSod-nams d B a n g - p o is closer to the C h o s - 1k h o r dP o n - p o

(7a) t h a n I am and sol s h a l l tell h im to use c u n n i n g m e a n s in

a c c o r d a n c e with y o u r command." so she spoke to h i m in

accordance with the c o m m a n d but

b S o d - n a m s dB a n g - p o a l s o
17
declared: "The s D o m - m k h a r M i - dpon dBang-thob is c l o s e r

r e l a t e d b y f l esh an d b l o o d /i .e. on his m o t her's side, to

the C h o s - * k h o r d P o n - p o / than l a m a n d sol s h a l l make h im

/However/
use cunning m e ans in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the com m a n d . " / on

sp e aking to s D o m - m k h a r dBang-thob in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the

co m m a n d g i v e n b y dPon-slob M i - ’g yur brTan-pa, he / d B a n g -

thob/ said: "Although there is n o b o d y b e t t e r a b l e to

 accomplish it t h a n myself, as for* tots various m e a s u r e s

that a r e to b e e m p l o y e d in accordance with w h a t e v e r

orders are given, since my maternal uncle the L a n d l o r d

of l C a g s - m k h a r ^ o g e t h e r w i t h his p a t e r n a l

r elatives i n c l u d i n g the e l d e r l y matrons a r e the h o u s e h o l d

officials of th e C h o s - 1k h o r d P o n - p o , I .shall try and see

if I can entice them.*' H a v i n g said this he departed.

T h e n d B a n g - t h o b also spoke to his maternal uncles who

w ere the h o u s e h o l d officers about the v a r i o u s m e a s u r e s

w h i c h dPon-slob M i - fg y u r b r T a n - p a had commanded* Believing

h i m they agreed, saying: "We shall fulfill the o r d e r just

as it has b e e n given.*' The n dBang-thob, having proceeded

(7b) / t o Krong-gsai*7 b y stages, r e p o r t e d to dPo n - a l o b M i - 1g y u r

b r T a n - p a the recent news a n d so the d P o n-slob declared:

"Now a great f o rce must invade." H a v i n g s u m m o n e d the great

19
fo rce of the T s h o - c h e n from sPung-thang h e a d e d b y the
20
commander-in-chief gNyer-pa ’Brug rNam-rgyal a n d the
21
soldiers of the district under Wa-can, / n a m e l y those o t j

S h a r Ru£/-pa'i-s§7 dGe-gling, N y i - s h o r and dGa'-seng,

dPo n - s l o b M i - ' g y u r b r T a n - p a acted as c o m m a n d e r of the

troops of M a n g - s d e - l u n g and o t her places. With B l a - m a

rNam-sras a c t i n g as the b a t t l e guide, the s o l d i e r s

22
su r r o u n d e d the f o r tress of Y u r - b a - z h i n g in Bum;-thang

C h o s - ' k h o r an d w h e n they s t o rmed it the h o u s e h o l d o f f i c i a l s

w h o h ad p r e v i o u s l y g i v e n their consent took them in a n d

the fortress of Y u r - b a - z h i n g was defeated. . The C h o s - ' k h o r

d P o n - p o 's party took fright and with a h o rse a p i e c e t h e y

fle d to Tibet. Then the subjects, the c o m m u n i t i e s a n d

villages — all of B u m - t h a n g sDe-bzhi — were b r o u g h t to

subjugation. H a v i n g taken char g e of the relics of P a d m a

23
Gling-pa and o t h e r h i g h l y e s t e e m e d sacred objects a n d
(8a) also infinite k i nds of a r t icles of wealth, arrangements

f o r ^ b ’ulldingT' & fortress at B y a - d k a r rDzo n g v/ere p r e p a r e d

an d the 'Blind Steward* . was appointed rdzong-bdag. So a l l

the p e o p l e a s s e m b l e d there said: "Alas, this p e r s o n is

b l i n d a n d lame a n d so w i l l not do as chief." dPo n - s l o b

M i - 1g y u r said: "It is c o n t a i n e d in a p r o p h e c y that there

is a k a r m i c b o n d v/ith f o r m e r times. An Indian king

called the S i n d h u Raja came to Bum - t h a n g l C a g s - m k h a r in

p r e vious times and P a d m a s a m b h a v a of Qnrgyan d e c i a r e d to

him: 'You w i l l be reborn i n the future as a b l i n d a n d lame

m a n and b e c o m e a chief g a i n i n g p o w e r here in B u m - t h a n g , 1

25.
a n d this is c o n t a i n e d in the prophecy." O n s a y i n g this,

ev e r y o n e b e l i e v e d him.

At a t i m e w h e n all the troops were h a p p i l y resting

(8b) there a f t e r w i n n i n g v i c t o r y in battle, the time came f o r

the f u l f ilment of the prophecy which h a d f o r m e r l y b e e n

g i v e n by Z h a b s - d r u n g H i n - p o - c h e . Without having committed

a n y crime, lHa-bu-dar the c h i e f of Rag-sa in K u - r i - l u n g

26
to the east, w a s k i l l e d b y both Dar-ma the g r eat chief of
27
s Kyi - g l i n g and K i n g d G a T~ba of gzhung P h a g - g i - g d u n g w h o

h a d a g r e e d on this a m o n g themselves. T h e r e u p o n his w i d o w

a nd the o f f i c e r s and subjects thought they shou l d r e t a l i a t e

b u t as their s t r e n g t h a n d p o w e r were not s u f f i c i e n t f o r

this they fell to w o n d e r i n g wha t w o u l d be b e s t done. At

this point they h e a r d the news that the great force of

the 'Brug-pa h a d a r r i v e d in B u m - thang and h a d d e f e a t e d the

C h o s - * k h o r d P o n - p o a n d s o the w i d o w of R a g - s a a n d t h e

subjects w e r e o v e r j o y e d a n d d e s p a t c h e d m e s s e n g e r s to i n v i t e

(9a) the great force. W h e n they a r r i v e d at the central camp, the

great force set off and went to Ku-ri-lung. Both K i n g d G a '-ba

and the great c h i e f Dar-ma e n g aged the army on its path and
 fought. Both their armies wer e i n s t antly d e f e a t e d a n d

taking fright they fled. Their r e m a ining o f f i c e r s fell

into the hands / o f the i n v a d e r s / and w e r e imprisoned.

of both of them
The sub j e c t s and communities/and a ll of U p p e r

and L o w e r K u - r i - l u n g wer e subjugated. In time a fortress

28
wa s b u i l t and g i v e n the name of l H u n - g r u b - r t s e . Bla-ma

*Brug P h u n - t s h o g s w as a p p o i n t e d r d z o n g - d p o n .

W h e n the great force set o f f in the d i r e c t i o n of

K h o - l o n g in the east, the p e o p l e of K h o - l o n g took f r ight

a n d w e r e brought t o g e t h e r in s u b j ection a f t e r they h a d

made acts of submission, a n d t h e for t r e s s of b K r a - s h i s

29
Y a n g - r t s e at Dong-sti was established. F r i g h t e n i n g ru m o u r s

caused the p e ople of all parts of f Brong-mdo-gsum a n d

(9b) Zang-lung to make acts of submission. T h e n t h e great force

turned b a c k and came t o sMin-rgyal Yul-gsum. A t t h a t time

50 :
the K i n g of sTong-phu's s t r e n g t h and d o m i n i o n w a s quite

co n s i d e r a b l e
and he had been v i o l e n t l y o p p r e s s i n g the
31
p e o p l e of M ol-ba-lung. T h e r e u p o n the ICheng-po people of

gZhong-sgar, b e i n g disaffected, hel d a d i s c u s s i o n in o r d e r

to request s u p port and so C h o s - m d z a d d K a r - p o - g d u n g went

to s Min-rgyal Y u l - g s u m in o r der to invite the great force.

In his sub m i s s i o n t o the two comm a n d e r s he said: "Since in

o ur c o u n t r y there is s t rong g r o u n d f o r a f o r t r e s s a n d the

land of its m a n y districts is rich please come there."

F o r their part the two commanders a g r e e d a n d s o w h e n the

great force h a d just set off, taking fright at the f e a r f u l

rumours they h e ard of the news of how the C h o s - fk h o r d P o n-po

a n d the ver y p o w e r f u l chiefs of K u - r i - l u n g h a d p r e v i o u s l y •

(10a) b e e n ins t a n t l y defeated, m a n y parties of chiefs a n d all the

communities a l o n g the w ay were ter r i f i e d a n d los t t h e i r

courage and so they w e r e p l a c e d in subjection. T h e K i n g of

 033

s T o n g - p h u h ad p r e p a r e d a r r a n g e m e n t s for o f f e r i n g r e s i stance

a f t e r m a k i n g w e a p o n s f o r a s t o ckade hut at the v e r y instant

the g r e a t force a d v a n c e d he w a s destroyed so that not even

his n a m e w a s left. W h e n it a r r i v e d at g z h o n g - s g a r the

32
rulers a n d officers of s N g a - t s h a n g / a n d / P h y i - t s h a n g

together w i t h t h e i r retinues w ere fi g h t i n g a n d c o n t ending,

h a v i n g / p r e v i o u s l y / s e p a r a t e d into two factions, a n d at this

time of turmoil h o t h w e r e a s t o n i s h e d h y the strength of the

should be
great force. T h i n k i n g that w h o e v e r / first to seek

p r o t e c t i o n a n d a s s i s t a n c e w o u l d he a c c o r d e d s p e c i a l f a v o u r

a n d preference, h o t h factions scr a m b l e d to make a cts of

33
submission. A m o n g them K i n g D a r - jam t o g e t h e r w ith his

/ c o u s i n / b r o t h e r s a n d chief councillors came f r o m s Nga-tshang,

K i n g Zla'u-la t o g e t h e r w i t h his ^cousin^/brothers and chief

Oh) followers c a m e from P h y i - t s h a n g a n d K i n g rDo-re c a m e f r o m

B a - g e n g Bre-mi H e - l o n g a n d t h e y made a p r o m i s e saying:

"From this time on we shall fulfil any c o m m a n d g i v e n us h y

the H i e r a r c h s of the *Brug-pa." A l t h o u g h there w as no

d i f f e r e n c e in the a c q u i e s c e n c e exp r e s s e d in the l e t ters of

each faction, the two com m a n d e r s show e d some f a v o u r to the

people of s N g a - t s h a n g since t h e y h a d b e e n e x t r e m e l y k i n d tc

B l a - m a r N a m -sras in the past. T h e n the two commanders made

p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r / b u i l d i n g / a fortress at g Z h o n g - s g a r and

r e s i d e d there.

Bla-ma rNam-sras, taking w i t h him a d e t a c h m e n t of the

army, e s t a b l i s h e d a camp at the bridge of W e n g - l i in

U - d z a - r o n g and s t a y e d there. E n v o y couriers w ere sent to

the Five Hosts of rTseng-mi, to the p e o p l e of b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g ,

o K a n g-lung a n d K h a - l i n g to w h o m , t h e y declared: " S end c l e a r

replies as to w h e t h e r y o u a r e g o i n g to mak e acts of

s u b m i s s i o n or w h e t h e r y o u are g o i n g to come forth to b a t t l e . "

 64U
Thereupon, "because or the feelings of r e s e n t m e n t that

e x i s t e d b e t w e e n Bla- m a rNam-3ras and the p e o p l e o f

(11a) K h a - l i n g due to t h e i r f o r m e r discord, the a r m y of the

K h a - l i n g p e o p l e came to U - d z a - r o n g a n d the K h a - l i n g

p e o p l e s a i d to the U - d z a - r o n g people: ‘'You can show us

p r o p e r l y the lie of the valleys and mou n t a i n s * W e s h all

^ t o g e t h e r / use the st r e n g t h of our army and the p o w e r of

our b a t t l e s k i l l . ” Sayi n g this they let loose yells. At

i
a time w h e n t h e y h a d p r e p a r e d a stockade for battle,

a b o u t t h r e e score soldiers f r o m the c e ntre of B l a-ma

rNam’
- sras* a r m y swa m a n d re a c h e d the n e a r side of the

G r a n g - m a fi G h u river so that a ll the K h a - l i n g p e o p l e w h o

w e r e t h ere thought to themselves: "It seems that n e i t h e r

i

w a t e r n o r fire c a n d o . a n y h a r m to those soldiers." They

h e s i t a t e d in o f f e r i n g resistance and, moreover, King rDo-re

of Ba-geng, b e c a u s e h e w a s a close m e n t o r to the U - d z a - r o n g

(11b) people, spoke words of counsel to them b e n e v o l e n t l y , saying:

"Do not m a k e schemes to o f f e r resistance to the a r m y of the

fBrug-pa h a v i n g p a i d h e e d to the w o r d s o f the K h a - l i n g

people. The C h o s - Tk h o r d P o n-po of B u m - t h a n g a n d the

pow e r f u l great chiefs of K u - r i - l u n g were d e f e a t e d as their

r e s i s t a n c e could not cope. W h a t is more, since the K h a -

ling p e o p l e p r o c e e d to the I n d i a n duars In w i n t e r y o u w i l l

not be a b l e to g u a r d the b r i d g e alone. I n s t e a d of that it

w o u l d b e b e t t e r to make acts of s u b m ission as f r o m now."

When, in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h these words, the U - d z a - r o n g p e o p l e

h a d h a n d e d o v e r the b r i d g e of W e n g - l i a f t e r m a k i n g act s of

submission, the K h a - l i n g and rKa n g - l u n g p e ople t oo h a d no

course except s i m p l y to p r e t e n d to make v e r b a l e x p r e s s i o n s

of s u b m i s s i o n outwardly; apart f r o m this, as for t h e i r

internal acts of submission, t h e y w ere d i s c o n t e n t e d a nd h a d

 041

no thought w h a t s o e v e r of capitulating. If / i t b e v/ondered/

what the cause of this was, / f i r s t l y / K i n g b D e - b a of

K h a - l i n g a n d B l a - m a rNam-sras, ese/ two, had not been

(12a) in accord a n d so / t h e l a t t e r / ha d left his home.

)
/ S e c o n d l y , moreover, the Kh a - l i n g people d e l i g h t e d in

t h e i r large force of men and in t h e i r s t r e n g t h a n d do m i n i o n

in this r e g i o n of the E a s t e r n Province and so t h e y w o u l d not

— — 35
give e a r / t o commands/. A n d /thirdly/, P h o - b r a n g A-chi,

K i n g of the r K a n g - l u n g people, both f a t h e r a n d son, and

Bl a-ma N a g - s e n g of Me-rag h a d g r e a t s t r e n g t h a nd dominion

an d due to the fact that they were close m e n t o r s to the

rulers of the dG-a1-Idan-pa they t r u s t e d them as a l l i e s in

th e i r support. Those wer e the basic reasons for t h e i r

refusing to capitulate.

Then K i n g s T o b s - i d a n of rTseng-mi together w i t h great

chiefs and h e a dmen came forth and declared: "We, father

a n d / cousins/brothers # shall render service i n a c c o r d a n c e

w i t h w h a t e v e r the King and o f f i cials of s N g a - t s h a n g do,"

and so they n&de acts of submission.

A t that time the people of b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g a nd the

people of B u s - m k h a r , / t h e s a 7 I:\yo , w ere not in a c c o r d over the

qu e stion of land p r o p e r t y and s o they w e r e c o n t e n d i n g .

W h e n these c i r c u mstances wer e p r e v a i l i n g C h o s - m d z a d d K a r - p o -

- g d u n g from g Z h o n g - s g a r sai d to the b K r a - s h i s - s g a n g people:

(12b) "Rather than q u a r r e l l i n g with the s B i - mkhar people,' if y o u

go to the H i e rarchs of the 1Brug-pa for s u p port then great

strength and p o w e r will come to you." Thereupon, a f t e r the

k i n g and officials of bKra-s hi s-sgangj/cousin^/br others , had

held a discussion, T s h e - d b a n g rGyal-po and 51ang-nga,/thesi/

two, came b e f o r e Bla-ma rNam-sras at the b r i d g e of W e n g ~ l i

and said: "We look to y o u for ou r protection. T h e l a n d of

 MM
our home is rich and there is a s t r o n g place f o r a

fortress, so p l e a s e come t h e r e . 1' At that time the

kings of s N g a - t s h a n g / u n d T P h y i - t s h a n g a n d a l l the p e ople

of Nyi-ma C h e - r i g s / a n d N y i - m a / Chung-rigs assembled

and in the words of promise they made it w a s

declared:
37
"Al t h o u g h up till r e c ently w e h a v e b e e n subjects of t h e

d G a ' - l d a n Pho-brang-pa, fro m thi s time on w e submit to

the authority of the Hierarchs of the 1Brug-pa." The

k i n g s an d officials, the c h i e f councillors and the envoys

then d e p a r t e d each to their own homes.

(13a) • Then, a f t e r Bla-ma rNam-sras too had returned to

g Z h o n g - s g a r t o g e t h e r with the army, he o f f e r e d to the

two c o m m a n d e r s the t r i b u t e wealth, the g o l d a n d silver,

a n d on r e p o r t i n g the new s in detail th e two c o m m a n d e r s

declared: "Now that's'how it is f or the time be i n g . "

Then a chief call e d gDung N o r - b u d B a n g - p h y u g came

w it h a few servants to g Z h o n g - s g a r f r o m s T u n g - l a - ' b i in

the w e s t and s a i d to the two commanders: "Having gained

p o w e r throughout a ll the realms of our h o m e l a n d in

Kheng-rigs rNam-gsum, the gDung of N y a - m k h a r is s e i z i n g

the c o m m unities of others a nd causing m u c h unlawful

a f f l i c t i o n to a ll the subjects and c o m m u n i t i e s . ^ P l e a s e

come to subdue him. I shall act as the a r m y ' s guide,

fusing m^7 knowledge of the paths and m o u n t a i n s , " he

(l3b) promised. The two commanders a g r e e d a n d w e n t there with

the army. O n the w a y the /cousin^brothere of g D u n g N o r - b u

d B a n g / - p h y u g 7 a n d his officials and subjects w e l c o m e d them

w i t h meat and ale and served them m a n y kinds of f o o d with,

infinite respect. On a r r i v i n g at their homes e a c h m a d e

offerings of rich gifts. "Since from now on w e s u b m i t to

the a u t h o r i t y of the H i e r a r c h s of the ’Brug-pa, w e b e g

 040

y o u no t to f o r s a k e s h o wing l o v i n g m e r c y d u r i n g the

l ifetime of / w e / fathers a n d f o r successive g e n e r a t i o n s

of / o u r / s o n s , ” they said and, l e a ding the a r m y on its

way, they p r o c e e d e d b y stages. Of all the gDung and

chiefs of K h e n g - r i g s rNam-gsum, i n c l u d i n g those of

Go-zhing, Phang-mkhar, Su-brang, Go-phu, T a -li a n d

1Bu-li, w h o i n v o l u n t a r i l y /surre n d e r e d / , some b o w e d d o w n

w i t h d e v o t i o n a n d reverence, some were s u b d u e d in t e rror

(14a) a n d fright, w h i l e some b o w e d d o w n at the f e a r f u l s o u n d of

rumours. Whe n / t h e arm/7 a r r i v e d at the s t r o n g p o i n t

o c c upied by' the g P u n g of Nya-mkhar*s castle, that gftPUg

of Nya-mkhar, having previously acquired great strength

a n d dominion a n d g a i n e d p o w e r over K h e n g - r i g s rNam-gsum,

was f e e l i n g p r o u d at h a v i n g then w a g e d w a r and

s u r r o u n d e d the s t r o n gpoint oc c u p i e d b y the c a s t l e of

gZhong-sgar, a n d at h a v i n g a t t a d e e d with a s e c r e t force

a n d c o n q u e r e d the s t r o ngpoint occupied b y the f o r t r e s s

of B u - b r a g . ■ So he h ad layed out a st o c k a d e to o f f e r

resistance a n d h a d p r e p a r e d a r r a n g e m e n t s f o r battle.

T h e r e u p o n the so l d i e r s of the great f o r c e s i m u l t a n e o u s l y

let loose suc h b r a v e cries that the sky and e a r t h b o i l e d

and the roar of all the m u s k e t s being f i red s i m u l t a n e o u s l y

39
f i l l e d the three voids. Terrified, the r u l e r a n d his

officials t o g e t h e r with their retinues, all of them, w e r e

astonished. T r e m b l i n g and l o s i n g courage, they f l e d

( 1 4 b) i n v o l u n t a r i l y b u t then once a g a i n having b o w e d to a u t h o r i t y

they o f f e r e d an infinite n u mber of h o s tages and ar t i c l e s

of wealth. T h e r e a f t e r all the communities and v i l l a g e

of Kheng
d i s t r i c t s / w e r e made subject.

Then / t h e a r m / 7 r e t u r n e d and a l o n g the p ath it took

to Krong-gsar, Bla-ma r G y a l - m t s h a n of R e - phes b e h a v e d

 obstinately, r e f using to comply with orders, and although

he took flight he later cam e to r M a - b y a - g d a n g - s a in o r d e r

to contend, so he too met w ith his end a n d w a s rendered

nameless.

T h e n the great forces a r r i v e d at K r o n g - g s a r . j

d Pon-slob M i - ' g y u r brTan - p a gave them the b o o n of a

c e l e b r a t i o n and a n infinite n u m b e r of art i c l e s of wealth.

S a t i s f i e d and enriched, each then returned to h is own

home in a state of h a p p i n e s s and contentment.

T h e n a f t e r s o m e m o n t h s Bla-ma rNam-sras thought

/ e n q u i r i e s s h o u l d be made to d e t e rmine/ w h e t h e r or not

the w o r d s of the oath v/hich had p r e v i o u s l y b e e n taken in

the regi o n of the Eastern Province were / b e i n g o b s e r v e d /

(ifja) in accordance, wit h the promise. Also since it v/as a

subject area, a custom of taxation a nd corvee s h o u l d b e

introduced. So he went to his maternal uncles' p l a c e at

Tsha-se and resided there. Despatching envoys in a l l

directions, the p r o c l a m a t i o n that taxes and c o r v e e w o u l d

be required w a s sent around. However, w h e n the area v/as

subject to the d G a ’-ldan P h o - b r a n g - p a , the c u s t o m of

i m p l e m e n t i n g taxation and corvee did not exist in large

measure, so / n o w / che communities w o u l d not i m m e d i a t e l y

which
d e l i v e r up taxes / seemed to their minds oppressive.

When, therefore, the B l a - m a 's servants and b o d y g u a r d s

h a d b e e n sent out in various directions and w e r e

p roc e e d i n g a r o u n d c o l l e c t i n g taxes b y means of great force,

K ing C hang-lo-dpal of Kha-ling, the r u ler and h is

officials t o g e t h e r with the retinue, King P h o - b r a n g A-chi'

of bTsan-mkhar, f a t h e r a n d children, and King Sangs-

rgyal-po of g C e n - m k h a r w e r e discontented; the t h ree o f

(1 5b) them h e l d a d i s c u s s i o n a n d devised a p l a n of rebellion.

 ^ u ■£o

On h e a r i n g reports of this, Bla-ma rNam-sras summoned

an a r m y f r o m the districts around. gZhong-sgar, amely^

from rTsa-rnang, s K g a - t s h a n g and P hyi-tshang, ^ a n d a l s o /

from t h e Five Hosts of rTseng-mi a n d f r o m the b K r a - s h i s -

sgang people. King Chang-lo-dpal of K h a - l i n g l ed f o r t h

an i n c o n c e i v a b l e n u mber of soldiers f r o m Phyi-'khor

Zand7Nang-'khor in K h a - l i n g and, h a v i n g come to gCen-mkhar,

p r e p a r e d a stock a d e for of f e r i n g resistance. Kin g Pho-

brang, h a v i n g made a st o c k a d e and defences for offering

r e s i s t a n c e f r o m P h a-phyi-mang, h a d p r e p a r e d h is a r r a n g e ­

ments w i t hout hindrance. T h e r e u p o n the P r e c e n t o r D a m -chos

Rab-rgyas, a c t i n g as commander, led f o r t h the troops

m e n t i o n e d a b o v e and departed. Because of the h a t r e d w h i c h

K i n g T s h e - r i n g of 'Dom-mkhar f elt for P h o - b r a n g A - c h i for

his h a v i n g p r e v i o u s l y s e i z e d one of his officials, b o t h

King T s h e - r i n g of 'Dom-mkhar a nd his 7 cousiniyr b r o t h e r

(1 6 a) g u ided a n d w e l c o m e d the a r m y and kept it in their home.

On the f o l l o w i n g day an in v a s i o n was m a d e on b oth g C e n - m k h a r

a n d P h a - c h i - m a n g and so the Kh a - l i n g people, who were

d i s p i r i t e d b y the s t r e n g t h of the army, issued f o r t h from

in order to capitulate ^3
w i t h i n the v i l l a g e stockade of g C e n - m k h a r / K i n g G l a n g - n g a

of Grong-stod, we a r i n g a r m o u r and w a v i n g a sword,

u n h e s i t a t i n g l y ran off in p u r s u i t of the s o l d i e r s so that

the soldiers w h o ha d gone to welcome / t h e i n v a d e r s ^ took

fright a n d ^ r e ^ / e n t e r e d the village stockade. After

Kin g G l a n g - n g a h a d also entered t o g e t h e r w i t h them,

King S a n g s - r g y a s - p o of g C e n - m k h a r came forth f r o m w i t h i n

to offer resistance but the Precentor D a m - c h o s R a b - r g y a s

fired his musk e t at him and he was k i l l e d there. So the

soldiers who w e r e inside took fright and w e r e u n a b l e to

(16b) resist. T h e r e u p o n K i n g Chang-lo-dpal climbed to the top

 of the m T h o - r a l - p a w a t c h t o w e r a n d fired a r r o w s b u t he

could not hit the soldiers w h o w e r e outside, Tshe-abang

r G y a l - p o then w e n t an d h a v i n g e n t i c e d h i m s k i l f u l l y and

s p oken v/ords of good counsel to him, he led h i m a w a y a n d

w h e n a b a n n e r was h o i s t e d at the top of the m T h o - r a l - p a

watch t o w e r K i n g P h o - b r a n g a nd his soldiers saw it from

Pha-phyi-mang and thought: "Now the king's s o l d i e r s have

b e e n defeated," T h e soldiers took fright and f l e d in

di f f e r e n t directions and K i n g P h o - b r a n g v/as imprisoned.

On the f o l l o w i n g day Bla-ma rNain-sras came f r o m Tsha-se.

H a v i n g i m p r i s o n e d K i n g Chang-lo-dpal and P h o - b r a n g , b oth

kk 1
f a t h e r and son, he sent them off to the capital at s P u n g - .

thang b De-ba-can, T h e m T h o - r a l - p a watch tower was

(17a) d e m o l i s h e d from its foundations. The o f f i c i a l s and subje c t s

a n d a ll the communities wer e b r o u g h t into s u b j e c t i o n . As

f o r hi s s e a r c h i n g f o r a strongpoint f or a fortress,

d P o n -slob M i - ' g y u r br T a n - p a had p r e v i o u s l y d e c lared: "If a

fo r t r e s s is e s t a b l i s h e d at Beng-mkhar, a p l ace w h i c h is

rich and strong, it will e v e n t u a l l y cause g r e a t b e n e f i t to

the T e a c h i n g s . " E v e n though the B e n g - m k h a r p e o p l e h a d also

m a d e a request saying: "It w o u l d be b e t t e r to b u i l d a

f o r tress in our village", he / B l a - m a rNam-sras/ would not

l i s t e n bu t / m e r e l y / took c o n t r o l of the s t r o n g p o i n t in

B e n g - m k h a r and l e f t the P r e c e n t o r Dam-chos R a b - r g y a s there.

/ i n s t e a d / he e s t a b l i s h e d a fortress at the s t r o n g p o i n t

/ o c c u p i e d b y / the district castle of Byi-ri-zor. A l l the

n o b i l i t y of the E a s t e r n Province, / I n c l u d i n g / kings,

t h e i r chief c o u n cillors and envoys ass e m b l e d t h e r e a n d a f t e r

a court of justice h a d b e e n established, taxes a n d c o rvee

w e r e als o c o l l e c t e d there.

B l a-ma r N a m -sras thought to himself: "Before he p a s s e d

 1)4/
46
(17b) away Jo-bo Khams-pa of Ra~ti gave me his d a u g h t e r and

made m e his son-in-law. But n o w since he is dead a n d no

longer, w h a t sort o f regard do the off i c i a l s and s u b jects

of the sGam-ri di s t r i c t feel for me V Bla- m a N a g - s e n g of

47
M e - r a g is the clerical b r o t h e r of the d d a ' l d a n B l a-ma so

I shall see w h a t he is up t o . ” Together with a detachment

of soldiers he set off* p r o c e e d i n g directly t o w a r d s M e -rag

48
^tit B l a-ma N a g - s e n g w a s not there, having left his home

t o g e t h e r with his monk disciples and g o n e to L a - fog Yul-gsum.

A l l the c o m m u n i t i e s of M e - r a g / a n d / S a g - s t e n g a n d o f the

sGam-ri d i s t r i c t made acts of s u b m i s s i o n and w e r e b r o u g h t

into subjection, but the C h o s - m d z a d of s B i a - m k h a r took o f f

in flight. The Kings

Z u - g i , Ser-kong a n d r D o -rje rGya.l-po
from ^
f r o m Bar-tsho-gsurn ancJ/TYang-ser-kung-pa and B a n g s - r g y a s

rGy a - m t s h o from R a ^ - geng-ra — those fou r k i n g s — guided

/ B l a - m a rNam-sras to their h o m e s / a n d so he a r r i v e d there.

The other / r u l e r s / , a l t h o u g h not discontented, submitted

(18a) in t h e natural cour s e of things and were b r o u g h t i nto

subjection.
so
H a v i n g r e t u r n e d to Byi-ri-sor, about eight m o n t h s

p a s s e d d u r i n g w h i c h he p r e pared a n d carried o u t as he saw

f it plans for the ’e x t e r n a l 1 regulation of / p u b l i c / o r d e r

a n d for the 'internal' b u i l d i n g of the fortress, the con­

s t r u c t i o n of defences and s o forth.

Then, w i t h B l a - ma N a g - s e n g of Me-rag a c t i n g as guide,

a T i b etan a rmy a n d a l l the forces of the Mon-pa t r i b e s led

by the two commanders, the 'Phan-yul D o c t o r ’ and s D e - p a

51
'Dzam-lha, came a nd e s t a blished a camp at s K y i - l i n g - s h i n g .

7/hen they made an invasion of Gron g - s t o d in B e n g - m k h a r the

P r e c e n t o r Dam-chos Rab-rgyas k i l l e d three m e n i n q u i c k

s u c c e s s i o n w i t h his musket. Thereupon the forces b e c a m e

 U Vi U
being
ag i t a t e d and / unable to attack, they r e t r e a t e d to sKyi-

ling-shing*- Most of the forces then w e n t ' t o Byi-ri-zor

1 8b) in K h a - l i n g a nd s u r r o u n d e d the fortress. In a d d i t i o n t o

the fact that the K h a - l i n g p e ople h a d since p r e v i o u s times

b e e n d isaffected, Bla-ma Na g - s e n g and the C h o s - m dzad of

Bus-mlchar d e c e i v e d them, saying: "Your K i n g C h a n g - l o - d p a l

has come into o u r h a nds out of the TBrug - p a ’s capital," and

on sh o w i n g them local a r t icles of dress, food and apparel,

the K h a - l i n g p e o p l e b e l i e v e d them a n d rebelled. B e ing unable

/hia home in/
to d o them an y harm, B l a -ma rNam-sras fled to/ Tsha-se. The

K h a - l i n g p e o p l e a m b u s h e d / h i s p a r t ^ / and the Minister,

Precentor Nor-bu, w a s k i l l e d there. The Bla-ma h i m s e l f

e n t e r e d Tsha-se, w h e r e u p o n all the forces g a t h e r e d there

a n d s u r r o u n d e d it w i t h a fence so that he c o uld not escape.

Since N o r - b u A-chi, K i n g of Na-rang-thung-pa, a n d h is

/ c o u s i n / T b r o t h e r s w e r e the trusted confidants of the dGa-

ldan-pa, he / B l a - m a r N a m - s r a s / used them as n e g o t i a t o r s and

19a) h a v i n g g i v e n them K h a m s - p a of R a - t i ’s large p a l e - c o l o u r e d

turquoise as a ransom, lest he should lose his life, he w a s

s u r r o u n d e d b y the so l d i e r s w i t h o u t injury. At sKyi-ling-

shing he, saw the head a n d o t her limbs of the P r e c e n t o r N o r - b u

w h i c h h a d b e e n b r o ught b e f o r e the two / T i b e t a n / commanders.

A l t h o u g h B e n g - m k h a r h a d n o t p r e v iously b e e n b r o u g h t to

de s t r u c t i o n due to the s t r e n g t h of its position, the

Pre c e n t o r Dam-chos Rab-rgyas and all the rulers a n d officials

of B e n g - m k h a r h e l d a d i s c ussion as to w h a t w o u l d be b e s t

done, d u r i n g w h i c h the P r e c entor said: "Nov/ that the B l a - m a

/ r N a m - s r a s / has f a llen into the hands o f the soldiers, there

is n o t h i n g w e can do about it. I shall now for the time

b e i n g go to the / p r o v i n c i a / 7 capital at K r o n g - g s a r a nd a f t e r

re q u e s t i n g the forces of a sup p o r t i n g army I s h a l l a r r i v e

 back. U n t i l t hen yo u make acts of s u b m i s s i o n /Jbo the

T i b e t a n s / a n d r e m a i n here," The P r e c e n t o r h i m s e l f wen t

(19b) to K r o n g - g s a r . The B e n g - m k h a r peop l e made a c t s of

s u b m i s s i o n but, as for the fortress, t h e y r e f u s e d to

han d it over. A f t e r t h e i r pledges and hostages had

been received, they declared: "Wow we a r e u n d e r the

a u t h o r i t y of the d G a ’-ldan Pho-brang."

T a k i n g w i t h t h e m B l a ~ m a rNam-sras, the p l e d g e s and

hostages, the armies s e p a r a t e d in different directions

a n d r e t u r n e d t o t h e i r various homes. B l a-ma rNam-sras

w a s -taken to lHa-sa and p ut in prison, f r o m w h e r e he f l e d

a n d v/as chased. His p u r suers caught a n d k i l l e d him.

As for the Precentor, a f t e r he ha d r e p o r t e d in detail

all the news a b o u t the soldiers to K r o n g - g s a r dP on-slob

M i - ' g y u r b r T a n-pa, the d P o n -slob said: "You have committed ■

a small m i s t a k e as it would h a v e gone w e l l if y o u had

taken control of a site fo r a fortress at B e n g - m k h a r as I

h a d said prev i o u s l y . In any case," he said, "since we have

the p r o p h e c y of the B la-ma </Ngag-dbang r N a m - r g y a l 7 r, we shall

e s t a b l i s h the Teachings once more." sKu-drung Pad-dkar

52
C h o s - ’phel and the ’B l i n d S t e w a r d ’ , these two, a c t e d as
53
(20a) commanders of a d e t a c h m e n t of the Great Hosts of the capital, of

all the a v a i l a b l e forces u n der the a u t hority of d B a n g - ’dus

54
Pho-brang a n d / & H the a v a i l a b l e forces o f the M a n g - s d e - l u n g

people. With the P r e c e n t o r g u i d i n g it, the great force set

o ff a n d p r o c e e d e d on its way, so that f e a rful s o u n d s as if

the sky and earth w e r e b o i l i n g came forth. A fter King sTong-

ldan of rTseng-mi ha d g u i d e d a n d w e l c o m e d it, the army

a r r i v e d in the s e c o n d m o n t h ,/of the lunar calendar*/ a t 'its

55
great c e n t r a l c amp at Gong-thung. /Vhen the D a g - p a s o l diers

of Be-mi came to B a r - t s h o - g s u m in order to h a r a s s the

 UJU
defenders, the Precentor* Dam-chos Rab-rgyas l ed a

detachment from G o n g - t h u n g and w e n t there. T h e forces

of the D a g ~ p a took control of a stro n g p o i n t at the top

of m K a r - s i n g - p a and, on first c o m i n g into c o n t a c t with

(20b) the forces of the TBrug-pa, m ade p r e p a r a t i o n s f o r battle.

W h e n the P r e c e n t o r f i r e d a shot of his musket, a b o u t five

score m e n of the D a g-pa took fright at </what t h e y saw as/*

a sorcerous device, not k n o w i n g w h e t h e r it w a s caused by

the magical p o w e r of the ’Prot e c t o r s of Religion' or b y

k a r m a of their previous lives; raising a commotion,

they all fell f r o m the top of the m K h a r - s i n g - p a rock into

a ravine a n d died.

The o t h e r soldiers were ter r i f i e d and fled, w i t h the

result tha t the leaders of the E a s t e r n P r o vince w h o h a d

b e e n a r r o g a n t in t h e i r u n w i l l i n g n e s s to s u b o r d i n a t e

the m s e l v e s to a u t h o r i t y lost t h eir courage too. After

/jk h e a r m y of the ’B r u g - p a / h a d g o n e to B e n g - m k h a r a n d

t a ken c o ntrol of the strongpoint, envoy-couriers were

d e s p a t c h e d in all f o u r directions, declaring: "Send c l e a r

replies as to w h e t h e r y o u a r e g o i n g to come to make acts

of s u b m i s s i o n or w h e t h e r y o u a r e going to m a i n t a i n m i l i t a r y

camps in y o u r v a r ious homes." All the p e o p l e of the P h y i -

’k h o r Z & u i 7 N a n g - ’k h o r of Kha~ling, of Las- p a / a i n d / L o s - p a

(21a) in U-dza-rong(-pa) a n d of M e - r a g </and/r Sa- s t e n g s in sGam-

ri-lung(-pa) a g r e e d and so a ll their kings, chief councillors

a n d leaders c a m e b e f o r e the Precentor. Thereupon the

F r e c e n t o r b r o u g h t / t h e s e / subjects, together with their

Tt r i b u t e - m e a t T, 1t r i b u t e - w e a l t h ’, gifts an d offerings,

before the two c o m m a n d e r s at Gong-thung. The two c o m m a n d e r s

said: "There b e i n g no need for y o u to co n t e n d w i t h y o u r

p o p u l a r forces, it is v e r y g o o d that, through b r o a d counsels,

 Ijbl

y o u s h o u l d hav e come h e r e . 1' Then in order to s w e a r oaths

t h e y called as their divine w i t n e s s e s upon a l l the

'Guardians of C o m m a n dments', the ' O a t h - b o u n d ’ d e i ties

a n d the 'Protectors of Religion' a f t e r p l e a s i n g t hem wit h

s u p p l i c a t i o n s a nd offerings. F or their h u m a n w i t n esses,

a f t e r s a t i s f y i n g them with gifts of f o o d a n d a r t i c l e s of

wealth, t h e y c a l l e d upo n the elders of the 'Great Hosts',

the e l d e r s of d B a n g - ' d u s Pho-brang, the elders of M a n g -

56 ' 57
(21b) s d e ~ l u n g ( - p a ) , C h o s - m d s a d rGyal-mo of G h u -stod, C h o s - m d z a d

dKar-po-gdung ^ o f g Zhong-sgar, K i n g D a r - ' j a m ^ S f sNga- t s h a n g ,

6o 61
K i n g Zla'u-la of Phyi-tshang, K i n g rDo-re of B a - g e n g a n d
62
K i n g s T o n g - l d a n of rTseng-mi. In f r o n t of the god s and

m e n the y h a d call e d upon to witness, all the kings, chief

co u n c illors a n d l o a ders of the E a s tern P r o v i n c e p r o n o u n c e d

the w o rds of the oath, e a c h declaring: "As f r o m t o d a y

onwards we cast b e h i n d us the d G a ?-ldan P h o - b r a n g - p a as

our lords and r e c e i v e b e f o r e us the H i e r a r c h s of the

We shall fulfil
*Brug-pa^/ w h a t e v e r c o m m a n d s are given a n d w h a t e v e r w e are

told to d o " Thus t h e y took t he o a t h a n d

p r o n o u n c e d it. H a v i n g collected hostages a nd 'monk levies'

in a c c o r d a n c e w ith c i r c u m s t a n c e s as w as s e e n fit, the 'Blind

6^5
Steward* t o g e t h e r with the a r m y r e t u r n e d to the c a p i t a l .

sK u - d r u n g P a d - d k a r Chos-'lphel w i t h his retinue w e n t to

(22a) B e n g - m k h a r and h a v i n g t a k e n up residence in the h o u s e of

64
K i n g lHa-lnga of Grong-stod, the defences of a f o r t r e s s w e r e

constructed. At G r o n g - s t o d an u p per citadel w a s built. At

G r o n g - s m a d the fortress* central t o w e r t o g e t h e r w i t h its

en c i r c l i n g rampart walls was built, after w h i c h he / P a d - d k a r

Chos-Jphel/ w e n t there and took up residence. He i n s t i t u t e d

the laws of both s e c u l a r law and spiritual law. The

Pr e c e n t o r ^/TJam-chos Rab-rgyas7* a c t e d as minister, t u r n i n g th e

 U Oh

wh e e l of* method. He p r e s s e d down on the u p p e r orders

w i t h laws a n d p r o t e c t e d the lower orders with skilful

measures. W i t h o u t r e g a r d to wealth, personal desires

or s t atus J/ in i s s u i n g ^ f a i r edicts, the laws a n d the

dis c h a r g e of government a f f a i r s showed f a v o u r to the

g o o d a n d con t e m p t f or the evil, thus e l i m i n a t i n g the

p o s s i b i l i t y of acts of p l u n d e r committed fro m a b o v e or

acts of c u n n i n g c o m m i t t e d fro m below. If there w e r e

d i s o b e d i e n t persons, severe punishments w e r e m e t e d Upon

t h e i r b o d i e s a n d lives, so that people w e r e terrified;

reports o f this w e r e not only n o i s e d a b r o a d b u t spre a d

(22b) everywhere and b e c a u s e of their force, the o r d e r of the

65
Te a c h i n g s -exists up to pr e s e n t times in the E a s t e r n

Province, a t o k e n to the a c h i evements of bot h t h e s K u - d r u n g

a n d the Pre c e n t o r .

D u r i n g t h e i r time the K i n g of Gung-gdung, whose land

a n d hills w e r e made up of narrow ravines, c r a g g e d and

remote, a c t e d obstinately, r e f u s i n g to subo r d i n a t e . Later,

a f t e r s o m e years h a d gone by, s K u -drung P a d - d k a r C h o s - ' p h e l

gSoI-dpon bsTan-pa Don-ldan bot h invaded Gung-gdung

w i t h a force. The K i n g w a s s u b d u e d and b r o u g h t into

subjugation.

Later, as the ruling r d z o n g - d p o n fs) ,/of b K r a - s h i s ~ s g a n g 7

s u c c e e d e d each o t h e r by turn, they a c t e d with increasing

love, upholding, g u a r d i n g and diffusing the P r e c i o u s

Teachings b y means of the dual system so that the sphere

a n d d o m i n i o n of the T e a c h i n g s 1 o r der was r a i s e d up to the

heavens. Thereafter, in all the b r o a d realms of the s u b j e c t s

( 2 3 a) and t h e i r c o m m u n i t i e s the abundant enjoyment of f o o d a n d

w e a l t h i n c r e a s e d and among them there was a n a b s e n c e of

s t r i f e and c o n t e ntion. T r ade routes having b e e n o p e n e d up

in all f o u r directions, each p e r s o n /is now a b l e t o /

o b t a i n s p o n t a n e o u s l y as if / b y m e ans of/ a w i s h - f u l f i l l i n g

gem, w i t h o u t d i f f i c u l t y or exertion, his h e art's d e sire of

w h a t e v e r g o o d s he w a n t s R a f t e r h a v i n g searched/7* e a s i l y for

the rich a b u n d a n c e of w h a t e v e r articles he s h ould desire,

w i t h o u t theft o r b a n d i t r y w h e r e v e r h e goes, to I n d i a or

Tibet, to the east or wes t — at the starting point, on the

w a y a n d at the destination, / t h e s e / three, throughout the

f o u r directions — u n der the po w e r f u l c o o l shade o f the w h i t e

p a r a s o l of fai r edicts that is hoisted and r e v o l v e d in the

heavens. Then, h a v i n g r e s t e d c o n t e ntedly at p l a c e s w h e r e

water, fire and w o o d abound, each p e r s o n r e t u r n s w i t h o u t

66
h a r m to h is o w n place. In t h e i r homes too, b e c a u s e the y

work with great diligence in agri c u l t u r e as n e v e r b e fore a n d

due to t h e i r skill in c u l t i v a t i n g b y b e i n g a t t e n t i v e to the

ti m i n g / o f ploughing, t r a n s p l a n t i n g etc. observed/7 in f o r m e r

ages, harve s t s are also c a u s e d t o increase a n d m u l t iply.

A n d the g o l d e n yok e of s e c u l a r law a d m i n i s t e r e d a c c o r d i n g to

religious p r i n c i p l e s is d e v o i d of p a r t i a l i t y in p r e s s i n g down

on t h e p o w e r f u l h i g h e r orders. That / a l l of t h i s / h as c o m e

fo rth w i t h a b u ndant hap p i n e s s is due to the m e r c y a n d k i n d n e s s

of the P r e c i o u s One of the Gl o r i o u s !Brug-pa, Ngag-dbang

rNam-rgyal.

F u r t hermore — in acco r d a n c e w i t h the e x a m p l e of the

B u d d h a who, a l t h o u g h h a v i n g a w r a t h f u l aspect, h a s no

'clinging' — b e c a u s e the great b a l a - c a k r a v a r t i - r a j a s of

f o r m e r times did not gain p o w e r / o v e r the w h o l e area/7, each

d e l i g h t i n g In the strength and d o m inion / t h e y a c q u i r e d /

from g a i n i n g p o w e r in t h e i r own lands, /the p e t t y i»ulers/

used to
in this r e g i o n of the E a s t e r n Province/ ref use to subordinate

themselves to a u t h o r i t y on account of their p r i d e i n thinking:

 ti&a
"I am great, .1 am "better." But on s e eing w i t h l o v i n g
67 68
comp a s s i o n that K i n g dGa'-ba a n d the G r eat Chief* Dar-ma
r \ 69 70
(tUja) of Ku-*ri-lung, the King of Kha-ling, the K i n g of sTong-phu,
71 72
the K ing of Gung-gdung, the gDung of Nya-mkhar, the

de s c endants of R l a - m a rGyal-mtshan^lind, moreover, all

those w h o had not a b i d e d to commands w e r e / n o w / p e r f o r m i n g

whatever works of s e r vice that came their w a y in a state of

repentance t h a t f o r sook t h e i r pr e v i o u s actions and

purified t h e i r present deeds, those that h a d b e e n

sons who
impr i s o n e d a n d those / h a d b e e n kept as h o s t a g e s w e r e

f a v o u r e d w i t h remissions and / r e / 7 g r a n t e d w h a t e v e r houses,

fields, articles of wealth, officers and subjects t h e y e a c h

had in their v a rious homes. So their d e s c e ndants follow in

s ucc e s s i o n a n d that they should up to the present b e

enjoying c o n t e ntment for long periods a nd l i v i n g h a p p i l y is

due to the impartial m e rcy of the Glorious *Brug-pa(s),

/ a m e r c y / which, h a v i n g e r a d i c a t e d the evil a n d a s s i s t e d

the good, has b e come a glory of virtue.

Thus it has b e e n said.

(2U-b) This C l ear M i r r o r / c o n t a i n i n g / the Story of How the O r d e r

/School of the7
P r o p h e s i e d to thd/u-lorious 1Brug~pa b y its Divine L i n e a g e

C a m e a n d Spread in the E a s t e r n P r o vince of the Sun W i t h i n

the 'Southern Won C o u n t r y of P o u r A p p r o a c h e s ’ was set down

in w r i t i n g u n e r r i n g l y by the reverend one of the Sakyas, t he

74
o ld monk n a m e d W a - g i n d r a (Ngag-dbarig) in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h w h a t -
75
e ver the P r e c e n t o r Dam-chos Rab-rgyas r e c o u n t e d i n p e r s o n a nd

w i t h what was r e l a t e d by elderly persons who h a d t h e m s e l v e s

w i t n e s s e d a nd e x p e r i e n c e d / t h e events recorded herein/.

 Notes to Text II

nyi-ma (’sun*) here and in the text below has a purely rhetorical

function. The area referred to as the Eastern Province is the

region between Krong-sar and the eastern border of the country.

lHo Mon Kha bZhi is the old name for Bhutan (Aris 1976: 43 note 6 3 )

The first Zhabs-drung (l£)94-?l6t)l,). founder of the Bhutanese state.

This relates.to the defeat in 1642 of the gTsang ruler, b^Tan-

skyong dBang-po, by GuSri Khan, chief of the QoSot Mongol tribe

who is referred to here by a Mongolian title, Dalai Be^tur. The

phyag-mdzod of the dGa’-ldan-pa (= dGe-lugs-pa) school, who is

here given the name of sDe-pa Nang-so A-bo, can be identified with

bSod-nams Chos-'phel, 'regent' of the 5th Dalai Lama, who played

a vital part in inviting GuSri to attack the gTsang forces and

place his master on the throne. On the events leading up to and

following this crucial event in Tibetan history, see Shakabpa

1976: 397-462.

This opening passage of the Lo-rgyus is important for its

assertion that the gTsang-pa rule had extended south into this

region of Bhutan. No doubt, however, the connection was as

tenuous as that which existed later under dGe-lugs-pa rule, as we

see on f . 1 5 a below.

See rGyal-rigs. f . 19b.

See f. 5a-b below and the notes thereto.

Mi-'gyur brTan-pa was the first governor (or dnon-slob) of

Krong-sar. The date of his appointment is not certain but

must have taken place some years before 1651 when the

Zhabs-drung went into retreat. Mi-’gyur brTan-pa later

succeeded as the third 'Brug sDe-srid in 16 6 7 and reigned

for fourteen years down to 1680. Accounts of his rule are

found in LGB I, ff, $&b-96a, and ff; 68b-70a of the rnam-

thar of bsTan-'dzin Rab-rgyas. The annexation of eastern

Bhutan is always regarded as his personal achievement, though

it is clear from this text that he never took to the field

himself, but instead directed the whole operation from

his stronghold in Krong-sar. The exact date of the

annexation cannot be determined from this account but it

seems likely to have been in the 1 6 5 0 's during the Zhabs-

drung*s ’retreat’; there is no mention of the Zhabs-drung's

direct involvement in the campaign and he only appears here

(ff. ^fb-6 b) at its prelude, some thfee years before it

began in earnest. The whole campaign is briefly alluded to

in PBP (ff. 144b) in a passage describing the areas taken

over by the 'Brug-pa authorities during the ’retreat' of

Zhabs-drung. More specifically, the rnam-thar of bsTan-'dzin

Rab-rgyas (f. 59a) maintains that the Eastern Province was

ceded to tho new realm in the year 1655* That seems to be

the interpretation warranted byt shing-mo-lug lor shar-

•phyogs Kha-ling tshun 'brug-lung dkar-mor bsgyur-ba’i bar-

du. This appears in a passage on the first sde-srid and

derives from the bstan-rtsis quoted in PBP. f . 145b.

During Mi-'gyur bxTan-pa's tenure of the office of

'Brug sDe-srid (1667-1680), the western border of the

country was extended westward towards the area around Kalimpong in
West Bengal. (This used to be referred to as British Bhutan, following the
annexation of 1865- 6)• The westward movement brought the government
of Bhutan into conflict with the authorities of Both Sikkim and Tibet.
Shakabpa (I976:M+7-8) has used some interesting Tibetan documents
which deal with this period (1668- 78), particularly with the role
played by the Lepcha chieftain Mon-pa A-lcog, the main opponent of
the Bhutanese. : "

sPung-thang is the literary name for sPu-na-kha, the winter capital of

Bhutan. The rdzong there was built in 1637 (LCB I, f. 35b and PBP,
f. 97b).

bsTan-'dzin 'Brug-rgyas, the 1st 'Brug sDe-srid (ruled 1651-56)'.

For accounts of his rule see LCB I, ff, 92a-93b and ff. 58a-59b of the
rnam-thar- of bsTan-'dzin Rab-rgyas.

It is worth introducing at this point a long passage (ff. 20b-22a)

from the undated biography of Kun-dga' rGyal-mtshan (I689-I?I3)
by the 9th Head Abbot of Bhutan, Shakya Rin-chen (regn. I7M+-55) •
It provides a quite different, and very likely apocryphal,account, J
of the parentage of Bla-ma'rNam-sras. According to this version
his father is said to have been the 'illegitimate' son of bsTan-pa'i
Nyi-ma (1567-1619)* father of the great Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang
rNam-rgyal. bsTan-pa'i Nyi-ma is said to have had a large number of -
tantric consorts; the 2nd 'Brug sDe-srid bsTan-'dzin 'Brug-grags
(regn. I 656- 67) is claimed to have been the product of one such
union. However, tfie/^claim here was doubtless made to aggrandize
the pedigree of Kun-dga' rGyal-mtshan, the first in a line of
incarnations who re-embodied the Zhabs-drung's own son 'Jamr«dpal
rDo-rje (I63I-? I68l); according to this tradition, our Bla-ma
rNam-sras was the step-brother of Kun-dga' rGyal-mtshan's grand-father.
It provides a good example of the strong temptation to reinforce
the slender threads of incarnational succession by backing it with
family ties. The passage is also important for providing independent
corroboration to the story of the eastward expansion of the Bhutanese
state as told here in the Lo-rgyus. It is interesting to note that when
the passage was written a treaty between Tibet and Bhutan was in
force, in contrast to the period when these events took place. The
treaty in question was no doubt the one drawn up by the Bhutanese
and Pho-lha-nas, the Tibetan ruler, in about 1730*

Perceiving that there was a special nned to bring benefit to

the Teachings in the future, he [bsTan-pa'i Nyi-ma,- 1567-
l6l9 ] attended on various wise ladies who possessed the
signs of dakinls of gnosis as his ‘companions on the path'
(lam-gyi grogs). Consequently a son was born in the region of
Yam-'brog and by stages he came to the residence [of the
*Brug-pa at Ra-lung], He was givfcn the name Thugs-dam Pad-dkar
and was bestowed with the precepts of maturation and release.
Having resided in meditation at various hermitages, he then
went to Grwa sDing-po-che (see Ferrari 1959*55 and. map),
the seat of the great Omniscient One Padma dKar-po [I527-92Q*
He surrendered himself to the great scholar-sage Rin-chen
dPal-bzang [cf. sNyan-grags dPal-bzang in the Lo-rgyus]. By
command of that lord he was commissioned to tame the beings
of the Eastern Realm of the southern region (lho-rgyud
shar-phyogs-kyi rgyal-khams), and so he brought great benefit
to beings by means of the six-syllable mantra, the essence of
Arya Mahakaruna. He became known as the King of Tsha-sa and
*
so received honour. This lord also took to himself a girl
possessing the signs [of a dakini] and Bla-ma rNam-sras was
born to them.Then on return [to Tibet] he built a
monastery at the restful abode called Brag-dkar in La-'og
Yul-gsum [in Kameng] and stayed there in meditation. There
too a son was b o m to him and he gave him the name of Chos-skyong,
At that time the Precious One of the 'Brug-pa, the
Mighty Dharmara.ja Ngag-dbang rNam (-par) -rgyal (-ba) [159^-
? I6 5 1 ], had himself come to these Southern Lands and was
gradually establishing the teachings of religion and the
state. It was then that Bla-ma rNam-sras came to be on bad
terms with King bDe-ba of Kha-gling and consequently he
hastened to the presence of Chos-rgyal Mi-'gyur bsTan-pa
[3rd ‘Brug sDe-srid, 1 6 6 7 -80 ] who was then residing as the
spyi-bla [see glossary] of Chos-'khor Rab-rtse [Krong-sar].
Out of broad and loving regard, the latter gave him great
assistance and said to him* "It is at present a time when
Zhabs-drung Rirwpo-che [Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal] is continuously
giving the precepts of maturation and release at the residence
of sPungs-thang [sPu-na-kha rDzong in western Bhutan], It would
be proper for you to go and receive them too." When accordingly
he [Bla-ma rNam-sras] was on his way there, the Zhabs-drung
Rin-po-che saw him clairvoyantly and declared: "A son of our
Yam-'brog-pa Thugs-dam Pad-dkar is coming here. He will be a
help to Mi-'gyur bsTan-pa in subjugating the eastern districts,"
He [the Zhabs-drung] is also said to have given further prophecies
from his clear view of the distant future. Before lopg [Bla-ma
rNam-sras] came before him and he treated him with love. Having
given him properly the precepts of maturation and release, he
then sent him back to Chos-'khor Rab-rtse.
For the duration of seven years he [Bla-ma rNam-sras]
stayed as the servant of Chos-rgyal Mi-'gyur bsTan-pa, at which
time he assisted in the work of taming the arrogant rulers and
officers [of the districts] as far as bKra-shis-sgang in the
east, who included among them the Chos-'khor dPon-po of Bum-thang
[see the Lo-rgyus, f f . 6b-8a], He thus took upon himself the
great burden of the Teachings with such courage that he did
not shy from far-ranging endeavours which included the work
ofbringing [the districts and their rulers] under the broad
white parasol of the religion and state of the 'Brug-pa hierarchs.
Then together with the person called dBu-mdzad Dam-chos Rab-rgyas,
he went to protect the subjects of 'Brug bKra-shis-sgang. Before
long he fell into the hands of a large Tibetan force which had
invaded, and so he died [see the Lo-rgyus, f f . Iifb-I9b].
Then his incarnation was b o m at the monastery of
Brag-dkar as the son of Bla-ma Chos-skyong [his step-brother].
He received the name of 'Brug Phun-tshogs. The younger brother
of this incarnation was the great being dBon-po rDo-rje, the
father of the rGyal-sras bDag-nyid Chen-po [Kun-dga1 rGyal-mtshan
1689-1713, incarnation of the Zhabs-drung's son 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje,^
I63I-?I68l], a natural yogin who untied all the artificial fetters.
Due to the fact that during those times there was no treaty
(chings-1.jags) between Tibet and the South [Bhutan], great
hostility was being shown by the [dGe-lugs-pa] monastery of
rTa-wang [in Kameng], dBu-mdzad Dam-chos Rab-rgyas therefore
warned him [dBon-po rDo-rje] to come in this direction. Accordingly
he came towards bKra-shis-sgang with his retinue. [The 'Brug-pa
 T O

authorities gave him the monastery of Tsham-'brog

which is said to have been associated with the figure
of 'Brug-pa Kun-legs (1^.55-1529) • he settled there and
married Karma lHa-mo who gave birth to their son Kun-dga*
rGyal-mtshan, the 1st rGyal-sras sPrul-sku of Bhutan.]

10. I have not been able to identify sNyan-grags dPal-bzang

(Rin-chen dPal-bzang in the above passage). He is perhaps the
person referred to as Bla-ma sKu'i-skyes in the Addendum
of the rGyal-rigs (f. 5Xa); Thugs-dam Pad-dkar (the same as
Thub-bstan Pad-dkar here) and he jointly occupied the position
of bla-ma in the tripartite system of clan rule (bla-ma» wang-ma
and gtso-rgyan). It is not clear which branch of the 'Brug-pa
school the monastery of Grwa sDing-po-che belonged to. It can be
assumed from the abovefpassage that it was from this monastery that
the incumbents to the office were appointed before the annexation of
eastern Bhutan.

II* The foundation of these 'Brug-pa monasteries in eastern Bhutan must

have paved the way to full 'Brug-pa rule in that area in thesame way
that the 'Brug-pa monasteries did in the west of the country*
Howeveri none of the eastern ones are at present identifiable*

12* More correctly sNa-dkar-rtse, on which see Wylie I9&2:7^t 1^5 Note
277.

(contd. on the next page)

J
13. The dual system of 'religious law' (chos-khrims) and
'royal law' (rgyal-khrims). See the Khrims-yig below,
passim.

14. See pp.248-50, 257.

15. This place lies at the top of the sTang valley in Bum-thang.

16. On the role played by bSod-nams dBang-po in recognising the

second sGang-steng sPrul-skut bsTan-'dzin Legs-pa'i Don-grub
(1645-1726), see f. 28a of the latter's biography. On the
hereditary office of the Chu-smad gDung, see p. 246 above.

17. On the office of mi-dpon, see p250 above. sDom-mkhar is a

village at the western end of the Chu-smad valley, close to
the palace of bKra-shis Chos-gling. '

18. This is the same ICags-mkhar that appears in the story of the
'Sindhu Baja' (Chapter 2 Section 2 above and f. 8a below).
The title gnas-po (pronounced 'nep' in the vernacular) is
rarely used now except with the meaning of 'host'. It also
signifies the guardian spirit of a particular locality.

19. On the militia still drawn today for ceremonial purposes from
the 'Eight Great Hosts of the Wang People' (Wang Tsho-chen
brgyad) see Aris 1976: 6l5~6l7, 625 note 61.

20 . 'Brug rNam-rgyal was the 'steward' (gn.yer-pa) of Ra-lung,

the chief 'Brug-pa monastery in Tibet. He seems to have been
appointed to this position by Zhabs-drung when the latter
entered retreat at ICags-si in 1623. In about 1645 Ra-lung
was formally taken over by the dGe-lugs-pa in reprisal ’for
their military defeat in Bhutan. 'Brug rNam-rgyal fled south
to his master in Bhutan and soon rose to the position of
gZhung mGron^-gnyer% the fourth incumbent to that office. As
commander-in-chief of the forces of western Bhutan, he not only

J
 played a vital part in the annexation of Eastern Bhutan, but
was also responsible for subjugating the area of Dar-dkar-nang
(LCB. ff. 30a, 42a, 47b). He is not to be confused with the
person of the same name who ruled as the 21st 'Brug sDe-srid
from 1799 to 1803. **

21. Wa-can rDzong in the Shar district of western Bhutan was

built by descendents of Gar-ston, son of Pha-jo 'Brug-sgom

Zhig-po (-:I208«76) , who had been appointed -by his father

to control the three districts of gDung, Had and sDong
(f. 31a of Pha-jo's biography). Of these, only Had ('Ha* ‘of-Jiheimap)
ban- hQW.be located, The family of the Wa-can Zhal-ngo had
control of the Wa-can rDzong and seems to have been the most
powerful of all those in Shar claiming descent from
Gar-ston, among whom stood the Zhal-ngo families of Khyen, Wa,
Shar-ngos and sTod-lu (Hum-ral gdung-rabe. f. 3b). The Wa-can
Zhal-ngo became the ally of Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyalf
and the traditional powers of the family must have been
absorbed quite soon into the new 'Brug-pa regime established
in the west (LCB I, ff. 26a-b, 32b). It is clear from this
passage of the Lo-rg.yus that at the start of the eastern
campaign the Shar district was still being administered by the
'Brug-pa authorities from Wa-can, and not from the new rdzong
at dBang-'dus Pho-brang (built in 1638) which later took over
control of the entire district (see f. 20a below).

*
22. This is the gDan-sa Yu-ba-shing visited by Padma Gling-pa
>
(f. l86b of his rnam-thar). The present inhabitants of Bum-
thang were unable to give me its location.
There is some confusion about what really happened 'to the
remains of Padma Gling-pa, According to a local tradition in
Bum-thang, the gTam-zhing Chos-r.je who had charge of the
portable stupas containing the remains Of both Padma Gling-pa
and his son Grags-pa rGyal-mtshan, employed a ruse to deceive
the 'Brug-pa commanders into taking away to sPu-na-kha the
wrong stupa, i.e. that of Grags-pa rGyal-mtshan. Ttyis is
maintains
denied by the 'Brug-pa government which / that the stupa
still kept today in the rdzong at sPu-na-kha is the. right one.
A further sku-gdung mchod-rten of Padma Gling-pa is housed in
the palace of g.Yung-drung Chos-gling in Mang-sde-lung and is
said to have been moved there this century from its original
location in Kheng mTha'-ma.

The ’Blind gNyer-pa' is unlikely to have been gNyer-pa 'Brug

rNam-i;gyalt the commander-in-chief (see f. 7b above). The
designation of rdzong-bdag for a fort-governor has recently ■
been revived in Bhutan.

See rGyal-po sindha ra-dza'i rnam-thar. f. 19a.

On the legendary origins of these chiefs see rGyal-rigs.

f.

'Phakidung' of the maps. gZhung ('capital') suggests the place

had some precedence over other communities in Ku-ri-lung, but
the kings of Phag-gi-gdung are not mentioned in the rGyal-rigs
This is usually contracted to lHun-rtse.

This is similarly contracted to Yang-rtse.

See rGyal-rigs, f* 20b.

See rGyal-rigs, f. *Ob.

See rGyal-rigs, f. l6b.

See rGyal-rigs,f. 17a and f. 21b below.

S®e rGyal-rigs,f. 17b.

^ee rGyal-rigs,f. 20a.

See ff. 17b-l8a below, Bla-ma Nag-seng of Me-rag may be

identified with Blo-gros rGya-mtsho, the fourth incarnation
of bsTan-pa'i sGron-me of the Jo-bo clan (rGyal-rigs. f. 30b).
Sarkar (1975: 35-39) has provided an interesting account of

the life of 'Lote Gyatso' (sic), also known as 'Mera Lama',

apparently based on an oral tradition that survives in the
rTa-wang area. Born in the same household as bsTan-pa*i sGron-
me, he is particularly remembered today for the part he played
in constructing the great rTa-wang monastery (or rdzong) under
the directions of the 5th Dalai Lama. This occurred sometime
after "the Nyingmapa and the Dukpa and Karmapa sub-sects of

the Kargyupa had combined against the Gelugpa and directed

their attack against his religious establishments" (op, cit.,
36).

Cf, f. 15a below. The dGe-lugs-pa rule in this area of

eastern Bhutan must have been the natural successor to the
gTsang-pa rule which collapsed in 16*12.

See pp. 247 above.

Perhaps 'outer, inner and middling' (phyi nang bar gsum).

I.e., he' was killed.

Cf. f. 5a above. Bla-ma rNam-sras' father had married a lady

of Tsha-se.

See rGyal-rigs. f. 20a.

The name is spelt Slang-nga on f. 12b above and lHa-lnga on

f. 22a below.

See note 55 to the rGyal-rigs.

sPung-thang bDe-ba-can (or -chen) is the name of the rdzong

at sPu-na-kha. See note 7 above.

Presumably a descendant of Kra'u who established this branch

of the Jo-bo clan (rGyal-rigs, f. 29b).
 OUQ

*f7* The 5th Dalai Lama, Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang rGya-mtsho (l6l7-82).

On the relationship between the Me-rag Bla-ma and the Dalai bsMt
f
see Sarxar 1975*36-39.
J

*18. His birthplace was in fact Ber-mkhar in La-'og Yul-gsum. Me-rag was
the site of one of the monasteries founded by the first of his
line, bsTan-pa'i sGron-me; seerGyal-rigs. f. 30b.

49# See rGyal-rigs, ff. I 8a, 36b.

50. See f. I7a above.

51. It is just possible that this invasion formed part of the large
scale attack on Bhutan in 1657. See LCB I, ff. 5Ib-52a, and f, 6hb
of the m a m - t h a r of bsTan-'dzin Rab-rgyas by Ngag-dbang lHun-grub|
also Shakabpa I9?6:*D+3-5.

52. The rdzong-dpon of Bya-dkar in Bum-thang. See f * 8a above.

53- See Note 19 above.

[continued on next page]

 See note 21 above.

55* This is the tribe, closely allied to the Mon-pa of Kameng,

which inhabits the easternmost confines of Bhutan. The 'Dakta'

(sic) have been briefly described by Cooper (1933b), See also
note 95 above.

56. All these 'elders' must have been the officers of the regional
detachments of the 'Brug-pa army from Western Bhutan.

57* See f. 6b above.

58. See ff. 9b, 12a above.

59* See f. 9b above and rGyal-yigs, f..l7a.

60. 1 See f. 10a above and rGyal-rigs, f. l?b.

61* See f. 10b above.

62. See ff, 12a (sTobs-ldan), 20a above and rGyal-rigs, f. l?a*

63. This is Krong-sar, capital of eastern Bhutan.

6^. The rdzong of bKra-shis-sgang, which stands to this day.

65. I.e. the teachings of the 'Brug-pa school.

J
 608

66* This passage emphasises the importance of trade in the

1
traditional life of the eastern Bhutanese.

67. See ff. 8b-9a above.

68. See loc. cit.

69. See ff. 2a-5t> above on King bDe-ba of Kha-ling, and

ff. 15a-b. 16b, l8b on King Chang-lo-dpal of Kha-ling
(who is probably the king referred to here).

70. See f. 9b above.

71. See f. 22b above.

72. See ff. l^a-l^b above.

73* See f. l*fb above. Bla-ma rGyal-mtshan seems to have been the
only one of the rebel leaders listed here who lost his life in
the campaign.

Cf, rGyal-rigs, f. V/b.

75* See ff. l6a-22b passim.

J
See note 21 above.

This is the tribe, closely allied to the Mon-pa of Kameng,

which inhabits the easternmost confines of Bhutan. The 'Dakta'

(sic) have been briefly described by Cooper (1933b). See also

note 95 above.

All these 'elders' must have been the officers of the regional

detachments of the 'Brug-pa army from Western Bhutan.

See f. 6b above.

See ff. 9b, 12a above.

See f . 9b above and rGyal-yigs, f . .17a.

See f. 10a above and rGyal-rigs, f. 17b.

See f. 10b above.

See ff. 12a (sTobs-ldan), 20a above and rGyal-rigs, f. l?a.

This is Krong-sar, capital of eastern Bhutan.

The rdzong of bKra-shis-sgang, which stands to this day.

I.e. the teachings of the 'Brug-pa school.

T E X T III
// (100b 1.4) gnyis pa ’ brug mthu chen chos kyi rgyal po’i bka’i
khrims yig bshad pa la / de yang sprul pa’i sku gong sa mi pham
dbang po gser khrir 'dzeg pa nas / kha bzhi’i rgyal kharns ’di gong
ma’i bka’ khrims ltar lugs gnyis kyis bde bar skyong ba’i dgongs pa
gtad de / bka’ gnang la khyed kyis rgyal rabs dang chos rgyal mes
dbon nas zhabs drung rin po cher brgyud pa’ i khrims yig sde pa dbu
mdzad sogs kyis ma nyams par bskyangs pa’i khrims lugs kyi yig
cha zhig cis kyang gyis slug ces gsung pa las / nged kyis kyang rgyal
rabs chos ’byung / srong btsan sgam po / khri srong lde btsan / khri
ral pa can / zhabs drung rin po che / sde pa dbu mdzad sogs kyi
bka’ khrims ji ltar rnyed pa rnams (101a) zin bris su bgyis te phul
ba yin te / de ni sde srid phyag mdzod rim byon gyi lo rgyus rjes su
bka’i khrims yig ’di nyid kyang bshad pa skabs su babs shing / lhag
par dpal 'brug pa’i bstan ’dzin rim par ’byon pa tsho’i nges rgyu
dmigs rkyen mchog la phan phyir ’dir yang bkod pa las de yang
’d ilta r /

dPal ’brug pa rin po che mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i

bka'khrims phyogs thams cad las rnam par rgyal ba’igtam j

PARTI

chos srid phan bde’i lung bzang pos //

sman ljongs legs lam gyis ’ tsho ba’i //
dkar rgyud zhing khams rgya mtsho’i dkyil / /
mthu chen ’jigs med grags des skyongs //
dge legs rab ’byatns chos kyi ’khor lo’i dbyangs //
sku gsum rgya cher bshad pa’i nges legs klung / /
zhing khams rgya mtshor spyod mkhas zas gtsang sras / /
mchog gsum snyan pa’i ’phreng bcas gtsug na rgyal //
rlabs chen tshogs gsum smon ’jug ye shcs kun bzang
spyod pa’i klu dbang gis //
sgyu ’phrul nor bu’i bang mdzod yongs ’gengs phyogs
bcu’i nam mkha’i mthar thug par //
legs lam zab rgyas rin chen mchog de char du snyil la
’gran bral khyu / /
dkyil ’khor kun gyi rnam rol gcig ’chang dkar brgyud
pa zhes grags la ’dud jf

mkhyen rtogs brtse ba’i nus ldan rigs gsum gyis //

bsil ba’i ljongs der mi nub phan bde’i lung //
gzhal med bka’ drin gter gyis sa skyong ba //
chos rgyal mes dbon rim byon rnams la ’dud //
 khyad (101b) par nges gsang snying po’i bstan pa yis / /
’dab chags rgod kyis nyin mor snyed brtol ba / /
snyan pa'i ba dan cher bskyod sprin gyi dbyangs / /
brgyud par bcas pa’i zhabs la phyag bgyi’o / /
bstan la gnod byed ma rungs g.yul //
mthar byed ye shes nigon lcam dral //
mngon spyod ral gri’i ’khor lo’i mtshon / /
dgra srog bcod la dam bzhes dgongs / /
rgyal khams kun tu phan bde ’byung mi ’byung //
rgyal khrims chos bzhin bca’ la rag las phyir / /
rgyal srid chos kyi ’khor los bsgyur ba’i lung //
rgyal bstan tshad mar ’dzin las gzhan du ci / /
de phyir thub gzhung gser gyi mngal / /
tshangs pa’i ’khor lo sde bzhi’i ’phrin / /
rnam dpyod mang bskur sgyur rgyal gyis / /
bsod nams chen por longs su spyod / /

ces pa ltar / spyir nain mkha’ dang mnyam pa’i sems can mtha’ dag
gi bde skyid rgyal ba’i bstan pa gang du dar ba de nyid la rag las /
bye brag tu bdag cag Inga brgya pa rnams la bcom ldan ’das shakya’i
rgyal po’i bstan pa ’am / ston pa de nyid kyis bcas pa’i khrims yin
cing / de yang / nyan thos kyi khrims / byang chub sems dpa’i
khrims / bde bar gshcgs pa’i khrims lugs zhcs bsgrags pa’i bstan pa
rin po che ’di nyid ’dzin skyong spel zhing bsrung ba las / phyi ltar
lugs bzhin spyod pa’i rgyal khrims / nang du bshad sgrub gtan la
phab pa’i dge ’dun / gsang bar dam can rgya mtsho’i tshogs kyis.
dngos dang rdzu ’phrul gyi in thus rim par skyong zhing bsrung ba
las / deng sang gi bar du ma (102a) nyams pa mtho ris dal ’gro’i
rgyun bzhin yod pa ’di’o / / de la dgongs te bcom ldan ’das kyis
kyang gser ’od dam pa’i mdor / j

bdag dang gzhan la phan gdags phyir / /

yang dag chos kyis yul bskyang bya //
g.yo rgyu byed pa mthong gyur na //
chos bzhin chad pas bead par bya / /

zhes gsungs pa ltar / sangs rgyas kyi bstan pa’i dar rgud rgyal I
khrims lei yang gi khyad par gtso che zhing / rgyal khrims rgyal
brgyud rim pa’i lugs srol ma nyams par byed dgos pas / de’i phyir
rgyal brgyud rin po che’i rgyal rabs kyi khungs kyang / snod bcud
ma chags pa’i sngon ’od gsal lha’i gzhal yas kyi khang par las snang
rang byung gi tshangs pa chen po gser mngal can du bskrun / de las
khams gsum pa’i ’ od gsal gzugs khams kyi gnas rigs bcu bdun / *dod
 lha rigs drug gi chos nyid rim par gdal ba’i mthar ’dzam bu’i gling du
babs pa las / bdag rkyen gyis thog mar snga ba mang bkur rg>'al po / /
de nyid kyi rigs su sngon gyi rgyal po lngar grags pa dang / ’khor los
bsgyur rgyal sde Inga / de’i rgyal brgyud kyi rabs su rgyu mtshan gyi
sgo nas bu ram shing pa’i brgyud dang shakya’i brgyud du’ang ’dogs
shing / de la mang bkur rgyal po nas sras sgra gcan ’dzin gyi bar
rgyal rabs sa ya gcig dang ’bum khri Inga brgya yod pa ’dul ba las
gsungs / de las du mar gyes pa’i chos rgyal mya ngan med nas rim
par bod yul gyi rgyal por snga ba gnya’ khri btsan po / / de’i rgyal
■ rabs su gnam (102b) la khri bdun / stod kyi lteng gnyis / bar gyi legs ■
drug / sa la lde brgyad / ’od gi btsan gsum / zhes grags pa’i rgyal rabs
nyi shu rtsa bdun na / ’phags pa kun bzang gi rnam sprul lha tho tho
ri snyan btsan byon pas dam pa chos kyi dbu brnyes / de’i rgyal rabs
Inga par ’jig rten dbang phyug srong btsan sgam po byon nas / de
bzhin gshegs pa’i ’khor lo bcu dang / chos kyi rgyal po’i ’khor lo
bcu zung du ’brel bas skyong bzhin par / ’jam dpal dbyangs khri
srong lde’u btsan yab sras na rim nas / gsang ba pa’i tshogs kyi gtso
bo mnga’ bdag khri ral pa can la sogs pas / bod yul lha ldan gyi 1
rgyal khams thams cad dam pa chos kyis dbang bsgyur bar byas shing /
der ma zad / rgya gar / rgya nag / kha che / li bal nor ’dzin gyi char
yang / rgyal khrims ’khor lo’i rtsibs su rgyal bstan nor bu’i gdugs
dkar bkod pas dge zhing yun ring gnas pa ni / lung las /

m i y i chos lugs bzang po de / /

dam pa chos k y i gzhi ma y in / /
gzhi ldan chos la spyod pa de / /
bde nas bde ba th o b par ’ g yu r / /

zhes ’ byung ba lta r / rgyal kun snying rje ’ i rang gzugs ’ phags mchog
spyan ras gzigs dbang de n y id chos k y i rgyal po srong btsan sgam
p o r sprul zhing / khrim s lugs j i snyed pa’ i sgo nas spang blang gsal
bar ’ god cing bod khams dag pa’ i zhing du bsgyur ba dang / de
mtshungs de y i rnam sprul ye shes rd o rje grags shing / lha miM
(103a): ’ gro ba’ i m chod gnas gdung dang na bza’i mtshan can chos
k y i rje gtsang pa rgya ras pa de n y id k y i rigs su kha b zh i’ i rgyal
khams gdul bya’ i zhing du yod ces / ma ’ ongs pa na rang n yid ’ byon
pa’i brdar pha jo ’ brug sgom zhig p o r lung gi gnang ba stsal te /
n y id k y i gdung brgyud d ri ma med par sprul pa’ i sku nyid du bsam
bzhin skye ba bzhes pa dpal ’ brug pa rin po che m thu chen ngag gi
dbang po phyogs las rnam rgyal ’jigs med grags pa’i sde’i mtshan du
b y o n pa de la / khrag ’ thung gi rgyal po ye shes mgon po learn dral
dregs pa’ i dpung dang bcas pas / kha bzhi lh o ’ i rgyal khams chen
po ’ d i n y id chos gzhis k y i tshul du p h u l nas ’p h rin las bsgrub pa’i
bka’ nod cing / rig ’ dzin chen po padm a ’ byung gnas ky is kyang /
 lh o bha ga’ i sbugs su y u l btab nas / /
sgo btags su chu bo phyogs b zh ir ’gyed / /

ces lung bstan pa la dgongs / dpal ldan ’brug pa rin po che rgyal
sras bdud ’joms rdo rje’i gdul bya ’phrin las bzhi’i chibs kyi kha lo
sman ljongs kyi grong khyer chen por bsgyur te / ma rungs bdud
bzhi’i g.yul ngo rmeg med dang bcas pa bcom zhing / lugs gnyis
chos kyi rgyal srid dri ma med pa’i ’dzin skyong spel gsum la
mnga’ dbang bsgyur nas / rten gsum gtsug lag khang gi bkod pa
rgya mtshor ’jug cing / lho phyogs nor ’dzin gyi yul gru mtha’ dag
nyid kyi bka’ ’bangs su bsdus te / lho khrims med la khrims dang /
rdza lung med la lung btags nas / chos khrims (103b) dar mdud
bzhin du bsdams / rgyal khrims gser gyi gnya’ shing lta bu’i ljid
kyis gnon te / lugs gnyis kyi bka’ khrims chen mo bca’ ba nas
brtsam / mi bdag rim byon gyis kyang / chos bzhin rgyal khrims
kyi srol ma nyams par skyong bas / kha bzhi’i rgyal ’bangs thams
cad bde zhing skyid pa’i dpal yon du longs spyod chog pa ’di
byung ba yin cing / yin pa de bzhin rgyal brgyud snga ma’i phyag
Ien ma nyam pa zhig byed dgos rgyu yin / de yang sngon chos
rgyal chen pa’i khrims yig gi thog mar / srog mi gcod pa’i khrims
gshin stong dang gson stong / ma byin par mi len pa’i khrims dkon
mchog gi nor brkus na brgya ’jal / rgyal po’i nor la brgyad cu ’jal /
’bangs kyi nor la brgyad ’jal du bcas / bdag po can gyi chung mar
log g.yem mi byed pa’i khrims rmad ’jal dang byi chad bcas / brdzun
spong ba’i khrims lha srungs chos skyong dpang du bzhag nas mna’
bsgag pa sogs kyi khrims dang / spyir mi dge bcu spong ba’i steng
du pha la phar ’dzin pa / ma la mar ’dzin pa / dge sbyong dang
bram ze la dge sbyong dang brain zer ’dzin pa / rigs kyi rgan rabs la
phud du bkur ba / rang la gzhan gyis phan btags pa’i byas pa drin
du gzo ba Ibre dang srang la sogs pa’i ngan pa’i g.yo spong ba ste
mi chos gtsang ma bcu drug khrims su bca’ ba ’di mdzad ’dug cing /
de bzhin lho phyogs kun bzod kyi khyon ’dir yang snga thog tu
zhabs drung rin po che’i sgrigs rnam gzhag ces lugs gnyis (104a) bka’
khrims shin tu dam pa’i dper byed ’dug kyang / bar skabs sgrigs
mam gzhag phal cher snyoms las rang gar spyod ’dug par / ’di rigs
de lam du bzhag tshe / bya ba dang bya ba ma yin pa’i khrims mi
’ongs / khrims med na sems can la bde skyid mi ’byung / sems can
la bde skyid med na chos rje ’brug pas lugs gnyis kyi bstan pa
’dzin pa’i don med cing / des na bstan pa rin po che snying la bcang
zhing nye ’gyangs phyogs Lhung med pa’i drang thig sor bzhag gi
khrims lugs chos rgyal gong ma srong btsan sgam po lta bu byed
dgos / de yang / ‘
 ’gro ba’i bde skyid rgyal ba’i bstan pa dang //
bstan pa de yang bstan ’ dzin skyes bur rag //

ces ’byung ba Itax / bstan ’dzin gyi skyes bu ni sems can yongsla
bu gcig ltar bsam pa’i lugs gnyis kyi rnam gzhag gang yang gtan la
dbab pas bstan ’gro’i bde skyid tshugs pa zhig dgos rgyu yin kyang /
da skabs so so nas log pa’i dran ’khrul tshod ’dzin med pa’i ngan pa
gnya’ rengs kho nas bka’ khrims gnyan po ras su bor / dge sdig rgyu
’bras kyi spang blang skad cig kyang mi bsam par / nor phyir snyad
med snyad btags kyis brdung thag bkyigs thag ’og khang la bcug pa
sogs chad pa ’phral bkog byas nas / sbyin bdag kun mi yul gyi yi
dags dngos su bsgyur ba dang / gros mi spyi dpon sogs nor yod ngo
can ’gas kyang / g.yon can snyan par smra te dpon la gus tshul gyis
nor sug sogs ingo bskor (104b) ’ba’ zhig dang / la las bden brdzun
sna tshogs gzhung sar *phen pa’i ’bangs gyen log sogs / bstan la mi
’tsham pa’i spyod ngan byed pa mang pos rgyal khrims phan bde’i
rol mtsho myog par ’dug pas / gtso bo khrims kyi bdag pos / ’di
yin ’di min gyi rtsad gcod zhib mor btang nas / chos dang chos min
’byed pa’i khrims kyi srol bzang po gtod dgos pa / ji skad du /

rgyal ba kun la mkhas pa yis / /

bran g.yog legs par brtag par bya //
bden dang chos la gzhol ba yis / /
rtag tu yul ’khor bskyang bya zhing / /

zhes pa ltar / rgyal khrims chos bzhin bskyang dgos pas chos ’gal
gyi las nag byed pa bkag cing / rang ’dod khong ’tshang bag med
smyo spyod dam tshig gnyan po khyad gsod nyams pa bdun dang
zhing bcu tshang ba’i rigs tshar bead rjes su ’dzin pa mdo rgyud kyi
dgongs pa yin cing / rgyal ba nyid kyi lung las /

’di dag bsgral bar byas nas ni //

dmyal ba’i gnas su yun thung ’gyur //
rnal ’byor bsgrub la bar chad med //
theg pa chen po’i mthu dar zhing //
sangs rgyas bstan pa rgy'as par.’gyur / /

zhes gsungs shing / byang phyogs sa la’i sman ljongs su sngon nas
byon pa’i chos kyi rgyal po rnams ni byang sems sha stag bka’ drin
gyi gnas yin mod / phyis kyi sde srid kha cig kun slong zhe gnag gi
phyogs ’dzin dam pos / kar ’brug gnyis kyi mgo gnon gang thub
dang ’di pa ’tsho’i ring lugs ngan pa yin phyir bsnub par byed sogs
pa’i khrims yig ’dod sbyar byas pa’ang ’dug cing / de ’dra (105a) ni /
 ci sbyang dregs pa’i skad ’byin yang / /
ri dags rgyal po snying rje skyes //

ces sam / i

skyes mchog rang gi skyon la blta //

skye ba ngan pa gzhan skyon ’tshol //

zhes gsungs pa ltar ro / / de bzhin lho phyogs kyi rgyal khab ’dir
yang ’ga’ zhig rang ’dod du Ihung bas / chos srid bstan pa’i ’dab
brgya dkar po zum dus su nye zhing / de’i phyir bstan pa rang mdun
ras su bor bar mi bzod pa’i bsam khur snying khong rus pa’i dkyil
nas gzhen btab ste / chos srid ’phrin las kyi gdugs dkar ’di nyid ’dzin
skyong spel zhing bsrung ba la / rgyal sras zur phud Inga pa khri
srong lde btsan gyi mkhyen rab dang snying stobs kyi rjes su ’jug
dgos Izhes dpal ’brug pa rin po ch'e nithu chen ngag gi dbang po’i
chos kyi rgyal srid spyi’i rnam par gzhag pa’i gleng gzhi thog mar
dge ba’i bkra shis dang po ’jig rten kun la khyab gyur cig /

PART II

/ / bde dang phun tshogs ’jig rten la / /

rgyal thabs spyod pa’i lung ’chang ba //
skyes chen ma la ya rlung gi / / '
mdzad pa’i dri bzang ’di nas spel //

da ni lugs zung bstan pa’i sgron me khrims lugs ’phrin las kyi
bdag po sde srid phyag mdzod pa’i bgyi ’os kyi gtso bo / bcom ldan
’das kyis mdor / ;

rgyal po chos la dga’ bar gyur na ni //

tshe rabs gnyis kar bde ba’i lam ’di yin //
rgyal pos spyod bzhin du ni ’bangs kyang spyod / /
de bas chos bzhin sa la gnas par slob / /

ces dang / (105b) rgyal ba gnyis pa chen pos / j

pha rna’ i brgyud dag ’ bangs kyis ’khur mkhan mang //
spyod pa ya rabs mna’ tho chad la ’dzem / /
mnga’ thang skyong shes dgra ’joms dpung pa can //
mi chen rgyal po mchog la dgos pa yin //
ces pa ltar / lho phyogs kyi rgyud ’ di nyid mnyam med dpal ’brug j;
pa rin po che’i ’dul zhing yin pas / rgyal ba’i khyab bdag mthu chen
ngag gi dbang po’i zhabs kyi padmo gtsug tu mchod pa’i sgo nas bstan
pa dang skye ’gro’i bde skyid la thugs bskyed mi dman pa dgos nges /
sangs rgyas kyi bstan rtsa dge ’dun yin phyir gar bzhugs bkur sti’i
bzos sgo ci ’gyur byed pa’i / chos spyod bcu dang gar thig dbyangs
sogs bskyed rdzogs kyi nyams len la zhabs bskul yang dag byed /
sgra snyan pa dang mtshan nyid grwa sde’i slob sbyang gi dpe rgyugs
’phral ’phral du len nas deb dang bstun pa’i gnang sbyin stsal / gdan
sa mtha’ dag gi dngos po’i phyag rdzas ci yod rgyal ba’i sku gsung
thugs rten sogs dkon mchog gi mchod rdzas dang dge ’dun gso ba
las gzhan du chud zos mi gtong ba’i bka’ khyab lo ltar bzhin phebs /
bzo rigs grwa sde dang / sgar nang gzan gyi rigs la’ang / yi ge ’bri
mchod sbyin pa dang sogs spyod bcu gtso bor ’don pa’i so so’i las
ka dang bstun pa’i rgyugs len cing bstan pa’i zhabs ’degs gang ’gyur
du ’jog Inyin re bzhin mnga’ ’bangs spyi’i skyid sdug dri rtsad byas
pa’i ’thus ma ’ thus kyi skabs ’phral du bde ba’i thabs kho nar bkod /
yul gru (1 06a) so sor srog gcod rku ’phrog spangs pa’i ri rgya lhungs
rgya bsdams pa sogs / chab ’ bangs dge bcu’i khrims su sbyor ba’i
bio gros kyi shes rgya ’das ma ’ongs dpyad tshugs pa dgos / ’jig rten
skyid sdug rgyal ’phain kha mchu’i gcod sdom dang khral ’ul dos
skyal de rang gtso bas / drag zhen su thad nas kyang zas n,or ngor
bltas pa’i nye ring phyogs lhung yod med rgyun du rtsad gcod drag
por btang / rdzong mgron spyi bla sogs nor yod ngo can ’ba’ zhig
dang nye ’khor zhabs ’ bring ba’i rang ’dod zhus dbang du mi btang
bar rgyal khrims dpang thub gtso bor bton ngos / mtha’ bzhi’i sa
mtshams kyi las ’dzin mams kyang / dbus kyi bde skyid mtha’ la
rag las pa bzhin / rang sdes gzhan phyogs su Ar jag dgra rkun shor
nas rang khrims mi btsan par byas shing / chings dan gyi khra ’gal
du ’gyur na / de’i lan rtsa rang la thug par ma zad bstan ’gro spyi’i
’gal tshabs* tu ’gyur bas / de bzhin mi ’gyur bar bde ’jam byed dgos • t s h a b
pa’i bka’ khyab yang yang gnang / lhag par rdzong kha gar yang
rtswa khral shing khral des sbyin bdag sdug po rang zhig ’dug pa /
’di rigs la rta’i rtsis bdag dang rtswa khral ’di thob kyi rim pa sngar
khyun bzhin byed du bcug dgos / mdor na phyi mnga’ ’bangs kyi
bde thabs / nang las tshan spyi’i dpang ’jog / don skyabs'gsum ’dus
tshogs spel ba’i mdzad bzang ’phrin las bzhi’i rnam par rol ba dus
gcig tu dbang bsgyur ba’i bio gros kyi nyin mor byed pa’i ’phrul
’khor shes dgos pa / mthu chen seng ge’i (1 06b) nga ro las /

dbus zlum zhi ba phyi gru bzhi //

dung bzhi ’phrin las rgyas pa dang //
khams gsum dbang sdud nga ro’i sgra //
mngon spyod ral gri’i ’khor lo bskor / /
zhes dang / bstan dgra ’joms pa’i spu gri las / / I

gang zhig skye bo mi bsrun pa / /

mthu mi bu Ion ltar snyeg pa //
de la mngon spyod las kyi mthu / /
gnam lcags ’dra ba ’di phob cig / /

ces bka’ stsal pa ltar / bzang po bzang thog tu srol gtod / nyes pa 1
nyes thog tu tshar ma bead na / rgyal khrims chos bzhin du spel mi
nus pas / rgyal khrims drang por bead pa rgyal po’i dgos don gyi
gtso bo yin cing / de yang rgyal po la gees pa khrims zer ba bzhin /
rgyal po gcig gis rgyal khrims drang por skyong bar byed na de’i
’bangs rnams nyin gcig la bde bar bkod nus shing / de ni sngon dus
chos rgyal mes dbon rim pas bsil Idan gyi ’gro ba rnams cig car chos
srid lung gis ’tsho bas dang / zhabs drung rin po ches rmug rgod lho
phyogs kyi rgyud ’di ’dul sbyong nus pa’ang rgyal khrims chos bzhin
bskyang ba’i mthu las yin no / / spyir rgyal khrims bca’ ba’i rgyu
mtshan / yul gru so so’i rgyal ’bangs bde ba’i ched nyid dang / sgos
su rgyal dbang thub pa’i ’dul khrims bstan rtsa dge ’dun gyi ’dzin
skyong spel phyir bcas pa yin ’dug kyang / bar skabs su rnam par
dbye bas ’phongs te / dge slong sdoin nyams srog gcod ma byin len
sogs bstan pa’i phung gzhi byed kyang rtsad gcod mi gtong / des ni
mig ltos ngan par ma zad bstan ’gro’i legs lam nub par (107a) lung
bstan las /

’dul khrims nyams pas dam nyams lung pa gang / /

de yi rgyu las skye ’gro’i bde skyid nub //

ces dang / j

chos khrims zher pas ma mgon dbyings su gshegs / / •

dam sri spun gyi kha rlangs dum bur ’phro //
mi yi chos lugs zher bas lha mams nyams //
nag po bdud kyi rigs rnams ha har rgod / /

ces sogs dang / lhag par de bzhin gshegs pa nyid kyis nyi ma’i
snying po’i mdor / Inga brgya tha ma’i dus rab tu byung ba’i khrims
kyang / rgyal khrims dang bstun par gsungs ba bzhin / rang phyogs
bios ma bzod par ’dug pa’i da cha nas gzung / dge slong bslub par
skyon tshad ’dul lugs dang mthun pa’i chad pa gcod cing / rtags
dang cha lugs bskyur dgos thag chod yin zhing / gzhan yang bdud
kyis yo lang bshams pa’i zas ngan tha ma kha zer ba ’di da ltar sgar
 678
lto gzan sogs mi nag skye bo kun gyi nyin mtshan du spyod par
’dug mod / ’dis ni sku gsung thugs rten grib kyis non par ma zad /
steng lha nyams / bar btsan ’khrugs / ’og klu la gnod cing / rgyu des
’jig rten khams su nad mtshon mu ge’i bskal pa rgyun du ’byung
bar / slob dpon chen po padmas lung bstan mang po gsungs ’dug pa
ltar Irdzong mgron sku tshab las tshan gros mi spyi dpon tshos /
yul phyogs gar yang phung zas tha ma kha’i nyo ’tshong dang
’thung mi byung tshe / rtsad gcod drag por ma btang na rang rang
so so’i stcng khar yong rgyu thag chod dang / rgya drung tshos
kyang las sgo rang nas bkag pa sogs de lugs (107b) kyi rtsis bdag
byed pa gal che / de bzhin snyigs ma’i yid can gyi las dbang lta bus /
da lta’i skabs ’dir chab ’bangs skyid sdug mi snyoms pa’i mtho
dman sna tshogs kyi lo rgyus thos tshe / bde thabs yod bzhin snyoms
las su bskyur na / bdud kyi rgyal po dang khyad par ci yod / rang
gzhan su thad nas kyang / drang gsum ’khar ba mdun btsugs dkon
mchog dpang gsol ma gtogs / kha mchu’i bslab don khral ’ul sogs
la nye ring rgyab mdun byas ’dug na drag po’i khrims la sbyar rgyu
thag chod yin zhing / de bzhin byed dgos pa lung las kyang /

ji ltar rgyal srid bskyang ba dang //

sdang ba’i dgra rnams ’dul ba dag //
’ bangs la re ba ma ’jog par / /
zhal bzhugs tshe na myur du mdzod / /

ces dang / j

rtsub pas rtsub pa thul ’gyur gyis / /

zhi bas ’dul ba ga la nus / /

zhes gsungs pa bzhin / rtag tu dkar po dge ba’i las la brtson zhing ;
las ’ bras kyi rtsa ba chod pa dgos na’ang / ma yin ma ’thus pa’i nag
can la snying rje ma bzhag par srog lus la tsa ra phyis lam khegs pa
dgos / de yang ngo tsha dang snying rje’i dbang du bzhag tshe bio
bsam mi bsrun gyi rigs rnams je ’phel du song na rgyal por gees pa
khrims dang / de ’og nas ’tshang rgya zer ba bzhin yin pas / rdzong
sdod sku tshab rim pas rang ’bangs rnams la / rgyal khrims chos
bzhin skyong mi skyong snyan lam du gsan spyan gyis gzigs pa’i /
byung ma byung gi skabs ’phral ’phral du tshar bead ijcs su ’dzin
pa (108a) ni sde srid phyag mdzod rim byon gyi mdzad par shes
dgos so IIde yang /

dam pa dpon du bkod gyur na //

don grub pa dang bde skyid thob //
ces gsungs pa ltar rgyal po khri thog tu ’tshang rgya ba de byung ig
ba yin no / / bstan ’dzin chos kyi rgyal po de nyid kyi zhal lung
’chang ba mgron gnyer / gdan sa’i rdzong dpon / spyi bla rnam
gsum Ide’i bya bzhag gi rim pa / rgyal dbang kun mkhyen ’brug
pas /

yas kyi rjer gus mas kyi ’ bangs la byams / /

spyod pa mdzangs thon kha ’jam zhc mi gnag / /
’khrugs na dpa’ la gzhan zhig chog shes ldan //
rgyal po’i gnang chen byed na dgos pa yin / /

zhes pa ltar / Inga brgya pa rnams kyi gtsug rgyan dpal ’ brug pa .
rin po che rgyal sras ngag gi dbang po’i chos srid kyi zhabs ’degs
spyi dang / khyad par sa dbang chen po’i bka’ lung spyi bor nod
pa’i gus btud mdzes khyad sngon du song ba’i / rgyal srid phyi nang
bar gsum du dge skyon spo bzhag gi babs yul byung dus rgyu mtshan
zhu / sngar rgyun bstan ’gro’i sku rim dang lung pa’i bde thabs kyi
rtsis sdoms / mtha’ mtshams kyi zhu sna ’gangs chen rigs snyan ’bul
zhib par zhu dgos / kha mchu’i skor phag tu nor sug dang kha drag
shed yod kyi dbang du mi btang bar / bden brdzun gsal por phye
ba’i drang gtam lugs mthun snyan du ’bul / rgya bal bod sogs grub
mtha’ mi gcig pa’i rigs kyis zhu yig dang ngo ma mjal dgos byung
tshe Ide rang du zhib rtsad dris pa’i de bstun gyi bdag rkyen sprod /
bstan la byas pa can gyi rigs bio pham du ma bcug par gong sar
snyan gsan phab nas (108b) las tshan gang ’os su bton / gnyer las
’dzin Ibzo rig chibs bzhon / sgar lto gzan gyi nang khrims rgyun du
rtsad gcod gtong zhing sngar lugs kyi thun khar btsud / che phra
gang la yang bzang kha rang nyid kyis byas pa’i ngan kha gzhung
srid skyong dang bcas par mi bcol / gzhung don bya ba’i rigs su
gyur par rang don dang khyad mod kyi ru nga grub rtsol gang cher
byed dgos shing / gal chen don yod kyi rigs rnams bslab ston ma
zhus par rang nyid kyis bios bead mi byed / nag po sdig las dang gal
chung don med kyi rigs zhu zhu mang ba thugs dam gyi sad rgyur
’dug pas bio thag gcod pa las ’os med / mnga’ ’bangs spyi’i skyid
sdug blta zhing dge bcu’i khrims la sbyor ba’i snyan bskul sogs /
rlabs chen spyod pa’i bgyi ba dus gcig la ’phrin las bzhi bsgrub nus
pa’i bka’ nod cing / lhag par mtha’ zad sbugs ral du mi ’gyur ba’i
phyi rdzong gi gad bdar / nang mdzod kyi gsog ’jog / bar khrab
mtshon gyi bsgrub lugs / dgra nam’ongmed / grab thung med kyi
dpe bzhin / gang la yang ring thung med pa’i sa mtshams su mig
gis bltas / rna bas nyan pa’i dgra zon la g.yel ba med pa gcig dgos
rgyu yin / yang / drag po g.yul gyi las la zhugs dgos tshe / skyabs
gnas kyi ngo bo bla ma rin po che dang bstan don kho nar bsam
 001

pa’i snying stobs / dpa’ mdzangs des gsum cang rig khyug gsum brtan
brling bkycl che’i thabs tshul gyi sgo nas / gcan gzan gyi khongs na
seng ge ltar (109a) brjid pa'i dpa’ gdengs chen pos / ’khor gsum mdo
drug tshang ba’i dmag mi dmag gral du ’khod par / longs spyod gya
noms pa bstab pa’i mthar / skabs dang bstun pa’i bkod bshams rang
sde dpa’ nus bskyed cing dgra dpung klad* ’gems nus pa’i kha lo •kled
bsgyur te / dgra sde thal bar rlog kyang rgyal ba’i sku gsung thugs
rten la me brgyag pa / bshig cing brdungs pa la sogs mtshams med
kyi las yin pas dang thog nas bkag / dmag gral thob rigs thob mkhan
gyis khyer chog / mtshon kha sprod dus stobs Idan brgya thub la
g.yu dang khang gzhis stsal ba’i bka’ khyab / mi gsad re gnyis mar
dpa’ dar rgyab bkab sogs gang ’os byed pa’i / dmag dpon / mda’
dpon / Iding dpon / sgar gnyer / go mtshon / dmag mi sogs drag po
g.yul gyi las la ’jug pa’i bkod pa bshams lugs mang yang skabs thog
dang sbyar ba gnad che’o / / gtso chen rgyal srid kyi bya ba la rje
dang ’bangs kyi bar du legs lam gyi mtshams sbyor sgrigs shes dgos
pa / ji skad du / j

blon po bio ldan drang po yis //

rje dang ’bangs kyi don kun ’grub / /

ces dang / ^

bio chung gros nyes ’ khrugs pa’i tshe //

bio ldan thabs kyis bde bar gso //

zhes pa ltar / rdzong mgron bka’ bgros pa’i rigs dang zhabs ’khril 1
sku gshogs pa sus kyang / phyi’i bya bzhag nang du ma dgongs pa’i
rigs sba gsang med par snyan du zhu zhing / nang gi skad cha phyir
skyel med pa’i bio ngag shin tu dam por byed /

bio (109b) gsal ngag nyung nye gnas te / /

phra ma ’jug na stor shing yin / /

zhes dang / :

gsang gros thub pa grogs yin te //

gzhan la ’chad na zangs thal yin / /

gsungs pa bzhin gsol gzims sogs thugs nang dag dgos de bzhin ma
byas na /

chen po mams la dgra bas kyang / /

rang gis ’khor gyis gnod pa mang //

j
de bzhin gzims ’gag pas nyin mo bag med dang snga phyi gu yang :
sogs mi byed cing lus ngag yid kyi kun spyod chos dang rjes su
mthun pa dgos / des na rgyal srid phyi nang bar gsum gyi sgrigs
mam gzhag mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i bka’ khrims spang blang
’dzol med byed dgos tshe / chu ’go nas rnyog na mi dangs pa bzhin /

rgyal po nyid kyis ma rtsis na //

thams cad mkhyen pa’ang bkur mi'’gyur / /

zhes pa ltar / gtso bo khrims kyi bdag po sde srid phyag mdzod
gong du mtshungs pa las / gzhung phan tshun gyi rdzong dpon spyi
bla / gangs ri’i rdor ’dzin sogs la bdag rkyen mthong srol khyad
med / rdzong dpon mgron gnyer gsol ba thab tshang du lhan cig
b2hes dgos rgyu / gnyer las ’dzin gang gi thad la’ang sngar rgyun las
bdag rkyen gsar bcos mi byed / gsol ba dkar mo’i rigs dang ’brel
tshad snga phyi rim par phye ba’i gsol bskor byas mi chog / phyogs
mtshams kyi rdzong dpon mtha’ dang / rgya drung shar nub / gzhan
yang phyi mgron gyi rigs sku tshab che chung gang yin rung / gzhi
len gyi rnam pa’i mthong srol ma gtogs gzhan gsol ba dkar mo’i gral
du yin / gzhung don kha mcliu bead pa dang ’gro dgos kyi rigs la
bod (1 10a) gsum bzhi las lhag pa mi ’khrid / rdzong kha che phra
so sor lto gzan gsar rnying ’jug bton gyi skor dang chos gzhis nas
’bru ’di thon dang / sbyin bdag nas khral dang dbang yon ’di yong
lto gzan grangs dang bstun pa’i mgron ’ thud kyi steng nas / lo star
gyi ’bru dang zong nor bka’ rgya re bcug pa’i gsal cha gong sar dgos
rgyu / phyogs mtshams gar yang lde mig gnyer pa ngo bo rang ma
gtogs / rang gi zla bor mi bcol / bzo rig gi sdeb ma gtogs drags zhen
su la’ang phogs byin mi chog / rdzong kha so so’i ’bru mdzod dang
gnyer tshang gi skor yun ring bzhag kyang chud zos su ’gro bas /
gong sar snyan sgron zhus pa’i lo star bzhin mnga’ ’bangs su sbyin
gtong sogs bde ba’i thabs kho na ’ba’ zhig byed pa la / gangs can
skye bo’i skyid sdug lan gsum snyoms pa’i chos rgyal mu ne btsan
po dang khri ral pa can gyi rjes su ’jug dgos / zhes dpal ’brug pa rin
po che mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i chos kyi rgyal srid skyong
ba’i bka’ blon spyi’i rnam par gzhag pa’i gzhung don bar du dge ba’i
bkra shis gnyis pa ’jig rten kun la khyab gyur cig /

PART III

IIrgyal phran bye bas mngon btud ral pa’i khrir //

longs su spyod pa gang gi bka’i tham ka / /
bsrel ’os las ’dzin du ma’i blang dor gyi / /
rnam dbye sngon gyi rabs bzhin ’dir brjod bya //
gang yang bkod pa’i mi dang ’dzugs pa’i shing du gleng ba ltar / lung
pa re la khrims bdag re bkod pa’i rgyu mtshan des / ( 1 10b) ding sang
sems can gyi skyid sdug sku tshab las tshan gyi rigs gtso che ba ’dug
par Ide dag gi spang blang sgrigs rnam gzhag rim par phye ba’i nges
rgyu *di ltar / sku tshab tsho gnyis ma dang / bla gnyer sbrel ma rnams
la bod gnyis dang A drung re / sku tshab yongs la bod re dang A
drung re / dc las lhag pa’i zur gsos gzhis kar ’dug tshe / bkyigs thag
dang Isku tshab phogs bead / las tshan gyi rigs ’gro ’grul mang po
des sbyin bdag kun la gzan sgo cher ’dug pas / da nas spo ’jog byung
na ma gtogs gom kyang snyad btags byas ’gro mi chog / chur mo
brdung chag sprod dgos rigs sdeb bsags kyis sprod pa las / rgyun par
mi sprod / de yang rgyus gang ldang las lhag pa’i mi len / sngon dus
kyi mchod gzhis ’gang can ming du thogs pa yod na ma gtogs /
gzhan ma sbyin bdag yul babs dang bstun pa’i bsdu thun la gtong /
mi ser la gser g.yu khro zangs rta nor rten mchod chas sogs dngos
po’i rigs tshong la snyad pa’i spus btsug mi ’phrog / phyag mdud
rgyab bkab byin nas nor mi slong / lung pa’i sde thang gis bead pa’i
nyo tshong ma gtogs / dbang tshong byas mi chog / tshwa mar mi
sprod / bal ’thag mi sprod / lug rgyab mi slong / rdzong kha sku
tshab dgon sde’i bla mas sbyin bdag las bsod snyoms rgyugs rigs
grong bshal sogs da nas rbad gcod / chug khol nyo tshong byas mi
chog / ma nges pa’i nyo ’ tshong byed mi byung kyang lung dpon
la brda sprad pa’i / des kyang gong ma (Ilia ) gtso bor snyan sgron
dgos rgyu / tshwa chu sman chu’i skor / yas phyin mchog phebs
zhor dang / ’phags pa’i dge ’dun gong bkur / grub mtha’ mi gcig rigs
gang ’os / gzhung phan tshun dang spyi bla sogs kyis mtshon las
’dzin che phra lto gzan sogs na tslia dos drags mig zin rigs rnam pa
lta rgyu tsam las / gzhan tshwa sman skor la rang rdzas dang mthun
’tshol ma gtogs gnyer tshang dang dos ’ul zhag babs kyi lto chang
sogs rbad gcod yin / tshwa sman ’gro ’dug la brten gzan rtsa nas
bkal mi chog / rang don du song phyin phar phyir shar rgyag ’gro
ba las rdzong du ’thon mi chog / gzhan yang dos ’ded kyi rigs
rdzong kha sku tshab gang yin nas / dos ’di song gi zhu yig gong sar
dgos rgyu dang / sa rims tshigs so so nas kyang / zla tshes ’di la mi
’di’i dos ’di song gi ’dzin tho gong sar dgos rgyu / de ltar med pa’i
dos ’ded byung tshe / tsa ra nag chad so sor yongs rgyu / sku tshab
pas rtsis rta gcig dang rdzong nas gso rta re sprod ’dug na dang /
de steng ’bul ba tarn ka brgya skor thud las / rta re ’go dpon gtso
bor zhus nas gso ba ma gtogs / zur rdzas kyis rta nor gsos mi chog /
gso mkhan byung na rdzong khar ’phrog / de bzhin rta gsum tshun
gso ba las / sku tshab pas sbyin (Illb ) bdag nas rtswa khral shing
khral dos skyal ’u lag gi rigs bkod mi chog / ’bul thus kyi rta’ang
nyo tshong byed par las sgor mi ser btang mi chog / sku tshab pas
 b<54

kliral pa’i kha mchu gcod pa’i chang sky cl la / ming don mthun pa’i
chang zo re ma gtogs / che ba ma tarn dang chung ba sman kha tsam
yang len mi chog / de bzhin thug gsher gyi rigs rdzong khar rang la
skyel ba ma gtogs / che chung gang yang sku tshab pas thag bead
mi chog / sku tshab pas lo thog bsdu btab zhing rtsig* bskor ba sogs -tshigs
la snyad btegs kyis grong bshal gyi rigs byed mi chog / sku tshab
pas zhing rtsig* rtswa phran thog phran bza’ shing sogs las / nges -tshig
med mi ser gyi rta phyugs phran bu’i kha thal cung zad la’ang / za
’dod snyad gtser gyi chad las ’os med mi byed / sku tshab las tshan
’gan yod rigs kyis smyo zas kyi chang ’thung ba / bud med brten pa /
khyad par bdag can gyi bud med la log par g.yem pa sogs / bstan
pa’i ru drar ’dug pas sku tshab las tshan nas ’phral ’don byed / sha
khral mar khral bsdu khral la* sogs pa khral rgyug gi ’dzom ’dzom -o m itte d
byed dgos rigs / sku tshab rang gi gzhis kar rgad po spyi dpon
rnams ’dzom te jdpya ’di phog gi zhib rtsis bsdur nas ’go dpon
gtso bor snyan sgron phul nas rgyug pa ma gtogs / sbyin bdag nas
spyi sger gyi khral rigs rgyugs mi chog / sa mtshams zhag babs
mams su mgron ’thud bzhag kyang / mgron babs sbyin bdag la
bkod ’dug pa thus rgyu min / gzhan yang sbyin bdag la ma nges
pa’i lto (1 12a) ’babs rigs / bdag yod mgron la sbyar ba las ja chang
sha la sogs pa’i spros pa mi byed / lto ’ thud gzhi kha* len mi chog / -khad
sku tshab pas zhu rten phyag injal sogs len nas / dpa’ gzas chad
’thud ’u lag khral rkang sogs yang mi chog / sku tshab pas shi gson
gyi ston mo’i phud mi len / gnyen dga’ bral dga’ sdom byed pa la
phyag mjal len mi chog / mar khral lta bu las tshan phyin dgos rigs
la jbod dang spyi dpon gsum ’dzom gyis go bead / der brten gyi
khral rigs med / nor dang rdzi bo’i phyag mjal mi len / ru pa pho
mo gcig las med na she ma gcig dang rdzi bo gcig gzhan bza’ tshang
las pher bcas yod na she ma rdzi bo rbad gcod / ’u lag chad ’thud
*u lag rang bkod pa ma gtogs rgyu dngos mi len / gros* mi spyi -groi
dpon bla ma zhal ngos las sner slcbs pa rnams kyis gzhung sogs
byes ’gro’i rigs la / mi ser nas zla bo mi ’khrid / phyag mjal la snyad
pa’i khral bsdud byed mi chog / gzhi nas las tshan ’gan yod che
phra rnams na rgas dbang pos ma Icog pa dang nad cong gis zin pa
mig mthong rigs gang ’os / gzhan dgongs pa grol rigs rdzong du
zhag gsum las lhag pa sdod mi chog / lung par mi rigs mi gcig pa
byung tshe / lung dpon gang yin la brda* ma sprod par mi ' -omitted
btang Ide dag gi sna len gdong bsu mi byed / Ar jag gi gnas
tshang byung na rkun mo dang khyad med pa’i nag chad / khol
bros nyams mi dga’ ba’i rigs / babs yul nges can rnams kyis ’dzin
(1 12b) ’chang ma byas par gtong tshe khol tshab sgrigs / ’dzin
’chang byas pa’i khol jor ’byor ’phrod byung tshe / sa thag ring
thung zhag yun sogs dang dpags pa’i lto rngan lung pa’i sde thang
byin / gzhan yang sbyin bdag bu yod pa bu dang / bu mo yod pa
bu mos za / de yang khral rkang gnyis sbam byed mi chog / sbyin
bdag bud med dang g.yog rigs med pa’i rgan rgon sogs yod tshe /.
ngo bo ma yol bar du skam khral gang ’byor re byed bcug / ngo bo
yol tshe sha rus gang nye’ i mi phros yod pa nas khral rkang rtsa
lhongs byed / pha ma mi dga’ ba’i gnyen mi bya / gzhan ma khral
zhing khral khyim dngos po yod bzhin du / khral pa gnyis gsum
sbam zhing / de yang skam khral la thab. thus kyis bsgyur nos /
yongs la gnod pa’i dpe ngan gcig ’dug pa / de rigs kyang de rang la
bu dang bu mo’i phros yod na khral rkang so sor btsugs / mi phros
med na rang gis bios ’phos pa’i mi phros yod pa la / khral ’ul dmag
tsho res ’phel nges bcug / gzhis khang gzu'ng nas grong khar khral
med yod tshe / gzhis dang dpag pa’i khral ’ul gang pher re bcug /
mi shi’i skor srog gcod mang du byed pa / shi gson gnyis kar ma
bzang ’dug pa / da nas me btang bla ma’i gdong len dkar dro byed
na ’gab ’dug pa’i dkar dro byed tshe / gzhung gi sku bkal mgo zug
tshab la phyed tarn gi ’gong / bla ma’i sku bkal ras yug gi ’gong /
yang / gshin po’i zas ( 1 13a) bsngos tsam las dkar dro ma ’byor tshe /
gzhung dang bla ma’ i sku bkal gong bzhin / gsung chog pa’i sha bkal
tshab la chur mo phul bzhi re zong byin kyang de rtsis byed / yang
/ srog gcod ma byed ka med rang byung tshe / srog gcig bead nas
gzhung dang cho ga pa sogs nye ba ’dzom rigs kyi gdong len des
khyab par byed / de las lhag pa’i srog gcod byed mi chog / nye ba’i
lto byin dang ras bkab kyi sha de bead / dge ba yul tshan de rang
las gzhan du mi spros / stong rtsi zhabs tog gi rgyu’ang skam rlon
gang ’byor sbyin bdag rang gi ’dod sbyar byed / dgon sde’i bla mas
sger dbang gi mi shi’i phung po dbyar ka zhag gcig dang dgun ka
zhag gnyis ma ’gyangs par / me btang dgos pa’i cho ga pa’i grangs
dang yo byad sogs gzhung dang cha ’dra yang / bla ma ngo bo byon
ma tshugs pa dang dus ’gyangs pa sogs byung tshe / bla ma gzhung
nas dge rtsa’i cho ga btsugs skor sbyin bdag rang gi yo byad gang
’byor mtshan ma re dgon par skycl ba las yul du btsugs mi chog /
chos pa’i lto bkal sa zhing bead nas btsong mi chog / ’jig rten pas
chos pa’i rgyags mi bead / chos pa rang rkang can grong bshul sbyin
bdag nye gnas sha tshas dge bar gang ’gro byed / lto gzan zur bzhugs
chos pa’i rigs grong rjes su rten mchod chas rnams gong sar dgongs
rdzogs su phul / de lhag dge bar gang ’gro byed / chos pa’i mtshams
khang‘brdung dgos rigs / chos sde’i khongs su ma gtogs grong Hag
ri bsul gang byung ( 1 13b) brdung mi chog / dgon sder pho mo
sdom pa’i bu tsha bcas byung tshe / 'jig rten byed pa grong khar
yin pas / yul sde’i khral tshab dgos par bcug / grwa rigs bsod
snyoms don spyod bla ma’i brel ba gong du phud pa’i / bag med gu
yang la zla phyed brgal tshe / khyim pa so nam gyi brel bas / yul
babs sku tshab pas dos skyal ’u lag bkol / de bzhin dgon sde’i bla
ma tsho’ang / lo dus kyi dbang chos tshes bcu ma i,ii’i brel ba gong
du phud pa’i bead rgya kho nar bzhugs dgos rgyu / yul sde rnams
su bslab shes kyi rig gnas khung thub yin na ma gtogs / gang dran
glur blangs kyis gzhan mgo bskor ba’i mo rtsis sngags ban sman pa
sogs bkag / gzhung pa rdzong kha’i ma ni bas mtshon / ma ni ba’i
rigs la / dad ’bul ma gtogs / khral rigs bkod mi chog / mi ngan ’khrul
lag can gzhung nas bskrad par che phra sus kyang brten brdzi rgyab
skyor byed pa med / khyad par rkun ma nges can rku thog tu bsad
pa la / nag chad dge stong med / gri ’bal la gri chad / ’thab na ’thab
chad / gsod res byung na shi gson mnyam sbrags / ma thub tshe nam
zin la dmar gsod gtong ba’i / bu gzhis rnams tshe rabs su rang yul
las gting ’don mtha* la bskrad / yang / lam brdung jag chom rkun
ma g.yo khram nges can gsod pa dang / yul grur gnod pa’i gcan
gzan gsod pa dang / dgra phyogs las thob pa phul byung na phyag
mdud rgyab bkab sogs gang ’os byed / las sgo so (1 14a) so’i zong
rigs sngar lugs ltar spus dag dgos rgyu dang / las sgo’i ’go pa do dam
gang bkod des kyang tshad ldan dang / tshong pa sogs su thad nas
kyang de ka?i ngag ’khril dgos rgyu dang / don gyi snying por che
phra su thad nas kyang / ’di don la mi rtsi ba’i ngan pa mtshang
rdol byung ba dang / bka’ shog gi rigs la ’dra brdzus ’bru log dang /
sa rim gyis gtong bar ’then thogs / gtan tshigs bkram pa’i don las
’gal ba sogs mi ’tsham pa’i bya ba byed mkhan byung na / rke mig
srog gsum rang la gtong nges yin zhing / de bzhin gtso bo mi rje chos
kyi rgyal po nas gzung / bla dpon sde rigs las tshan che rim rnams
la de lugs kyi khur bzhag med cing / mnga’ ’bangs skyid sdug mi
blta / rang ’og mi non / rgyu ’bras khyad gsod nag po sdig las kyi
bya ba byas pa phyogs mtshams mtha’ bzhi gang nas byung zhing
thos kyang / ’di la mngon spyod mi mdzad na /
*di la mngon spyod mi mdzad na / j
dam can srung mas ci zhig bya / / j

zhes sogs dang / j

dge ba su spyod sun ’byin pa //
’di ’dra bsgral ba’i ’os lags so //

zhes pa’i lung bzhin du ye shes mgon po’i dmar rgyan du ’bul
rgyu thag chod yin pas / der ma song ba’i rang rang so so’i thad du
go shes yang dag yod pa’i m u nas / lha dpang dkon mchog gsum
dang Imi dpang phyag mdzod rang du bcol ba’i bstan pa phyi nang
gsang gsum gyi zhabs ’degs ci ’gyur dang phan sleb gang che byas
shing / mtha’ na lus (1 14b) srog gi steng khar babs kyang ci gsung
bsgrub pa’i snying stobs kyi go cha gyon te / chos dang srid kyi
bslab ston ’gan bzhes chos blon mgar lta bu’i phyag phyi zhu dgos /
zhes dpal ’brug pa rin po che mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i chos
kyi rgyal srid phyogs mthar spel ba’i las tshan spyi’i mam par
gzhag pa’i yan lag tha mar dge ba’i bkra shis gsum pa ’jig rten kun
la khyab gyur cig //

gang ’dir chos srid lugs brgya’i bum bzang gtso //

phan bde’i lung gi rin chen ma nyams par //
rgyal brgyud lha dbang dgyes pa’i mchod sprin du / /
’gro gsum mtho ris rten du bkod pa yin //

zhing khams rgya mtshor dge legs rab ’byams khungs / /

bde ’byung nor bu’i khrir ’dzegs chos rgyal du / /
longs su spyod chog dam pa’i legs bshad ’di //
sa spyod du ma’i rgyan du cis mi gzung //

srid par rlabs chen ’jug pa’i rnam thar ’phreng //

nyin gcig bzhin du spyod cing nges ’dod na //
bio ldan gang zhig ’di la che bzhir dang / /
rgyal po khri thog sangs rgyas nyid du ’gyur / /

de lta’i mthu las ’jig rten khams kun tu //

dpal ldan dbyar rnga’i chos srid rab rgyas te //
gnas skabs mthar thug mi bslu phan bde’i ’bras //
rdzogs ldan ngo mar spyod pas ’da’ gyur cig //

ces dpal ’brug pa rin po che mthu chen ngag gi dbang po’i bka’
khrims phyogs thams cad las rnam par rgyal ba’i gtam ’di yang /
chos rgyal gong ma’i khrir sngon gyi smon lam rten ’byung gis grub
pa / bdag ngag ( 1 15a) dbang bstan ’dzin mi pham dbang po’i sdes /
rgyal ba’i gong bu ngag dbang bdud ’joms rdo ije ’phrin las bzhi’i
’khor lo sgyur ba’i gzhal med khang / ’brug spungs thang bde ba
chen po lugs gnyis dge bar skyong ba’i rgyal khab nas / rab byung
zhes pa sa mo bya’i lo rgyal bas gsang sngags chos ’khor ston pa’i
dus kyi zla ba’i yar tshes bzang por bris pa dge legs su gyur cig / ces
pa lta bu ni bio ldan bstan la brtse zhing ’gro la phan bzhed lugs
nyis skyong ba rnams la sman ’gyur cher srid snyam nas ’dir dka’
yang dang du blangs pa’o //
 /Preamble/

(100b Secondly, as to explaining the decree of the legal j

l.U) _ 1
code of the fighty Dharmaraja of the ’Brug-pa, now
2
when the incarnation Lord hi-phara dBang-po had ascended

the golden throne he voiced his thoughts about the

propitious rule of this Realm of Pour Approaches b y means

of the dual system /of royal and religious law/" ^-n

accordance with the legal decrees of the ancients. He

issued, a command, saying: ’'You must at a L1 costs prepare

a record of the legal customs which were maintained

intact by the sDe-pa dBu-mazad^ and others /and which

were based on/ legal codes handed down from the royal

lineage and the ancestral Dharmarajas to Zhabs-drung

Rin-po-che .u I myself,^ therefore, drew up and offered

a draft of the laws of Srong-btsan sGam-po, Khri Srong-

lde-btsan, Khri Ral-pa-can, Zhabs-irung Rin-po-che, the

sDe-pa dBu-mdzad and others, just as they were discovered

(101a) in the royal and religious histories. How, following the

account of the successive /incumbents to the office of/

n
sDe-srid Ph,ya,g-mdzod,' the time has come to explain this

same decree of the legal code. furthermore, it is also

set down here in ord .r to bring benefit as an excellent

example of 'what should be known to the successive upholders

of the teachings of the Glorious 1Brug-pa, and so it is

as follows:
 The Legal Decree of the Glorious 'Brug-pa R i n - p o - c h e .
6 -
the Mighty Ngag-gi dBang-p.o ^ e n t i t l e d /

The Discourse, Victorious in All D i r e ctions

/"“PART I : I n troduction to the principles of theocratic rule 7

By good pronouncements, B eneficial to religion

a n d the state,

Mighty 'Jigs-med G r a g s / - p a / protect

In the centre of the ocean, the realm of the

d X a r -rgyud 8

Which is s u s t a i n e d B y the w a y of deliverance in

the Land of Medicine I 9

V irtuous and a l l -encompassing sound of the

Dharmacakra,

Excellent river of extensive 'teaching in y o u r

three' b o d i e s , 1 0
11
Son of Suddhodana, shilled in action in the ocean
of realms,

With s w e e t - s o u n d i n g series of the triple gem

rule over my head.

I Bow to those k n o w n as the dKar-Brgyud-pa, holders

of the enjoyment of a l l the man d a l a s ;

The m a t chless company w h o rain down these v e r y

precious things, profo u n d and vast, of the w a y
of deliverance

As far as the ends of the sky in the ten d irections of

space; w h o a r e c o m p l e t e l y f i l l e d wit h magical
stores of jewels

By the lord of the N a g a s , w h o exercises the perfect

wisdom, the fulfilled desire per t a i n i n g to the
extensive Three Assemblages. 13

I B o w to the succession o f ancestral D h a r m a r a j a s ,

Those w ho ruled with the treasure of immeasurable

kindness

A n d Beneficial, undimini shing authority in that Cool

Land'll
15
By means of the three kinds of wisdom,which have the
power of l o v i n g kindness.
(101 In p a r t i c u l a r I do obeisance at the feet of the one
p ossessed of the lineage

Of the melody of clouds / t h a t resembles/7 the sweet

so und of a b a n n e r w a v e d strongly,
17
Of the w i n g e d vulture w h i c h reaches as far as /.its
destination in a day/

By means of the doctrines pertaining to the essence

of secret truth.

O h Y e - shes m G o n / - p p 7 ICam-dral, who brings to an e n d

The wars of malignant spirits who injure the teachings,

A r m e d w i t h a circle of m a g i c w o r d s ,

Re m e m b e r the oath y o u took to sever the lives of

enemies.

Since the appearance or non-appearance of b e nefit

a n d h a p piness throughout the realm

Depends on w h e t h e r state laws are p r o m u l g a t e d in

accordance with religion,

As to a u t h o r i t y f o r g o v e r n i n g the state b y means of

the D h a r m a c a k r a ,

What else is there for it b u t to hold to the teachings

of the Buddha as a model ?

O n that account the g o lden womb of Muni *s

scriptures,
19
The divine a c t i o n of the f o u r f o l d wheel of Brahma,

Was enjoyed m e r i t o r i o u s l y

B y the discri m i n a t i n g Mahasammata,

In accordance with these words, in general the happiness of

all beings w h o are as limitless as the s k y ’s extent depends

on those very, places where a B u d d h a ’s teachings have spread.

20
In particular, for us of the age of decline it is the

teachings of the Sakya k i n g or the laws esta b l i s h e d b y that

same teacher / w h i c h hold sway7. In that regard, the precious

d o c t r i n e s Jfcivrvrr a r th e d is c ip lin e .., th e B o d h is e

 uai
discipline and the Sugata discipline have b e e n upheld,

guarded and diffused; externally, the state laws of

p r o p e r conduct, internally the Sangha w h i c h systematises

the e xplanation and realisation / o f the teachings/ and,

secretly, the ocean of oath-bound divinities w i t h real and

(102a) magical powers have progressively p r o t ected and g u a r d e d

them. So to this day they exist, having the q u a l i t y of

an unimpaired, slowly flowing hea v e n l y stream.

T h i nking of that, the Bhagavat said in the S u v a r naprabhasa

21
sutra:

For the b e n efit of m y s e l f and others

I shall protect the l a n d with pure religion.

If the practice of deceit should b e c o m e apparent

It shall be s t o pped b y punishments tlnat accord

w i t h religion.

In accordance w i t h these words, since a degree of strictness

/ i n the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n / of the state laws is most important

for the f o r tunes of the B u d d h a ’s teachings, the state laws

an d the customs of the successive rulers must be mai n t a i n e d

unimpai red.

In that respect, as to the origins of the lineages of

precious royal families: b e f o r e the world and its inhabitants

came into being, the great Brahma of the g o l d e n w o m b was

pr o d u c e d as the spontaneous appearance of a c t i v i t y in the

heavenly p a l a c e of the gods of clear light. From him there

spread out in succession the clear light of the third realm,

the s e v e nteen abodes in the realm of form and the essence

of the six groups of gods of desire. Finally, a f ter he had

d escended to Jambudvipa, b y his favour the first / r u l e r to

a p p e a r w a s / K i n g Mahasammata, in whose f a m i l y the so-called

 ’five ancient kings' a nd the five classes of C a k r a v a r t i n

kings / c a m e forth/. In the succession of their royal

lineage they came to he known, from / v a r i o u s / causes, as

„ /■ _

the lineage of the lksvaku a n d a l s o as the Sakya lineage.

It is said in the Vinaya that a m ong them, from K i n g Mahasammata

to Prince Rahula, there w ere one m i l l i o n one h u n d r e d and ten

22
thousand five h u n d r e d generations of kings* A f t e r / t h e time

of/ the Pharma raja As oka, w h e n many of these h ad gone hy,

/ T h e r e appeared/7 g N y a ’-khri hTsan-po, the first of the kings

(102b) of the T i betan land, and in his royal lineage / t h e r e a r ose/

the so-called 'Seven Khri in the Sky', 'Two ITeng of the

W o r l d Above',
'Six Legs of t he Intermediate S p a c e 1, 'Eight
23
IDe on the Earth' a n d 'Three b T s a n of the Underworld'. In

the t w e n t y - s e v e n t h gen e r a t i o n of these kings llia-tho-tho-ri

sNyan-btsan, the incarnation of Arya-Samantabhadra, came

forth and the holy r e l i g i o n w as begun. After Srong-btsan

sGam-po, the lord of the world, had come forth in the f i f t h

g e n e r a t i o n fro m him, in ruling by means of joining together

the ten cycles of a T a t h agata wit h the ten cycles of a

- 2h
Dha rma ra ,1a . fro m /the time of/ Khri Srong-lde ’u - b tsan the ^

Manjusri, his son and the line of his successors, / d o w n till

the time of/ the ruler Khri R a l - pa-can who was the chief of
25 „

the secret host, and others, all the realms of D e v avan in

the country of Tibet were g o v e r n e d by means of h o l y religion.

Not only there but also in the countries of India, China,

Kashmir, K h o t a n and Nepal the white parasol of the precious

doctrine of the Buddha wa s p l aced on the spok e s of the wheel

of state laws. As for the fact that they t h e r e b y remained

f or a long time as fields of virtue, it is m e n t i o n e d in

scripture;
 The good religious observances of humans

F orm the b a s i s of holy d h a r m a .

The practice of the dharma together with its basiB

Wil l gain one happiness on happiness.

— /
As it thus happened, Arya-Aval o k i t e s v a r a himself, the

embodiment of all the B u d d h a s ’ compassion, i n c a rnated

himself in the Dharmaraja S r o n g - b t s a n sGam-po w h o c l e a r l y

laid down b y means of many legal observances w h a t was to

be a b s tained f rom and what was to be a d o p t e d a n d so he turned

the realm of Tibet into a pure land. L i k ewise the Realm of

F o u r Approaches existed as the field of c o n v ersion for the

03a) family of his own reincarnation w h o was k n o w n as Ye-shes

rDo-rje, / a l s o k n o w n a s / the Hierarch gTs a n g - p a rGya-ras( -pa)

w h o pos s e s s e d the name of his lineage and of his apparel

26

a n d w h o was the object of w o r s h i p b y beings, gods and humans

/ a l i k e / ; thus did he / g T s a n g - p a rQya-ras/ give a p r o phecy to

27
Pha-f jo ’B r u g - s g o m Zhig-po as a sign that he w o u l d go there

hi m self in the future. And so he / g T s a n g - p a r G y a - r a s / took

birth according to his w i l l in an incarnation body w i t h i n his

own stainless lineage a nd came forth as the one n a med the

Glorious ’Brug-pa Rin-po-che, the Powerful N g a g -gi-d b a n g -po

28
P h y o g s - l a s - rnam-rgyal ’J i g s - m e d - g r a g s - p a . To h im the bloo d -

drinking king Ye-shes mGon-po ICam-aral t o g e t h e r with his

proud a rmy offered this Great Southern R e alm of F o u r Approaches

in the manner of a religious estate and accepted orders to

fulfil his actions. Bearing in mind the prophecy which the

Mahavidyadhara Padma s a m b h a v a h ad also made, saying:

Havi n g founded a home in the womb c a v i t y of the s o u t h

29
Rivers will disperse to the f o u r quarters at the named doors,

he turned the b r i d l e of his horse of the four actions towards

 the g r e a t city of the Medicine Land, the sphere of conversion

of the Glorious ’Brug-pa Rin-po-che, the B o d h i s a t t v a b D u d - ’joms

30 31
rDo-rje. Having defeated the four atrocious demons t o g e t h e r

w i t h their disorderly b a t t l e .lines and h a v i n g g a i n e d control

of the upholding, gu a r d i n g a n d diffusing of the stainless

theocracy of the dual system / o f religious and secular

government/, he b e g a n the laying out of v ast numbers of

32-
1triple s u p p o r t s 1 a n d temples, a n d subjected to his aut h o r i t y

all the districts of the South. Having introduced laws w h ere

there had b e e n no s o u t h e r n laws and fixed handles w h e r e there

33
J 0 3 b) had b e e n no handles on pots, he constrained b y means of

religious laws like a silk e n knot a n d p r e s s e d down w i t h

state laws as with the w e i g h t of a golden yoke. Beginning

/ f r o m the time of/ the introduction of t he great law of the

dual system, the s u c c essive rulers also p r e s e r v e d intact the

observance of state laws in acc o r d a n c e wit h r e l i g i o n a nd it is

due to this that the p o s s ibility has arisen for all subjects

of the Realm of F o u r A p p r oaches to enjoy themselves in the

g l o r y of happiness a n d contentment. This b e i n g so, there is

a need for m a i n t a i n i n g unimpaired the practices of the early

royal lineage.
- 3*4-
Now, foremost in the legal code of the great Pharma raja

/ t h e r e occurs/ the law of not taking life, m a n s l a u g h t e r - f i n e s

f or the dead and the living; the law of not t a k i n g w i t hout

being g i v e n — the h u n d r e d f o l d restitution for stealing

religious goods, the eightyfold restitution for the k i n g ’s

goods, w i t h the eightfold r estitution for the goods of subjects;

the law of not comm i t t i n g ad u l t e r y with married women, wit h

fines for forn i c a t i o n a nd penalties for a d u l t e r y or rape;

the law of abs t a i n i n g f r o m falsehood, the law of c a l ling the

g u a r d i a n deities to w i t n e s s when swearing oaths etc., a n d in

 general, in ad d i t i o n to abstaining from the Ten Unvirtuous

Actions, showing filial respect for one's f a t h e r a n d

m o ther a n d due respect to sramanas and brahmins*

— I If— W ^ l J. JJ — - U
h o n o uring

the elders of the family, returning kindness done to

oneself b y others, a b s t a i n i n g from false che a t i n g w i t h

regard to weights and measures — he p e r f ormed this

enactment b y law of the Sixteen Pure Rules of Human Conduct,

In that m a n n e r the so-called "regulation of / p u b l i c /

35
order" of Zhabs-drung Rin-po-che a c ted in previous times

(lOija) throughout the w h ole of this land of the South as a most

sacred example of a legal cod e per t a i n i n g to the dual system;

however, in the meantime this regulation of / p u b l i c / order

has b e e n l a r g e l y treated with indifference and if such

things are left to continue in that manner, laws relating

to w hat s h o u l d a n d sh o u l d not be done are not practicable.

If there is no law, happiness w i l l not come to beings. IfJ

bein g s do not have happiness there is n o point in t h e

Hierarchs of the 'Brug-pa u p h o lding the d o c t r i n e of the

dual system. Therefore, h o lding the precious doctrine in

one's heart, it is n e c e s s a r y to enact legal observances

like those of the P h a r m a r a n a Srong-btsan s G am-po w h i c h

establish a justice devoid of bias or partiality.

Furthermore:

The h a p p iness of beings depends on the doctrine

A n d the doctrine on beings w h o u p hold it.

Thus it h a p p e n e d ;and so for beings w ho u p h o l d the doctrine

there is cause for desiring an establishment of happiness in

the doctrine an d a m ong beings b y s e tting up w h a t e v e r is

fundamental to a dual system / o f legal a d m i n i s t r a t i o n /

under wh i c h all beings a r e looked upon as an ohly child.

Yet nowadays, due to s h eer obstinate w i c k e d n e s s on the

 U£JU

part of various persons /[characterised b y / bad, confused

thoughts a nd lack of due measure, the b o d e f u l laws have

b e e n repudiated. Without thinking f o r a m o m e n t about

d i s c r i m i n a t i o n between good and evil, or b e t w e e n cause and

effect, penalties and summary confiscations have b e e n m e t e d

out f o r the sake of /jacquiring7 w e a l t h b y m a k i n g false

a c c u sations against the innocent, b e a t i n g and tying them

w i t h ropes and throwing them into dungeons, a n d all the

'patrons* have r e a l l y b e c o m e ghosts in the l a n d of humans.

The beneficial, enchanted lake of the state laws has b e e n

s tirred into turbidity b y m a n y evil deeds n ot consonant

with the doctrines, such as plain trickery, i n c l u d i n g bribery,

on the part of a few w e a l t h y and important p e ople w h o include

among them /[village/ counsellors and m e s s engers /[who do

this/" w h i l e speaking sweet sounding deceits in pretence

(lOlfb) of r especting officialdom; also uprisings of subjects

p u shed towards the capital b y some of them / w i t h / all sorts

of truths a n d untruths. Therefore, having i n v e s t i g a t e d in

37
detail w h a t is what, the c h i e f master of the laws should

turn towards good legal usages that distinguish religion

from irreligion. As it is said:

'The king skillful in a l l things

Should c o n sider well his servitors.

W i t h a p p l i c a t i o n to truth and religion

2a
He should always protect the provinces.

Since it is necessary t h e refore to preserve the s t a t e lawsj

in accordance with religion, acts of evil that transgress

r eligion are to be suppressed; the pursuit of terminating

all such things as selfishness, anger, fecklessness, w i l d

behaviour, fierce oaths, contempt, the ’Seven Defects' and

the 'Ten Realms' is the intention of the autras an d t a n t r a s .

 According to the w o r d of the Buddha himself:

B y cutting to pieces these things,

T he sojourn in hell will b e c o m e short,

There will h e no obstacles to achieving y o g a ,

The power of the Mahayana will e x p a n d

And the Buddhist doctrines w ill extend.

Thus it was said, a n d in the Northern Medicine L a n d of Sala

the Pharma raj as w ho came forth in early times were certainly

n o t h i n g other than Bodhisattvas and abodes of grace. But

later one section of /^Tibetan/ r u l e r s , ^ as a result of their

severe f a v o u ritism ^/characterised b / / f r e n z y and evil

temperaments, oppressed both the Kar</-ma-pa/r School and the

*Brug^Z-paT' School as much as possible a n d even a c h i e v e d

their w i l l /Joy promulgating/^ ordinances to the effect that

since the order of these schools was evil they wer e to be

annihilated. P o r example:

lG5a) Even though the jackal howls with arrogance,

The lion bears / h i m / compassion

Or again:

The great b e i n g examines his own faults;

hi
The b ad m a n looks for faults in others.

It was as said in these words. Similarly, even in this state

of the Southern L a n d a few have fallen into selfishness a nd

so the time draws near w h e n the hundred w h i t e petals of the

doctrine of religious a n d secular government w i l l close.

Exhorting, therefore, f rom o n e ’s innermost heart the sense

of duty that cannot b e a r / t o see/r the doctrine r e p u d i a t e d

b e fore one, it is n e c e s s a r y to take after the w i s d o m and

courage of the Bodhisattva P a n c a s i k h a . Khri Srong-lde-btsan,

for the sake of protecting and of upholding, gu a r d i n g and

 diffusing this w h i t e parasol of the action of religious

a nd se c u l a r law.

/ H e r e e n d s / the p r e l i m i n a r y i n troduction to

the general fundamentals of the theocratic

rule of the Glorious 1Brug-pa Rin-po-che.

the Mighty Ngag-gi dBang-po. May the first

virtuous "blessing c o n t ained herein fill the

(1 05a
1.4) w h o l e world.

J
 L PART 1 1 : The duties of rulers a n d ministers 7

(105a Those who h o l d the authority of royal measures

1.4) taken

In this happy and prosperous world,

May these great "beings diffuse from here

T he fragrance of t h eir deeds on the Malaya winds.

Now, as to the chief actions "befitting a sDe-srid

F h y a g - m d z o d . w h o is the i l l u m inator of the doctrine of the

joint system /_of religious and state law/7 a nd m a s t e r of the

practice of legal observances, the Bhagavat has said in the

sutras:

■If the k i n g becomes enamoured of religion,

It is the p a t h to happiness both in this and

future lives

Subjects w i l l also act as the kin g acts;

Therefore he must learn how to live in a c cord

w i t h religion.'

(105b) Al s o the Second Buddha/^Padmasambhava/ has said:

A pure p a r ental lineage, many sup p o r t i n g subjects,

Noble behaviour, heed to promises made in an

oath-list,

Ab i l i t y t o guard o n e ’s dominion and p o s s e s s i o n of

an arm y to overcome o n e ’s enemies,

These are the requisites of an excellent king,

a great man.

In accordance with these words, since this southern range

is itself t he unequalled and glorious 'Brug-pa R i n - p o ~ c h e fs

field of conversion, there is a definite need f o r not

inferior designs to fu r t h e r the happiness of b e i n g s and of

the doctrine b y h o n o u r i n g on high the lotus feet of the

M i ghty Ngag-gi dBang-po, the J i n a 1s ruler.

Since the sangha is the ba sis of the Buddhist doctrine,

 tf u u

measures s h o u l d be t a k e n to do it h o nour as the occasion

arises, g i v i n g pure exhortations towards / t h e cultivation

of/ the meditational procedures of the u t p a t t i / - k r a m a / and

and Samp a n n a / - k r a m a / including the Ten Religious Practices

and the study of sacred dance, m a n d alaa a n d chanting.

Textual examinations on studies completed b y the students

of grammar a n d poetry a n d b y the College of Logic s h o u l d

be held at frequent intervals and rewards should be given

in a c c o rdance w i t h the works / o n w h i c h they a r e e x a m ined^/

A n annual proclamation should be issued to the effect that

instead of otherwise squandering whatever m a t e r i a l objects

there are in all the residences, they a r e to be used as

offerings to the / T r i p l e / Gem, including the body, speech

and mind-supports of the J i n a , and for the upkeep of the

sangha.

In the College of Crafts and also a m ong the b o d y g u a r d s

and h o u s e h o l d servitors, examinations are to be h eld in

a ccordance with their respective work in w h i c h emphasis should

be placed on the T en Religious Practices c o n s i s t i n g of

writing, m a king offerings, giving alms a nd so forth; and

they should b e employed in w h a t e v e r works of service are

undertaken for the doctrine.

When, in carrying out a daily i nvestigation into the

general w e l f a r e of the subjects, / i t becomes evident that

it is/ favourable or unfavourable, they s h ould be brought

(106a) exclusively to states of happiness. Enquiries should be

entered into concerning how in time gon e b y the wisdom of

goo d counsel c a used subjects to adhere to the laws of the

Ten Rules of Virtuous Conduct / a n d how this could also be

done/ in the future / s u c h as was done in the past b ^ / the

enactment of prohibitions against h u n ting and fishing a n d

so on, w h e r e b y k i l l i n g and thieving w e r e a b s t ained from

in the v a r i o u s districts.

Since the v i c t o r y or defeat of w o r l d l y welfare depends

chiefly on judgements passed on litigation and on / m a t t e r s

c o n c e r n i n g taxation, corvee and the / c o m p u l s o r y / t r a n s ­

po r tation of / g o v e r n m e n t / loads, strict m e a s u r e s should be

taken continuously in order to enquire into and root out any

p r e j u d i c e d relations that have bee n f o r m e d with an eye to

/t'he a c q u i s i t i o n of/ food and wealth, w h o e v e r it m a y be

/ w h o indulges in this/, great or small. The ab i l i t y to

call the state laws to w i t ness must be g i ven prime i m p o r t a n c e , ^

w i thout b e i n g influenced solely by what is said b y / t h e

incumbents to the offices of/ rdzong/-dpon/, m g r o n / “g n y e p / , ^

}Ig
soyi-bla and otters who are w e a lthy a n d important, and

/ w i t h o u t being influenced/ b y the selfishness of personal

servants in / o n e ’s own/ retinue.

In this regard, as to the officials on the frontiers of

the four borders, just as the happiness of the centre

depends on the outer limits, if the terms of a t r e a t y should

be violated, o n e ’s own laws b e ing treated laxly and acts of

br i g andage b y o n e ’s own people occuring on the other side,

not only will w e meet with reprisals f o r these things but also

it will turn into a serious transgression a g a i n s t the doctrine

and beings in general. Lest this should happen, orders a r e

to be issued repeatedly c oncerning the need for peaceful

conduct.

Furthermore, if there should be any ' p a t r o n s ’ in a n y of

the districts under the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of a fort w h o a r e

part i c u l a r l y oppressed b y / t h e need to r e n d e r / g r a s s - t a x and

wood-tax, such persons must be allowed to t a k e charge of

 YUZ

/ g o v e r n m e n t horses and supply grass-tax at rates of

liability fixed according to the custom w h i c h p r e vailed

in previous times.

In brief, one must know the m e c h a n i s m w h i c h illuminates

the m a s t e r y of controlling at one time the p l a y of the

P o u r Actions / o f pacifying, multiplying, ruling an d

subduing in order to fulfil/, externally, the means b y

w h i c h the subjects are b r o ught to h a p p i n e s s ; internally,

the commission of all officials; a n d in truth, the good

deeds w h i c h diffuse the Three Refuges / a n d / the m o n astic

(106b) community. In The Mighty Lion's Roar it is said:

In the centre a peaceful circle, on the outside

a square,

P r o s p e r i n g w i t h the works of the f our conch-

shells,

The lion's roar w h i c h subjugates the three

realms,
h.8
T u r n i n g the wheel of the ma g i c - w o r k i n g sword.

A n d in The R a z o r w h i c h Defeats the Enemies of t h e Doctrine

it is said:

A n y malignant b e i n g

W i l l b e overtaken b y magic power like a debt.

B r i n g down like a meteorite

Powerful works of destructive magic upon him.

As it is thus commanded, the custom of h e a p i n g g ood on

good is instituted. If the heaping of evil on evil is

not brolight to an end, the state laws w i l l not be able to

s pread in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h religion and so the p r i n c i p a l

requirement of a king is the fai r discharge of state law.

Moreover, just as one speaks of 1the law b e l o v e d of the

k i n g ’, so if a single k i n g administers the law fairly he

can b r ing his subjects to happiness in a single day. Now,

 the fact that the s u c c e s s i o n of ancestral Dhar m a r a j a s

in previous times su s t a i n e d the beings of the Cool L a n d

b y means of the simultaneous discharge of rel i g i o u s and

secular authority and the fact that Z h a b s -drung Rin-po-che

was able to tame this wild area of the South is due to the

p o w e r / t h e y obtained through/7 a d m i n i s t e r i n g state laws in

accordance w i t h religion.

In g e n e r a l the r e a s o n for instituting state laws is

f or the v e r y sake of the happiness of subjects in the v a r i o u s

districts. In p a r t i c u l a r It is for the p u r pose of upholding,

guarding a n d diffusing the sangha w h i c h / a b i d e s t o/ the

V i naya rules of the Buddha and / f o r m s / the basis of the

doctrine. However, in the m e a n t i m e it has d e c l i n e d in

some of its aspects and monks have b r o k e n t h e i r vows, taken

life, taken that w h i c h is not given, and so forth. Although

a c t i n g as the cause of the doctrine's decay / s u c h pe r s o n s /

are not rooted out. Not only is this a b a d example but it

(107a) w i l l also cause the good p a t h of the d o c t r i n e and of beings

to decline as prophesied:

W h e n the V i n a y a rules decline the land is

filled w i t h oath-breakers.

This causes the happiness of beings to diminish.

And:

When religious law is discarded the m a i n p r o t e c t o r

departs to heaven.

It is b r o k e n to pieces b y the exhalations of the

demon brothers.

’W hen the religious customs of humans are discarded

the gods decline.

The classes of b l a c k devils laugh 'Ha ha I '

Moreover the Tat ha gat a h i m s e l f has said in the Sur.yagarbha

, k9
Sutra that the laws of monks during the final age of

of decline w i l l accord with the laws of the state.

 (

Accordingly, from this time on when things h a v e become

intolerable for us, punishments are to be m e t e d out in

conformity w i t h the customs of the V i n a y a in right

measure / f o r each/ fault against the m o n a s t i c precepts

and it is certain that /such monk s / must be d e p r i v e d of

their tokens of office and their robes.

Furthermore, this evil sustenance called tha-ma-kha

(tobacco) which is a cunning trick p r e pared b y demons, is

now b e i n g used c o n t i n u o u s l y by all the people a n d the

peasants, i n c luding the bodyguards and menials; not only

does this pollute the body, speech a n d mind-supports but

also it causes the gods above to decline, it disturbs the

spirits of i ntermediate space and injures the nagas of the

underworld. F r o m this cause there continuously arises in

the world the fate of diseases, w a r s a nd famines and so it

conforms w i t h man y prophecies given b y the great teacher

P a d m a / s ambhava/. If people in a n y of the districts should

be f o u n d to be indulging in the trading and smoking of

tobacco, this ruinous sustenance, and if this practice is

not forcibly e l i m i n a t e d b y th e rdzong/~dpon/, mgron/~gnyer/,

50
government representatives and officials, t h e village

counsellors a n d messengers, then things will definitely

fall on t h e i r o w n heads. The officials on the Indian

51 —
fr o n t i e r must prohibit / t h e import of tobacco/
52
(107b) at the duars themselves. Control through these measures

is important.

Similarly, w h e n accounts are heard about the unequal

and varying degrees of w e l fare among subjects during these

present times, rather as a result of the karmic propensities

of beings in the A ge of Degeneration, and if / a ruler/ i

should then discard w i t h indifference those means towards

the obtainment of h a p p i n e s s that do exist, then what

difference is t h e r e b e t w e e n h i m a n d a k i n g of devils ?
•53
Apart from planting the s t a f f of the T h r e e T r u t h s before

one and calling u p o n the /Triple/" G e m to a ct as one's

witness, if a n y o n e a t all, w h o e v e r he might be, h as shown

partiality and discrimination in h i s judgements on l i t i g a t i o n

or i n m a t t e r s of taxation, corvee and so on, then it is

c e r t a i n t hat he h i m s e l f w i l l meet w ith severe laws. That

one should act in s u c h a manner, it has b e e n s a i d i n the

scriptures:
J
Protecting the r e a l m b y w h a t e v e r me a n s ,

Taming the h a t e d enemy,

And not f o r s a k i n g the h o p e s of the s u b j e c t s :

Do these quickly d u r i n g y o u r lifet i m e .

And:

.The rough, tamed the rough

But how will the gentle be able to tame. ^

In accordance w ith t h e s e wo r d s , one m u s t cut o f f at its

roots the karmic effect of d eeds w h i l e forever striving

55
in virtuous actions. Evil criminals should n ot be regarded
5§—
w i th compassion but r e t r i b u t i o n s / s h o u l d be v i s i t e d u p o n

their/ bodies a n d s ouls /iri o r d e r t h a t / t h e f u t u r e p r a c t i c e

/ o f such deeds/" b e eliminated. If, however, on a c c o u n t of

s h a m e a n d p i t y they a r e a l l o w e d to c o n t i n u e , malevolent

persons w i l l multiply. That being so a n d since it is j ust

as it has b e e n said that B u ddhah ood /subsis ts/ under the

law b e l o v e d of the king, when it comes to b e established

/by a ruler/", on the b a s i s of e i t h e r w h a t he has h i m s e l f

s e e n o r of w h a t he has heard of in r e p o r t s , that the

different grades of officials who r eside i n the rdzong

 {UQ

J
a n d the g o v e r n m e n t representatives either have o r else

have not h e e n adm i n i s t e r i n g the s t a t e l aws to the subjects

in a c c o r d a n c e w i t h religion, t h e y are f o r t h w i t h to be

(108a) e i t h e r e l i m i n a t e d or s u p p o r t e d ; a n d it m u s t be k n o w n that

this is a d u t y of the s u c c e s s i v e sDe-srid P h y ag-mdzod.

Furthermore:

If a holy man is a p p o i n t e d chief

57
Aims are realised and happiness is gai n e d .

In acco r d a nc e w i t h th e s e wor ds, Buddhahood comes from a

r e i g n i n g k ing.

As to the o r d e r of e m p l o y m e n t of t h o s e h o l d i n g the

authority of the Pharmaraja who upholds the doctrine,

(i.e.) the m g r o n - g n y e r , the r d z o n g - d p o n of the s e a t s of

residence and the t h r e e sp.yi-bla /of sPa-gro, Krong-sarand

Dar-dkar-nang/, rGya 1 ~ d b a ng K u n - m k h y e n ’B r u g - p a / = P a d m a

dZar-po/ has said:

Devotion to the l o r d on h i g h and a f f e c t i o n

f o r the subj ects b elow,

Noble behaviour, gentle speech and a pious

disposition,

In c o m b a t b r a v e a nd a b l e to t a k e others on;

These are the r e q u i s i t e s w h e n f u l f i l l i n g the

g r e a t c o m m i s s i o n s of a king.

Accordingly, on a r r i v a l in a p l a c e to w h i c h he h a s b e e n

transferred, ^ a n official/ should give reports o n the

merits and defects of g o v e r n m e n t in its external, internal

an d middling undertakings / i n that place/; /this should

be done/ in general as a s e r v i c e r e n d e r e d to the theocratic

rule of the Glorious TB r u g - p a P i n - p o - c h e . the B o d h i s a t t v a

Ngag-gi dBang-po who is the crown ornament of those

/living i n / the age of decline , a n d in p a r t i c u l a r as a

p r i m a r y a ct of r e v e r e n c e of s p e c i a l value f o r the orders

 received on high from the great ruler. D e t ailed reports

should he sub m i t t e d on the accounts for previous expenditure

on ritual ceremonies p e r formed for the benefit of the

doctrine and of beings and on the welfare of the district;

also a ny v e r y t r o u b l e s o m e suits concerning the frontiers.

Regarding law-suits, honest statements w h i c h do not

contradict each other and w h i c h clearly d i s t i n g u i s h truth

from falsity are to be submitted without b e i n g swayed b y

b r i b e s and great haughtiness.

Whe n it be c o m e s n e c e s s a r y to receive pet i t i o n s f r o m or

have p e r sonal meetings with people w ho / p u r s u e / p h i l o sophical

systems different / f r o m our own/, including those from India,

N e p a l a n d Tibet, careful enquiries should be addressed to

such persons, in a c c o rdance w i t h / t h e outcome of w h i c h / h elp

58
should be rendered to them.

Persons w h o have worked for the doctrine s h ould not be

(108b) made despondent but brought to the notice of the ruler and

raised to official posts in acc o r d a n c e with t h e i r merits.

C o n t i n u a l l y holding enquiries into the internal

discipline of the store-keepers, the officials, the

craftsmen, those e n t i t l e d to ride horses, the bod y g u a r d s

and cooks, they should be placed in shifts as of previous

custom.

No person great or small should be en t r u s t e d w i t h g o v e r n ­

ment p o w e r s if he / t a k e s credit f o r / the good w h i l e b l a m i n g

59
others f o r the evil he has himself committed. W h e n one

comes to p e r f o r m governmental duties one should endeavour as

much as po s s i b l e to fulfil them m e t i c u l o u s l y ^ just as if

the 5r w ere identical w i t h one's own private affairs.

As to matters of great importance and significance,

one should not decide on them oneself wi t h o u t having

requested instructions. Since /however/ to submit many

reports concerning evil crimes and unimportant matters of

no significance would disturb the concentration / of the

rulex/, it is unfitting to do more than decide on these

matters oneself. Giving admonishments which inculcate the

observance of the Ten Rules of Virtuous Conduct among

the.subjects while looking to their general welfare a nd so

on, one should accept the command to fulfil on a broad scale

acts /such as these/ which can accomplish simultaneously

the Four Actions.

Furthermore, lest decay on the border should lead to

61
internal destruction and in accordance with the saying:

’’Cleaning of the fortress without; hoarding and depositing

/of provisions/ in the stores within; furnishing armour and

weapons in between — /since/ there is no certainty when the

enemy will come, do not minimize preparations.” — so

vigilant heed should be taken against enemies by watching

and listening on the frontiers wherever they may be and

without regard to their distance /from the f o r t r e s s ^ Also

when it is necessary to take part in fierce warfare /o n e J

should display/ the brilliance of great and confident bravery

like a lion amidst wild beasts, by means of steadfast and

prudent methods /usi n g / humility, intelligence and alertness,

/ these/ three, with resoluteness, courage and wisdom —

— 62
these three /qualities/ — which look only to the

precious lama as the essential refuge and to the doctrine's

gain. By these means the soldiers, each with a full

set of armour, weapons and helmet0^ and with a h o r s e ^

/apiece/ are to be arrayed in the battle line where

abundant revels should be held, at the conclusion of which

dispositions /are to be made/ as the occasion demands.

Once o n e ’s own side has summoned forth its courage and

dexterity and once /one has oneself/ "become a leader capable

of surprising the hostile army, then the enemy side is to be

destroyed to ashes. Since, however, it would be a frightful

crime if the body, speech and mind-supports of the Jina

/belonging to the enemy/ should be burnt, wrecked and

smashed, such actions are to be stopped at tbeir inception.

Booty obtained in the battle line may be carried off by those

who obtain it. When handing out weapons, orders are to be

circulated to the effect that turquoises, houses and land

65
properties will be granted to those champions who can take

on a hundred /of the enemy/. Those who have killed one or

two persons should be treated according to their merits a n d

given ’hero sashes', mantles and so on. With regard to the

commanders, ’arrow captains’, officers,, quartermasters,

armourers and soldiers, since there are many tactical

dispositions to be prepared v/hen they enter upon fierce J

warfare, it is vital that these should be arranged promptly.

Above all the ability to establish the cohesion of good

relations between the ruler and his subjects is required when

undertaking government work. As it is said:

An intelligent and honest minister

66
Fulfils all the irrterestsof the ruler and his subjects.

And:

When petty-minded, ill-advised people quarrel

An intelligent person restores them to happiness

by skillful means.

In accordance with these words, those rdzong/-dpon/ and

mgron/~gnyer/who take part in deliberations and those

followers who attend on the lord, whoever they may be, should

give reports unconcealingly about those external businesses

 (X V

that a r e n ot "being c o n s i d e r e d w i t h i n / t h e court/" a n d

observe a strict watch on t h e i r thought and speech to

avoid conveying outside the i n t e r n a l d i s c u s s i o n s / o f the

court/.

(1 09b) As for the c o m p a n i o n o f c l e a r i n t e l l e c t a n d

few wo r d s , -

If s l a n d e r s are c o m m i t t e d t h e y are l i k e p i e c e s
of w o o d t hat h a v e b e e n m i s p l a c e d .

And:

Someone who can b e t r u s t e d w i t h s e c r e t counsels

is a f r i e n d ;
67
If told to others t hey a r e unimpedable.

In accordance w ith t hese w o r d s the b u t l e r s - i n - c h i e f ,

s tewards-i n-chief and others must have pure hearts. If

t h e y do n o t a c t in t h a t m a n n e r , then:

Even more than b y enemies are g r e a t m e n

68 »
Harmed by their retinues. '

Similarly, t he household guards should n o t be careless

during d a y t i me a n d must not take breaks too s o o n o r too

late; they must make t h e i r g e n e r a l b e h a v i o u r c o n f o r m in

body, speech and mind to r e l i g i o u s principles. Accordingly,

at t i m e s w h e n it is required to show u n e r r i n g discernment

i n o n e ’s c h o i c e of a c t i o n / a c c o r d i n g t o / t h e l a w s of the

Mighty Ngag-gi d B a n g - p o / w h i c h c o n t a i n / the fundamentals

of government administration in its e x t e r n a l , internal and

intermediate aspects, then j u s t as w a t e r is n o t clear when

d i s t u r b e d at its source:

’I f the king himself does not render h o n o u r

E v e n the Omniscient O n e w i l l n o t be h e l d i n est e e m .

In a c c o r d a n c e w i t h t hese w o r d s , apart f r o m the sDe-srid

P h y a g - m d z o d at the h e a d w h o is m a s t e r of the law and who

69
should conform to t h e a b o v e / p r i n c i p l e s / , the r d o r - d z i n of
 I X X

7°
Gangs-ri and other /officials a r e to he accorded/'* i d e n t i c a l

entitlements and customary privileges. The rdzong-dpon and

the m g r o n - g n y e r a r e r e q u i r e d to eat their meals t o g e t h e r in

t he k i t c h e n . Alterations are n o t to he m a d e f r o m p r e v i o u s

practice with regard to the privileges of the store-keepers

and officers, w h o e v e r t h e y m a y he. All those e n t i t l e d to

71
the v a r i o u s s o r t s of 'white rations' are not per m i t t e d to

eat t u r n h y turn, earlier or l a t e r / i n s t e a d of t o g e t h e r / .

All the r d z o n g - d p o n of the p r o v i n c e s , t he rgya-drung of the

72
east and west a n d m o r e o v e r t h o s e of the rank of p h y i - m g r o n

whether they are major or m i n o r / g o v e r n m e n t / r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s ,

belong to the cl a s s of / t h o s e entitled to/ ' white ratio n s ' ,

except i n the case of the various customary privileges

/that are admissahle in t erms of a s p e c i a l feast/ when taking

73
up residence. Not m o r e t h a n t h r e e or f o u r a t t e n d a n t s a r e to h e

110a) taken with o ne w h e n it is n e c e s s a r y to g o on g o v e r n m e n t duty

to t r y l a w - s u i t s .

Detailed accounts must /he rendered/7 to the ruler / i n

compliance w i t h/ proclamations that a r e issued annually

regarding /t h e revenue to he derived in terms o f / g rain,

goods and wealth; /the s e accounts are to he d r a w n u g / in

respect of each d i s t r i c t under the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of a r d z o n g ,

whether great or s mall, o n the h a s i s of the a p p o i n t m e n t and

dismissal of old and new servants, the specific measure of

grain r e a l i s e d f r o m the ecclesiastical estates, the specific

amount of t a x e s and ' i n i t i a t i o n fees' o b t a i n e d f r o m t he

J
'patrons' and the e n t e r t a i n m e n t a l l o w a n c e s / r e c k o n e d / in

accordance with the n u m b e r of serv a n t s .

Throughout the districts keys should he held only h y the

s t o r e - k e e p e r in p e r s o n a n d n o t e n t r u s t e d to o n e ' s own
kinsmen.
 (16

With the exception of the team of c r a f t s m e n , it is

not permitted to g i v e / r a t i o n / T s a l a r i e s to a n y p e r s o n ,

strong o r weak.

If the contents of the g r a n a r i e s and s t o r e rooms in

each of the districts under the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of a r d z o n g

are left for a long time t h e y go to w a s t e ; annual distribu­

tions should therefore b e made to the subje c t s , the matter

being reported to the ruler. In p e r f o r m i n g m e a s u r e s such

as this simply and s o l e l y to b e s t o w h a p p i n e s s , one s h o u l d

t a k e a f t e r the Dharmarajas Mu-ne bTsan-po and Khri

Ral-pa-can who on t h r e e occasions reduced the disparities

75
of j o y a n d m i s e r y a m o n g the b e i n g s of the L a n d of Snow.

/Here e n d s / the middle main section

concerning the g e n e r a l fundamentals

of / t h e s y s t e m w h e r e b y / the m i n i s t e r s

administer the theocratic rule of the

Glorious fB r u g - p a Rin-po-che, t he

Mighty Ngag-gi dBang-po. M ay t he

second virtuous blessing contained

herein fill the w h o l e w o r l d .

 Y13

/PART III : The dutiea of g o v e r n m e n t officials/

(110a I shall speak here ahout the principal aspects,

1 .5) such as / p r e v a i l e d i n/ ancient times,

Of the dis c e r n i n g b e h a v i o u r / t o be o b s e r v e d b y /
the mul t i t u d e of officials w ho are w o r t h y of
being trained

/ B y 7 "the seal of the c o m mand of he w h o experiences

enjoyment

O n a throne / f o r m e d b y / the tresses of mi l l i o n s

of p e t t y rulers w h o openly bow down/before
him/.

Just as one speaks of someone as 'an a p p o i n t e d man,

a p l a n t e d t r e e 1, the reason for a ppointing a master of

(110b) the law to each district is because the various kinds of

g o v e rnment r e presentatives a nd officers a r e v i tal for the

we l f a r e of sentient beings in present times. That w h i c h

they m ust k n o w to be the fundamental rules g o v e r n i n g their

behaviour, a n a l y s e d each in turn, is as follows.

Second-class / g o v e r n m e n t / r e p resentatives and those

h o lding the joint office of b l a / ~ m a / and g n y e r / - p a / / a r e

entitled to/ two a t t e n d a n t s and one groom. All / o r d i n a r y /

g o v e rnment represe n t a t i v e s /are entitled to/ one attendant

a nd one groom. If it is / f o u n d / that on the estates there

are / a t t e n d a n t s and g r o o m s / in excess of these / e n t i t l e m e n t s /

w h o have b e e n m a i n t a i n e d on the side, / t h e y shall b e / b o u n d

w i t h ropes a n d the g o v e rnment representative's s a l a r y in

k i n d is to be stopped.

Since much t r a v e l l i n g arou n d b y the v a r i o u s classes of

officers is the occasion o f great o p p r ession to a ll the

' p a t r o n s ’, as from now, except w h e n transfers occur, it

is for b i d d e n to t a k e even a single step on false pretexts.

P a d d y that has to be given for h u s king must b e g i ven

 Y14

only after a large measure has been saved up and not

in dribbling quantities. Moreover, no more should be

taken than that which is yielded by the sheaves /after

threshing/.

Apart from ancient religious estates which bear

official responsibilities and w h i c h are p r o p e r l y designated,

76
others should be subjected to the common tax collections

/reckoned/ according to the /number of/ 'patrons’ settled

there.

Material objects, including gold, turquoise, bronze,

copper, horses, cattle, images and religious objects are

not to be seized from the public as false shares in kind

for trading ventures. Apart from trading /at rates/

determined by the local prices in /each/ district, it is

not permitted to force people to trade /at extortionate

rates/. Salt and butter is not to be handed over /as

barter/. Wool yarn is not to be handed over /for weaving/.

77
Fleece should not be demanded.

As from now / t h e habit of/ those government represen­

tatives belonging to the districts under the administration

°** a rdzong and those lamas of the monastic communities

who tour around begging alms from the ’patrons', roving

the villages a n d so on, is to be suppressed.

It is n ot p e r m i t t e d to indulge in slave trading. If

a n y o n e trading s uspiciously should come, the m a t t e r is to

be exp l a i n e d to the district chief and it is required

(111a) that he too informs his chief overlord.

With regard to saline and mineral springs, apart from

just those who fall under / t h e following/ categories, /it

is forbidden to use the hot springs/: yas p h y l n m c h o g

78
phebs zhor (?) ; the h oly s a n g h a / F o r w h ich it is/ a mark
of honour; those a c c o r d i n g to their merits / w h o p u r s u e /

p h i l o s o p h i c a l systems different / f r o m our own/; and

those officers, great or small, for example / t h e rdzong-

dpon o f/ the v a r i o u s provincial capitals and the

s o y i - b l a , / t h e i r / servants a nd so on, w h ose severe

illness has b e e n duly recognised. Besides otherwise

/talcing/ o n e ’s own pro v i s i o n s and looking f or assistance,

/ t h e practice of d e m a n d i n g / b o a r d and lodging, compulsory

transp o r t a t i o n of loads, food and ale d u r i n g overnight

stays and so forth is to be eliminated. It is a b s o l u t e l y

f o r b idden to take servants on account of one's own g o i n g

to the saline and m i n e r a l springs. In g o ing there of o n e ’s

own accord, apart from going straight there a nd back, it is

f o r b i d d e n to enter the rdzong. If / p e r s o n s / should come

/into the r d z o n g / , the rules forbid them to b e g i v e n

provisions, a u d ience or succour. In travelling there,

unless the road guards possess orders / to the contrary/,

those persons who< are fit to go to the saline an d mineral

springs may b e p e r m i t t e d to p r o c e e d a f t e r they have bee n

s t o pped a n d i n d i v i d u a l l y passed.

Furthermore, as to the various kinds of l o a d transport,

the g o v e rnment representatives in the districts u n d e r the

a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of a r d z o n g , w h o e v e r they m a y be, are

r equired / t o s e n d / written reports t o the ruler c o n c e r n i n g

the specific n u m b e r of loads transported. It is also

required / t o s e n d / to the ruler a list of receipts / w h i c h

s p e c i f y / the various distances over which s u c h and such a

n u m b e r of loads b e l o n g i n g to so and so were t r a n s p o r t e d on

such and such dates. If loads are not t r a n s p o r t e d in this

manner, reprisals a n d severe punishments are to b e imposed

individually.
 (I D

As government representatives are g i v e n one horse-

for them to look after and one horse w h i c h is m a i n t a i n e d

/ f o r t h e m / b y the rdzong, in addition to these they may,

af t e r requesting the c h i e f civil officer, ma i n t a i n each

a horse on p a y m e n t of a due of one hundred t a m k a . Besides

this, it is not p e r m i t t e d t o maintain horses a n d cattle on

one's private means. If persons are found to he doing so,

/ t h e horses and cattle/ w i l l he seized and t a k e n to the

rd zong(-kha ?). Apart f r o m thus m aintaining up to three

horses, it is forbidden f o r a government representative

(111b) to impose on ' p a t r o n s ’ a n y grass-tax, wood-tax, transporta­

tion of loads, and the v a r ious kinds of corvee. It is not

permitted to send members of the public to the b o r d e r trade

marts in order to trade in the horses that have b e e n

79
collected as dues.
*
W i t h regard t o the presents of ale sent to a government

representative w h i l e he is judging cases, apart fro m a single

vessel of ale reckoned fro m e a c h litigant, it is not

permitted to tak e as much as a m a - tam or as little as a

80 *"•
square of s m a n / - r t s e / .' Similarly, apart from h o l d i n g trials

•*-n rdzong( -kha?) itself, it is not per m i t t e d for a

/elsewhere/,
government representative to decide on lEhem/ w h a t e v e r the

degree of their importance.

It is not per m i t t e d for government representatives to

rove around the villages on false pretexts such as inspecting

the boundary w a l l s of fields during times of h a r v esting and

planting. If horses a n d cattle b e l o nging to the public

should h a ppen to stray and eat a little of the grass, grain-

crop or fruit trees / w i t h i n / the boundary walls of the

government r e p r e s e n t a t i v e ’s fields, he is not to / m e t e out/

false and tormenting punishments in order to obtain w h a t e v e r

 YIY

he should d esire o r co m m i t / o t h e r such/7 u n w o r t h y deeds.

Since the b e h a v i o u r of t h o s e government representatives

bearing the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s of o f f i c e w h o consume

i n t o x i c a t i n g l i quor, cohabit with girls a n d commit

adultery with married women constitutes the a r c h - e n e m y of

t h e d o c t rine, such government representatives are to b e

summarily d i s m i s s e d f r o m office.

With r egard t o the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f taxes / f o r the

levy of w h i c h / m e e t i n g s are required to b e held, s u c h as

for meat-tax, butter-tax, h a r v e s t - t a x a n d so f o rth, the

village headmen and m e ss e n g e rs mus t assem b l e on the

p r o p e r t y of the g o v e r n m e n t representative himself and they

are to be l e v i e d /onl;^/ a f t e r s u b m i t t i n g to the chief civil

officer /a demand roll in w h i c h a r e e n t e r e d / the detailed

81
accounts of s p e c i f i c tax liabilities that h a v e b e e n a d j u d g e d ;

apart from this it is n o t permitted to l e v y f r o m the

’p a t r o n s ’ v a r i o u s kinds of taxation, public or private.

Although an entertainment allowance is p r o v i d e d d u r i n g

o v e r n i g h t st a y s on the b o r d e r s / b e t w e e n d i s t r i c t s / , ’p a t r o n s ’

have / s o m e t i m e s / b e e n / s u m marily/ appointed / t o supply/

bo a r d and lodging fbr g u e s t s ; /the entertainment allowance/

is n o t to be r e a l i s e d / i n this manner/. Further, with

(112a) r e g a r d to chance visits paid on ’p a t r o n s ’ f o r meals* a p a r t

from preparing f o r the guest w h a t e v e r one m i g h t have at

h a n d one s h o u l d n ot occupy oneself /with p r o v i d i n g / tea,

l i q u o r o r meat. It is n ot p e r m i t t e d to take fields in l i e u

of the food allowance.

It is a l s o not p e r m i t t e d for a g o v e r n m e n t representative,

after accepting gratifications, presents a n d so forth /to

grant remissions from/ military service, penal l abour,

/the p r o v i s i o n of government/ allowances, corvee, / d r to

show favour in m a t ters relating t/7 tax estates a n d so

forth. Government representatives should not take the

prime portions in feasts h eld either f o r the dead or f or

the living. It is not p e r m i t t e d / f o r then/ to accept

presents during the festivities h e l d to celebrate marriages

and divorces.

In m a t t e r s t h a t require officials to go on tour, as in

the case of butter-tax, decisions a re to he t a k e n b y an

a s s e mbled group / c o n s i s t i n g of the official himself/, an

attendant and a village m e s s e n g e r — / t h e s e / three. It is

„ own
not / p e r m i t t e d to impose o t her/ kinds of tax on their/account.

Presents should n ot be a c c epted from c o w / - o w n e r s / and

herdsmen. In the case of there b e i n g no m o r e than a single

couple / w o r k i n g a s/ pastoralista, / t h e y m a y be a l l o w e d to
82
e m p l o y / one d a i r y m a n and one herdsman; if they / the couple/

can manage the work w i t h i n their own family, it is prohibited

for them to employ a dairyman a n d a herdsman.

A p a r t f r o m a c t u a l l y conscripting persons in corvee,

punishments and the p r o v i s i o n of government allowances, goods

should not be taken / f r o m them in l i e u of these o b l i g a t i o n s / 7

Those p e r sons w h o h ave come to the end o f their work, such

as v i l lage c o u n s e l l o r s and messengers, lamas and noblemen,

a n d w h o travel to the capital and elsewhere, should not take

with t h e m companions from a m o n g the public. N or are they

pe r m i t t e d to l e v y taxes on the false pretext of / t h e i r having

to p r o c u r e / pre s e n t s /to offer their superiors in the capital/.

B a s i c a l l y those officials, great or small, b e a r i n g government

responsibilities w h o are unable / to continue in s e r v i c e / on

account of i n f i r m i t y and old age and those, a c c o r d i n g to their

merits, w h o s e chronic illness has been duly recognised and,

 furthermore, those w h o have b e e n retired, / a l l such p e r s o n s /

must not stay in the rdzong for more than three days / a f t e r

receiving their dismissal/.

If f oreigners come to a district they are no t to he

p e r m i t t e d to p r o c e e d w i t h o u t informing the district chief,

w h o e v e r he m ay he. S u c h persons are not to he h a r b o u r e d or

welcomed. Those w h o have s h e l tered brigands / a r e to receive/

severe punishments identical to those for thieves.

83
If u n happy slaves w h o run away a re not s e i z e d and held

( 112b) b y the inhabitants of those places where t h e y stop but rather

are allowed to proceed, then they /the i n h a b i t a n t s / shall

themselves have to arrange substitute slaves / i n replacement/.

If a slave w h o has b e e n seized and h e l d is d e l i v e r e d up to

the slave owner then food a n d rewards and the h o s p i t a l i t y of

the district s h ould be g i v e n to the p e r s o n responsible, f i xed

a c c ording to the distance and n u mber of days / s p e n t in

returning the slave/.

Furthermore, if a 'patron' has a son, that son shall

inherit and if he has a daughter, that dau g h t e r shall inherit.

They a r e not p e r m i t t e d to combine two t ax estates. If there

is a 'patron' w h o has no daughters or servants of any hind,

tit­
he should be m a d e to s u pply 'dry t a x ’ to w h a t e v e r extent

possible fo r as long as he is living. O n his decease the tax

estate s h ould be t r a n s f e r r e d to the k i n most c l o s e l y related

85
to h im b y flesh or bone. Marriages should not be contracted

against the w i s h e s of the parents. Also the p r a c t i c e w h e r e b y two

or three taxpayers combine their taxable houses, taxable fields

a nd all their m a t e r i a l possessions causes a c o n f u s i o n wit h

regard to 'dry tax'; this sets a b a d example, injurious to all.

If such persons themselves have male or female issue, then

separate tax estates must be established. If they h ave no issue,

 //CU

then they must designate someone as their ' i s s u e 1 w h o must

✓*
w i t h o u t fail he made to deliver taxes, take part in corvee

a n d in the militia. A n y persons pos s e s s i n g l and p r o p e r t y

and houses who reside in a village district u n t a x e d should

be made to d e l i v e r taxes and take part in c o r v e e on suitable

terms fixed a c c o r d i n g to the size of his land property.

With regard to deaths, if much killing / o f animals for

funerary f e a sts/ takes place, this is not good either for

the dead or for the living. Therefore in e ntertaining the

lama w ho performs the cremation, it is sufficient to offer

hi m a 'white m e a l ' , ^ If this is done, then the government

J
share is to be reckoned to the value of half a / m a ^ 7 tarn in

l ie u of the head and quarter of an a n imal and the lama's share

to the value of one roll of cotton. If, however, besides

(113a) s i m p l y the 'blessed food' offered to the deceased himself,

'white meals' cannot be. provided, the shares for the

government a n d for the lama are to be reckoned as above and

the monks ass i s t i n g in the ritual a re to be given four phul

measures of rice or a piece of cloth in lieu of their shares

of meat. If, however, it happens that there is n o thing for it

bu t to kill an animal, then a single animal m a y be b u t c h e r e d

and used in a m a n n e r sufficient for providing the government

/ s h a r e / a nd f or the entertainment of the monks a s s i s t i n g in

the ritual and all the ki n s m e n a s s e mbled there. It is not

p e r m i t t e d to b u t c h e r more t h a n that. / T h e dist r i b u t i o n of/*

meat to the relatives as a feast and / a similar d i s t ribution

m a d e / when the pall is p l aced / o n the c o r p s e / is prohibited.

Acts of merit / for the deceased/ should be p e r f o r m e d in his

own village and not elsewhere. As for the mat e r i a l s u sed in

. 87
acts of service 'reckoned to the t h o u s a n d f o l d ', these may

a c c o r d w i t h the desire of the 'patron' himself and consist of

whatever 'dry' / c a s h / or ?w e t T / f o o d / he has at hand. Lamas

of m o n astic communities / a c t i n g / in their private capacity

must cremate the corpses of the deceased b e f o r e one day has

elapsed in summer and two in winter; the numb e r of m o nks

ass i s t i n g in the ritual and the material n ecessities are

equal to / t h o s e p r e s cribed f o r funerals p e r f o r m e d b ^ 7 the

government. In cases when the lama cannot come in p e r s o n or

is delayed, the 'patrons* must take to the m o n a s t e r y w h a t e v e r

provisions t h e y have at hand, and of good quality, as the

food required fo r the lama and the government when i ntroducing

the ritual of 'The Root of V i r t u e 1 ; apart from doing this, it

is n ot p e r m i t t e d to introduce / s u c h rituals under these

ci r c u m s t a n c e s / in the home / o f the deceased/. It is not

pe r m itted to s et a s ide part of one's land a n d fields / i n

order to r a ise/ the food shares of the r e l i gious persons

/ c o n d u c t i n g a funeral/. L a y persons are not to reduce the

provisions offered to religious persons. The personal p r o p e r t y

left by a d e c e a s e d religious p e r s o n who was h i m s e l f the

pos s e s s o r of a tax estate should be disposed of b y his loving

patrons and attendant disciples in w h a t e v e r m eritorious works

they can accomplish. After the death of a retired orderly

who has d e v oted himself to the religious life, his religious

objects a n d ritual implements are to be o f f e r e d to the ruler

for his f u n erary memorials. If there are mor e things b e s i d e s

these, they should be di s p o s e d of in wh a t e v e r meritorious

works can be accomplished.

88
As to the requirements governing the b u i l d i n g of

hermitages for religious persons, these should be b u ilt only

w i t h i n range of a m o n a s t i c community and not a b ove v i l lages

or in any random side valley. If m e n and w o m e n w h o cohabit

in monastic communities should bear children, /"they7’shou l d be

forced to settle in district communities w h e r e substitute
b9
taxpayers are required / I n order to replace previous t a x ­

payers w h o h a d died there w i t h o u t issue/' since the v i l lage

is w h e r e w o r l d l y actions s h o u l d h e performed. If monks

spend more than half a m o n t h in heedless loitering, except

in the case of their g o ing on b e g g i n g tours, p u r s u i n g their

o w n / l e g i t i m a t e / affairs or their lama's business, then

just as h ouseholders engage themselves in agricultural work,

/ so also sh o u l d / the government repres e n t a t i v e in the

district w h ere such monks mak e their halt put them to work

in the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n of loads and in corvee. Similarly,

the lamas of monastic communities are to reside s o l e l y in

states of seclusion, except when they are e n g a g e d in the

90
annual a n d seasonal initiations, teachings, t s h es-bcu

rituals a n d m a - ni recitations. Besides / p r o p o u n d i n g / in the

district communities those spiritual precepts w h i c h are w e l l -

founded in learning, the diviners, astrologers, spell-binders,

false monks and doctors w h o d e c e i v e ■others b y singing w h a t e v e r

comes to min d are to be prohibited. A p art f r o m devotional

offerings, it is not per m i t t e d to r e nder a n y k i n d of tax toJ

91
the various sorts of m a - n i-ba , for instance to the licensed

m a - n i-ba a t t a c h e d to the d i s t ricts under the a d m i n i s t r a t i o n

of a r d g o n g .

Evil an d deceitful persons who have b e e n b a n i s h e d from

the capital a r e not to be given harbour or support b y anyone,

great or small. In particular, there are no penalties or

m anslaug h t e r - f i n e s for killing a real thief w h ile in t h e act

of theft. For d r a wing a knife, 'knife penalty', a n d for

fighting, 'fight penalty' / w i l l be incurred/. If murders

92
take place, the dead a nd the living are to be bound together.
 (CO

If this cannot he done, / t h e m u r d e r e r / is to he executed

upon his arrest and his children and f a m ily are to he

e x p elled from t h e i r home and exiled to the b o r d e r for all

their lifetime. Furthermore, a ny person who kills an

actual highwayman, rohher, thief or deceitful liar, and any

p e rson w h o kills a w i l d heast that has b e e n c o m m itting

injuries in the districts, and any p e rson w h o comes to offer

goods w o n from t h e enemy side, / a l l such p e r s o n s / should he

rewarded a p p r o p riately w i t h consecrated ribbons, mantles

a nd so forth.

(111+a) As of previous custom, the various goods in the

93
different b o r d e r trade marts must be of goo d quality and

w h o e v e r is a p p o inted as the superintendant offic i a l of the

b o r d e r trade mart must h i m self be judicious in character.

The traders and others, w h o e v e r they m a y be, must abide

c losely to what he says.

Essentially, if any person at all, great or small,

s h o u l d commit capital crimessuch as perp e t r a t i n g evil deeds

and sins that contravene the substance of these rules,

counterfeiting written orders or altering their sense by

reshaping their letters, impeding the d i s patch b y stages of

9k
such orders, or t r a n s gressing the substance of decrees that

have b e e n duly c i r c ulated and o t h e r such things, then it is

c e r t a i n that such p e ople will be b o u n d by the neck, blinded

and executed — / t h e s e / three. Similarly, if a n y o n e from

the chief Pharma raj a ruler at the top, dow n to the lamas and

officers w h o h o l d important posts should, without a c q u iescing

to such provisions as these, fail to look to the w e l f a r e of

the subjects or k e e p a h o l d on those beneath them or if they

should commit evil sinful deeds in contempt of the doctrine

of karmic retribution — and if accounts of such things

occurring anywhere w i t h i n the four cardinal points should

he heard, then:

If destructive magic is not per f o r m e d on him

What can the o a t h -hound Protectors do ?

A n d so forth. Also:

Those who offer insults to persons en g a g e d in

v i rtue

Ar e w o r t h y of b e i n g dispatched in this manner.

In accordance w i t h this command, it is c e r t a i n that such

95
persons should be offered to Mahakala as his meat sacrifice.

A n d so, lest it should come to such a pass, each on his own

part should with p u r e c o nscience e n d e avour to fulfil w h a t e v e r

w o r k s of service to the doctrine — in its external, internal

a n d secret forms — befall h im and so bring b e n e f i t to the

doctrine as much as possible, calling on the Triple G e m as

his divine w i t n e s s and on the P h y a g - m d z o d h i m self as his

h u m a n witness. E v e n t h o u g h he should lose his life in the

end, he should w e a r the a r mour of fortitude in a c c o m p l i s h i n g

w h a t e v e r he is c o m m a n d e d and render service like the religious

96
m i n i s t e r mGar, b e a r i n g the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y of giving admonitions

on matters p e r t a i n i n g to the religion a n d the state.

/Here e n d s / the final section c o n c erning

the general f undamentals of / T h e system

w h e r e b y / government officials diffuse to

all directions a n d limits the theocratic

rule of the Glorious 'Brug-pa Rin-po-che,

the Mighty Ngag-gi dBang-po. May the third

vi r tuous b l e s s i n g contained h e r e i n fill the

w h o l e world.
Lest the jewel of the a u t h ority of ben e f i c i a l happiness
should decline,
He w h o is here chief of good vessels / e n c o m p a s s i n g / the
hundredfold forms of the religious state
Esta b l i s h e d the Three / C l a s s e s of/ B e i n g s ' ^ as supports-of
paradise / a n d /
As a cloud of offerings w h i c h delights the royal lineage a n d
the divine rulers.

W h y s h o u l d not these h oly aphorisms be uphe l d as the

ornament of worldlings,
/ A p h o r i s m s / such as may be used for the sake of a d h a r m a r a j a .

He v/ho has ascended the throne of jewels from w h ich

happiness arises,
A n d who is the source of extensive virtue in the ocean of
heavens ?

If / a m a n in h i s / string of lives which b i llow into existence

Should g e n uinely aspire to act as if he had but a day,

Then a n y such wis e person w o u l d here a n d now b e c o m e a witness

/ t o the B u d d h a /
A n d an e n t h r o n e d king v/ould become an actual Buddha.

Prom such p o wer as t^is may the religious state o f the go

Glorious Drum of Summer
Flourish w i d e l y thr o u g h o u t ail realms of the w o r l d
99
And may it achieve and surpass the real satyayuga

Which is the goal of temporal circumstances, t he sure result

of b eneficial happiness.
 726

^/Colophon/"

Thus this Legal D e c r e e of the Glorious *Brug-pa

Rin-po-che, the Mighty Rgag-gi dBang-po /entitled/7*

The Discourse, Victorious in A ll D i r e c t i o n s ,

completed on the strength of aspirations made in

previous lives on the throne of the L ord P h a r m a r a j a ,

(115a) was w r i t t e n b y myself, N g a g - d b a n g b s T a n - ’dzin M i - pham

dBang-po, in the c apital of ’Brug sPungs-thang

bDe-ba Chen-po w h e r e the dual system is v i r t u o u s l y

administered, the palace where the J i n a 1s essence,

•Ngag-dbang* b D u d - 1jorns rDo-rje, turned the w h eel of

the Four Actions, on the later auspicious dates of

the month in w h i c h the Jina revealed the D h a r m acakra

of the M a n t r a y a n a , in the year called R a b - b y u n g of the

Earth Female Bird ( 1 7 2 9 ) . ^ ^ M ay it become a work of

virtuous merit.

Thus, even though difficult, these words are submitted

here since I / b s T a n - 'dzin Chos*-rgya/7 think they can

be of great expediency to those wise persons who

administer the dual system, who are enamoured of the

doctrine and desirous of benefitting beings.

 727
Notes to Text III

1* This could he t a ken to refer e i t h e r to the 1st Z h a b s -

d r u n g , N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal (1 5 1 6 51) or to one of

his two incarnati ons alive w h e n this code was composed:

'Jigs-med Grags-pa, the first thugs-sprul (17 2 U - 1 7 6 1 ) or

P hyogs-las rNam-rgyal, the first g s u n g-sprul (1708-1736).

In a more general sense, it might refer to all three.

However, in the formal title below we see the decree ^

p r o m ulgated in the name of the founder w h o s e memory o v e r ­

shadowed his living incarnations.

2. M i - pham d B a ng-po (1709-38) was the f i r s t of six i n c a r n a ­

tions of the great b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas ( 1638 - 96 ) w h o ha d

ruled as the h th 'Brug sDe-srid from 1680-93 and who had

b e e n one of the most serious claimants to the g u a r d i a n s h i p

of the t h r o n e of the 1st Z h a b s - d r u n g . M i - p h a m dBang-po's

b i o g r a p h y b y Shakya Rin-chen unfortunately ha s n o t hing to

say on the m a t t e r of his 'legal d e c r e e 1, m e r e l y pointing

out that at the start of his reign as the 10th 'Brug sDe-srld

he used "all sorts of m e a sures to b r i n g sentient beings to

happiness" ( f . 36 a ) . No doubt the decree was intended to

be one such measure.

3. bsTan-'dzin 'Brug-rgyas, the 1st 'Brug s D e - s r i d (r e g n .

1651-56) .

h. b s T a n - ' d z i n Chos-rgyal, 10th Hea d Abbot (r e g n . 1755-62),

the author of L C B I.

5. See LCB I, ff. 92a-100b.

6. Zhabs-drung N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal.
 728
7. ’J i g s - m e d Grags-pa is both one of the names of N g a g -

dbang rNam-rgyal (see f. 103a below) a n d of the 1st

thugs-sprul (the 2nd Zhab s - d r u n g ) . Perhaps it is

intended to refer to b o t h here*

8. The ’m o t h e r s c h o o l 1 of which the 'Brug-pa is a part* j

9. sMan-ljongs (The L a n d of Medicinal Herbs') is a common

e xpressio n fbr Bhutan.

10* On the d h a r m a k a y a * sambhogakaya a n d n i r m a n akaya see

note 3 6 to the Relacao below.

11. The h i s t o rical B.uddha, Sakyamuni, son of suddhodana.

12. Buddha, Dharma and Sangha.

13. T h i s .p r e s u m a b l y refers to the three 'Paths of A s s e m b l i n g

Merit' (t s h o g s - l a m , Skt. s a m b h a r a m a r g a ) : small, middle

and great*

1 h. Tibet.

15* The categories referred to here are probably: 1) 'memory

of one's abodes in previous lives' (sngon-gyi gnas

r.jes-su d r a n - p a ) * 2 ) 'divine sight' (lha'i m i g ) * and

3) 'knowledge that one's afflictions are ended* (zag-pa

zad~pa sh e s - p a ) .

16. A n allegorical expression referring to the 'Brug-pa

('t h u n d e r - d r a g o n ' ) school.

17* A n allusion to the prophecy that the school of the 'Brug-

pa w o u l d extend to an area covered by eighteen days

flight of a vulture.
18. Mahakala an d his consort.

19. ’Pacifying, enriching, overpowering and d e s t r o y i n g 1

(z h i , r g y a s , d b a n g , d r a g ) .

20. lnga-brgya-pa is a confusing term wh ich could e a s i l y he

taken to r e f e r to the last five hu n d r e d years in the J

duration of the d h a r m a , a p e r i o d w hen certain enli g h t e n e d

be i n g s achieve full karm i c realisation in the face of the

d o c t r i n e ’s apparent collapse (see for Instance the

Vajracchedika) . However, Jamyang Namgyal (1971:96) notes:

"The usual Lamaist scholastic e x p l a n a t i o n for this

e x p r e s s i o n is snyigs-ma I n g a , tshe-lo b r g y a </r the five

decays, a n d the lifespan of a hundred years^T*. The five

snyiga-ma (kaeaya) are: 1) t s h e f1 (ayuh) ; 2) l t a - b a 1i

(drsti); n y o n - m o n g s - p a 1i ( k l e s a ) ; 4) sems-can-gyi (sattva);

5) dus kyi (kalpa). During this degenerate age, the life

of man is no more than a h u n d r e d years." The dual s i g n i f i ­

c ation of the term cannot be put into convenient English,

hence my vague rendering as ’us of the a g e of d e c l i n e 1 .

21. T o h o k u Nos. 556 a n d 557-

22. Gf. the extended account of the lineage of K i n g M a h a sammata

in the Blue A n n a l s . Ch. I.

23. On this ’prehistoric' line of Tibetan kings, see H a a r h 1969.

24. This theme is f u l l y a m p l i f i e d b y the gTsang mKh a n - c h e n who

adapts it p a r t i c u l a r l y to his life of the 1st Zhabs-drung

(PBP).

25. lHa-ldan (D e v a v a n , 'The Ahode of Gods') is thought to refer

to lHa-sa, t he capital of Tibet.

 (a v

26. Ye-shes rDo-rje (1161-1211), the effective f o u n d e r of

the 'Brug-pa school, derives his epithet of gTsang-pa

rGya~ras from the name of his family or clan (rGya) a n d

the w h i t e c o t t o n of his yogin's dress (r as) .

27. On this important figure w h o is said to have b e e n the

ana 3j52“33
first TB r u g-pa te a c h e r in Bhutan, see pp. 326 - 27 /above.

28. B y Bhutanese reckoning Z habs-drung N gag-dbang rNam-rgyal

was the f o u r t h incarnation o f gTsang-pa rG-ya-ras Ye-shes

rDo-rje. The three p r e c e d i n g h i m w e r e rGya 1 - d b a n g - r ,1e

K u n - d g a 1 dPal-'byor (1428-76), 1J a m - d b y a n g s Chos-kyi

Gra g s - p § (1478-1523). a n d K u n - mkhyen P a dma dKar-po (1527-92).

29. LP tries to resolve the p r o b l e m of s g o - b t a g s - s u in this

p r o p h e c y b y taking sgo ( ’d o o r 1) to r e f e r to the

'approaches' (k h a ) w h i c h are 'named' (m i n g - b t a g s ) in the

term (lHo M o n ) K ha bZhi ('The Southern Mon C o u n t r y of

P o u r Approaches', i.e., Bhutan). The m a n y images which

this p r o p h e c y conjure up are e x p l a i n e d in his long gloss:

lho-rong-gi yul-d'di^ni sbas-pa'i yul-gyi n a n g - t s h a n zhig

yin yul-'di'i b k o d - p a rdo-rje rnal-'byor-ma dakki-ni w a - r a -

hi'i gsang-ba'l padmo'i sbubs lta-bur yod-pas gsang-sngaga-

k.yi chos t h a m s - c a d 'byung-ba'i gnas rdo-rje b t s u n - m o ' i

bh a - g a r ang-bzhin lhun-gyis grub-pa'i gnas-k.yi lte-ba

thed-thim-gyi y u l - d u (y u l -lam pho - b r a n g ste) rdzong

bt a b - n a s / dpal-ldan 'brug-pa*i phrin-las rnam-pa bzhi

chos-sri d-kyi bs t a n - p a kha-bab-kyi chu-bo chen-po b z hl'i

yo n - t a n d a n g - m t s h u n g s - p a r phyogs dang p h y o g s - s u spel-ba'i^

kha b z h i-las 'dzam-gling lcun-tu k h y a b-pa'i rten-'brel

ph y o g s - b z h i r kha bzhi'i ming-btags-pa' i sgo chen-po bzhi

d a ng-ldan-pa de yin / /
 731
30. A n o t h e r o f N g a g -dbang r N a m - r g y a l ’s names, In fact the

one he h i m s e l f most often used.

31. The demons of: 1) ’the s k a n d h a s * (p h u n g - p o ) . 2) ’o b s c u r a ­

t i o n s ’ (n y o n - m o n g s - p a ) . 3) ’the Lord of D e a t h ’ ( ’c h i - b d a g ) .

an d U) ’the son of the God of Desire* (/T d o d - 7 l h a ’i b u ) .

32. Images, b o o k s and s t u p a s , w h i c h are c l a s s e d as physical,

verbal a n d mental supports of the faith, in that order.

33. The ’fixing of handles on pots* seems to b e an a l l u s i o n

to N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal's success in b r i n g i n g the material

b e n efits of c i v i l ization to Bhutan. The expression, which

is not to be taken in a literal sense, is much f a v o u r e d

b y later writers (Aris 1976:628 note 66). It w o u l d b e

i nteresting to d i s cover its origin.

3k • Srong-btsan sGam-po did not in fact p r o m u l g a t e any of the

’l a w s ’ listed here. .Uray (1972:65) m a i n t a i n s t h a t the

Mi-chos gtsang-ma b c u - d r u g w e r e first c o m p i l e d "... to

justify the codifications of Tshal a n d / o r that of tai s i -tu

B y a n g - c h u b - r g y a l - m t s h a n from the historical and ideological

point of view." The ’restitutions' listed here (and w h i c h

v a r y g r e atly from period to period) perhaps have their

p r o t otype in w h a t appears to be the p r o v i s i o n for a n i n e ­

f ol d res titution f o r the theft of royal p r o p e r t y in the

’P o u r Fundamental L a w s ’ (rTsa-ba b z h i ’i k h r i m s ) . w h i c h are

similarly att r i b u t e d to Srong-btsan. These h ave bee n

m i x e d up here w i t h the 1 6 mi-chos an d the 10 l h a - c h o s .

F o r the original lists of a l l these sets s ee Ma-ni b k a ’-

’b u m . Vol. E, f. I03a-b.

35- The w o r d sgrigs ( ’o r d e r ’) Is heard most commonly now in the

compound s g r i g s - k h r l m s . a term which covers all the

unwritten rules g o v e r n i n g the f o rmal b e h a v i o u r r e q u i r e d

of g o v e r n m e n t officers and the p u b l i c at the royal

c o u r t o r in a r d z o n g . These rules were o r i g i n a l l y of

monastic origin, though that is n e a r l y f o r g o t t e n now.

T h e t e r m is t o d a y n e v e r a p p l i e d to the state laws o r

a d m i n i str ation in general. The s g r i g s rnam-bzhag must

have e v o l v e d in t h e r d z o n g m o n a s t e r i e s of w e s t e r n B h u t a n

d u r i n g t h e t i m e of t h e 1 st Z h a b s - d r u n g a n d h i s immediate

successors. b s T a n - ’d z i n C h o s - r g y a l , the a u t h o r of t h i s

decree, seems to have e x t e n d e d the true m e a n i n g of the

t e r m to i n c l u d e b o t h 'laws’ and ’a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ’ i n

general simply because there w e r e n o real s t a t e l a w s at

the s t a r t of the Bhutanese theocracy. Much of t h e

vagueness in the first two s e c t i o n s of h i s decree seems to

derive from the absence o f t rue l e g i s l a t i o n d a t i n g f r o m

t he p e r i o d of t h e s t a t e ’s founding.

I have assumed t hat the s p y i - d p o n in the 1 8th century had

the s a m e f u n c t i o n as he does n o w i n the 2 0 t h century,

n a m e l y the c a r r y i n g of m e s s a g e s from the r d z o n g to h is

village, the o f f i c e r o t a t i n g a r o u n d the v i l l a g e . He stands

a t the v e r y b o t t o m of the a d m i n i s t r a t i v e scale t o d a y b u t he

m a y have b een t r u l y i n c l u d e d at that time a m o n g the "wealthy

a n d i m p o r t a n t " w i t h w h o m he is l i n k e d i n t h i s text, ngo-can

(lit. ’o ne h a v i n g f a c e ’ ; ’i m p o r t a n t p e r s o n ’) is a w o r d

often used specially of a n influential p e r s o n to w h o m

contending parties w i l l take their dispute for settlement.

A'ros-mi ( ' c o u n s e l l o r ' ) has disappeared, i f i n d e e d his

office was e v e r of a formal nature. (179) notes

"Kyomi in S i k k i m " .

P r e s umably the ’Brug s D e - s r i d .

 I O

38. N e i t h e r of these are i d e n tified and the t r a n s l a t i o n is

tentative.

39. The dGe-lugs-pa a uthorities of Tibet.

UO. Sa-skya l e g s - b s h a d No. 52.

i+l* Sa-skya l e g s - b s h a d No. 109.

i+2. The ’Stages of Generation' a n d the 'Stages of Perfection*

in the practice o f tantric yoga.

U3. F o r a list of the ’Ten Religious P r a c t i c e s ’ see A r i s 1977:

226 note 6 6 .

i|4. LN: rgyal-khrims dpang-thub g t s o - b o r b t o n -ngos zer-ba-ni /

by a - b a gang-yin-icy a ng rgyal-khab-kyi k h r i m s - y i g dpa n g - p o r

bz h ag-ste khrims-.yig-la c h a - ’jop; gt s o - b o r b t o n - p a ’i ngos-nas

(t h o g - n a s ) b y a - g a l che-ba zer-ba-yin /

U5* Apart from the gzhung mGro n - g n y e r ('Government Chamberlain'),

all the p r o v i n c i a l governor • (the r dzong-dpon a n d sp.yi-bla)

had their o w n m g r o n - g n y e r . B r o adly speaking, t h e i r duties

seem to have covered all matters external to the governor

court, while the gzi m - d p o n ('S t e w a r d - i n - c h i e f *) l o o k e d

a f t e r the internal affairs.

W. sP.yi-bla is the l i t e r a r y form for dpon-slob ('Governor' ),

of w h i c h there w e r e three, i.e. those of sPa-gro, D a r - d k a r -

nan g a n d Krong-sar. The office of Da r - d k a r dpon-slob has

lapsed a nd the remaining two are usually h e l d b y members

of the p r e sent royal family. Both forms of the title

reflect their monastic origin.

1+7. I.e. the r equirement to provide the rdzong w i t h fodder

a n d firewood.
U8 . The for m of the z h a b s - d r u n g ’s seal k n o w n as ’The Sixteen

I ’s ’ (Nga b c u - d r u g - m a ) is derived directly from the

symbolism contained in this verse.

U9- Toho k u No. 257.

50. The sku-tshab wer e almpst certainly the g o v e rnment

representatives a p p o i n t e d to the control of groups of

villages, k n own as the d r u n g - p a . See A r i s 1 9 7 6 : 6 1 6 , 627.

51* The rGya-d rung are called ’s u b h a ’, ’s o u b a h ’ etc. in the

British records.

52. See the G l o s s a r y under l a s - s g o .

53* The ’Three Truths' are perhaps the same as the 'Three

Kinds of V a l i d i t y ’ (tshad-ma g s u m ) ; 1 ) the v a l i d i t y of

quotations f r o m scripture, 2 ) the v a l i d i t y ofvisible

proof, a n d 3 ) the v a l i d i t y of reasoning.

51+. Sa-skya l e g s - b s h a d No. 162. Cf. No. 328: "By mildness

one conquers the mild and b y mildness one a lso conquers

the rough."

55. LN: m a - y i n m a - ' t h u s - p a 'i nag-can zer-ba-nl /

chos-srid-k.yi khrims d a n g - mthun-pa m a - y i n - p a r

b k a '-khrims-kyls ma ’thus-par k h r i m s - ’gal-gyl mi-de

n ag-can yin-pas /

56. See G l o s s a r y u n d e r t s a - r a .

57. Sa-skya legs-bshad No.32.

58. Cf. f. 112a below: "If foreigners come to a district

t h e y a re not to be permitted toproceed w i t h o u t

informing the district chief, w h o e v e r he may be. Such

persons are not to be h a r b o u r e d or welcomed."

 735

59. LN: b z a n g - k h a rang-nyid-kyia byas-pa'i ngan-kha

zer-ba~ni / gzhung-don gang byed-kyang b z a n g - k h a

(legs-shom) nged-kyis b y a s - p a - y i n bya-ba ngan-pa'i

rigs by u n g - n a nga min k ho yin zer gshan-la m i ^ g e l - b a

flang /

60. See G l o s s a r y under ru-nga( - b o ) .

61. DS (171): "literally, so that things may not look

frayed and w o r n b o t h at the edges and rent in the

J
ce n t r e . "

62. LN: des-gsum cang rig.khyug gsu m b r tan rling b k y e l

che*! zer ba ni / des-pa-ni sems-rgyud zhi-dul

bya-ba g a n g - l a -yang cang-grung shes-rig kh y u g - p a

dran-pa b r t a n - p o dang-ldan-pa brling-ba-ni sems-kyi

g t ing zab-cing bk.yil-che*! (sic) sems-la dran-pa-rnams

l a m - s a n g kha-nas m a - t h o n - p a r sems-la b k y il-te g t a m

bz a n g - n g a n lab - d g o s - p a - y i n /

63. This is TR*s d e f i n i t i o n of ' K h o r - g s u m : r m o g . k h r a b .

m t s h o n - c h a . Cf. t h e entries in Das and Jaschke.

62+ * See Gl o s s a r y u n der mao— drug'.

65. DS (172) : 'Jagir' (?) .

66. Sa-skya legs-bshad No. 201 .

67. zangs-thal (lit. 1to pass u n h i n d e r e d 1) is according

to TR a term usually e m p l o y e d in describing the

miraculou s p o w e r of b e ing able to pass through solid

objects, hence m y translation b y 1u n i m p e d a b l e 1,

68. Sa-skya leg s - b s h a d No. 261.

69. LN: g o n g - d u mtshungs-pa-las zer-ba-ni / 'brug

sde-srid rang~n.yid khrims dan# mthun-dgos~pa ma-zad /

70, The G a n g s - r l '1 rdor-'dzin w as the official a p p o i n t e d

to control the area surrounding Kailash in w e s t e r n

Tibet w h i c h had been granted to the Bhutanese authorities

b y the k i n g of L a d a k h w h e n this region still f o rmed part

of Ladakh. Relations b e t w e e n L a dakh a n d Bhutan we r e

c o n s o l i d a t e d b y B.yams-mgon Ngag-dbang r Gyal-mtshan

(1 6 I4.7 - 1 732) a n d the grant probably d a t e d from his lifetime.

The g o v e r n m e n t derived considerable income from the

donations of pilgrims to K a i l a s h a n d f r o m the monastic

estates w h i c h it a dministered there (Kawaguchi 1909:168).

The post of Gangs-ri *i rdor-'dzin (or Gangs-ri b l a - m a )

was last h e l d b y Drag-shoe bSod-nams Rab-rgyas w h o

continued in office until 1959 when the Tibetan r e v o l t

took place.

71* gsol-ba ('siu' in the vernacular) is the honorific for

lto, 'rice* and, more generally, ' f ood1. The term

gsol-ba dkar-mo m ay refer to the high grade of white

rice k n o w n as s b o - ' b r a s . the issue of which seems to

have b e e n a privilege of seni o r government officers.

The lower ranks would have received the c o a rser grade

of reddish coloured rice.

72. W e may conjecture that the office of p h y i - m g r o n (lit.

'External Chamberlain') would have b e e n h e l d b y certain

officers on special d e p u t a t i o n to a district.

73. LN: gzhi-len-gyi rnam-pa'l mthong-srol zer-ba-ni /

d p o n -khag gsar-pa bskos-pa dang phyogs-gzhan-nas

gzhung-gi mgron-po gsar-pa p h eb s - m i - rnams-la gzhi-len

 Y3Y

zer-ba Ito-chas gang-zab d r a n g - r g y u dan# gzhi-tshugs

J
zer g n y e r - t s h a n g sogs sprod-srol yod-pa zer- b a - y i n /

7U. The l e v y of dbang~,yon as a n a d d i t i o n a l form of taxation

continued in B h u t a n till quite recently. One o f my

informants des c r i b e d the institution of db a n g - y o n in

this context as "an evil a c t i v i t y fixed in perpetuity"

(sprps.r_ng.an r g y u n - 1Jag) .

75. Shakabpa (1976:198) takes this tradition as a p p l i e d

to Mu-ne b T e a n - p o for a n early example of T i b etan

'land reform' (sa~zhing b c o s - s g y u r ) . The claim, however,

rests on n o t h i n g more than conjecture.

76 V DS (175) : fkoot' (?).

77. DS (176): "lug-rgyab = a sheep's load - p o s s i b l y a k i n d

of illegal tax imposed b y m i n o r local officials from

the raiyots."

78. This is an odd c o n s t r u c t i o n w h i c h I p r e f e r to leave

untranslated. L N suggests: y ar 'gro-chog-pa ya n g - n a

'gro-ba'i zhor-la z e r - ba-yin /. DS (176): "in cases

where (one) has to a c c o m p a n y the h i g h e r a u t h o r i t i e s

(possibly the D eb or Dharma rajas)."

79. DS (177): "in l i e u of cash revenue".,

80. A silk fabric dyed yellow and printed with floral motifs.

81. The assessmeit of harvest-tax (b s d u - k h r a l . see Glossary)

is today b a s e d either on the area of the land in question

or on its productive capacity, although it is not clear-

to me w h i c h circumstances have to obtain to determine the

choice of system. In t h e former, t he land is m e a s u r e d

 73b

a c c o rding to g l a n g - d o r ( ’a p a i r of oxen*), that is to

say the area of l a n d that can h e ploughed in one day,

starting at dawn a n d ending at midday (n.yin-gung,

actually about 2,0 pm). In the latter system,

productive c a p a c i t y w a s reckoned by the q u a n t i t y of

seed planted. This is known as son-grangs (*s e e d - n u m b e r ' ).

Five measures of seed ( so n - b r e ) are s aid to equal

a p p r o x i m a t e l y one g l a n g - d o r . According to the q u ality

of t h eir land, tax-payers (khral-pa) are p l a c e d in one

of three categories: maximum, intermediate or minimum

(khral rab 1b r i n g m t h a 1-ma) . New assessments (zh i b - r t s i s )

could take place from t ime to time on the order of the

ruler o r distr i c t governor. T o d a y the w h o l e qu e s t i o n of

la n d - t a x falls u n der the charge of the Sa-khram

Xlg - t s h a n g at bK r a - s h i s C hos-rdzong in Thim-phu.

The m e a t - t a x and b u t t e r - t a x referred to here

w e r e p r e s u m a b l y l e v i e d f rom the pastoral communities

in the north of the country in lieu of harvest-tax* I

do not know how t h e y w e r e assessed, A useful account of

T i b e t a n land-tax and th e h i s tory of the various

'settlements* a f t e r 17U0 is. contained in Surkhang 1966*

82, The she-ma ( ’dai r y m a n * ) is reckoned to be of a h i g h e r

status than the rdzi-bo ( 1h e r d s m a n 1). The former's w o r k

includes shearing yaks a nd curing hides, b e s i d e s m a king

cheese a n d butter. The latter is the one who actua l l y

goes around w i t h the herd.

83. The colloquial words for slave in w e s t e r n Bhutan are'

'zap* (masculine) and 'jham* (feminine). All slaves

received their m a n u m i s s i o n in the 1 9 5 0 ' s.

8k * I.e. in cash.
 i Oil

85. I.e. on his mother's or father's side of the family.

86. I.e. b l o o dless food.

8?. I am not sure of the m e a n i n g of stong-rtsi zhabs-tog.

The phrase m i ght allude to a fine for m a n s l a u g h t e r

(s t o n g ) incurred b y the deceased and still outstanding.

88. The v e r b b r d u n g (future of r d u n g . 'to p o u n d 1) suggests

Pise construction of m o s t B h u t a n e s e b u i l d i n g s .

89. One of the severest grievances was c a u s e d b y the

c o m m u n i t y b e i n g required to provide taxes and corvee

f o r tax estates that stood empty, their liabilities

still entered on the demand roll. Such 'empty estates'

are c a l l e d rkang-stong or r t s a - s t o n g - s a .

90. 'The Tenth Da y (of the Month)', a p o p u l a r ritual

devoted to Padmasambhava. In e x t ended f orm it takes

p l a c e as an annual festival of sacred dance in the

pro v i n c i a l capitals.

91 • The ma-ni-ba (m a - n i - p a in Tibetan, 'manip* in B h u t a n e s e

vernacular) are w a n d e r i n g b a r d s who c a r r y around with

them portable stupas k n o w n as bkra-shis s g o - m a n g . the

doors of w h i c h open up to show scenes i l l u s trating the

stories from their repetoire. In Tibet the m a - n i-pa

used p a i n t e d scrolls instead for this purpose. The

'licensed* b a r d s referred to here w e r e f o r m a l l y a t t a c h e d

to g overnment temples and monasteries, to w h i c h they

would return in b e t w e e n t h e i r rounds of the villages.

They no longer enjoy t h e i r former d ispensation from

taxes today a n d the w h o l e custom is in some danger of

disappearing. Apart f rom t h e common stock of s t o r i e s

 Y4U
d e r iving from Indian legends ( ’Gro-ba bZang-mo, D r i -med

Kun-ldan, gZugs-kyi Nyi-ma etc.) they sing several items

p e c u l i a r to Bhutan, such as the life stories of die 1st

Z habs-drung and of *Brug-pa Kun-legs. They a l s o sing a

great n u m b e r of invocations b a s e d on the famous six-

syllable mantra from which they derive t h eir name.

92. DS (1 8 3 ): "... thrown into the w a t e r and t h e n cremated."

93. I have a v o i d e d duar for las-sgo here as the term p r o b a b l y

includes the marts near the Tibetan border.

94. I am not sure of the exact sense of gtan-tshigs here,

though it is c l e a r l y r e l a t e d to gtsigs in the 8 t h and

9th cent ury inscriptions meaning fd e c r e e f.

95* Literally, ’as his red o r n a m e n t s ’.

96. The famous m i n i s t e r of K i n g Srong-btsan sGam-po.

97. Gods, humans a n d demi-gods (lha, mi, l h a - m a - y i n ) .

98. See Note 16 above.

99. The A g e of Truth (or Perfection).

100. P e t e c h (1972:211 Note 75) points out that the term

rab-byun g (1747) is in con tradiction to Earth B i r d (1729)

and that bot h years are incompatible with w h a t he holds

to be M i - p h a m d B a n g - p o ’s period of rule: 1730-1745* The

dates given in L P ’s list, however, are 1729-1738 and in

the pr e a m b l e it is clearly stated that the decree was

composed at the v e r y beginning of Mi-pham dBang-po*s

reign. E a r t h Bird is therefore correct, w h ile rab-byung

m a y be taken as a simple error.

 Y41

TEXT IV

J
 Y4£

Translation of an excerpt from Estevao C a c e l l a ’s

Relacao (1627)

Title The Report w h i c h F a ther Estevao Cacella of the Society

f o l .1
of Jesus sent to Father Alberto Laercio. P r o v i n c i a l of

the P r o vince of M a l abar of East India, about his .journey

to Catay o / u n t i l he came to the K i n gdom of P o t e n t e .

/Bhotanta = Tibet7

Fol.6 This city / o f Pargao^r: s P a - g r o / begins in a beautiful

Para. 2
p l a i n w i d e a n d pleasant, set "between mountains on e i t h e r

side of it, w h i c h are cheerful to look, at a n d there are

w e l l l a i d out fields of wheat and rice with which it was

2
then covered; the p l ain is divided "by two great rivers

w h i c h make it g o o d to see, p r i n cipally w i t h the freshness

imparted "by great w i l lows a nd "by irrigation channels w h i c h

come out of the rivers; w i t h the plain "begin the buildings,

v e r y b i g and hig h houses w h i c h are often of three, fou r or

five storeys h a v i n g very thick walls with w i n d o w s and

v erandas w h i c h a d o r n them; these buildings a r e not in

such a w a y that they form streets but are d i v ided one from

a n o ther over the p l a i n and amidst the foothills of the

mountains in such a w a y that they make a city but so long

that even the part we covered and saw w o u l d be at least

three leagues a nd there w a s quite a lot more which w e did

not see; because the valley goes on in the w a y I have

d e s c ribed until it ends up in a mo u n t a i n w h i c h divides it

into two, down w h i c h come the two rivers one on each side,

w h i c h irrigate the valley and a r o u n d this m o u n t a i n the

city forms two long arms w n i c h go uphill along the rivers

quite a long way. The people are i nnumerable and if one

 743

were to a d d them up the very least n u m b e r that live there

3
w o u l d be more tha n five hu n d r e d thousand souls; is

possible for so m any people to live there b e c a u s e of the

way which they have of living in those houses, b e c ause in

each house there are many dwellers divided up b y the

storeys a n d t he divisions w h i c h they make for this purpose;

on the 2 5 th of March we e n t e r e d this city, the d a y on w h i c h

the Eternal W o r d clothed in o ur humanity e n t ered this

w o r l d and f r o m its infinite goodness we hope that our

entry on that day into that land m ay co n s t i t u t e for that

whole p e ople t h e i r recognition by their Saviour, We could

not come i m m e d i a t e l y to the house of the c o m p a n i o n 4w h o was

guiding us and w h e n on the next day w e e n t ered it we found

ourselves r o bbed that m o r n i n g of everything that we h ad

for ou r sustenance; he put us in a house of his that v/as

so dark that even at m i d d a y w e could not see each other

a n d it look e d mor e like a p r i s o n than a n y t h i n g else.

I m m e d i a t e l y w e a s ked him to f i n d us w h a t we n e e d e d b e c a u s e

he was a c t i n g as our g u a r d in order to c o n v e y us in safety;

but he, f e e l i n g v e r y secure a n d independent, replied to us

that he w as g o i n g to rest an d that a f t e r w a r d s he w o uld do

his duty. In all this he s h o w e d how little he cared about

b e i n g u n f a ithful to us even a f t e r we h a d t r u s t e d him, and

so he b e c a m e obviously cross w h e n we spoke to h i m about

fol.7 this business, saying that that business was not the w o r k

of one day but that it w o u l d last months, and that w h e n the

man w ho h a d d o n e bu s i n e s s w i t h us in R u n a t e ^ R a n g a m a t i =
5
Jaigaoii^Z h a d come he w o u l d do what seemed best to him.

W h e n we saw the damnable res o l u t i o n of this man and o t h e r

signs which he gave of having a heart i n f e c t e d with evil

plans from w h ich the lor d ^tater}? freed us a n d which we

afterwards got to know, w e d e c i d e d to leave his house in

w h ich there w e r e great difficulties but a f t e r two days,

seeing that he w a s often out of doors, we left his house -

on which his relatives came up a nd stopped us a nd took

news to him of w h a t was happening; it w a s no t a b l e the

anger w i t h w h i c h this man came to impede us and to try once

again b y force to put us in his house; he m a d e use of

weapons and everything that he could against us; b u t G od

o ur L o r d was p l e a s e d that with patience w e should overcome

him, re s i s t i n g him only w i t h this patience, that is

resisting the passion and rage with which he came o v e r ­

filled. A nd since at this time many people came up w h o

saw the unreasonable way in w h i c h that m an was acting

towards us, the y took p i t y on us, trying to q u i e t e n h im

down, a n d h a v i n g taken h i m b a c k to his house, we were thus

rid of him; a n d that night w e w e n t into the house- of a good

old man w ho for the love

of G o d our L o r d mad e us welcome
(L a m b a )
a nd on the nex t day a lama/with authority wit h w h o m the

Father J oao Cabral h a d p r e v i o u s l y talked sent us horses and

people w ho took us to his house which w as v e r y fa r from

this s t a g i n g - p o s t ; but when we reached h i m w e f o u n d h i m ^

altered b e c a u s e he was a f r a i d to quarrel wit h the man wh o

had stolen from us, if he w e r e to shelter us in his house;

however, our L o r d was pl e a s e d to encourage h i m not to

notice this problem, al t h o u g h a f t e r we h a d b e e n in his

house b e c ause of the same man he pre v e n t e d us from going

onwards to such an extent that w h e n a n o t h e r lama w i s h e d

to take us, this m a n ’s people prevented him fro m doing

this b y force w i t h weapons. Seeing us in such a state

and in m any o t her circumstances of d i f f i c u l t i e s a n d

problems w h i c h I refrain from recording, in a country w h e r e

no one takes .-any action, every one of these-men being an

absolute lord in his own house, without there being anyone

outside it who can ask him for an explanation of what he

6 —
is doing, we met the principal lama that the King /Zhabs-

drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal/ has here and who, when he knew

of the impediments which we had preventing us from reaching

the King, said that by his influence we would go there since

it was he who was there in charge of the K i n g ’s business, and

he said that immediately we should go to his house; which

we did with the agreement of the lama with whom we had been

sheltered, and indeed he himself /late y t ook us and accompan­

ied us to the King; but even here the enemy d id not refrain

from making his normal efforts to impede us in such a way

that, while we were talking with the principal lama about how

we wanted to go on, the lama tried to persuade us that we

should not go on but we should wait for the King there and

he said that he /the King/ would come within a month (-which

was quite false since now six months have gone b y without

the King going there). ."/hen we saw that this change of

heart also had its origin in the man who had robbed us we

bade farewell to the lama and we began to walk alone,

determined to carry on our journey, confident that our Lord

would guide us and guard us,, for having done everything v/e

could we saw no other way of going ahead. The lama, seeing

our resolution, was obliged to ask us to wait a few more

hours to get us ready and to prepare his safe-conducts and

we were to go by his means to the King because if the King

v/ere to see us there without our journeying as we should

or if on the way some accident should happen to us the King

would punish him severely. So we waited for the day and he

gave "us people and horses for the rest of the journey and
 ( *10

in the company of the first lama we left P a rgao / s P a - g r o /

on the s e c o n d octave of Easter, the fifth of A p r i l , / J 5 2 7 /.

A f t e r three days journey we found in a v i l l a g e a lama,

. a relative^ of the King, who came from the King to

look for us wit h people and hors e s a n d he acco m p a n i e d us;

this p e r s o n w r o t e i mmediately to the K i n g that w e w ere coming

a n d so he sent other lamas who w e r e to wai t for us at the

next staging-post w i t h two horses, v e r y well equipped, a n d

journeying thus w ith all that company a g o o d w a y b e f o r e we

a r r i v e d he sent more of his people i n v i t i n g us to tea, w h ich

he and his people use a lot, and continuing o ur road a f t e r -

wa r d s w h i c h led through h i g h mountains, c o ming n e a r now to

the place where he was, he sent other youthful lamas on

t h e i r horses w h o ente r t a i n e d us with m a n y races w h i c h they

held in a staging-place where the mountains a l l o w e d it a n d

then we saw through the trees a great multitude of people

w h o wer e w a i t i n g for us and their shawms and trumpets w e r e

playing, because the instruments which the y use in t h e i r

fol. 8 festivals have some similarity w i t h these. Here w e r e a

8 J
hu n d r e d lamas all young from twelve to twenty years old w h o

came to meet us lined up in two lines. In the m i ddle were

three small lamas w i t h incense w h i c h they w e r e carrying in

thuribles, w h i c h is an h o n o u r only the K i n g has. Thus they

took us to the place w h ich they had made ready for us w h i c h

was a v e r y wel l made tent lined with Chinese silk w ith an

a l t a r - h a n g i n g and a place w h e r e we could lie down; and a

little later the K i n g sent us a note that we could proceed

,/to his p r e s e n c e / a nd w e f o und him in a n o t h e r tent, v e r y

w e l l d e c o r a t e d with silk, and he was sitting in a h igh

place clothed w i t h red silk embroidered in gold; on his

right and v ery close to him in an o t h e r a p p r o p r i a t e place

there stood an image of his father w i t h a lamp a l i g h t

/ b e f o r e i t / w h i c h w a s always burning there; there w e r e

also two high places for us, no other lama h o w e v e r

important having a place there except on the mats which w e r e

spread on the ground. He received us with a demonstration

of great benevolence, signifying this in the joy which he ^

showed on s e e i n g us a n d on knowing w h ere we w e r e coming

from, where w e were from, i.e. from what country a n d nation,

and h e a s k e d the other questions normal at a first meeting:

we w e r e able to tell him that we were "Portuguese" b e c ause

since no foreigners ever come to these mountains, n o r do

they remember ever h a ving s een or h e a r d of similar people

10 — -y
p a s s i n g there, the name of Franguis / F r a n k s / has not

reached them, w h i c h is the n a m e w h i c h the P ortuguese have

in all the Orient.

It was no mean lack of consolation to find us here

almost w i t h o u t a language because although w e brought with

us someone who k n e w Hindustani very well, Parsee a n d the

language of the K o c h people (c o c h o ) , h o w e v e r we f o und here

only one lama from Chaparangue / r T s a - b r a n g / v e r y be l o v e d of

the K i n g who could understand something, but v e r y little, of

Hindustani; through h im w e spoke as best we could with m u c h

trouble a n d difficulty, and als o on the K i n g ’s part wh o

desired very much that we should be able to make ourselves

clear in the l e n g t h y conversations which he h a d every day

with us; but k n o w i n g from us how we came there w i t h orders

to preach to h im t h e f a i t h of Christ our L o r d b e c a u s e w e had

h e a r d that of old they had been Christians a n d aft e r w a r d s as

the years w e n t b y and with lack, of teachers the Christian

religion was f o r g o t t e n b u t that they still h a d some elements

12
of C h r i s t i a n i t y , he showed himself to approve of our coming
a nd said that w e should l e a r n his language so that we could

speak to h i m a n d t h a t he could not possibly not accept w hat

v/e w o u l d teach him f o r those must he v e r y g o o d things for

w h i c h we had come from so f ar a way to search for him and so

he ordered that lama from Chaparangue ^ r T s a - b r a n g ^ to

continue teaching us every day and the King f or this purpose

r elieved the lama of his other duties.

The K i n g w ho is c a l l e d Droma Rada / p h a r m a raj a/7"is

thirty-three years old, the K i n g and at

the same time the
1p-
chief lama of this K i n gdom of Cambirasi, the fir.st of those

of Po t e n t e /Bhotanta/7 in this area, w h i c h is v e r y great

and populated; he is p r oud of his gentleness for w h i c h he

is h i g h l y reputed, bu t less feared, and at the moment he

1'5
has in his house a lama, a relative of his, w ho did h im a

n otable disservice b u t he treats him w e l l a n d t o l d us that

he w o uld let h im go imme d i a t e l y and t h a t he h a d no heart to

give h im any other punishment a l t hough he k n e w that when he

J
was freed from p r i s o n he w o u l d certainly rise up against him

as he was a c c u s t o m e d to do. The King is also very cel e b r a t e d

f or his abstinency in n e v e r eating rice or meat or fish,

16
< -

m a i n t a i n i n g h i m s e l f only w i t h fruit and milk, a n d also for

the so l i t a r y w a y in w h ich he lived during the three years

b e f o r e we cam e here, w i t h d r a w i n g into a hut w h i c h he made

v e r y small in the m i d d l e of the mountains on top of a great

rock, now not seeing or a l l o w i n g himself to b e seen b y anyone

and they put his food on two ropes w h i c h f r o m his hut w e n t

down to others w h i c h were below and he p u l l e d the food in

17
without s p e a k i n g a il this time to anyone; he occupied

himself, as he told us, in praying and in his spare time he

made various objects w h i c h hie has and he s h o w e d us one of

them w h i c h w a s the best, b e i n g an image of the face of God

 in white sandalwood, small h u t very well made and this is

a n art of w h ich he is v e r y proud, as also that of p a i nter

at w h i c h he is good and he s h o w e d us some of his paintings

w h i c h w e r e v e r y g o o d and seeing a St Raphael on a panel

w h i c h we "brought he w a n t e d to make a copy of it a n d b e g a n

straight a w a y and went on with it very well, although b e c a u s e

18 4
fol. 9 of his m a n y occupations he has not yet f i n i s h e d it. This

King has also a great reputation as a ma n of letters and

as such all the o t her great lamas reverence h im and the

Kings s end h im presents and he is sought out f r o m all these

19
places, h a v i n g w ith h im lamas from very distant Kingdoms.

The reas o n w h y w e found hi m lodged in tents in these m o u n tains

is b e cause the people of the villages are each one a c c u s t o m e d

to call h i m to their village and so he sets h i m s e l f up in

20
some staging-place from w h i c h he can go to m a n y v i l l a g e s

and the y then offer to h im great presents of horses, cattle,

rice, cloth and other things which are his principal revenue,

and those who do not invite him to visit them because they

live too f a r away come themselves to f i n d h i m with their

offerings.' F o r this reason he was in the mountains with the

school of his lamas w h i c h he always takes w i t h h i m and he

has more than a hundred w h o are well p r a c t i s e d at learning^

and p e r f o r m i n g t h eir ceremonies; these are called Guelois

21
^/dge-slon^Z a n d they are the principal lamas for they do not

m a r r y and do not eat more than once before midday after

w h i c h they cannot eat rice, n or fish, nor meat, nor do they

ever drink w i n e and in this they are different f r o m the

22
other lamas w h o are not so strict; they s p e n d the w h o l e d a y

in the school in which they eat and sleep, all of them

coming out twice a day, once in the m o r n i n g the other time

in the afternoon, and then g o i n g back i m m e d i a t e l y in order

one after the other in a c o m p o s e d and m o d e s t way, so w e l l

taught and a c c u s t o m e d to this are they a n d yet it was a

great grief to see them so occupied in the errors w h i c h

they are taught for they s p e n d a great part of the d ay in

their prayers and at night they all get up when a signal

is g i ven and they p r a y for a space of h a l f an hour and

again in the early morning, singing like clergy in the

choir*

In t h e s e m o u n t a i n s a n d o thers w e accompanied him

/ ghabs«-drung N g a g - d b a n g rNam-rgyal/ for two months until

23
we came to his house w h i c h is in those mountains w h e r e he

spent his p e r i o d of retreat w i t h o u t having wit h h im anyone

else apart from his lamas, n or is the place capable of

b e i n g p o p u l a t e d b e c ause to make a house it is n e c e s s a r y to

b r e a k m any stones a n d to f l a t t e n w i t h great trouble some

part of the mountain w h i c h is v e r y steep; and it is a place

he chose to defend himself against a K i n g w h o is eight days

journey from there a n d he is the gr e a t e s t K i n g of P o t e n t a

,/Bhotanta7 w h o is called Demba Cemba ^ s D e - p a gTsang-pa/ a n d

he fought wit h hi m in the past b e cause he /Zhabs-drung/7 <31<3-

25
not wa n t to g i v e him, as he said, a bone of his dead father

w h i c h the K i n g a s k e d h i m f o r a n d for this r e a s o n he d o e s n o t

liv e in a c i t y of his, great and good, w h i c h is called

___ as
R a lum ^/Ra-lung7 and- this is five days journey away; he

looked a f t e r us very w e l l in his house in a part of it w h e r e

we wer e able to make a n d d e c orate v e r y nicely a chapel to

27
which we i n v i t e d h i m on the day of o u r H o l y F a t h e r I g n a t i u s

and the Lord consented that d e s p i t e two robberies we still

h a d a l l the apparatus which we brought for the altar and

all t h e images fo r although i n the first of the robberies

,they t ook a w a y a p i c t u r e of o u r V i r g i n L a d y on a b o a r d , all

 m

the same a lama wh o f o u n d it in p o s s e s s i o n of one of

those wh o robbbed us b r o u g h t it to us along w i t h another

Bible which they a lso h a d there; the K ing came to see the
28
chapel w i t h his master /lHa-dbang Blo-gros^ who is a v e r y

o l d l a m a f o r w h o m he has g r e a t respect a n d with the rest of

the lamas a n d they w e r e all v e r y p l e a s e d w i t h w h a t t hey saw,

spending some hours in s e e i n g and a s k i n g about everything.

In these months w e t o o K every diligence to learn the

29
language and although we w ere staying in tents and g o ing on

roads and in strange houses w h i c h took up our time, all the

same G o d our L o r d did for us in this m a t t e r as in all others

the greatest mercies; the w o r s t trouble of a ll w as the lack

of a m a s t e r b e cause w e could only mak e ourselves understood

w i t h great d i f f i c u l t y with the one that we h ad b e c a u s e he

was not from this K i n g d o m but from Chaparangue ^/rTsa-brang^

a nd did not know the language of this area, of w h i c h at the

p r e s e n t time we had more n e c e s s i t y because w h i l e all these

K i n gdoms hav e the same language there is a great v a r i a t i o n

30
in the pronunciati on and in the endings and the c o r r uption

of it in some parts makes it almost another language,

esp e c i a l l y in this K i n g d o m w h ich because it is in this

c o rner having little contact or commerce with o t h e r K i n gdoms

the language is very different; h o w ever all the lamas and

ge n e r a l l y the people als o u nderstand the language of the

rest and so w i t h w h a t we k n o w we can c o m m u nicate in all

these areas and also we take a great deal of trouble to

instruct ourselves w e l l in the language of this v e r y K i n g d o m

in w h i c h the L o r d is p l e a s e d that we should make our first

stay and thus at the moment thanks to God our L o r d we

fol, 10 understand ^juite a lot fairly w e l l and we talk a b o u t the

things of ouf Holy F a i t h and we compose prayers a nd n e c e ssary

instructions in this language and we have them w r i t t e n

in their characters so that t h e y / t h e lamas,7 m a y learn

more easily; and it helps us ver y much that w e a l r eady

k n o w how to read their hooks even though we do not yet

understand them w e l l since they are w r i tten in the hest'

and most p o l i s h e d f o r m of the language; they w e r e in all

these times very frequent, the conversations we h a d w i t h

of
the K i n g a h o u t the t h i n g s / o u r L o r d a n d w h i c h he e n j o y e d

l i s t e n i n g t o ; hut r e a l i s i n g as w e l l that b e t w e e n us a n d

h i m t h e r e w a s a g r e a t d i s t a n c e a h o u t w h a t w e b e l i e v e d of

our Holy Faith we s a w c l e a r l y i n h i m dis l i k e and coldness

31
towards our things; and thus w e said to him, a f ter thanking

him v e r y m u c h f o r the love w h i c h he lad shown to us, that

he should h e g r a c i o u s l y p l e a s e d to give us p e r m i s s i o n and

company in order to go f o r w a r d to the C h a p a r a n g u e /rTsa-brangJ7

area be c a u s e in this K i n g d o m there was nothing for us to do:

the K i n g w a s very e m b a r r a s s e d w i t h this request a n d pu t t i n g

off the reply for some days he used the time b y g e t t i n g

other lamas to try a n d persuade us from g o i n g on; but w h e n

w e insisted on wha t w e h a d a s k e d he h i m self g a v e us a reply

saying that it was a discredit to him t h a t w e should leave

him an d go on b e c a u s e all these Kingdoms k n e w that we w ere

w i t h h i m and h a v i n g us here w a s a great honour and for this

reason w e w e r e not to go on, part i c u l a r l y since w e had said

to h i m that we w o u l d be here always, n o r w o u l d w e leave him*

To t h i s w e replied that o u r b e i n g here w o u l d b e conditional

on his taking pleasure in t h e r e b e i n g p r e a c h e d in the

K i n g d o m the true Law of C h r i s t our L o r d and m o r e p a r t i c u l a r l y

i f he a c c e p t e d it and m a d e himself a Christian, and because

we saw i n h i m little pleasure i n this b u s i n e s s w h i c h is the

only thing for which w e were looking here there w a s n o r e a s o n

w h y we should s t a y here. To this he said it was true b ut

that he was a f r a i d that if he w a s now to embrace our Lav/

he w o u l d die immediately because his forefathers h a d h a d

the law w h i c h he h a d and t h e y w e r e never Christians, b ut

he said w e s h o u l d go on r e a d i n g his b o o k s a n d that we s h o u l d

talk more d e e p l y about the m a t t e r of the law and that f or

the moment we should b e g i n to make Christians a nd preach

our Holy Faith w h ich v/as a v e r y goo d one a n d this w as his

view and he said that soon w e should h ave man y Christians

which was what w e w a n t e d and so that w e c o uld b e g i n he said

he would g iv e us, and indeed h e did, in his p r e s e n c e a

young lama of twenty years, very close to h i m a n d the first

32
c o - b rother of a n o t h e r lama w h o is the w h o l e government of

the K i n g and he said that he w o uld s oon give us two more

a n d that m a n y w o u l d follow these a nd he w o u l d b u ild us a

house and church in Pargao ^sPa-grpZ. When we saw the

r e s o lution of the K i n g we said that w e w o u l d like to please

him b e c a u s e he had pl e a s u r e in our s t a ying in his K i n g d o m

w i t h the hopes that he was g i v i n g us of e x t e n d i n g in it the

Faith of the L o r d and w e t h a n k e d him v e r y much for the lamas

w h i c h he h a d g i v e n us and w h o w a n t e d to become Christians a n d

we thanked him also f o r the church which he w a n t e d to make

in P a rgao Z.sPa~gro7; as for the m a tter of dying i m m e diately

if he took up t he Faith of the L o r d he would see the

contrary in t h o s e who m w e made Christians b e c a u s e b e i n g

Christ our Lord, the true life of souls, He did not kil l

bodies but r a ther with Him he would have all the goods of

the b o d y and the soul,

I w i l l tell Your Rev e r e n c e a b out the religion of this

K i n g d o m wh i c h we learnt f r o m c onversations with the K i n g

a nd w i t h his old master. They say in the first place that

 they were never Christians, nor do they find in their

hooks that their forefathers in all this Potente

/Bhotanta/ knew Christ our Lord or held his Law hut they

say they are not pagans, rather they laugh and mock pagan

things like adoring animals and they abominate sacrificing

cattle in pagodas and other ceremonies of the pagans; they

speak very badly of the Moors ,/the Muslims/ and it is a

33
name they use when they want to describe a very bad man.

They say that they adore only One God and they have of him

very well made images and one- of them the King showed to us,

very well made, modest and authentic of golden metal who

had between his hands a small pot of water and he said that
3U
that water meant how God washed the souls of sin. He also

showed us another image of God on cloth all of dark blue and

when w e were surprised by the colour he said that they

painted God in that way not because God had any colour but

because his dwelling place was in the sky and for that reason

fol. 11 they painted him with that colour of the sky: they also

showed us another panel in which the sky was painted, in the

middle of it a square house in which they said God lived:

although in their ordinary speech they know of G o d as immense

and being such he is everywhere; they say that in God there

are three who are one God and two of them have no body and one

has a body and the one that has a body they call Togu / sPrul-
36
skv/ which means Son and in the way they talk about his

birth they give us to understand that they mean that his mother

was a virgin and they will show us the image of a woman who
3" (
they say is the mother of God. They are aware of the

blessed state where the good go and of hell where the evil

are punished in which they say there are great torments of

fire and cold. One can c l e a r l y see in these things

that somehow the light of the H o l y Gospel has a r r i v e d

here, and o t h e r c eremonies and "blessings which they use

show a great similarity with things of C h r i s tianity;

hut they have o t her things v e r y much spoilt; they say

that six hundred years ago there w as no one in this

Potente ^ B h o t a n t a t h a t it was all water,

hut w h e n it
38
d r i e d the earth ha d trees h ut only two monkeys from w h i c h

they say all the people of P o t e n t e ^ B h o t a n t a 7 are d e s c e n d e d '

and that these monkeys afterwards w e n t to heaven, a n d that

in the b e g i n n i n g of these Kingdoms there was a K i n g w h o

39
h a d twelve heads. A n d w hen we laughed at this a n d said

that that w a s all f a l s e h o o d and m o c k e r y he replied, sticking

to what he h a d said, that this was what his hooks told him.
hO
Also they pretend that there are three paradises w h e r e the

g o o d go f r o m one to the other until they b e c o m e completely

s p i r i t u a l i s e d a nd those w h o go to heaven say that they

enter into God himself and b e c o m e Gods; and so t h e y adore

their masters a n d Kings w h o m t h e y have as H o l y like G o d

after t h e y a r e dead; for this reason it is t h a t this K i n g

uses a ll his art a n d care in m a k i n g images of his father

J
and decorating them v e r y n i c e l y an d m a king festivals for

h im a n d this image he has in a house w h i c h he made here for

his prayers in w h i c h there is only this large

image in a good a n d be a u t i f u l sepulchre of silver. When

they h e a r d us s a y that only in the Law of the L o r d Christ

is there sa l v a t i o n they a f f i r m e d it to us that m a n y f o r e ­

fathers of this K i n g had gone to heaven in b o d y and soul

in the vie w of m a n y people and this did not h a p p e n in the

U2
distant past b u t only a few years ago here, and that the
father /Mi-pham bsTan-pa'i N y i - m a / of D r o m a Raja

^/Dharmaraja = Zh a b s - d r u n g N g a g - d b a n g r N a m - r g y a l / ’’ w a s so

holy that w h e r e h e p u t his foot on s t o n e s o m e t i m e s foot-

p r i n t s w e r e m a d e a n d h e t o l d us o t h e r t h i n g s a h o u t his

forefathers with w h i c h the d e v i l h a 8 k e p t them hlind and

deceived. Ahout the S o n of G o d w h o m they say has heen

horn they affirm it to he their Chescamoni ^ h a k y a Mu-ni/

kh
which is a p a g o d a v e r y f a m o u s in t h e s e p l a c e s and it is

twelve days journey away and they say that he w a s h o r n two

thousand years a g o a nd that he spent twelve months in h i s

k5
m o t h e r ’s w o m h : this the p r i n c i p a l lama t o l d us, w h o is

the one w h o g o v e r n s the house of the King, the K i n g h a v i n g

first t o l d us that C h e s c a m o n i ^ S h a k y a Mu-ni/ was not G o d and

that the educated lamas d i d not adore him h u t o n l y the

common people a nd those w h o w e r e ignorant; and when the

K i n g h e a r d the lama say t his he did n o t c o n t r a d i c t him,

rather hoth of them w e r e e m b a r r a s s e d a n d c o n f u s e d , not knowing

who it w a s w h o w a s this G o d the S o n w h o m it s e e m s they knew

and they d i d not kn o w anything ahout him concerning w h o m we

gave him very different news; n o r up t i l l n o w have we

discovered that they h a v e a n y k n o w l e d g e of a n y o f the other

mysteries o f the life of our Lord, nor do w e find any other

signs of the H o l y C r o s s a p a r t f r o m a s i m i l a r i t y i n the name;

U6
because what we call cross they c a l l c r u c a h u t t h e y do n o t

r e g a r d this h o l y s i g n as a s a c r e d object. Everyone esteems

hi
t h e K i n g a nd the g r e a t lama greatly and they give of w h a t

t h e y have w h e n they d ie s o t h a t he m a y s e n d t h e m to heaven;

the ceremony is t h a t w h e n they a r e n e a r to d e a t h a n d in

t h e i r f i n a l a g o n y the K i n g is called and h e is p r e s e n t at the

d e a t h a n d pr a y s , and w hen t h e y die the K i n g p u l l s them b y the

hair of their head and then he does for them that w h i c h they
 i d (

consider a great act of mercy in sending t h e i r soul to

hQ
heaven. A n d w h e n I asked one of these lamas on the

occasion of the death of a n o ther one w h o d i e d here if he

pu l l e d him b y his h a i r before he died or afterwards the

lama was v e r y surprised at my question saying that.to pull

the h a i r b e fore death w o u l d be a v e r y serious sin. A f t e r

the man has died they share out what they fin d amongst the

rest of the people so that the soul can get on w e l l in the

other life a n d those w ho are absent when a r e l ative dies

take to the K i n g the principal possessions of the dead man

and they b r ing him to perfor m his supplications over him. ^

Such, more or less, is the cult of God w h o m a ll these

Kingdoms of Potente / B h o t a n t a / adore as we learn it from

fol.12 the K i n g and the lamas w h o are here from all these Kingdoms.

We took e v e r y trouble to ask questions about the K i n g d o m of

^C a thay/
Ca t a yo/and we have no knowledge of it b y that name w h i c h is

completely u n k nown here; there is however a v e r y well k n o w n

K i n g d o m which they
say is v e r y b ig a nd is called Xembala
50
/Sham-bha-la/ a n d he^has asked us about it m a n y times. We
^Cathay7 51
b e lieve that C a t a y q ' m a y be of this Kingdom b e c a u s e the
52
K i n g d o m of Sopo ^£Sog-po7 is that of the Tartars, as they

understand through the w a r which this K i n g says that K i n g d o m

continually has with China, adding that the K i n g of China

has more people; h o w e v e r the people of Sopo ^/Sog-poT" are

stronger and thus normally defeat the Chinese, all of w h i c h

tallies w i t h w h a t is so wel l k n o w n about the w a r of the _

53 Z p a th a ^ /
Tartars with the Chinese, and since the K i n g d o m of Catayo/is

ver y b ig a n d the only one which is on this side next to the

Tartars as the m a p s show it seems that we can with some

»

p r o b a b i l i t y think that it is wha t the y call here Xembala

^Sham-bha-la/r, nor is it a reason ag a i n s t this the fact that

no other name is k n o w n here be c a u s e n e i ther China nor

Tartaria nor Tibet are k n o w n b y these names of which

they have no knowledge; and C h ina they call Guena

</rGya-na£7, Tartaria Sopo /Sog-po7, and Tibet Potente

/Bhotanta/; they say there are many difficulties on the

journey to the K i n g d o m of Xembala / S h a m - b h a - l a / ; h o w ever

I trust in the L o r d w h o has so f a r brought us w i t h our

eyes fixed on that Kingdom, that he may b r i n g us to where

we may s e e it more c l o sely s o that next y e a r I may send

to Your Rev e r e n c e news about it. It will no t be possible

f o r F a t h e r Joa o Cabral andmeto go together b e c ause of the

resolution of this man that w e should n o t go any further

a n d thus if it pleases G od our F a t h e r F a ther Joa o Cabral

w i l l s t a y in this house and c h u r c h which the K i n g is m a k i n g

for us, p r e a ching the Holy Gospel to this people wit h the

help and company of the three men w h o m the K i n g has given

us a nd seeing together the f r uit w h i c h m a y be obtained in

the souls of this K i n g d o m so that in conformity w i t h this j

we may deal w i t h the se t t i n g up of this mission; and I

w i t h the help of the Lord w i l l t r y to go to the K i n g d o m of

Xembala / S h a m - b h a - l a / w h i c h may be e i t h e r in that one / w h i c h

we have h e a r d a b o u t / or in one of the others w h i c h are

around here and may God our L o r d provide occasions for us

to perform greater services for him, and next yea r I w i l l

let Y our Reverence know about everything conc e r n i n g w h i c h we

54
are able to have knowledge.

The K i n g gave us two more lamas which he p r o mised us,

one of w h o m is a n agreeable b o y of twelve years w h o Is

clever and a n o t h e r is n i n e t e e n w h o is p a r t i c u l a r l y good in

learning what is taught him; we are c a t e c h i s i n g and

instructing all t h ree in the m a t ters of o ur Holy Faith.

Also there is a n o t h e r lama twenty-seven years old, a

very important one and w i t h m a n y relatives who all these

months w as here with the King, he l p i n g him in his works

of painting, sculpture and m a s o n r y in which he is always

occupied f or the d ecoration of t h e image of his f a t h e r

a n d he has p r o m i s e d me to b e c o m e a Christian m a n y times

as soon as he s h o u l d finish the King's w o r k s w h ich will

be in about a m o n t h and a half from now. I use this man

to help me w r i t e a n d put into g o o d language the prayers

and Christ ian doctrine; and one of these days w hen he was

writing the c h a pter of the catechism concerning the Holy

Cross b e i n g the sign of Christ, and other things about the

b i r t h of Christ our Lord, a n d a b out the p u r i t y of our

immaculate Virgin, Our Lady, he was very p l e a s e d and told me

afterwards that he kept it in his heart and it contented him

greatly. Also a n o ther m an who came here from a n o t h e r village,

seeing the chapel which we have and hearing som e things a b o u t

our Lord, told us that he would like to sta y w i t h us a nd that

by going to our house he would stay w i t h us so that our L o r d

might forgive him a sin w h i c h kept him v e r y u n h a p p y and tha^

was that by an accident w i t h an arrow he had k i l l e d a man;

this p e r s o n has b e e n b a c k a g a i n and persists in the same

intention. A l s o others w h o have an a f f e c t i o n for our things

have p r o m i s e d us to bring us their children so that we can

teach them and one of these is p articularly grateful to us

for the m e rcy w h i c h he says o ur Lord did him b y giving one

of his children health, a child whom he brought to us sick

w h e n w e w e r e with the King in the tents and w h e n he a s k e d

us for a holy object for a cure F a ther Joao C a bral gave him

a relic to w h i c h the man attributes the h e a l t h of his c h ild

and others often ask f or h o l y w a t e r with w h i c h they say they

 YbU

are cured of their afflictions. A n d the lamas and other

p eople w h o come h e r e to see us also with t h e i r offerings

of fruit a n d milk, when they see the images and decoration

f d ,13 of the c h apel they a re a m a z e d and prostrate themselves

man y times before the image of o ur V i r g i n L a d y a nd of

Christ our Lord, k i s s i n g the b a s e of the a l t a r with much

devotion. All this happens inside the K i n g ’s house next

door to this house w h e r e the pagoda is w h i c h is adjacent,

w h ere there goes on continuously the w a r which the devil

w a ges against souls with the s i n g i n g and pr a y i n g of the

lamas of the K i n g ’s school a n d the sound of the v a r i o u s

instruments w i t h w h i c h they are always o c c upied in their

cult and w i t h the presence of the King himself w h o knows

of everything that is happening here and his p e o p l e compare

our things with his and t hey prefer ours, of w h i c h it is

clear that the K i n g is v e r y disapproving; and so from

having this beginning here we can conjecture that there

w i l l b e i mprovements in the g o o d of souls, t r u sting in G od

our Lord who, coming out of this fortress w h i c h the devil

has here, may g i v e us many v i c t o r i e s over him, stripping

h i m of the souls w h i c h he has subjected here: because

b esides this there are no other pagodas or v e r y few and w h e n

w e went through these mountains for the first si x t e e n days

journey we d i d not find a single one except that on the top

of a m o u n t a i n there was a lean-to, badly made of stones

piled on t op of each other w i t h some pictures of the devil

55 _
a n d idols; and in Pargao ,/sPa-grp/, a l t h o u g h it is a city

as I said, we did not see mor e than one small h o u s e b e l o n g i n g

to one lama w h i c h was his pagoda and so if churches are made

to w h i c h the people can come en masse one may hope with the

help of the Lord f o r fruit in the good, of souls, in w h i c h

 ( 01

one m a y s e e the thirst which is caused by t he propensity

which they have for the knowledge of their creator, / a n d

this can be seen/ in the g o o d w i l l a n d pleasure which they

show in h e a r i n g the things of the Lord w h i c h we tell them

a n d in the p i e t y and reverence which they show to any image

which we tell them is of G od and t o the things of his divine

service a n d this good thing will b e g r e a t l y h e lped by the

liberty w h i c h there is in this Kingdom w h i c h is large,

b r o a d and wel l populated, a n d the people have a v e r y

v o l u n t a r y subjection to their Kin g without a ny obligation

on their part to defer to him or without a n y o bligation to

follow his doctrine, nor does he have p o w e r over the p e o p l e

to mak e anyone do anything; rather since his principal

revenue is in what they give him v o l u n t a r i l y he does not

w ish to have any of his subjects discontented a n d every one

of them is very free to do what he wants, as the King

himself said to us on many occasions w h e n h e w a s talking

to us even about his own lamas wh o a r e the people w ho are

most subject to h i m . ^

/ P a r a g r a p h omitted. Cacella explains how p l e a s e d he

is to be p u t t i n g his religious training i n t o practice a nd

how muc h the L o r d has favoured him in t h i s ^

foi. 1I4. So far I have f a i l e d to tell Y our Reverence in this

1st para.
letter of any info r m a t i o n concerning the country in itself

and about its climate; the climate is very h e a l t h y and

a f t e r we came into these mountains we w e r e always in g o o d

health and I never had such health in India; and this is

common to everyone b e c ause one v e r y rarely finds an y sick

man here and indeed there are many who a l t h o u g h v e r y old

are h e a l t h y and vigorous; some servants w h o m w e brought

became
wit h us / indisposed a nd had p r e v i o u s l y b een ill but
here they r e c o v e r e d perfect health: we have b e e n some

seven m o n t h s in these mountains and all the time the

w e a t h e r w as v e r y temperate w i t h o u t cold or excessive heat;

in the f o u r months from November to F e b r u a r y it is c o lder

but for these months t h e r e are v e r y good w o o l l e n cloths

which everyone wears. The country is ver y abundant with

wheat, rice, meat, all of w h i c h are v e r y cheap, of fruits

w h i c h are man y and good, pears of various sorts, some of

them ver y big, a l l of t h e m good, exc e l l e n t peaches, apples,

nuts, quinces in great abundance an d there a r e also not

lacking the rose-apples of India. There are also peas and

v ery g o o d turnips besides other things and fruits which

are only found here. There is no f i s h here but good dry

fish comes from the Salt Lak e w h e r e they also get salt and

that is nearby, or also it comes from the K i n g d o m of Gocho

/ C o o c h B i h a r / from w h e r e they also bring salt; a n d some

things w h i c h are not in this land can be found in other

places w h i c h a r e not very far away, such as grapes of w h i c h

there are none here but they are found in a city called

Compo / K o n g - p p 7 w h i c h is some twenty days journey f r o m here

57'
a n d there they also make wine. And this land is supplied

w i t h things from China such as silk, gold, por c e l a i n w h i c h

all comes to that city of Compo / K o n g - p o / a nd from there it

comes down here, and also from Caximir / K a s h m i / 7 via

Chap a r a n g u e /rTsa-branjj/ there is commerce with the lands

which abut on to this Kingdom, and many foreigners come to

Guiance /rG-yal-rtse/ w h i c h is the Court of Demba Cemba

/ s D e - p a gTsang-pa/, the most powerful King of this Potente

/ B h o t a n t a / and that is eight days a w a y a n d Laca / l h a - s a /

w h i c h is the city w h ere the pagoda C h e s camoni / S h a k y a M u - n e /

is f r e q u e n t e d b y yogis and merchants of o t h e r places;

 i Utl

however, to the mountains where we are no f oreigner comes

58
an d they only have m e m o r y of the very occasional yogi w ho

has p a s s e d this w a y nor does anyone come h e r e from Cocho

/ C o o c h B i h a r / apart from the captives who a re brought

here b y those w h o c o m e down from this K i n g d o m to that one;

59 —
and one uncle of the King of Cocho / C o o c h B i h a r / w h o some

years ago out of c u r i o s i t y a n d a desire to see the w o r l d

came into these m o u n tains a n d for some time they kept h i m

priso n e r and made him work at the plough and w h e n the K i n g

of Cocho / G o o c h B i h a r / heard about this he o r d e r e d all the

people of this K i n g d o m to be taken p r i s o n e r w h o w e r e in his

K i n g d o m a n d p r o p o s i n g to do justice on them if they d i d not

han d over his uncle, hov/ever this obliged them to hand him

over and they did so. This land is not more than a m o n t h ’s

fol.15 journey from the K i n gdom of Chaparangue / r T s a - b r a n g / a n d so

a f ter we a r r ived h ere w e hav e o c c a s ionally had news of the

fathers w ho are there, not directly from them b e c a u s e it

seems they do n o t yet k n o w of our arrival in these mountains

b ut through the lamas w h o have come from there a n d through

others w h o have g o n e there we havs already w r i t t e n three

60
times to the fathers a n d also I sent to them letters for

them to s en d to Y o u r Rev e r e n c e via Goa. The peoples of

this K i n g d o m are white even though since the people are not

clean they do not appear to be white; they a l l grow their

h a i r in s u c h a way that it covers their ears and part of

th eir foreheads. Normally they do not allow a n y h a i r to

grow on their faces and they have very ne 11 made tweezers

a r ound t h e i r necks w h o s e f u n ction is solely to pul l out a n y

hai r w h i c h appears; their arms are naked and from their

necks to their knees they are covered with one of these

61
w o ollen cloths, h a v i n g a n o t her big one as a cape; they
have leather belts with plates v e r y w e l l m a d e as a l s o a r e

v e r y well made and worked the bracelets w h i c h t h e y n o r m a l l y

have on t h e i r arms and the r e l i q u a r i e s w h i c h they w e a r over

their s h ou lders; normally t h e y are b a r e f o o t b u t they also

have leath er boots or s ocks m a d e of their cloth specially

for journeys; their weapons are b o w and a r r o w , short swords

a n d daggers of excellent iron which they decorate w ith

great c a r e a n d w ell. The l a m a s h a v e no w e a p o n s and they

cut a l l t h e h a i r of t h e i r h eads; some, but a few, let t h e i r

62
beards grow; the K i n g h a s a long b e a r d a n d s o m e of its h a i r s

reach his w a i s t a nd w h ich he n o r m a l l y h a s w r a p p e d up i n silk,

and on f e s t i v a l days he takes t h e m out of their wrappings

and they are visible, and this he did w h e n he r e c e i v e d us;

the hair on his h e a d is so long, almost two ells; it s e e m s

he is v e r y p r o u d of t h e s e a n d he has t h e m as a m a r k of

grandeur; however he told me he intends to cut t h e m o f f as

63
s o o n as h e h a s a son w h o will s u c c e e d h i m in h is K i n g d o m

a n d t hat t h e n he w o u l d re t i r e a n d le a v e t h e w o r l d b e c a u s e he

did not w i s h death to c o m e u p o n h i m w i t h his hair l o n g as one

a n c e s t o r of his, a n o t h e r King, d i e d and this was a matter for

6h
scandal, that he h a d n o t cut h i s h a i r u n t i l t h a t time. All

the lamas are d r e s s e d in o r i e n t a l t unics w h i c h c o v e r t h e i r

chests well, l e a v i n g t heir arms uncov e r e d and the rest of ^

their body down to their f eet t h e y h a v e w e l l covered with

another l a r g e c loth, yet another being a cape; w h i c h they

never take off, n o r do t h e y w a l k a b o u t naked. May God our

Lord set u p o n all of them the e y e s of his divine m e r c y a nd

b r i n g t h e m a l l to his divine knowledge, compelling t hem to

make use of the m e r c y w h i c h he does them in k n o c k i n g on

their d o ors w i t h the news of the H o l y G o spel, for which I

beg Your Reverence o n c e m o r e a c o n t i n u a t i o n o f the

prayers and sacrifices of a l l t h a t P r o v i n c e ; and I

recommend myself to t h e b l e s s i n g of Y o u r R e v e r e n c e ,

P r o m t h i s K i n g d o m o f G a m b i r a s i a n d the h o u s e of

the K i n g , l+th o f O c t o b e r 1627.

S o n in C h r i s t of Y o u r R e v e r e n c e , E s t evao Cacella.
 (00

Notes to Text IV

1. Pargao is a n Indianised form of the Bhutanese place-name

sPa-gro, the largest v a l l e y in w e s t e r n Bhutan. The ending

gao derives f rom Bengali gra m ( 'village'), a w o r d p r o n o u n c e d

gaon in the n o r t h e r n area of Bengal w h i c h adjoins w e s t e r n

B h utan (e.g. Jaigaon, Shipgaon, Pal a r i g a o n etc.). Other

Indi a n adaptations or usages found in the Re l a c a o are:

0 bamba (h l a - m a ) , m i s a p p l i e d to all monks; 2) Droma Raja

(= Dharma Raja) for the Z h a b s - d r u n g ; 3) P o t e n t e (= Bhotanta)

for Tibet, which here includes Bhutan; and h) Cocho (~ C o o c h

Bihar). All these terms must surely have b e e n used b y

Cacella's Cooch Bihari attendants a n d t h e y provide a clue

to the origin of the term 'Cambirasi' (see note 1U below)

w h i c h appears only in this text to designate the area of

Bhutan.

2. These are the sPa-ro C h u (or sPa-chu) a n d its tributary, the

.j'
river which descends the s i d e v a l l e y of D o l - p o S h a r - r i

( ' D o p s h a r i T).

3. This is a w i l d guess on C a c e l l a ’s part. It is quite

inconceivable that the sPa-gro valley could ever have

supported such a population. The 1969 census gives the

figure of 6 3 , 0 3 2 (Rose 1977:41)*

U. This companion had joined the party at the village of

’R i n t a m 1 nea r the Indian b o r d e r a n d was a relative of a

Bhutanese the y had met at Ja i g a o n with whom they h ad

arranged fo r the journey. That arrangement h a d embroiled the

Jesuits in an earlier adventure described in Wessels

1 9 2 h : 132.

5. See Wessels 1 921|.:i 33 -

 I I? I

6. This cannot have b e e n Ch o s - r j e L a-sngon-pa b e T a n - ' d z i n

’Brug-grags w ho w a s a p p o i n t e d the first dpon-slob (or

s p y i - b l a ) of sPa-gro, p r e s u m a b l y not b e f o r e the e s t a b l i s h ­

ment of the new rdzong there in 16h5# More likely, it was

one of two brothers fro m Z a n g s - d k a r in L a - d w a g s w h o came

south w i t h the Zhabs-drung a n d w h o m the l a t t e r a p p o i n t e d

to sPa-gro as his representative. This p e r s o n (either

Chos~rt
je dNgos-grub or Chos-r,1e Klu-klu, it is not clear)

finds b r i e f m e n t i o n in the b i o g r a p h y of his descendant,

N g a g - d b a n g Tshe-ring of rDzong-khul, a n i m p o rtant lama of

the !Brug-pa school in that area. See d P a l - l d a n b l a - m a

dam-pa !k h r u l - z h i g rin-po-che ngag-dbang tshe-ring-gi

rnam-thar k u n - t u b z a n g - p o ' i zlos-gar yid-kyi b c u d - l e n .

f. 6a, repeated on f. l|b of the c ontinuation of the r n a m -

thar b y b S o d - n a m s ‘Brug-rgyas.

7* This r e l ative of Zhabs-drung is likely to h a v e b e e n the

Chos-rje L a - s n g o n - p a referred to in note 6 above. He was

the h a l f - b r o t h e r of Z h a b s - d r u n g . the first sPa-gro dPon-slob

a n d l a ter the s e c o n d 1Brug s D e - s r i d . ruling as such from

1656 to 1657 (LCB I, ff. 9 3 b - 9 U b , a n d ff. 59b-68b p a s s i m

of the rna m - t h a r of b s T a n - ' d z i n Rab-rgyas) .

8* The number of monks in Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s p e r s o n a l retinue had

greatly i n c r e a s e d from the figure o f thirty w h e n he first

e sta b l i s h e d the community b a s e d at ICags-ri (L C B I, f. 29b).

These later b e came the core of the state m o n a s t e r y founded

in the rdzong at sPu-na-kha, w h i c h was b u i l t to h o l d a

total of more than 600 monks in 1 6 3 7 , ten years after the

events d e s c r i b e d in this narrative (L C B I, f. 3 6 a).

9. M i -pham b s T a n - p a ’i Nyi-ma, w h o h ad died some s e v e n or eight

years p r e v i o u s l y (L C B I, f. 29a).
 (05

10. This seems to he quite correct as there is no account

of any Europeans coming to B h u t a n prior to C a c ella a nd

Cabral* E v e n if t h e P ortuguese described in L C B I

(ff. 3Ub-35a) a n d PBP (ff. 96b-97a) were a quite

different p a r t y to their own, the Bhutanese accounts

place this visit sometime after the year 1 6 3 d w h e n a

T i b etan force had t e m p o r a r i l y occupied the rdzong at

S r in-mo-dho-kha (' S i m t o k h a 1). See p p .496-97 above.

11. O n the Jesuit mission to rTsa-brang (*T s a p a r a n g 1) see

W e s s e l s 1924:69-93*

12. It was not v e r y long b e f o r e the Jesuits w e r e disabused

of the notion, current in north India d u r i n g this period,

that a corrupted form of Christianity was still p r a c t i s e d

in a vague area b e yond the Himalayas. In a l e t t e r dated

June 17th, 1628, w r i tten f rom Hugli a f t e r his return,

Cabral said: "I b e g i n to b e l i e v e that these countries are

pagan, b o t h be c a u s e t h e y say they are, a n d be c a u s e I have

found that t hey have t h e same pagodas as the k i n g d o m of

Nepal a n d some kingdoms of Bengal. They o n l y differ

from the l a t t e r in not h a v i n g their superstitions of

caste a n d f ood” (Wessels 1924:156). Cabral was at A r a k a n

in Burma f our years later a n d noticed some of the features

c ommon to t he forms of Buddhism p r a ctised there a n d in

Tibet a n d Bhutan. It has b e e n a r g u e d that Cabral was

therefore the first "... to realise that besides Hinduism'

a n d M o h a m m edanism there was a third great religion in

Asia" (Collis 1943:191). The passage in Cabral's letter ^

fro m C e y l o n d a t e d November 12th, 1 6 3 3 , in w h i c h he

announces this discovery, also that of the ethnic

affiliations of the Ti b e t a n s and Burmese, is worth quoting

 YDS

in full: "There in Arracan, X discovered that the

religion of the Maghs. </= Mogos = A r r a c a n e s e / and that

of Tibet are identical, a nd that there is v e r y little

difference in t h eir language. The gods are represented

in the same manner, and with the same features; they

have the same names, the same worship, a nd the same

manner of prayers, and use the same ceremonies as the

lamas. T a l k i n g with them on that subject, I was told

in confidence that they are the same, a n d that those of

Tibet are true Maghs,;from w h o m they themselves are

descended." (Luard 1926-7:421). Cabral e v e n t u a l l y

became rector of the P r o fes sed House of the Jesuits

at Goa. It was left to the great Desideri (1 684-1733)

to produce the first coherent account of T i b e t a n Buddhism

in his well - k n o w n Notizie Istoriche del T h i b e t , bu t four

b u l k y manuscripts containing his defence of C h r i s tianity

w r i t t e n in Tibetan st ill remain unexamined in the archives

of the Society of Jesus in Rome.

13. This is doubtless the first recorded use of the title

P harmaraja as a p p l i e d later to the Zhabs-drung a n d his

incarnations b y the Indian an d British authorities.

Cabral n o ted in his letter from Hugli that the Tibetans

referred to him as 'Lamba R u p a r (Bla-ma *Br u g - p a ) a n d that

he ranked fifth in the T i b e t a n hierarchy (Wessels 1924:335).

The statement that Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal was thirty-three

years old in 1627 is quite correct by w e s t e r n reckoning;

he wa s b o r n in 1594. By Bhutanese or Tibetan reckoning he

w o u l d have b e e n thirty-four.

14* ^Cambirasi' was p r e s u m a b l y a local name for Bhutan used b y

the people of Cooch Bihar which Cacella learnt fro m his

 attendants. It cannot be found in a n y source except

this one w h e r e it appears just twice. As Cabral w r ote

in his letter cited in note 1 2 above, they later h e a r d

in Tibet that the p r o p e r name f o r the c o u n t r y was the

unspecific term M o n . Wessels (1 921*: 1 i+3) speculates

that fC a m b i r a s i T m a y be related to fC h u m b i ff the name

used b y the Br i t i s h for t h e Gro-mo valley b e t w e e n Bhutan

and Sikkim. This seems most implausible. The ending

'rasi' m a y well be the same as 'Razi' ('mountain'), as

found in the names of many of the peaks w h i c h lie on

the b o r d e r of Tibet a n d Burma (e.g. P a s a u n g Razi, G w e l a n g

Razi, D i ndaw Razi, etc.). The highest of these is

Ka kabo Razi (19,315 ft), perhaps d e r ived f r o m the

T i b e t a n -Gangs dkar-po ('White S n o w - M o u n t a i n * ) + 'Razi'.

The latter element, obviously a word in one of the man y

tribal languages of Northern Burma (Lissu, R a w a n g ?),

could perhaps have b e e n t r a n s m i t t e d w e s t w a r d s to n o r t h e r n

Bengal through the medi u m of the A h o m p e o p l e of Assam.

15. Unidentified.

16* "He is an ascetic, eats only plantains, drinks only

milk and indulges in no pleasures w hatever." Thus did

a B h u t anese c a p tured b y the Moslim invaders of Cooch

B i h a r describe the z habs-drung in 1661, as r e c o r d e d in

the Fathiya. i Ibri.ya (Blochmann's t r a n s l a t i o n in

W e s s e l s 1921*: 11*1) •

17. This tallies p e r f e c t l y w i t h information found in LCB I

(ff. 3 0 a -31 a) a n d PBP (ff. 52b-53a). In 1623 Zhabs-

drung entered a three-year retreat in complete seclusion

at ICags-ri at the top end of the T h i m p h u valley. The

cave (known as b D u d - ' d u l Phug-pa) w h e r e this occurred is

 incorporated into a retreat house standing on the

hillside just above the m ain temple.

18. Z h a b s - d r u n g *s artistic skills are well a t t e s t e d in

all the literature, f o r instance in L C B I (f. 19a)

where w e find him at an e a rly age ’'contesting w i t h

the styles of India an d C h i n a ” in m a k i n g a n image of

He v ajra for the h e a d of the Sa-skya school, b S o d -nams

dBang-po. None of the Z h a b s - d r u n g *s paintings or

images have yet come to light.

19* This is also e v i d e n t throughout the b i o g r a p h i c a l l i t ­

erature. The greatest influx of Tibetan lamas seems

to have oc c u r r e d after the dGe-lugs-pa school w o n

complete a u t hority in Tibet in 1 624.2 . This event

caused several great figures to take refuge at Zhabs-

d r u n g *s court, most prominent of them b e i n g the gTsang

mKha n - c h e n w h o was c h a plain to the f a m i l y of his old

rival, the g T s a n g s D e - s r i d .

20. This practice is called sgar-*khor *phebs-pa (*going

around in c a m p s ’). F o r long periods Z h a b s - d r u n g enjoyed

a peripatetic existence a c c o m panied b y all his monks, as

we see below. This p a r t i c u l a r tour took hi m to the Shar

district where he met the traditional patrons of the

*Brug-pa school in that area. U n f o r t u n a t e l y the account

(in L C B I, ff. 32a-b) has no mention of our Jesuits.

21. Sanskrit b k i k su. a f u lly ordained monk,

22. Cacella here refers to the m a n y existing c ommunities in

Bhutan, some of whose leaders, were opposed to the Zhabs-

drung.
 ( i6

23. ICags-ri rDo-rje-gdan, whose c o n s truction h a d b e e n

c o m p leted four years b e f o r e the arrival of the Jesuits

in 1 6 2 3 , just befo r e the Zhabs-drung e n t e r e d hi s three-

y e a r r e t reat (L C B I, f. 29a and PBP, f. 47b).

24. This is Phun-tshogs rNam-rgyal, the g T s a n g sD e - s r i d

(or, as here, sDe-pa g T s a n g - p a ) t the o l d e n e m y of the

Zhabs-drung. See pp. 389 et seq. above.

25. The bone, a vertebra, was actually a relic of gTsang-pa

rG-ya-ras (1161-1211), founder of the 'Brug-pa school

and a remote, t h o u g h direct, ancestor of Z h a b s - d r u n g .

The relic is the famed Ran g - b y o n K a r s a p a n i . still kept

in the rdzong at sPu-na-kha today. The h i g h l y decorated

r e l i quary in w h ich it is kept was made b y Newari artisans

e m p l o y e d b y the z h a b s-drung (P B P , f. 75a),.

26. F o r a description of Ra-lung see Tucci 1956b:33, 60-63.

27. J u l y 31st.

28. On Z h a b s - d r u n g *s long a s s o c i a t i o n w i t h l H a - dbang Blo-gros,

the great a s t r o l o g i c a l scholar, see p a r t i c u l a r l y L C B I,

ff. 16a, 29b, 33a, 34a. In 1627 he would h ave b e e n

a b out s eventy-nine years old (in 1 6 3 2 he w as eighty-four;

L C B I, f. 3 4 a ) .

29. As we see below, Cacella's g r asp of the relationship

be t w e e n the language of the 'Ngalong' of w e s t e r n Bhutan

a n d classical T i b e t a n (both of w h i c h he and Cabral tried

to learn) is perceptive.

30. This must refer to the odd set of v e r b a l complements used

in B h u t a n a n d the w a y in which two syllables in standard,

Tibetan are f u s e d into one in Bhutanese.

31. This feeling of a n t i p a t h y towards the Jesuits increased.

Cabral w r ote that later the Zhabs-drung sent two

emissaries to the court of the gTsang sDe-s r i d to w a r n

him of the Jesuits' true aims ” ... b y g i v i n g out that

the mai n object of our visit w as to pul l d o w n their

pagodas a n d d e s t r o y their re l i g i o n ” (Wessels 1924:153).

This is somewhat surprising in view of the strained

relations b e t w e e n the two rulers at this time, though it

is p o s sible that efforts were b e i n g made to p a t c h the

old quarrel.

32. This is undo u b t e d l y the first 'Brug s D e - s r i d . b s T a n - ' d z i n

'Brug-rgyas who ruled the country from 1 6 5 1 to 1 6 5 6 at

the start of the Z h a b s - d r u n g 1s final retreat. (See L CB I,

ff. 92a-93b, a n d ff. 38a-59b of the b s T a n - ' d z i n

Rab-rgyas r n a m - t h a r .)

33. The w o r d is p r o b a b l y mu-stegs-pa ('heretic') w h i c h

includes b o t h Hindus and Moslims.

34- This must have b e e n the Buddha of Boundless Life, A m i t a y u s

(Tshe-dpag-med) w ho holds the vase containing nectar.

35. Perhaps a mandala.

36. The Christian trinity does b e a r these rather superficial

resemblances w i t h the theory of the three 'Bodies' of the

Buddha, w h i c h consists in the 'Body of the Doctrine*

existing on a t r a n s c e n d e n t , absolute level (d h a r m a k a y a .

c h o s - s k u ) , the 'Body of Bliss' on the h e a venly plane

(s a m b h o g a k a y a , l o n g s - s k u ) » a n d the one m e n t ioned here,

the 'Manifested B o d y * ’on the mundane level (nirmanakaya,

sprul-sku) .
 i (a

_ /_
37* Q u e e n Maya, from w h ose right side the Buddha Sakyamuni

w a s "born in the Lumbini Grove, The Jesuits w ere of

course hoping that h er image w o uld r e s emble the V i r g i n

Mary.

38. See r G y a l - r i g s . ff. 5a-6a.

39- This should, b e eleven, a reference to the .eleven-headed

f o r m of A v a l o k i t e s v a r a .

U-0. P r o b a b l y the three ’r e a l m s ’ (not paradises) of 'Desire,

F o r m a n d N o n - F o r m ’ (kamadhatu, rupadhatu, arupadhatu;

’d o d - k h a m s , g zugs-khams t g z u g s - m e d - k h a m s ).

h ”1 « This is the d N g u l-'bum m C h o d - r t e n cont a i n i n g the remains

of Z h a b s - d r u n g 's father, Mi-pham b s T a n - p a ’i Nyi-ma- The

silver for it was offered to Zhabs^drung b y hi s patrons

at sKya-khra ( ’C h a p c h a ’) and the stupa itself made b y

Newari artisans w ho had b e e n b r o u g h t f o r this purpose j

from the K a t h m a n d u valley b y w a y of central Tibet, The

p r i n c i p a l temple at ICags-ri was built to contain it

(LGB I, ff. 2 8b - 2 9 a ) . Z h a b s - d r u n g 's o wn minute desc r i p t i o n

of the d N g u l - ’b u m m C h o d - r t e n is quoted v e r b a t i m in P B P ,

ff. U5a-i*7t>.

U2. This is a reference to ’.ja'-lus ’pho-ba chen-po ('the

Great Transference b y the Rainbow B o d y ’).

U3* Stories about b s T a n - p a ’i Nyi-ma's footprints (z h a b s - r j e s )

are still told in Bhutan today a n d no doubt find m e n tion

in his rnam-thar w h ich I have b e e n unable to trace.

hU* Gf. f. below. The temple is of course the Jo - k h a n g

of lHa-sa, containing the famed image of the Crowned

✓_
Buddha, Sakyamuni.
 ( (D

1+5. bsTan-'dzin 'Brug-rgyas (see note 32 above).

1+6. sku^-ru~kha. a p u n c t u a t i o n mark shaped like a cross,

signifying Tas b e f o r e 1 in ritual and devotional texts

(see Jaschke 188*1:22),

1+7. lHa-dbang Blo-gros (see note 28 above).

1+8. A reference to the rite of 1pho~ba ('the tr a n s f e r of

c o n s c i o u s n e s s ' ).

1+9. C f . b K a '- k h r i m s . f. 113a w h ere the same pr a c t i c e has

become i n s t i t u t i o n a l i s e d under the law.

30. A ll the itineraries to Sham-bha-la place this mythical

k i n g d o m in the far north (Tucci 191+9:598, 617 note 2.89).

51. D e s p i t e the travels and discoveries o f Bento de Goes in

1602-7 w h i c h had determined the identity of C a t h a y and

China, t h e Jesuits were still seeking this f a b l e d lan d

of Christianity, The notion w as d e r ived from a distant

m e m o r y of Nestorians at the Mongol court at the time of

the F ranciscan missions in the 13th and 1l+th centuries,

a nd from g a r bled accounts of Chinese Buddhism. See

Wessels 1921+: Ch. I.

52. Mongolia.

53. fhe Tartars here are the Manchus who in f a c t b e l o n g e d to

a different stock f r o m the Mongols. T h eir repeated

attacks on the Chinese Ming dynasty culminated in 161+1+

w i t h their establishment of the Ch'ing dynasty.

51+. If this letter was ever written, it has not survived.

55. This statement, like the one above on the p o p u l a t i o n of

sPa-gro, passes belief. There must have b e e n several

 i iu

h u n dred temples and monasteries in Bhut a n b y this date.

C o uld it be that bot h of these e x t r a o r d i n a r y statements

derive solely f r o m Cacella's wis h to p o r t r a y the country

as ripe for C h r i stian conversion ?

56. It should be noted that this tolerant, even permissive,

trait in the complex p e r s o n a l i t y of the great Z habs-drung

was recorded during the p e r i o d before he s t a rted to

impose his w i l l directly on the country b y c o n s t r u c t i n g

or a p p r o p r i a t i n g fortresses that commanded the w e s t e r n

valleys. Much of his success seems to h ave b e e n d e r ived

fro m the uncomp r o m i s i n g w a y he t r e ated all opponents,

external a n d internal, w h ile apparently leaving his

subjects to fulfil their obligations out of faith rather

than b y coercion. It is still not clear at w h i c h p o int

his subjects were extended beyo n d the 'patrons' of the

'Brug-pa school to include the entire population.

57. Wine is called rgun-'brum-gyi chang ('the ale of grapes')

in Bhutan, though it is not drunk there. That it was J

k n o w n to be f o u n d in Kong-po was the main f a c t o r b e h i n d

the es t a b l i s h m e n t of the Ca p u c h i n mission there.

58. H i n d u yogins o r sadhus do seem t o have p e n e t r a t e d

occas i o n a l l y to the mountains of Bhutan. Speaking of the

’b a d old days' b e f o r e the imposition of 'Brug-pa rule,

L CB I (f. 7b) says: "Indian yogins on pilgrimage were

sold as slaves."

59. This k i n g may perhaps be identified with Raja Padma

N a r a y a n of Cooch Bihar who sent gifts to the Zhabs-drung

on three occasions (L C B , ff. 28a-b, U7a).

 i I«
60. There were a total of seven Jesuits in Tsaparang in

1627, h e a d e d b y the famous Antonio de Andrade. T h eir

ch urch had b e e n built there in the previous year.

See We s s e l s 1 92h: 71 -72.

61. This description of Bhutanese costume shows how m u c h it

has changed since the 17th century. The sleeveless,

k n e e - l e n g t h garment k n o w n as ' p akhi', w h ich was w o r n w i t h

a belt an d k n o tted or b u c k l e d at the shoulders, is today

only w o r n b y a few groups in t h e south of t h e country.

The cloak m e n t i o n e d here is now only seen a m o n g some

p a s t o r a l groups of the northern highlands. The st a n d a r d

article of dress f o r m en is now the 'ko', b a s i c a l l y the

same as the Ti b e t a n 'chuba' but h i t c h e d to the knees to

form a p o uch at the waist. By contrast, the women's

dress has pr o b a b l y remained unchanged.

62. We c an be positive, therefore, that the icon o g r a p h y of

Z h a b s - d r u n g 's figure, as s e e n in countless paintings and

images throughout the country, is b a s e d on a physical

likeness.

63. This is perhaps the single most important statement in

the R e l acao from the point of view of Bhutanese h i s t o r y

be c a u s e if confirms the fact that it w a s Z h a b s - d r u n g 's

aim to leave a son who w o u l d succeed h i m as ruler of

Bhutan. The idea of incarnati onal s u c c e s s i o n must have

h a d little appeal for him in view of the p r o t r a c t e d

quarrel over his own recognition as the embodiment of

Padma dKar-po. His son, the sickly 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje,

w a s b o r n in 1 6 3 1 f o u r y ear s a f t e r t h i s a c c o u n t was written.

True to h i s i n t e n t i o n r e c o r d e d here, Zhabs-drung then

received the tonsure of a fully ordained mon k in the

following y e a r from his old m a s t e r lHa-dhang Blo-gros

(LCB X, f. 3Ua, PBP, f. 89a).

The only m e m b e r of the rG-ya lineage w ho is depicted

with long hai r in the thankas is N a m - m k h a 1 dPal-bzang

(1398-11+25). He was one of two ’holy m a d m e n ’ in this

b r a n c h of the ’Brug-pa school, the other b e i n g the m u c h

more famous ’Brug-pa K u n -legs (1U55-1529)-

TEXT V
 ‘ THE ADMONITION OF THE THUNDERBOLT CANNON­
BALL ’ AND ITS PLACE IN THE BHUTANESE NEW YEAR
FESTIVAL*
By M i c h a e l A jus

( P L A T E S I-J3)

I. I n t r o d u c t io n

The purpose of th is paper is to present to scholars o f Tibetan and H im a la ya n

culture a docum ent w hich is recited annually to an assembled m ilitia organiza­
tio n during the New Y ear fe stival observed in the old w in te r capital o f the
H im alayan kingdom o f B h utan a t Punakha.1 A p a rt fro m a tte m p ting to
disclose the origin o f th is custom, which can be traced w ith some accuracy to
the middle years o f the seventeenth century, i t is intended to relate i t b rie fly
to the w ider co nte xt o f the New Y ear celebrations as th ey used to be held in
T ib e t and as th e y continue to be held w ith considerable variance in B h u ta n
and other places on the periphery of Tibetan culture. I n certain areas an
ancient and fundam ental d istin ction between the ‘ K in g ’s New Year ’ (rgyal-po
lo-gsar) and the * A g ric u ltu ra l New Year ’ (so-nam lo-gsar) has survived and
m y remarks on the relevant Bhutanese traditions are made on the basis o f
these tw o categories.
In 1408 Tsong-kha-pa, the great reform er of T ibetan Buddhism , introduced
to-Lhasa the New Y ear festival o f the ‘ Great P ra y e r’ (sMon-Jam CJien-mo)
and in c. 1644 Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam -rgyal, the founder o f B h utan as
we know i t today, established the New” Year festival o f the * Puna Drom cho ’ ,2

1 T h e abbreviations used are as follows.

CGS *B rug-gzhung 'ch an ugyi bskad-pa, 'an official guide to the sacred dances of B h u t a n b y
D rag-sho Nag-'phel. Printed in Kalimpoiig, 1971. I have ignored the original
pagination which is confusing a n d counted the preface as p. [1J, proceeding c o n ­
secutively from there.
DNg. D eb-ther sngon-po ' T h o blue annals *, written between 1476 a n d 1478 b y 'Goa Lo -tsa-ba
gZhon-nu-dpal; Yang-pa-can/Kun*bde-gling edition in 15 sections. G. N . R oerioh’B
translation of this w o r k (2 vols., Calcutta, 1949-53) w a s m a d e fr o m the slightly
differing text of tho later A m d o edition of m D z o d - d g e dGon-pa.
LCB I H o ' i choa-'byung, a history of B h u t a n written b y bsTan-’dzin Chos-rgyal, the tenth
H e a d A b b o t of Bhutan, between 1731 and 1759; P u n a k h a edition, 151 folios.
PBP d P a l 'b n tg -p a rin-p o-che ngag-dbang bdud-'joma rd o -rje 'i rn a m -p u r th a r-p a chos-kyi
s p rin chen-po'i dbyanga, tho biography of Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal, 1594-1G51, the
first * Dharm a r a j a ’ of Bhutan, written b y gT sa n g »nK han-chen ’Jam - d b y a n g s
dPal-ldan rGya-mtsho in the second half of tho eighteenth century; P u n a k h a edition
in 4 vols.
* See p. 625, n. 60, for a discussion of this term- D u o to the fact that B h u t a n adoptod in
tho seventeenth contury tho variant astrological system dovlsed b y tho ’Brug-pa scholar
lHa-dbang Blo-groa, one of tho teachers of Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal, tho * P u n a D r o m c h b *
never coincides exactly with tho s M o n -la m Chen-ino of Lhasa. A discrepancy of a few days
between the Bhutanese a n d Tibetan calendars is therefore apparent throughout tho year. F o r
a discussion of L h a - dbang bLo-groa’s important work, the b s T a n -rls is ’dod-apyin gler-'bum , a n d
a critique of Schlagintwcit’s early translation of it (1897), eeo A. I. Vostrikov, T ib e tan h isto rical
litera tu re (Soviet Indology Series, 4), Calcutta, 1970, 104 ff. (notes).

* Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,

Vol. XXXIX, Part 3, 1976.
602 M IC H A E L A BIS

as we shall see below. B o th were intended to be occasions of national im portance

m arking the tra n sitio n to the New Year in the respective capitals o f each
country. Coinciding rou gh ly w ith the Chinese New Year, th is ‘ K in g 's New
Y e a r ' m arks the s ta rt o f the firs t m onth o f the lun ar calendar and the
ceremonies th a t were devised fo r i t b y Tsong-kha-pa were conceived as
‘. . . a k in d o f rededication o f T ib e t to the B u dd h ist fa ith ’,3 Alongside the
B uddhist ritu a l m any elements in the festival are u ltim a te ly derived, i t is
thought, from China, In d ia , Ira n , and also fro m non-B uddhist tra d itio n s o f
genuine T ibetan o rig in ; 4 the role played by the ‘ K in g of Ransom Demons '
(ghid-’g&ng rgyal-po), the feat o f sliding down a leather rope from the P o tala
Palace, the holding o f races between naked boys (in the associated fe stival o f
Byatns-pa gDan-'drau), the ambiguous figures of the * w hite demons ’ (’dre-dkar),
the ya k and lion dances, tho m ilita ry processions, and m any other features o f
the fe stival all p o in t to a conscious preservation of ancient trad ition s as received
from the past. I t need n o t surprise us, therefore, to fin d th a t in the New Year
festival o f the * Pim a Drom cho ’ in Bhutan, which m ay well have been inspired
a t least in p a rt b y the 4 Great Prayer ’ o f Lhasa, there exists a sim ilar m ix tu re
o f fo lk elements w ith the e x p lic itly Buddhist nature o f the occasion. As w ill
be seen, th is 1K in g ’s N ew Y e a r ’ in Bhutan was intended to celebrate the
triu m p h o f the 'B rug-pa school in th a t country and the entire theme of the
festival is s till to da y one o f sp iritua l v ic to ry over the supernatural forces th a t
are believed to hinder its dom inion and m artial conquest o f its external hum an
ehemios. I t is in the la tte r respect th a t the fo lk clorqents are most apparent
and, as I hope becomes evident below, i t would appear th a t some of these
were borrowed fro m earlier rites o f the ‘ A g ricu ltura l New Year
In the historical m aterial th a t has survived the hazards o f fire and earth­
quake in Bhutan, we fin d tho valleys of Paro in the west and Bum thaug in tho
central p a rt o f B h utan are regarded as the earliest centres o f c iv iliza tio n both
fo r the Buddhists, who revere Padmasambhava as the person responsible fo r
intro du cing th e ir fa ith to these places in the eighth century, and fo r the
practitioners o f bon in T ib e t who claim Paro as an im p o rta n t site where th e ir
sacred te xts were * rediscovered \ 6 "Whatever tho tr u th o f these claims,
although Tibetan sources nearly always regard these valleys as belonging to
the ‘ border co un try o f barbarians * there is little doubt th a t th e y tvere flourish­
ing centres o f Buddhism from a t least the tw e lfth century and possibly m uch
earlier. sKyer-chu lH a-khang in Paro and Byams-pa’i lH a-khang in B um thang
are tra d itio n a lly reckoned as tw o o f the ‘ temples to convert the people beyond
the border ’ (yang-dul-gyi gtsug-lag-khcing) or ‘ to suppress the wings ’ (ru-gnon)
b u ilt b y Srong-btsan sGam-po in the seventh century and there is no reason

* D a v i d Snellgrovo a n d H u g h Richardson, .4 cultu ral history o f T ib e t, London, 1008, 181.

* R . A. Stein, T ib e ta n civilization, London, 1972,212-20.
* O n the discovery of tho sPa^gro-m a toxts of tho B o n-po see S a m t e n G. K a r m a y (od, a n d
tr.), T h e treasury o f good s a y in g s : a T ib e ta n history o f bon, London, 1972, 14o-9.
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T E E T H U N D E R B O L T CANNON-BALL 603

w hy we should doubt this ascription.6 Tho * la te r spread ’ (p h ji-d a r) o f the

Buddhist doctrine in T ibe t had its effect on B hutan and a long line o f sp iritua l
masters including K ha-rag sGom-chung (a contem porary o f A tisha and the
founder o f the fine little hermitage o f Lug-gi Rwa-ba to the n o rth o f the
Chos-’khor d istrict in Bum thang), the firs t Karm a-pa incarnation, Dus-gsum
m K h ye n -p a 7 (1110-93), and m any others heralded a continuing stream o f
teachers who no doubt were attracted b y the h o ly sites and temperate clim ate
o f these beautiful and secluded valleys. Am ong them can be counted refugees
from the tum ults o f T ibe tan politics o f this period, including Klong-chen-pa 8
(1308-63), the greatest philosopher o f his tim e, who founded monasteries in
Paro, Bum thang, and other places and who was reincarnated in Padma
Gling-pa, a member o f a local branch o f the gNyos clan in Bum thang from
whom the present ro ya l fa m ily claim descent. The *Brug-pa school was firs t
introduced by Pha-jo ’Brug-sgom Zkig-po® (1162-1251), a K ham pa who
studied a t Kwa-lung, and by his fo ur sons who came to acquire secular a u th o rity
in parts o f western Bhutan.
Wo can assume th a t this steady influence from the north came in the wake
o f successive (and, so far, undatable) m igrations o f peoples from T ib e t who,
interm arrying w ith the indigenous tribes of tho area, tended to push tho more
intractable o f these to the outer fringes where they continue today as m inor
sub-groups. Throughout th e co un try enormous regional d iversity in dialects
persists as evidence of the early fragm entation of Bhutanese society in to small
valley units quite independent o f each other. In the wake of religion cam©
improvements in com m unication' and the best example o f this is the w ork o f
the bridge-building saint, Thang-stong rGyal-po 10 (1385-1464) who was active
in m any parts o f the country. W ith the lin k in g together of the central valleys
and the eventual emergence o f a central government under the theocracy
imposed by the ’Brug-pa school, B h utan came to possess a remarkable
u n ifo rm ity o f religious culture th a t can perhaps be said to extend over a larger

* For a list of these temples see rG y a l-rab s-rn tim s -k yi 'byung-tshul gsal-ba'i m t-long b y
bSod-nams rGyal-mtshan, 1508; L h asa ed., fols. 54b, 60a. In speaking of the B u m t h a n g
sKyer-chu Lha-khang, however, the wor k has confused tho t w o Bhutanese temples in Paro a n d
Bumthang.
■7 For D u s-gsum m K h y e n - p a ’s visit to Paro see Lokesh Chandra’s ed. of the m K h a s -p a 'i
dga'-alon, pt. n , S24 and also D N g ., N y a , fol. 33b.
* A n account of kLong-chen-pa’s stay in B h u t a n is found in his biogTaphy, K u n -m k h y e n
chos-kyi rgyal-po gter-chtn d ri-m e d ’od-zer-gyi rn a m -p a r th a r-p a cuvg-zad spros-pa ngo-m txhar
skal-bzang mchog-gi dga'-alon, Lha-Iung ed., fols. 22-3. kLong-chen-pa w a s the author of a long
a n d fascinating verse description of the 1 hidden land ’ of B u m t h a n g . It can be found o n fol. 22b f.
of vol. S h r i of his collected works.
* See his undated a n d a n o n y m o u s biography P h a 'bnig-sgom z h ig -p a 'i rn a m -p a r th a r-p a
Ih u g s -rje 'i chu-rgyun, 44 folios.
10 A rare Bhutanese version of his biography b y JHon-pa b D e-ba bZang-po is preserved in
the temple of rTa-mchog s Gang south of Paro. It is the B la -v ia thang-stong rg y a l-p o 'i m a m -th a r
gsal-ba'i agron-me, 294 folios. A n account of his w o r k in B h u t a n is found on fols. I30a-43b of this
manusoript.
60I M ig U A K L A IUS

area of the H im alaya th a n th a t covered b y any other culture in the ranges to

the west or east. This process th a t began in the seventeenth century and w hich
can bo seen to continue to this day in the efforts of the present governm ent
has tended to obscure much o f the early cu ltural life of the Bhutanese peoples.
A lthough the arts o f te x tile and basket weaving bear the true stamp o f
indigenous crafts o f great a n tiq u ity , th ey alone seem to survive as the single
expression o f the true native genius fo r the physical arts. Architecture, wood-
carving, statuary', paintin g, and m etal-w ork a ll belong to the mainstream o f
Tibetan a rtistic tra d itio n though local styles and techniques are everywhere
evident.
The same m ay be said to hold true fo r fo lk trad ition s b u t i t seems to be in
these peripheral areas o f * c u ltu ra l T ib e t ’ th a t some early customs have been
best preserved. Stein has noted th is to be the case in regard to the ‘ A g ric u ltu ra l
New Year ’ in Lad akh and S ikkim .11 Perhaps the best-known example o f this
festival is the one observed in parts o f T ib e t when a t the end o f the te n th or
the beginning o f the eleventh lunar m onth * F or some days servants do no
w ork, b u t are ric h ly dressed and treated w ith respect b y th e ir masters, who
present them w ith offerings and tre a t them to parties and carousels. As in the
carnivals o f ancient China, the w orld is turned upside down to m ark the
uncertain interval or crossing from the old year to the new. Wo are rem inded
o f tho fa c t th a t in tho cycle of cosmio periods (kalpa), the end of our present
age is marked by a tu rn in g upside down o f society’s established structures,
and in particular th a t servants w ill rule over th e ir masters V 2 I n the less
hierarchic societies o f the border areas, however, this tra d itio n appears to be
replaced b y a concern to appease the local spirits a t this crucial tim e as i t is so
often upon them th a t the success o f agriculture and personal undertakings in
tho coming year depend. The fe stival o f * Paro Lom ba ’, which is described
below, is an example o f this concern.
The period around the w in te r solstice in B hutan is marked by an. in te rv a l
between the threshing and storing o f harvested paddy and the sta rt o f w in te r
ploughing. I t is tra d itio n a lly devoted to a tim e o f relaxation d uring w hich
archery is the m ain preoccupation o f the village. Contests are arranged between
the men o f riv a l villages and the women also participate b y singing songs to
encourage their team. Im p o rta n t contests are taken v e ry seriously and
astrological magic is used to ensure success. A whole ritu a l has in fact developed
around the practice o f archery in B h utan and a t no tim e is i t more apparent
than during this period. The clim ax o f this w inte r holiday is reached in the
fe stival o f ‘ Paro Lom ba ’ w hich continues fo r the firs t three days o f the eleventh
m onth. ‘ Lomba ’ is explained as lo -b a \ lite ra lly 1 the carrying o f the year
A lth ou g h the exact im p lica tio n o f the term is n o t clear, i t perhaps suggests
* carrying over * the old year in to the new and so m ay emphasize the
* in te rre g n u m ' o f th is tra n sitio n a l period o f renewal. The ritu a l o f th is

11 Stein, op. cit., 213. 11 Stein, op. oifc., 213.

 T H E A D ltO M T IO N OF T H E TH U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 605

* A g ricu ltu ra l N ew Year ’ centres around the a c tiv ity o f the village oracle
who is know n as the djpa*-bot lite ra lly * hero ’, a name perhaps borrowed fro m
th a t o f the heavenly attendants o f Padmasambhava. I n the case o f a female
oracle she is know n as the rnal-byor-m a (yogini) or, in a v a ria n t fo rm ,
bsnyen-jo-mo * In voca tion -La dy H e r equivalent in eastern Bhutan is know n
as the dpa'-mo, pronounced ‘ pam \ D uring * Paro Lom ba ' the occasion on
which the oracle enters in to a m ediumistic trance during which he is possessed
by one or a succession o f spirits is called tho * bongku None of m y inform ants
could explain the meaning o f this term properly or give me its orthography. Tho'
privilege o f acting as host fo r th e 4 bongku * rotates around the village fro m year
to year and each household or group o f households appears to enjoy the privilege -
approxim ately once every three years. This is made possible b y v irtu e o f the
fa ct th a t about three ‘ bongku * are held on each day o f the festival in differen t
parts o f the village, thus enabling the oracle to be possessed b y the different,
spirits associated w ith each locale. O f these the most im p o rta n t are Drag-skyes
(the guardian s p irit o f Paro whose sacred m ountain and lake are situated to the
north-east o f the valley), Khyung-bdud (the guardian o f the H a valley),
sPang-kha-btsan, dGe-bsnyen, and the ndga sp irits inhabiting the pools,
streams, and ‘ w atery subsoil ’ who are known as k lu or mtsho-sman. D u rin g
the n ig h t preceding each day o f his performance the oracle stays in a specially
constructed h u t where he observes a v ig il and prepares him self fo r his ordeal.
The invocations and appeasements he uses fo r th is appear to be much the same
as the common B u dd h ist ones; like ' assimilated bon ’ much o f the oracle’s
ceremonial seems to be taken from Buddhist ceremonial. H e wears the rig-lnga
4 F ive Fam ilies ’ crown decorated w ith the figures o f the five dcikinis and holds
the pellet-drum and bell. Tucked in to the w aist o f the tra d itio n a l knee-length
robe o f a laym an is the w hite and maroon m antle th a t is the m a rk o f
rN ying-m a-pa lamas in T ib e t (known as the * k a tri ku m n i ’ in B hutan) which
he wears like an apron. Ceremonial scarves are draped around his neck. H is
costume, lik e his name, is taken to be th a t o f the heavenly attendants o f
Padmasambhava b u t w hether these are later B u dd h ist accretions or w hether
the dpa’-bo in B u d d h ist m ytho log y is its e lf o f some early shamanistic o r
m edium istic o rigin is n o t clear. There is a la y dance in B hutan know n as
dpo’- ’c/ww,13 especially performed as a welcome to im p o rta n t persons, which
im itates the movements o f the oracle prior to his trance and fo r w hich the-
same basic costume is worn. The high leaps which also characterize the dance
b u t w hich are n o t seen in the movements o f the real oracle rem ind one th a t the
attendants o f Padmasambhava are also acrobats. The official m anual to the
sacred dances o f B h utan explains th a t this dpa’-cJiam was revealed to Padma
Gling-pa in a vision o f these heavenly attendants in the Copper-Coloured
M ountain o f Padmasambhava b u t th is only serves to underline the problem
fu rth e r.

« C O S , [28].
606 MICELAEJL A M S

On the m orning of the firs t day o f * Paro Lom ba ’ a festival dish consisting
o f a rice cake garnished w ith honey is served in every household. Soon after,
the oracle emerges fro m his h u t and tho first * bongku ’ takes place. I t begins
w ith the oracle facing an old m an o f the village dressed as a clown across a
length of cloth held up between them b y tw o village girls. On other occasions
the cloth separates tho oraclo from his female counterpart, the rnal-byor-m a,
who performs sim ultaneously w ith him . The clown carries a large wooden
phallic symbol w ith w hich ho touches the ladies o f the village as he dances
opposite the oracle. The steps o f the oracle’s dance are said to copy those o f
the snowcock and ho accompanies him self on tho drum and bell w hilo singing
a song. G radually the tempo increases u n til he begins to shake in convulsions.
E verything else stops and he begins to sigh and as he starts to speak the
villagers gather round to hear w hat he says. As the s p irit possessing the oracle
remonstrates w ith the village people fo r th e ir past and fu tu re misdeeds,
individual people in the crowd give th e ir assurances th a t they w ill abide b y his
commands. These usually take the form o f injunctions to perform various
ritua ls as a means o f averting disaster and illness. A fte r this has continued fo r
some time the oracle begins to dance again u n til he has stopped shaking and
reverted to his norm al self. I f the rite takes place in the locale o f tho ndga
spirits the oracle has three small girls standing near him holding garlanded
arrows. They represent the attendants of the ndga. In order to pacify one o f
these water sp irits the oracle places the shell of a tortoise on its shrine w hich
is generally in the form o f a small square-shaped mckod-rten near a stream or
pond. A p a rt fro m th is there is an absence of the ‘ props ’ associated w ith the
other kind o f oracles know n as chos-skyoyig or sku-rten-,p a in T ib e t.14 The o n ly
other assistants besides those already mentioned are a number o f small boys
carrying banners and wearing old helmets.
The second p a rt o f the ‘ bongku ’ takes place in the co urtyard or close
v ic in ity o f the host’s house. I n the presence o f the oracle the host stands in
fro n t of a large vessel o f barley beer and dipping a ladle in to i t then holds i t up
w hile a ll the men o f the village chant a prayer o f offering to the local sp irits
w ith their hands raised in a gesture o f offering. "When th is is finished the host
tosses the beer fro m his ladle in to the a ir w hile the men le t loose cries o f
* K i h i hi h i h i \ 15 The host then firs t pours a token drop in to the p alm o f the
oracle and then presents h im w ith a garlanded arrow' to touch. This lib a tio n
ceremony is called mar-chang ‘ b u tte r beer ’ (?) or chang- 'phul * beer offering ’
and o f a ll pub lic fo lk rites in B h u ta n i t is perhaps the most popular. I t is then
followed b y an ancient sword dance performed b y a single yo u th o f the village
who has been train ed fo r th is purpose. B esting a banner-staff on his le ft
shoulder, he dances w ith slow, h ig h ly stylized movements. As he swings his

14 See R e n 6 de Nebesky-Wojkowitz, O rades and demons o f T ib e t : the cult a n d iconography

o f the, Tib e tan protective deities, T h e Hague, 1056, 409; also Stem, op. cit,, 1S7.
** See p. 633, a . 87.
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T H E TH U N D E R B O L T CANNON-BALL 607

svrord against unseen enemies he calls on the guardian sp irits to assist h im

and then cuts them down. The dance is know n as rbad-rgyab ‘ F linging in cite ­
ments ’ and, on the village level, seems to bo restricted to this one occasion in
the year. I t also features in the festival o f sacred dance th a t takes place
simultaneously w ith * Paro Lom ba ’ in the temple of Ngag lH a-khang in the
Cnos-'khor-stod d is tric t o f Bum thang and we can assume therefore th a t i t is
peculiarly associated w ith the ‘ A g ric u ltu ra l New Y e a r’ in Bhutan. A fte r its
performance in Paro the occasion is concluded w ith a d istrib u tio n o f food and
d rin k b y the host to a ll the assembled villagers. The meeting disbands o n ly to
be started again in another p a rt o f the village later on the same day and so i t
continues t i l l the fe stival is concluded. Two fu rth e r items in the fe stival m ay
be mentioned. On the last day a volume o f the Prajntipam m ita is carried
around the outer lim its o f the village in a clockwise fashion as a means o f
protecting i t in the coming year, the procession headed b y a fully-ordained
monk. F in a lly a ‘ sorcerer's horn ’ (thun-nva; also called sri-gnan) is buried
b y the oracle a t n ig h t a t the ju n ctio n o f tw o paths in the village to w ard o ff
troublesome demons in the coming year and thread-crosses (mdos) are erected
on poles fo r the same reason.
The above observations were made b y me in the village o f Uchu where
in 1970 the responsibility o f acting as host to the oracle fe ll on m y household
and I was able to witness the proceedings a t close hand fo r the firs t tim e. On
the bank o f a small stream ju s t beyond the n o rth w all of the house (which was
previously the seat o f a local official known as the drung-pa, or ‘ drum ’ in the
colloquial language, on whom see below) there is situated a large p it, its sides
shored up w ith stones, a t the b ottom o f w hich lies a boulder whose location is
said to have been revealed long ago b y an oracle during a trance. I t is the
abode o f a ndga s p irit and during the festival and on other occasions th roughout
the year it receives offerings o f m ilk and other substances. M aterial benefits
resulting fro m these placatory measures aro thought to accrue to the donors.
This was the only case I found in B hutan o f a stone o f this sort being inhabited
b y a p o te n tia lly m alignant s p irit who had shown its location to an oracle and
I was rem inded o f the strange rite of breaking such a stone th a t G. N . R oerich
witnessed perform ed by trave llin g actors from S piti in the western H im alaya.
The d erivation o f th is ceremony (known as Pho-bar rDo-gcog) is tra d itio n a lly
ascribed to Thang-stong rQ yal-po (see above) who firs t performed i t to exorcize
a m alignant demon th a t was hindering his construction o f the C hu-bo-ri
monastery on the banks o f the Tsang-po riv e r near the most famous o f his
iron-chain bridges. C oincidentally, the village o f Uchu is inhabited m a in ly b y
craftsmen, p a rtic u la rly bowl-makers and blacksmiths, and on fo l. 135b o f
Thang-stong rG yal-po’s biography (see p. 603, n. 10, above) we learn th a t i t
was from the neighbouring ham let of J iu (spelt Bye'u) th a t the saint employed
some blacksm iths to convert the iro n he was offered in B hutan in to the lin k s
o f the same bridge on the Tsang-po. W hether there is any connexion between
the veneration o f th is large boulder in U chu, uniquely regarded as the seat o f
608 M IC H A E L A1US

a ndga, and the activitie s o f Thang-stong rG yal-po in the area, i t w ould be

impossible to say.
F o r the village people of Paro the festival o f 1 Paro Lom ba ’ d efin itely
marks the coming of the New Year and the later ‘ K in g ’s New Year 1 in F ebruary
passes b y alm ost unnoticed except b y government servants. W ith the exception
o f H a, tho neighbouring valley to the east, where a sim ilar f e s tiv a lc e n tr e d
around the famous oracle o f K hyung-bdud occurs b u t which I have n o t
witnessed, the fo rm a l celebration o f the * A g ric u ltu ra l New Year ’ seems to
have died o u t in B h u ta n b u t fu rth e r instances o f i t m ay y e t come to lig h t . ,
In th e ir com m unication ‘ On tw o Bhutanese New Y ear’s celebrations ’ {A merican
Anthropologist, l v i i i , 1 , 1956,179-83), Robert and Beatrice M ille r have described
the festivals o f the 1 C ultivators’ New Year ’ in the villages of Pedong and
Sakyong in the D arjeeling D is tric t o f West Bengal which are inhabited by a.
few hundred Bhutanese who have survived there from the tim e when th is area'
was s till p a rt o f B h utan proper in the last century. Here the festival is w h o lly
taken up w ith archery aud w ith a local version o f the ■mar-chang ceremony
described above. The oracle takes no part and . . religious symbolism seems
to be a t a m in im u m ’ (p. 182). W hile their rem ark th a t the same festival *. . . is
observed in villages throughout B h u ta n ’ cannot be countenanced, one can,
however, s till catch odd glimpses o f tho ‘ A g ric u ltu ra l New Year ’ here and
there, as m ay be evident below.
‘ Paro Lom ba ’ is its e lf preceded by a single day o f sacred dance in the
temple of Gang N am -m kha’ lfla -k h a n g whose foundation is a ttrib u te d to tho
first ’ Brug-pa teacher in Bhutan, Pha-jo ’Brug-sgom Zhig-po, in the th irte e n th
century (see above). The original temple is preserved w ith in a later one and
in the outer courtyard ou the last day of the te n th m onth five dancers depict
the generals emanated b y this saint in his struggles w ith the LEIa-pa sect, an
offshoot o f the ’B ri-kh u n g b K a ’-rgyud, which had been introduced by a certain
rG yal-ba M a-nang-pa (1161-1224) 17 o f the gNyos clan and which had gained
a measure o f secular power in western Bhutan. I t was s till this sect w hich
proved the most troublesome to the spread o f ’Brug-pa rule four centuries
later. H istorians, however, claimed th a t the lH a-pa were firs t defeated b y
Pha-jo and i t is clear th a t this dance is meant to celebrate the v ic to ry . Three
large * Guardians of R eligion ' (chos-shjong) make th eir appearance d uring the
dance and bless tho crowd. The scene then moves towards a green close b y
where a lam a in ‘ B la ck H a t ’ apparel perform s the ceremony o f casting a
sacrificial cake (gtor-ma). A t the clim ax o f the ceremony the onlookers fire o ff
muskets and the dance is then resumed in the courtyard. I n the afternoon the

** Xebesky-Wojkowitz (pp. 236-7), in bia brief account of tho local protective deities of
Bhutan, baaed on information collected in Kalimpong, W e s t Bengal, recounts a n oral legend
about K h y u n g - b d u d ( w h o m he spelts K h y u n g - d u n g or K k y u n g - ’dus) but has n o information
on his festival. For s o m e interesting conjectures about the connexion between the cult of the
dp a'-bo a n d bon practices, see pp. 425-8, a n d also his ' Tibetan d r u m divination, ‘‘ng u m o ' '
Ethnos, xvn, 1952, 150-2.
»» S e e DNg„ Nya, f o l. S 7 b .
 T H E A D M O N ITIO N - OF T H E TH U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 609

dance-drama o f Pho-legs mo-lcgs18 (a Bhutanese version o f the rGyal-'po

Nor-bzang sto ry o f Indian inspiration) is performed. In its casting o f the
gtor-ma (w ith its trip le connotation o f ritual weapon, oblation, and ‘ scapegoat’)
and in its celebration of v ic to ry the festival marks the passing of the old year
and is a preparation fo r the ‘ Lom ba ’ which follows. I t is, however, attended
only by the population o f neighbouring villages and not by th a t o f tho va lle y
as a whole, whose principal religious festival is the Tshes-bcu held in honour
o f Padmasambhava in spring and centred in Rin-spungs rDzong.
The only fe stival comparable to tho * L o m b a ' which I have witnessed
elsewhere in the co u n try (w ith the exception o f those held in H a and in Ngag-
IH a-khang m entioned above) is the so-called * D ru b * (sGrub * ritu a l p e r ­
formance * or * ritu a l conjuration ’ ) of the ancient Byams-pa’i IH a-khang in
Bum thang. The clim ax o f this October festival occurs when on the fin al n ig h t
a ll the spectators take turns in leaping through the flames o f a large bonfire as
a means o f p u rify in g th e ir sins com m itted in the previous year. The ritu a l is-
know n as me-ilbang * fire in itia tio n ’ and appears to be a local rite peculiar to
the B um thang d is tric t which developed out o f the better-known ceremony o f
byin-sreg * b u rn t offerings ’. I t also features in the tw o-day festival held in
September a t Thang-sbe IH a-khang in Chos-’khor-stod, said to have been
founded b y Grags-pa Seng-ge (1283-1349), the firs t Zhwa-dmar incarnation,
though the a ttrib u tio n is as ye t unsubstantiated. Another im p o rta n t p ecu lia rity
o f the * D rup ’ o f Byams-pa’i IH a-khang is the humorous role played by tw o
figures said to represent an old man and an old lady. T heir names, * gadpo ’
and ‘ gadtno p a rtly preserve the original pronunciation o f these words
(rgad-po, rgad-mo are usually pronounced * gepo ’ , ‘ gemo ’) and this is charac­
te ristic of the B um thang dialect, in which m any ancient form s have survived
to th is day. L ike the well-known clown called the A-tsa-ra (from the Sanskrit
acarya), who is to be seen in a ll lam aist dance festivals and whom th ey replace,
these figures provide comic relief through th e ir buffoonery, entertaining the
crowd w ith a succession o f skits and lampooning the sacred performance o f the
dance. I f we are to assume th a t the old man and the old la d y were o rigin ally
fo lk figures upon whom th e ir comic role -was later grafted, one cannot b u t wonder
whether th ey relate in any way to the 1grandfather ’ and ‘ grandmother ' who
are portrayed in the ‘ A g ricu ltu ra l New Year ’ as observed b y A. H . Francke a t
Khalatse in Ladakh.19 A lthough the * Drup ’ a t Byams-pa’i IH a-khang seems
to have replaced the village rites o f the ‘ A g ric u ltu ra l New Y e a r’ w ith the
ritu a l o f a B uddhist dance festival, several o f its features seem to be derived
from an earlier and more popular version. Significantly, after its conclusion the
people o f Bum thang tra d itio n a lly s ta rt to m igrate to th eir w inte r residences
to the south in the d is tric t o f Mang-sde-lung and so fo r them i t marks ft fresh

« See C G S, [32-3].
See A. H . Frnncko, Tibetischs Hochzeitslieder, H a g e n a n d Darmstadt, 1923, 28-31, as
noted by Stein, op. eit., 220.
610 M IC H A E L ARIS

beginning ju s t as the * Lom ba * does fo r tho a gricu ltu ra l cycle o f the Paro
people.
W hen we tu rn to consider the official New Year celebrated in the form er
w inter capital a t Punakha we move from these elemental and re la tiv e ly u n ­
sophisticated rites as observed in the p ro vin cial d istricts to a state occasion
o f great pomp and in trica cy. As has already been noted, on a general level
this festival serves to celobrato a t th is crucial season the religious and tem poral
ascendancy in B h utan o f the ’Brug-pa school which had its origins in the
tw e lfth century as an im p o rta n t offshoot o f the b lv a ’-rgyud-pa. Its rap id
spread throughout T ib e t was due to the effective leadership o f three disciples
o f gTsang-'pa r&ya-rcis Ye-shes rD o -rje (1161-1211) who were la te r recognized
as having each founded th e ir own sub-sect.20 I t was also due, i t seems, to the
fact th a t th e ir teachings appealed to a large num ber of people w ith religious
vocations who wished to pursue these as simple mendicants in te n t on salvation
through m editation rath er than as members o f large communities where the
form al study o f B u dd h ist scholarship was param ount. This is h in te d a t b y the
author of the ‘ Blue annals ’ who says ‘ . . , the herm its belonging to the ’ Brug-pa
school were devoid o f the prejudices and dissensions of sectarian and scholastic
p a rtia lity and were a ll extrem ely humble ’.81 T h a t th is was a m a tte r o f some
pride is indicated b y the fo llo w in g jing le ,2'2 h a lf humorous and n o t to be taken
lite ra lly , which is s till repeated today.
‘ H a lf the people are ’Brug-pa.
H a lf the ’Brug-pa are beggars.
H a lf the beggars are saints.’
The sentiment expressed here accords w ell w ith a recurring theme in T ibetan
religious life, nam ely a re tu rn to ideals of original s im p lic ity and p u rity , b u t i t
was n ot ve ry long before the ’Brug-pa followed the general pattern set b y other
schools of acquiring rich monasteries and estates under the patronage o f a
noble house. Thus the succession to the principal abbatial seat o f the ‘ M iddle
Branch of the ’Brug-pa 5 ( B ar ’Bruy) at Ew a-lung passed in a line from paternal
uncle to nephew w ith in the noble clan o f rGya w hich had been associated w ith
the school since its inception. I n the fourteenth century i t acquired con­
siderable landholdings in central T ib e t as a result o f the patronage o f the
Mongol kin g T o y on Tem ur (d. 1370) b u t its power never equalled th a t o f the
Phag-mo-gru-pa, Sa-skya-pa, K arm a-pa, or ’B ri-kkung-pa schools, whose
a u th o rity had been gained in a sim ilar manner. F actional rivalries w ith in its
ruling fa m ily depleted these holdings of the ’Brug-pa, and m ilita ry and p o litic a l
defeats fu rth e r weakened it, b u t fo r several centuries i t m aintained a position
o f considerable w eight during th is storm y period when, in the absence o f a
strong central a u th o rity , the m ost pow erful schools were contending fo r secular

*®See p. 629, n. 71, below.

11 D N g ., N y a , fol. U S a .
** // m i phyed 'brug p a // 'brug phyed sprang p o // sprang phyed grub thob f f
 P late I

T h e D r.C -n o d u r i n g th e A g r ic u ltu r a l N e w Y e a r fe s tiv a l is P a ro

B SO A s. X X X I X ]
F la te II

O n e o f t h e * paza f ’ g en er a ls d u r in g t h e K i n g ’s N e w Y ear f e s t iv a l in
P u n a k h a

BSOAS. N X X I X ]
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T H E T H U N D E E B O L T CANNON-BALL 611

control of tlie country. This ‘ M iddle Branch o f the 'Brug-pa ’ acquired

monasteries in m any parts o f tho country and soon spread to B h utan where i t
vied w ith other schools fo r tho allegiance o f the population. Despite increasing
preoccupation w ith tho w orldly management o f its affairs the 'B rug-pa con­
tinued to produce b rillia n t scholars and the greatest of these was undoubtedly
Padma dKar-po ‘ the Om niscient ’ (1527-92), one o f the finest and m ost
prolific savants o f his age, who earned the respect later of the great fifth D ala i
Lama, who was otherwise so sceptical o f bK a'-rgyud-pa scholarship. A fte r
his death a b itte r dispute arose over the recognition o f his incarnation, the tw o •
contestants being Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal (1591-1651) o f th o
rGya fam ily, the eighteenth incum bent o f the abbatial seat of R wa-lung,’ and
dPag-bsam dBang-po (1593-1641), son o f the prince of ’Phyong-rgyas, w ho
w ith the backing o f the gTsang ruler (sde-srid) gained control o f the m onastery
o f gSaug-sngags Chos-gling founded b y Padma d K ar-po in the area north-east
o f Bhutan. The quarrel n o t only resulted in a m ajor s p lit w ith in the 'B rug-pa
b u t also produced a situ atio n leading to the consolidation o f Bhutanese
sovereignty under Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal and his successors. I t fin a lly came
to a head in the fo rm o f a contention over tho rig h t to the ancestral relics o f
the school, in p articu la r tho * self-created ' (rang-'byung) Kar-sa-pa-ni (a fo rm
o f Avalokitesvara) which was supposed to have been found in one o f the
vertebrae o f gTsang-jpa rGya-nts, the founder o f the school, after his crem ation.23
I t was this which fin a lly persuaded Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal to go in to vo lu n ta ry
<exile in Bhutan w hich he claimed had been offered to h im b y M akakala in a
prophetic dream.2,1 B u ild in g on the foundations w bich had been la id there b y
his predecessors, he proceeded to u nite western Bhutan, creating a monastic
p rin cip a lity governed on tho lines o f an ecclesiastical estate. I t was le ft to his
immediate successors to extend B h u ta n ’s boundaries to most o f th e ir present
lim its but its d ivision in to a dm inistrative units based on the rdzong was his
own unique invention. These gigantic structures which dominate the m ain
valleys of the co un try to this day are essentially regional fortresses containing
both monastic and c iv il sections. They were the natu ra l product of an age
which saw in T ib e t tho besieging of religious buildings whose basic design had
never been intended to fa cilita te m ilita ry defence. Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal,
as cleric and statesman, solved the problem b y placing his monasteries inside
strategically situated fortresses. These he either b u ilt on the foundations o f
existing castles w hich were offered to h im b y local princes (as in the case o f

aa Unexpected confirmation of tho nature of this quarrel can be found in the contemporary
aocount of Stephen Cacella who, together with J o h n Cabral, w a s a Portuguese Jesuit missionary
w h o spent most of 1027 in B h u t a n (which ho calls Cambirasi) in the c o m p a n y of Ngag-d b a n g
rNam-rgyal. T h o latter wished to detain t h e m from continuing their journey to Tibet whore
they intended to operate under tho patronage of his e n e m y tho gTsang s D e s r id , a n d ho even
offered the m a site in Paro to build a church. See C. WesseU, E a r ly Jesu it travellers in C e n tra l
A s ia , 1 6 0 3 -1 7 2 1 , T h e Hague, 102-1, 120-61, a n d appendixes II, H L
s* See p. 630, n, 78, bolow.

vo l.. XXXIX. PART 3. 42

612 M IC H A E L ARIS

Rin-spungs rDzoug in Paro and bKra-shis Chos rDzong in Thim phu) or else
on e n tire ly new sites (as a t sPungs-thang bDe-can Pho-brang rDzong in
Punakha and dBang-’dus Pho-brang rDzong in the Shar district). They served
n o t only as a defence against his enemies b u t also as a means o f consolidating
his hold on tho country. To begin w ith the secular and ecclesiastical functions
o f the rdzong wcro v irtu a lly indistinguishable as a ll posts were filled b y monastic
officials, many of whom roso from tho rank and file who had been placed in the
m onastery as obliga tory * m onk ta x ’ {btsun-Jchral). Gradually a separation o f
duties took place in accordance w ith the theory o f the * dual system ' (lvg$-gnyis)
o f roya l and religious law and as i t was the la tte r th a t to ok precedence over the
form er b oth in the theory and practice of governm ent the term theocracy can
be properly applied.
This historical digression has been necessary in order to set the scene fo r
the in tro d u ctio n of the official New Year celebrations b y Ngag-dbang rN a m -
rgyal. In 1637 tho construction of tho rdzong a t the confluence o f the Pho Chu
and Mo Chu rivers in Punakha was completed.25 Two years la te r the last
gTsang ruler, K a rm a bsTan-skyong (1622-42), invaded Bhutan unsuccessfully.2®
He was defeated and kille d in 1642 by the forces o f Gusri Khan, ch ie f o f th6
QoSot Mongols, who then gave the fifth D alai Lam a a u th o rity to rule over a ll
T ibet. In 1644 a jo in t M ongol-Tibetan army invaded B h utan fo r the firs t tim e
only to be eventually repulsed.27 I t was succeeded b y a fu rth e r a tte m p t,
equally unsuccessful, in 1649.23 Some time in between these tw o dates Ngag-
dbang rN am -rgyal in stitu te d a ceremony a t Punakha which later became the
basis o f the New Year celebrations. In his biography we find this event has
already acquired the aura of historical m yth.
‘ Also a t th a t tim e he introduced the great offering ritu a l o f M ahakala and
his m u ltitu d e of gods as a thanksgiving fo r the Guardians o f R eligion and
so a circle o f amassed oblations o f the finest lan d were d a ily offered, adorned
w ith great magnificence as i f in fu lfilm en t o f a ll desires. W ith the sacred
dances o f the Las-mgon sDe-bzhi arid sDe-brgyad 20 he then caused the
r itu a l to be extended in the fo rm o f a celebration of v ic to ry over the demon
arm y. One day in the outer courtyard (o f Punakha rdzong) the great
Vajra-holder him self (i.e, Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal) acted as the chief
dancer in the m iddle o f a concourse of people o f the Southern Land o f F ou r
D istricts. ■L ik e the black cloud blowing from the v a u lt o f the sky a t the
end o f tim e, he held in his hand and raised a lo ft the pennant of the aspects
o f Mahakala, the great triple-pointed banner (ba-dan = Skt. pataka)
burnin g w ith a design of flames. B y bringing fo rth emanations th ro ug h a
m ental concentration o f destructive magic and w ith a great cry o f

« P B P , N g a , fola. 75b-8a.
■* P B P , N g a , fol. 7 7 b .
31 P B P , N g a , fols, 88a, 9-la.
3» P B P , N g a , fols. 104U-5a.
39 O n the dances of these aspects of M a h a k a l a see C O S, [&-7].
 T H E A D M O N ITIO N ' OF T H E TH U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 613

“ Receive ! ” ho gavo in offering to the fierce hom (w ith in which) the ling-ga 30
(was contained) a lis t o f the names o f those who Were inju rin g the teachings
o f the 'B rug-pa and who had transgressed th e ir v o w s ; so th a t he radiated
a great brilliance which terrified a ll those beings who stood close b y .' 31
The L C B (fols. 44b-5a) suggests th a t the festival, fo r which the re-enact­
m ent o f this event later form ed its basis, was in fa c t introduced im m ediately
after the final invasion o f 1649, which lasted fox about three or fo u r m onths.
I t adds the in fo rm a tio n th a t sDe-srid dBu-indzad (on whom see p. 631, n. 81).
offered some musical instrum ents, w hich were his own fa m ily ’s heirlooms, f o r .
use in the fe stival. A t its conclusion, we are to ld , various miracles occurre d ;
the powdered colours o f the m aydalit acquired a peculiar brilliance and the
* nectar ’ held in the ritu a l skull cups (sgrub-ihod) boiled. Ngag-dbang rN a m -
rgyal is then supposed to have given tho assurance th a t . . fro m now on no.
external injuries w ould be inflicte d on the teachings o f the glorious *Brug-pa,'
which shall themselves come to th rive . W hen i t was asked o f h im : “ Hence­
fo rth w ill the arm y o f tho dG,e-ldan-pa n o t be able to come ? he re p lie d :
“ I f they are im p rud en t th ey w ill come again b u t th ey w ill not be able to do us
harm. I f they should come once more, although we now have sufficient weapons,
we s till require tea, clothing, and silk A lthough this was said as a passing
jest, later i t came about as i f i t had been a prophecy ’ (fol. *15a). The reference
to weapons, on w hich the hum our o f this ‘ je s t ' depends, alludes to the fa c t
, th a t a vast q u a n tity of weapons had been surrendered to the Bhutanese b y the
Tibetans and Mongolians when they capitulated. This incident became the
subject of a piece o f doggerel verse th a t circulated in Tibet, lam pooning the
behaviour o f the defeated arm y and its commanders. The weapons themselves
were placed in the great mgon-hhang (known appropriately as the g .Y u l-rg y a l
mGon-khang Chen-mo) dedicated to Mahakala in Punakha Hzong. They are
specially exhibited d urin g the fe stiva l to th is day.
I n the passage quoted above there is no ind icatio n as to the tim e o f year
when the rite o f M ahakala was firs t performed as a thanksgiving and v ic to ry
celebration b u t I am inclined to the view th a t i t m ust have occurred during
the period o f the New Y e a r ; wo fin d the same rite described in a .long lis t o f
tho ceremonials introduced b y Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal as follows.
* Furtherm ore, he held in the firs t month (m y italics) the offering rite o f
Mahakala lasting 15 days, perform ing i t w ith the q u a lity of fierce destructive
magic, according to the arrangement b y acdrya Abhayakara o f the
Mahakala ritu a l given in the mGon-’p o-dngos-grub-'byung-bcCi-rgyud2'* and.
w ith the great mandala o f mGon-po dGongs-’dus composed in extended
form b y Padma dK ar-po, tho Great Om niscient One o f the Age o f Degenera-

54 See R. A. Stein, ‘ L o liiigci dee daneea maaquees latnalquea et la throne dea a m e a \ Sino~
In d ia n Studies, v, 3-4, 1957, 200-34.
« P B P , N g a , fol. SSb.
11 b k a '-'g y u r; r Q y u d -b u m , no. 416.
614 M IC H A E L AUIS

tion, I n conjunction w ith this the sacred dances o f £e a rth -ta m in g ' (sa -d itl) 33
and, at the tim e o f the real basis of the ritu a l, the physical form s o f tho
aspects o f Mahakala in the dances of the Las-mgon sDe-bzki and sDe-brgyad
and o f the sGo-mtshams L lia -m o brGyad 34 were staged w ith the nine
choreographic expressions34 and the sacred dance o f hurled offerings
(zor-chams), A t the tim e o f conveying the coloured powders of the ma^dala
to the w ater during the concluding p a rt o f the ritu a l m any hundreds o f
monks proceeded w ith disciplined and handsome demeanour on the path
covered w ith soft spa-ril (?) leading from the fortress up to the riv e r pool, •
wearing silken patched cloaks and m editation hats. They held p le a te d '
hangings, and heaps o f various kinds o f silken scarves; also parasols,
v ic to ry standards, banners, silken pendants, tassels, and so fo rth so th a t
the hand emblems {phyag-mUhan) were a ll lik e those of the good age.
There were m any kinds o f incense and cymbals, melodious and pleasing-
like the tunes o f the ru lin g goddesses, and a brilliance was produced b y the
sound o f the horns and largo drums. There were m any thousands o f
champions (dpa*-rtsal-pa) decorated w ith arm our and weapons like the
armies o f the devas and asuras; and horses, elephants, bell-wethers, and so
fo rth , co n stitu tin g a cloud o f offerings o f m any “ established supports fo r
worship ” (mchod-'pa i rten-’dzugs).36 The ground was filled w ith a great
gathering o f people a ll of whom, in a state of jo y and happiness, made
gestures to each other expressing satisfaction w ith the great spectacle.
A ll the Vajra-holdors, while perform ing the ritu a l of the ndgas, offered the
coloured powders o f the mqy.-da.Ia to the protectors and kings o f the ndgas.
As a sign o f the v irtu e and auspiciousness o f the occasion the th under o f
the dragons o f the earth and sky rolled fo rth and fine rain fe ll d o w n / 37
This passage describes the ndga ritu a l and monastic procession w ith which the
fe stiva l is concluded and, in its essentials, could ju s t as well be taken to refer
to the tw e ntie th-ce ntu ry version. Animals no longer take a p a rt and the
num ber o f champions do n ot exceed a few hundred b u t otherwise i t remains
the same. The fe stival o f * Tuna Dromcho fo r which this event serves as its
clim ax, was later copied and introduced to bKra-shis Chos rDzong in the
T him phu va lle y by rGyal-sras Kun-dga’ rG yal-m tshan (alias Gha-na-pa-ti),
1689-1713, who was the incarnation of Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal’s own son,

53 C G S , [3, 5], Also p. 632, n. S2, below.

31 C G S , [9]. T h o rolo of those multiple attendant forms of M a hakala is alluded to in L C B
(fols. 4 4 b a n d 45a) whoro raforenco is m a d e to tho wholo ritual as tho m Gon-mangs sGrub-m chod '
Chen-m o and the m Gon-po llla -d m a n g a -h ji bsGruh-mChad Chen-m o.
35 T h o * nine choreographic expressions * [g a rd g n 'i rn a m -ro l or grtr-gyi nynm-s dgu) are thought
to derive from the classical dance of India a n d aro c o m m o n l y listed as follows: (1) alluring,
ogeg-pa, (2) courageous, d p a '-b a , (3) ugly, m i-sdug-pa, (4) fierce, drag-shut, (5) laughing, dgod,
(C) terrifying, ’jnys-sw-nirt#, (7) compassionate, a nying -rje, (8) raging, rngums, (9) peaceful,
shi-ba.
38 M y translation of this unusual phrase is tentative.
31 P B P , N g a , fols. llSb-lOa.
 T ilK A W rO M T rO .V OF THE THUS D K R 130L I' C AN XO X -B A LL 615

M am-dpal rD o -rjc (1631-81) and whereas the presiding d eity of the Punakha
festival is Mahakfila, in Thim phu it was his sister, M ahakali (dPal-ldan Lha-m o),
who was given pride o f place. The * Thim phu Drom cho " fe stival takes place
in the summer and is im m ediately followed b y three days o f sacred dance
devoted to Padmasambhava.33 In b oth festivals the dances th a t fo llo w th e ir
respective ritu a ls are interpreted as * production (or generation) o f the d e ity
in fro n t ’ {mdun-bskyed), a technical term more usually applied to the visualiza­
tion o f a chosen d e ity in fro n t o f the m editator who has firs t envisaged the
w orld as the palace o f th a t d e ity. I t follows the ‘ production (or generation)
o f the d eity in oneself' (bdag-bshjed) during w hich tho m editator imagines
him self as the d e ity whom he has caused to arise from the void. The process
o f creation and dissolution and the transition fro m an absolute to a phenomenal
state and back again to an absolute state is integral to most o f T ibetan r itu a l .
b u t the fu nctio n o f sacred dance as a special element in the mdun-bshyed has '
n ot been properly recognized. As in the case o f the sim ilar dances w hich are
performed during the sMon-lam Chen-mo festival o f the New Year a t Lhasa,
after the dancers and officiating monies have completed the stages o f the
visualization, tho d ivin itie s thus manifested ritu a lly slay a sm all hum an
effigy known as the ling-ga or * sign >which has been imbued w ith a f life-force \
l l i i s annual exorcism o f ovil, as we have seen above, was p a rtic u la rly directed
b y Ngag-dbang rN a m -rgya l against th e enemies o f the ’ Brug-pa in an act o f
sym pathetic magic wherein th eir names were w ritte n down and placed on the
tria n g u la r cloth upon which the sacrificial effigy is slain and dism em bered..
We can assume, though i t is n o t stated explicitly, th a t the ‘ conscious principles *
(rnam-shes) o f these enemies were then * released ’ (bsgral) and despatched to
a paradise, w hich is the way in which these rites are th ou gh t to bo b ro u g h t
in to line w ith the tenets of Buddhism .
The extended ritu a l o f Mahakala a t Punakha is preceded by a ceremony
devoted to Cakrasamvara, the tu te la ry d eity o f Ngag-dbang rN a m -rg ya l,
which during his tim e was performed fo r a week sta rtin g on the te n th day o f
the * m iddle m onth o f w inte r This was la te r combined w ith the more
im p o rta n t M ahakfila rite and together they now occupy 11 consecutive days.
This is followed b y the fe stival proper which is attended b y the p ub lic and
norm a lly concludes on the n in th day o f the firs t m onth. The sacred dances
o f the festival, b o th those conceived as * p roduction o f the deity in fr o n t ’
and those having a u x ilia ry ancj. didactic purposes, do n o t d iffer su bsta ntia lly
from th e ir T ibetan equivalents and need not detain us here. I t is on the fin a l
day th a t the p eculiarly Bhutanese features o f the festival are most evident
and these are centred in the ceremonial a c tiv ity o f the dpaJ-rtsal-pa (pro­
nounced, in a corrupted form , * pazap ’) which means lite ra lly * those skilled
in heroism * b u t w hich I translate as * champions These * pazap * are draw n
from eight villages o f the W ang people who in h a b it the T him ph u v a lle y in

»• ZOJS,'fol. 62a a n d C O S , [13-15].

616 M IC H A E L AHIS

summer and the Punakha valley in w in te r; the -former Bhutanese capital used
to move between the rdzongs o f these two valleys according to the annual
m igration o f tho W ang and even though the modern capital has been
perm anently sited a t T him phu the state monks continue to move between
the tw o. The m ilitia organisation which is form ed b y these * pazaps ' ce rta inly
dates back to the tim e o f Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal him self and, in a looser
form , perhaps s till fu rthe r. The confinement o f th e ir role to a purely ceremonial
one is o f fa irly recent origin as th e y undoubtedly played a p a rt in the long
internecine struggles in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries and, before '
th a t, were instrum ental in the expansion of ’Brug-pa rule to eastern B h u ta n in
the campaign led b y M i-’gyur brTan-pa in 1675.39 They are, however, especially
remembered as tho personal arm y o f Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal and i t m ust
have been to th e ir prowess th a t his many victories against his enemies b o th
inside and outside the co un try were due, though th e y are usually ascribed t o .
his magical hold over the ‘ Guardians of Religion \ F or these and other reasons
they occupy a position o f special honour and th e ir annual privilege o f assembling
and perform ing ceremonies during the final tw o days of tho ‘ Puna Drom cho \
as we liavo seen in the passage quoted above, dates back to the tim e when tho
festival was firs t institute d. The role played in New Year ceremonies b y sim ilar
m ilitia organizations or b y people acting the p a rt of-warriors has been observed
in Lhasa and other parts o f T ibe t and also in S ikkim . F or example, during the
sMon-lam Chen-mo a body know n as the gZim-chiing-ba acts as the personal
guard of the D alai Lam a, its members being chosen from selected villages
near the capital. A b rie f description of th e ir Bhutanese counterpart m ay,
therefore, be o f some interest fo r the contrast i t affords.
The ‘ pazap3 ’ are divided in to eight, teams according to the v illa g e s 40
which th ey in h a b it and each team is under the immediate control o f a village
headman who in tu rn is nom inally responsible to a man acting the p a rt o f a
dntng-jia {in the colloquial language, * drum ’), an official form erly appointed
as government representative to a group of villages. O riginally filled b y monastic
officials, the post la te r became a la y sinecure and was fin a lly abolished in the
1950’s by the late king o f Bhutan, b u t fo r the purpose of the New Year fe stival
these drung-'pa s till make th e ir appearance in the form o f certain laym en
dressed as monks fo r tho occasion. There are in addition fo ur ‘ generals'
{dinag-dpon) who are appointed each year. D u rin g the fin al tw o days o f the
fe stival the ‘ pazaps * control and take precedence over the publio in the
rdzong and are accorded special privileges in recognition o f th eir rank. The
firs t h a lf o f the code which governs their behaviour, given in fu ll below, is
read o u t to them on the penultim ate day o f the festival and takes the fo rm o f
a preparatory statem ent o f th e ir general responsibilities. T h a t n ig h t th ey

34 Thi3 campaign is tlio subject of tho raro eighteenth-century manuscript w o r k dPaX -ldan
'b n ig -p a r lung Ik a 'i g iu n g -rg y u d kyia b s la n -p a'i ring-lug a Iho-m on-kha-bzhi-las n y i-m a uhar-phyogt-
t u byung-zhing rg y a a -p a 'i to-rgyua gsal-ba'i rne-long b y the m o n k Ngag-dbang.
10 See p. 625, n, 61, below.
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T H E TH U N D ER B O LT CANNON-BALL 6X7

divide themselves into teams and pay visits to the hamlets in the v ic in ity o f
tho rdzong where they perform dances and sing songs. I n re tu rn th e y are given
food, d rin k, and gifts o f money. They all sleep in separate camps arranged
on the plain to the n o rth o f the rdzong. On the follow ing m orning a p ub lic
in itia tio n o f M ahakiila takes place and a sacrificial cake is cast on the ro o f o f
the rdzong. A t the stage o f the litu rg y know n as ' praising ’ (stod-pa) the
* pazaps ’ perform a simultaneous dance of praise in the m ain courtyard. T his
is followed b y a sword dance performed each in tu rn b y the fo u r ' generals f ■
in fro n t o f the Head A b bo t in an upper temple. More elaborate in fo rm , i t is, ■
however, the same rbad-rgyab (‘ Flinging incitements ’) which has been described
as i t takes place during the * A gricultural New Year ’ o f * Paro Lom ba \
Dressed in the costume o f Mongolian generals, the standard o f performance on
this occasion is singularly impressive and dignified. A fte r the * generals ’ have ‘
completed th e ir performance th eir soldiers are given an * exam ination * in the
same a rt in the main courtyard in front o f an assembly o f monies. T his
‘ exam ination ’ (rgyugs-'phul) is a token affair and i t is u n like ly th a t anyone
would be * failed One by one the f pazaps ’ dance in between tw o columns
o f th e ir associates u n til all have had their tu rn . Once this is completed th e y
assemble again in tw o columns and the monastic official known as the srung-
’khor-pa 41 recites the principal p a rt o f their code o f observance. The proclam a­
tio n lays out th e ir specific duties in a highly rhetorical style w ith m any allusions
* to Bhutanese h istory and religious traditions. A t the instan t when th e recita l
is finished muskets arc discharged and the ' pazaps ’ le t loose war cries. As i f
leaving fo r a b attle , th ey begin to depart fro m the rdzong in pairs, each p a ir
perform ing a fu rth e r sword dance a t the main exit. They are preceded b y th e ir
‘ generals ' who m ount horses, circumambulate the ta ll prayer flag outside the
rdzong three times, and gallop o ff across the plain. The whole scene is accom­
panied by more firin g o f muskets and war cries. A fte r an in te rv a l during w hich
i t is assumed the ‘ b attle * has been won, the * pazaps ’ all re tu rn in fo u r columns
to the rdzong courtyard where a v ic to ry rite in the fo rm o f a lib a tio n ceremony
takes place. A gain this is identical in form w ith the mar-chang ceremony
observed in the * Paro Lom ba * festival and there is no reason w hy we should
not draw the obvious conclusion th a t both tho sword dance and the lib a tio n
ceremony are features carried over from the c A g ric u ltu ra l New Year * to th is
‘ K in g ’s New Year 1 by village people who, fa m ilia r w ith the form er fe stival,
a t a later date acquired a role in the latter festival which came to supplant it .
A fu rth e r (and more fundam ental) p oint o f contact between the tw o festivals
can be noticed in how the possession o f the oracular * hero ' (dpa’-6o) b y local
spirits on the village level is paralleled on the national level b y the possession,
in a somew'hat looser sense, o f the * pazap 1 w arriors b y the guardian deities
who preside over the fate o f the country as a whole (as explained a t the end
of th e ir code). This, however, should not be taken to im p ly a case o f trans-

u Seo p. 635, n. 100, below.

618 M IC H A E L A UIS

mission between the tw o b u t rather as an example of how ideas concerning

the human incarnation of divine or semi-divine entities penetrate to m any
levels of experience. The lama who visualizes him self as the d e ity is perhaps
tho highest expression o f this idea.
The final procession of monies from tho rdzong to the rive r takes place
im m ediately a fte r the liba tion ceremony of the * paz&ps * and tho m oving and
colourful spectacle w hich this provides to m y m ind justifies the enthusiasm
w ith which Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal’s biographer described the occasion in
the passage given above. The discipline of the monks is assured b y the fa c t
th a t th is is the firs t chance o f the newly appointed monastic prefects to make
a show o f th e ir severity. A ll the monks wear cloaks o f ancient Chinese s ilk
brocade and the in trica te design of the many sym bolic offerings and decorations
which they carry, combined w ith the reverberations o f the deep processional
music th a t is played, make a splendid spectacle. The Head A bbot comes a t the
end o f the procession a ttire d in the * Black H a t ’ dress, blessing tho p ublic
alojfig the way. A t the fo o t o f the old tree on the bank o f the Pho Chu riv e r
the monks form up and intone the litu rg y dedicated to the ndga s p irits th a t
in h a b it the rive r pool a t th a t spot. The coloured powders which have form ed
tho basic design of tho mandala used in tho Mahakala rite and tho powders o f
all the im p o rta n t mandalas constructed in the previous year are th en throw n
into the river. F in a lly oranges are also thrown and on this action local tra d itio n s
have p u t an interesting interpretation. Strangely enough, although Ngag-dbang
rN am -rgyal is supposed to have had a special relationship w ith the p rincip al
riv e r s p irit a t this place since i t w'as she who showed him in a vision where he
w ould find in tho river-bed a large tree tru n k w hich he later had made in to
the supporting pillars o f the main temple at Punakha, i t is n o t th is s to ry 42
w hich is remembered in the oral legend b ut a quite different one th a t finds 110
m ention in the w ritte n histories. A t a certain date an arm y o f the gTsang
ru le r of T ib e t was encamped on the banks o f tho riv e r opposite to th is spot.
I t had come as usual to tr y and defeat Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal in b a ttle and
recover the sacred relic of the Rang-bijxmg Kar-sa-pa-ni for dPag-bsam
dBang-po whom th e ir ruler deemed the true successor o f Padma d K ar-po ,
as has been explained above. Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal, standing b y the old
tree, faced this a rm y from across the river and devised a ruse to fo il it. H e
shouted to the soldiers saying th a t although he d id n ot m ind losing tho relic
he was ce rta inly n o t going to allow i t to fa ll in to th eir hands. Pretending to
have i t hidden up his sleeve, he to ok out a small package and threw' i t in to
the river. Convinced i t was the relic they were seeking, the Tibetan soldiers
dived in to t r y and recover i t and were a ll drowned. The legend persists in a
num ber o f s lig h tly different versions, as is so often the case w ith oral tra d itio n s,
and is matched b y sim ilar stories to ld in Paro about how Tibetan armies m et
th e ir undoing there through ruse or blunder. The Punakha story is re-enacted

« PJBP, iXga, f o b 7 C a .
 T H K A D M O N IT IO N OV T H E TH U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 619

annually at th is spot by swimmers d iving into the riv e r fo r the oranges th ro w n

in to i t by the Head A bbot. They are said to confer special blessings on those
who recover them . The procession then makes its way back to the rdzong
where the ; pazaps 1 perform a final dance in conclusion o f the festival.
The te x t and translation o f the ‘ A d m onition o f the thunderbolt cannon­
ball the ‘ pazap ’ code referred to above, are given below in the hope th a t
the inform ation i t provides on the conventions o f this m ilitia organization and
on the degree to which the c u lt of the guardian divin itie s has influenced its
character w ill be o f some interest to students in the field o f T ibetan a n d '
H im alayan cu ltu ra l institutio ns. The abundant use of connecting, particles,
presumably intended here to fa cilita te its recital a t top speed, has made the
translation into readable English a d iffic u lt task and in many places I have had
to supply punctuation as I th ou gh t appropriate. Nevertheless, a few sections
remain unavoidably long and contorted and I can only express the hope th a t ‘
the reader w ill persist in try in g to unravel the sense which, let me assure him ,
w ith some e ffort does eventually emerge. Notes in elucidation o f the special
references to Bhutanese h istory and culture are provided, Por reasons o f
syntax, the numbers in the m argin o f the translation only roughly correspond
to the folios o f the original m anuscript which is o f the unnumbered, fo lding •
concertina typ o th a t is conveniently used in m any parts of Asia fo r non-
scriptural works o f th is kind.

•Note
A most interesting and curious insight in to the nature o f New Year
ceremonies is provided in the biography 43 o f rJe Y on-tan m Tha’-yas (1724-84),
one o f the greatest figures in B h utan ’s religious history who acted as the te nth
Head A bbot between 1771 and 1775. In the passage devoted to his fa m ily ’s
history and descent from the illustrious sK yu-ra (or sK yu-ru) clan o f ’Bri-gung
through a certain Grub-thob d B u-thon Sangs-rgyas who settled at rnTshams-brag
in the sKyabs-khra (* Chapcha ’) d is tric t on the m ain route south o f Paro to
In dia , we learn th a t the clan o f his descendants became more or less absorbed
into the rN ying-m a-pa and ’Brug-pa schools. The hereditary chiefs (zhal-ngo)
gradually lost th e ir pre-eminence and became indistinguishable from ordinary
householders (khyim-pci). D uring the * interregnum ’ o f the passing o f the old
year and the coming o f the new year {lo gsar-rnying-gi sfoibs) they observed
a custom whereby one elder from each fa m ily (pha-tshan) of the clan would go
in to a strict retre at (bcad-rgya) a t the temple o f mTshams-brag fo r a period
o f between five days and a week. D uring this retreat the elders would occupy
themselves day and n ig h t w ith the performance o f ritua ls devoted to the

H Khyah-bdag rdo-rje-'chang ngag-dbang yo n -lan m th a '-g a s -k iji g.sang-giurn m i-z a d rgyan -gyi
’khor-lor rn a m -p a r r o l-p a 'i rtogs-pa brjod-pa sl-al-bzang mos-jpa'i padm o rgycw-byed yt-shes
'od-stong 'phro-ba'i n y i-rn a (bloclqirint, margin, .4, 136 fols.) b y rJe 'Jam-dbyangs rGynl-nitshan,
1745-1S03 [eighteenth H e a d Abbot, regn, 1797— 1S03). See fol. 14a-b. I a m indebted to Mr. H u g h
Richardson for lending m e this work.
620 M IC H A E L A1US

guardian deities. W hether this fe ll w ith in the purview of the ‘ A g ric u ltu ra l *
or the 4K in g ’s New Y ear i t cannot be decided w ith certainty, b u t the custom
provides an obvious parallel to (and possibly a connecting lin k between) the
nocturnal retreat o f tho m edium priest in the form er and the great ritu a ls
devoted to the guardian d ivinities in tho la tte r. See also p. 635.

II. T ib e t a n t e x t
W ith the exception o f a very few m inor and recurring spelling mistakes and
some obvious omissions (which have been d u ly emended and indicated), the
original m anuscript is in an exceptionally good condition. To assist the reader,
the te x t has been hyphenated throughout in order to indicate compound term s
and tho use o f suffixes. S im ilarly, names of persons and divin itie s (b u t n o t th e ir
title s or epithets) have been isolated b y continuous hyphenation (vhi. ngag-
dbang-rnam -rgyal, las-m khan-cig-car-dm ar-po, etc.).

x K A * - B K Y 0 y R D O -1U E T H O -L U U

(1) / / 'o / de-ring gzcC dang skar-ma phun-sum-tshogs-pa'i dits 'd ir j chos-rje
'brug-pa'i phyag-srol bzayig-po dus-chen lo-gsar zla-ba dang-po'i vigor vxgon-dbang
sgrub-mchog chen-mo (2) gegs-med-du grnb-pa'i dga'-ston gtangi i -rag-g% slad-du f
chos-skyong mnyes-pa’i rtag-mlshan gsal-bar bya p h y ir byin-rlabs-kyi mtshan-ka
rmad-du-byung-ba'i lha-sgrom chen-po'i gar-gyi -mchod-pa kun-gyi (3) mthong-
snang-du ston-pa'i dus-ston phun-sum-lshogs-pa dang ' brel-bar khyed-rang
tsho^-chen brgyad-po'i sku-tshab rged-spyi pho-mgotshang-rna ’d ir d ’ zoms
dgos-pa’i don n i lo-llar bka'-rgya yang-yang gnang-bas so-so'iblo-yul-du vges
tshod darig [ yin-kyang da-rung Icags-la zhun dang zhnn-la thar zer-ba'i dpe-
bzhin-du gal-che-ba'i gtam yin-stabs / rang-la mkhcis-pa'i smra-sgo yangs-pa’i
bshad-pa mcd-rung / blsugs-pa'i shing dang bskos-pa'i m i zhig yin-pa-las
sngar-srol-gyi khungs da-lta’i gtam (4) dang sbyar-te mdo-tsam zhu-ba-yin-pas j
khyed-rang-tshos legs-par nyan-nas sems-khar bskyal dgos / don-du bdag-cag
Iho-ljongs-pa yongs-kyi gtsug-rgyan dam-pa bla-ma ngag-dbang-mam-rgyal
rang-gi Iho-lung-pa'i sbyin-bdag-gi sbug-las tlmgs-kyi gtad-pa'i sbyin-bdag-gi
gtso-bo khyed tsho^-chen brgyad-po yin-stabs / da-res 'di-nang chos-skyong
vmyes-pa'i dga'-ston lha-sgrom chen-mo ston-pa'i skabs ’d ir / chos-skyong
ye-shes-mgon-po n i dkar-po spyod-pa (5) yongs-kyi dgra-lha dang f nag-po
sdig-spyod-rnams-kyi gshed-ma Ita-bu yin-pas / dkar-phyogs sangs-rgyas-kyi
bstan-pa spyi dang khyad-par dpal-ldan ’brug-pa’i bshad-sgntb-kyi bstan-pa
nn-po-che 'd i-n yid \'jig-rten-gyi khams-na phan-pa dang bde-ba'i legs-tshogs
ma-lus-pa 'byung-ba'i gnas yin-zhing / bstan-pa de mi-nyams-par bsmnq-ba n i
chos-skyong-la rag-las-shing / khyed tsho^-chen brgyad-po'i dpa’-gzab-pa-tsho
yang dgra-lha chos-skyong ye-shes-mgon-po'i rten-gzvgs-su byin-gyis-{Q)-brlabs-nas
'dzugs-pa-yin-pas / de-ring-nas bzung-sle p h y i pha-rol-pa'i dgra-la ngoms-pa'i
dpa'-rtsal lus-la ' chang-zhing / nang bstan-pa'i zhabs-tog lhag-bsam rnam-dag-gi

44 bkrng. 45 mis ho.

 T H E A D M O N ITIO N ' OF T H E TH U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 621

sgo-nas bsgrub dgos-pa’i bdaq-rkyen gong-sa nn-po-che dang bla-ma dge-’dun

lhan-thog-nas gnang-ba-yin-pas / de-las lhag-par de-ring khyed-rang-tsho’i sgar
btab nod -b ji thed yin-rung ’dzoms phar-ka dang thang-rdzong-du rang-rang so-so’i
sa-mtshams rdo-mtshams bcad-de pha-yis gang bslen bu-yi lam (7) zer-ba-ltar
sngar-srol gang yin-pa-bzhin byed dgos j phyi-dror sgar-du yin-rung dga’-spro
gu-yangs-kyi ngang-nas glu bzhud sogs btang-ba ma-gtogs ’thab-dzing ’ur-lang sogs
byed-lugs ma-shes-na nyes-thog so-so’i las-rten-du gzar-rgyu-yin-pa dang j
rdzong-nang ’ong-nod sogs gong-ma-la mi-gus-pa’i rtags chang-gis bzir-nas •
’thab-dzing *ur-lang sogs ma-byed-par khyi bzang bdag-po-la gus-pa’i dpe-Uar *
rang-sde bsrung-zhing gzhan-sde zil-gyis gnon-pa'i dpa’-rtsal dang Idan-pa’i
zol-(S)-gyis 'cmg dgos-pa dang / zhica dang lh a m 46 sogs lus-kyi dpa’-chas-rnams
hjang tshang-ba gra-khad-khad byas bslab zer med-pa zhig da-lta snga-gong-nas
byed dgos / mgon-dbang sgrub-mchog chen-mo’i bka’-zhib rgyas-par nang-pa
sde-yangs-nangmas gnang-rgyu-yod / de-ring ’di-tsam-gyis ’thus-par zhu-bas
sems-khar bzhag dgos / de-llar bgyis-pa’i mthu-la brten / nang bstan-pa dang
de-dzin thams-cad mi-nyams yim -du gnas-pa dang f p h y i Iho kha bzhi’i sbyin-bdag
spyi dang / khyad-par tsho^-chen brgyad-(9)-po’i yul-gru thams-cad-du lophyugs
rlag-tu legs char-chu dus-su 'bah / mi-nad phyugs-nad thams-cad rgyun chad-de
bde-skyid rdzogs-ldan-gyi dpal-la longs-su spyod-pa'i rten-brel stnon-lam zhu-ba-
lags-so j J
f de-ni n y in dang-po’o f f n y in gnyis-pa-la /
' *o / de-ring legs-byas rten-’brel-gyi sgo zab-mo / / gang ci-las kyang phun-sum-
tsliogs-shing gza’-skar byed-sbyor-gyi mtshan shin-tu dar-ba’i dus ’d ir f phun-
surn-tshogs-pa’i yan-lag-las brtsams-te cung-zad zhu-na j rang-re’i chos-rje
’gro-ba’ i-mgon-{\Q)-po’i zhal-snga-nas
/ legs-pa’i phyogs-su rten-brel bzang-po sgrig /
/ phun-sum-tshogs-pa rang-gis byed-pas chog j
ces gsungs-pa-bzhin / da-lam kha bzhi Uio’i rgyal-khab tsan-dan nags-mo’i
Ijongs-kyi bstan-pa'i sbyin-bdag-gi gtso-bo tsho4&-chen brgyad-po’i sku-tshab
las-’dzih rged-spyi pho-gzhon dpa'-mdzangs des gsiun-dang-ldan-pa’i stag-sha
tshang-ma / da-res dus-chen lo-gsar zla-ba dang-po’i mgor mgon-dbang sgrub-mchog
chen-mo’i dga’-ston dang bstun ’d ir ’dzom s-{ll)-pa n i shin-tu legs / legs-pa’i
rgyu-mtshan gang y in zer-na / ji-skad-du
f gsar tshes dang-po’i zla-ba la /
/ dga’-ston byed-pa phun-sum-tshogs /
j zhes gsungs-pa-ltar f sp yir bslu-med dkon-mchog-gsum-gyi thugs-rje dang j
khyad-par bla-ma ngag-dbang-rmm-rgyal-gyi thugs-bskyed srnon-lam dang /
sgos-su mnga’-hdag mi-dbang rin-po-che’i sku-bsod-las / da-res rang-re’i rgyal-khab
’d i-n i rgyal-khab gzhan-gyi yid-smon Ua-bur gyur-te j bde-skyid-kyi nyi-m a
dgung-las ma-yol-bar chos dang (12) srid -kyi legs-tshogs gang-yang dbyar-gyi
mtsho-chen brdol-ba-ltar ’bad-rtsol med-par phun-sum-tshogs-te yod-pa n i / rgyu
gang-las byung zeri1-na / lo-ltar sngar-srol bzang-po’i rten-’brel ma-’phyug-par

44 Ih w am , 47 Omitted.
622 M IC H A E L A IlIS

bsgrigs-pis chos-skyong ye-shes-mgon-po nvnyes-pa’i mthu-las byung-ba-yin-no j j

de chos-skyong-gi -mthu yin -m in sus shes snyam-na / rang-re’i dpal-ldan ’brug-pa
rin-po-che ’d i-n yid chos-skyong-la m7uja’-hrnyes-pa' i dbang-las / kha bzhi Iho’i
rgyal-khab (13) 'd i yang bla-vui ngag-dbang-rnam-rgyal-gyi gdul-bya’i zhing-du
dpal-ldan ye-shes-mgon-po-lcam-dral-gyis mngon-sum-du ’bul-ba-lags-tshe ■/
kha-khra mon-gyi yu l kla -klo 'i chos-kyis gang-ba'i Iho-rong ’di-nang chibs-kha-
bsgynr-te thvgs-rje'i phyag-gis bzung-nas / Iho-khrims med-la khrim s btsugs /
rdza-lung med-la hing ’dogs / las dkar-po dge-ba bcu dang f mi-chos glsang-ma
j
bcu-drug-gi srol gtod rlen-gsu7n gisag-lag-khang-gi bkod-pa- mdzad-de / m iho-{\4)-
ris dang thar-pa’i sgo phye J legs-byas-kyi S7iang-ba dar-la-phab / khyad-par
bde-bar-gshegs-pa’i ’khor-lo bcu dang / chos-kyi-rgyal-po’i ’khor-lo bcu zung-du
'brel-nas J skye-’gro kun gnas-skabs bde-skyid-kyi dpal-la longs-**$pyod-pa dang /
mthar-thug sangs-rgyas thob-pa'i srol bzang-po dri-m a med-pa ’d i-n y id mun■-
khang-la sgron-me snang-ba-bzhin-du mdzad-pas / nitha’-khob kla-klo’i y id
zer-ba de-nas bzung ’brug-pa zer-ba’ i ming snyan-snyan-po zhig thob-pa de-yang
bla-ma ngag-dbang-rnarn-rgyal-(l6)-gyi sku-drin dang chos-skyong ye-shes-mgcm
p o 'i ’phrin-las nyag-gdg yin -p a r sites dgos-te / ji-skad-du
j
de-nas bzung-ste chos-kyi n i j
/ dga’ -ston ’jig -rle n ’d i-ru ’byung j
/ zhes gsungs-pa-Uar-ro j
de-Ua-bu’i bka’-drin-da7ig-ldan-pa’ i chos-rje ’brug-pa
’di-nyid gdwig-gis che-zlmig chos-kyis btsim-pa’i che-ba gnyis-ldan-gyi lo-rgyus-las
zur-tsam gleng-na f ’j am -dp al gsang-ba-las
/ byang-phyogs bod-kyi rgyal-kham s 'd ir j
/ thugs-rje chen-po'i brgyttd-pa-la /
f kh yad -p ar lh a -y i rn a m -’p h n d 7i i j
/ bcu-phrag brgyad-(16)-kyi bar-du byon f
J zhes gsungs-pa-ltar / sngon chos-rgyal sro7ig-btscm-sga>7i-po’ i dus rgya-nag-nas
jo-bo shdkya-nut-ne spyan ’d ra n -p a ’ i gyad lha-dga’i gdung-brgynd-las spyan-
ras-gzigs-kyi rna7n- p h n d rim -p a r mched-pa n i / 'phags-yul paTi-grub-kyi gtso-bo
dpal-ldan n d-ro-ta-p a kha-ba r i-p a 'i bstan-pa da7ig sems-can-gyi don-du skye-srid
bzung-nas ’gro-ba’i-7ngon-po gdwig dang na-bza’i mtshan-can d pal-ld an 'brug-pa
rin-po-che ’d i-n y id she ’khrungs-te / gangs-ri’i khrod-du grub-pa’i khyu-yis (17)
bkang-ste / stod-brug gnam -gyi skar-m a tsam dang / smad 'brug s a -y i dreg-pa
tsam dang / b a r-b ru g n yi-zer-g yi rdul-las brgal-te / dpal-ldan ’brug-pa’i chos-
brgyud-hyis bya-rgod-po’i nyin-layn bco-brgyad-kyi bar khyab-ste byung-ba dang J
d e'i gdung-rabs-las scngei mtshan-can dgu dang / rigs-gsum rn am -sp ru l gsum
da)ig j mtshu)igs-7ned rgynl-dlxm g-rje yab-sras sogs dang j de-las kun-m khyen
rgyal-ba gnyis-pa 7ni-pham -padm a-dkar-po zhes m khas-pa stong-gi gtsug-rgijan-du
gyur-pa des s k u i phreng-ba (18) p h y i-m a hing-bstan-pa ?n / ji-s k a d -d u
/ sngo)i-byon rgyal-ba ku n -g y i s p ru l-p a 'i gzhi /
/ ma-byo7i rgyal-ba-rnams-kyi ’byung-khuyigs pa /
/ da-Ua’i skyobs-pa-dag dang dbyer-med-pa'i /
/ chos-kyi-rgyal-po rnam-par-rgyal-bar ’gyur j
** Omitted.

\
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OV T H E T H U N D E R B O L T CANNON-BALL 623

/ zhes gsungs-pa-ltar j che-ba gnyis-ldan-gyi gdu 7ig-rabs-las rim-pxir brgyud-pa

yab rdo-rje d zin -p a chen-po 7ni-pham -bslan-pa’i-n y i-m a dang f yu m sde-pa
skyid-shod-pa i sras-7no bsod-num s-dpal-gyi-bu-khnd-las kun-mkhyen ngag-dbang-
nor-bu de-nyul slar-yang Iho-ljongs (19) ’d i’i mgon~du bsam-bzhin-du skye-srid
bzung-nas mthu-chen chos-kyi-rgyal-po ngag-dbang-phyogs-las-rnam-par-rgyal-ba’i
mtshan-can di-7iyid bkra-shis-pa' i dge-mtshan du-?na dang bcas-te skti ’khrungs -
p a-yi)i-n o // de-nas rim -g yis gangs-can mkhas-pa 49 dang grub-pa yongs-kyi
rtse-mor son-dus d p a l ye-shes-kyi-mgon-po-lcam-dral-gyis jkha bzhi Iho’i rg yal-
khab chen-po d i-n y id chos-gzhis-su phul-nas lung-bslan / p hrin-las sgrub-pa'i bka*
nod-pa-bzhin rim -g yis n y i-m a Iho-phyogs tsan-dan bkod-pa’i Ijongs ’d ir chibs-
kha-bsgyur / Iho-phyogs n o r-’d zin -(20 )-g y i yu l-gru rntha’-dag bka’- ’bangs-su
bsdus / na7ig bstan-rtsa d g e -d u n -g y i sde dang bshad-sgrub zung-gi bstan-pa
btsugs fp hyi tsho^-chen brgyad-kyis gtsos-pa’i bstan-pa’i sbyin-bdag-m am srkyi
bsrung-skyong-du spyi-bla sku-tshab las-’d zin thams-cad rim -p a r bskos / chos-
khrim s dar-g yi m dud-pa bzhin-du bsdams / rgyal-khrim s gser-gyi gnya’-shing
Ua-bu i Ijid -kyis gnon-te j chos dang srid -k y i khm ns-lugs bzang-po ’dzugs-nas
Iho-ljongs-hyi rgyal-khab \li-7 iy id bde-skyid-kyi d p a l-la longs-(2l)-su-spyocl p a ’i
S7iang-ba m u-nyam s-par d a-lla i bar-du byutig-ba 7ii bla-ma, ngag-dbang-rnam-
r(jy<d-gyi thugs-rje kho-nar y in -p a r shes dgos-so // de-Uar chos-rje ’brug-pa’i
bstan-pa ’d i-n yid chos-srul lugs-gnyis-kyi sgo-?ia$ bskyang-bar mdzad dgos-pa-las /
nang chos-khrims-kyi thed / bstan-pa ’dzin-skyong-spel-ba’i byed-po dgra-bco7n
gnas-brtan nikhun-chen rim -p a r byon-pa-nas / da-Ua ’tsho-zhing gzhes-pa’i
skyabs-rje rnkhan rin-po-che’i bar sangs-rgyas mi-gzugs-$u byo)i-pa ’ba’-zhig
yin -pas (22) chos-spyod-kyi mdzad-sgo-rnams zhu dgos m i-’dug / p h y i rg yal-
k h rim s -ly i thed f mnga - bangs bde-bar skyong-ba'i byed-po sde-srid dbu-mdzad
chen-po-nas bzung chos-kyi-rgyal-po rim -p a r byon-pa-nas / d a - lta i 7nnga’-bdag
mi-dbang chos-rgyal chen-po ’d i’i bar byang-chub sems-dpa’ sha-stag yin -pas
bka -kh rim s-kyi lei yang zhu dgos m i-3dug J d a -n i khyed-rang bstan-pa’i sbyin-
bdag-rnatns-nas y in -ru n g sngar-srol bzang-po’i khrims-lugs ras-su ma-bcug-par
i7i7ia’-rabs-kyi lugs-srol bzang-po de-rang glso-bor byed-pa gal-che / (23) lhag-par
p h y i gtsug-lag-khang-gi zhig-gso dang / 7iang phyag-mchod-kyi yo-byad dang
sri-zhu sogs bsod-nams dge-ba'i d7igos-po-rnams j ’bras-bu rang-thog-tu S7ni?i-du
yod-pas ci 7ius bsgnib-pa gal-che ( de-las khyed rged-po-tsho yin -ru ng 7na?ig-po’i
sbug-nas bsdams / nyung-ba i gral-las btsugs-pa’i don-can yin -pas / z a -d o d -k y i
dbang-du mn-btang-bar / y a r gong-nia’i zhabs- degs ’byor-ba dang f m ar 7ni-ser-gyi
skyul-sdug mthong-ba gal-che / khyed-rang d p a’-g zab -(2i)-pa-rn am s yin-irung
da-res d ir lo-mod lo -k h o r-g y i sgrig-lam n y in gnyis-las med-pa de zab-zab
m a-byed-par sg rig -g a l-g yi bya-ba gang byung byed-lugs ma-shes-na tsho 51 rang
’og-gi rngo-dponmas bzung nag-chad daiig sbrag-rgyu-yin-cing sems-la m nga’-ha
gal-che / de-las da-res d i-n an g rgyal-sras ’phags-pa’i dge- dun-pa-rnam s-nas J
thog-mar dpal ’khor-h-sdom -pa’i bsnyen-pa zhag bdun-phrag-gi bar kha-skong
tas-sbyor sbyin-sreg dang bcas-pa grub-pa’i rjes-su f mgon-dbang sgrub-mchog

** O m i t t e d . 19mtnho. 41 riiUho.
624 M IC H AEL A H IS

chen-mo sa-chog (25) dang bcas-pa bsgrubs-pa mthar-phyin-nas f rdul-tshon

y id Si-bzhin-gyi nor-bur bsngos-te M u-yi dbang-po-la gtad-de \jig-rten bde-zhing
f
skyid-pa dang char-chu dus-su ’bab-pad gnyer-gtad-kyi ched-du gser-sbrcng-gis ,
bsus-te mchod-pad rna/n-grangs bsant-gyis mi-khyab-pa’i sgo-nas indzad-gxid
legs-tshogs zab-mo dang bstun / khyed Isho^-chen brgyad-pod dpa’-rtsal-pa-rnatns
kyang dgra-la ngoms-pad dpa’-chas J gos lham 54 stod-gos j rmok-zhiva A n g-zil j
1gying-thod (26) dgra-lhad pan-rise / g ri-ring gri-thung / me-mda’ gzhu-rgod f
do-cha mlhe-kor la-sogs-pad dpa’-chas thams-cad gra-sgrigs legs-par yod-dani f
med-na re-re-bzhin-du nyes-chad ’ong-rgyu dang / rdzong-nas p h y ir ’thon-pad
skabs kyang dkar-po lha-yi dmag-dpon khyab-jitg-chen-pod dpa’-rtu l dang
phur-bud bb-gros zung-du 1hr el-bad sgo-rtas f
stag-ltar mchongs-pa f gzig-ltar
ngar-ba / cang-shes-gyi ’gros-ltar / rngam-zhing rngam-pa / mi-sdug-pad gzugs
1'jigs-su-rung-bas ( pha-rol-pad dgra-la ngag mi-snyan-pad sgra ,khol-(%7)-ba /
setns snying-rjc med-par gtum-pas srid-pa gsum za-bar chas-pa Ua-bu J go-mtshon
sna-tshogs-pas mgo-lus med-par brgyan-te f
bstan-pad dgra-bgegs thams-cad
thal-bad rdul-phran bzhin-du brlag-pad sems-dang-ldan-pad sgo-nas *gro dgos-pad
khar f p h y ir ’thon-dus kyang sgrigs-med ’ur-lang ma-byed-par ma-mgyogs
ma-gor-zhing skad-mdangs bar-ma-chad-par dgra-lha dgyes-pad phywa dang
hug-gis gnam sa gang-ba Ita-bud shugs-kyis ’gro dgos-shing / yar Ihod-pa-las
chas-ka dang (28) go-mtshon phud-de sar bzhag-pa sogs dgra-lha nyams-pad
bya-ba mi-nulzes-pa sogs byed-lugs ma-shes-na m i-th u s nges-can yin-no / / nang-du
*dzul-skabs kyang bdud-kyi g.yul-las vgyal-bad lhad ba-dan dkar-po srid rtser
bsgreng-ste rta-dbyangs bar-ma-chad-par ’then-nas / dper-na chu-bo chen-po bzhi
mthad rgya-mtshod 'nang-du g.yas-bskor-gyis ’khyil-ba-lta-bu thang-lhod mnyain-
f
p a r bskor-te sde-yangs-nang bla-ma yi-dam mkha’-g ro chos-skyong srung-mad
tshogs-la sngar-bcol legs-grub-kyi gtang^-rag-gi t$hul-(29)-du sman-phud rgya-
mtshos mchod-de dgyes-par rol-bad tshzdrdu dga'-ston phyiva dang hug-gis bkang-
nas dga-bad rol-rtsed yod-par zhu-zhing f
da-ni dpal ye-shes-kyi-mgon-po
ma-ha’-ka’-la-lcam-dral snang-srid dregs-pad dpung dang bcas-pa-mams dang /
gzhan-yang dmag-dpon chen-po las-mkhan-cig-car-dmar-po j khyab-jug-chen-po
f
gza’-bdud dug-gi spu-gri dam-caii sgo-bdud-chen-po Icags-kyi ral-pa-can dang /
lhag-par thim -yul bde-chen-phu-yi gnas-nas / btsan-rgod (30) dgra-lha-yi-rgyal-po /
las-byed-gshan-pa-dmar-po J skyes-pa-pho-thog-yongs-kyi-dgra-lha / dkar-po-lha-
yi-dmag-dpon / zhang-zhung-bon-gyi-snmg-ma J rig- dzin bla-mad bka’-gnyan j
dam-nyams dgra-bgegs-kyi srog dbugs me-ltar-du len-pad gshan-dmar-’bu7n-sded
tshogs dang bcas-pa-mams dang / mdor-na bstan-pa bsrung-zhing bstan-dgra
bsgral-bar zhal-gyis bzhes-pad chos-skyong srung-nui rdzu -p hru l-gyi stobs
mnga’-ba thams-cad / sngon-gyi dam-bca’-las m i-d a ’-bar rlung-ltar myur-bad (31)
shugs-kyis gnam sa g,yo-bad sgra dang bcas-te da-Ua-nyid-du ’d ir byon-nas J
bstan-pa bsrung-bad dpa’-bo tsho^-chen brgyad-pod dmag-mi ihams-cad-kyi
lus-la zhugs-te rdo-rje go-khrab bzhes-shig f
bzhes-nas dgra-bgegs thams-cad

11 y in . M x r t f jf x ) .
** btang. *• mlj/tv.
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T IIF . T H U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 625

thal-ba’i rdul-du brlag-par byon-cig / byon-nas slar nang-du dga’-ston legs-grub-kyi

gtangS7-rag dang bkra-shis smon-lam yod-par zhu-ba-lags-so { f
// zJies-pa ’d i’ang gzhung srung-khor-pa’i phyag-tu . . ,5i-so / j

III. T ranslation

The adm onition o f the thunderbolt cannon-ball

1 Oh ! Today, a t th is tim e o f the m anifold conjunction o f planets and stars

the signs beloved o f the * Guardians o f Religion ’ are revealed fo r the sake
o f the good tra d itio n o f the Hierarchs o f the 'Brug-pa, the unhindered
thanksgiving celebrations o f the Great E xcellent R ite o f H ahakal&’a 69
2 In itia tio n .w h ic h takes place a t the beginning o f the first m onth during the •
New Year festival. F or this purpose tho blessed and wondrous a ttrib u te s
o f the dance offerings o f the lHa-sgrom Chen-po 00 are brought in to every-
3 one's sight. The reason w hy all o f you, the representatives, elders and
headmen o f the E ig h t Great Hosts,61 have to assemble here in conjunction
w ith this excellent fe stiva l is firm ly fixed in each of your m inds due to
annual commands th a t have been issued again and again. However, in
accordance w ith the proverb which says * Though iron melts i t sets again '
and since i t is a discourse o f great importance, I shall address you b rie fly,

47btang.
Approximately two words hove been deleted here.
6* For an account of the origins of M nhakala a n d an explanation of the significance which
this deity holds in B h u t a n see d P a l ye-shea mgon-po Ic a m -d m l sger-gaol ngo-thog frcna k y i rtogs-brjod
( L G B . fob. 116b-25a). O n fol. I17a~b w o rend : . in particular ho (Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal)
instituted the annual sgrub-chm of A r y a Cakrosaiuvara and Muh a k a l a lasting 15 days a n d bo oq ;
as if fulfilling the prophecy of the J in a himsolf the teachings of Mahakala were caused to flourish
impartially in these southern lands ’.
*° N o n e of m y informants in Bhutan could explain this term llla -s g ro m C h e n -p o /m o (lit.
* Great Go-d-Box ’} which seems to be used in this text as a n a m e for the whole festival at Punakha.
In the colloquial language of western B h u t a n the festival is called the 1 Puna(kha) D r o m c h O ®
a n d this m a y be a corruption of sgrom-chen or of s o m e abbreviation of sgtub~mchog/chog chen.mo.
Could the ‘ Great G o d - B o x ’ allude in s o m e w a y to the sacred reliquary containing the f a m e d
R ang-'byung Kar-sa-pa-ni ? (See introduction.)
41 T h e eight villages of the W a n g people from whoul the IPansf Tsho-chcn brGyad militia is
d r a w n (together with a few of their variant spellings a n d then? m o d e r n pronunciation) are as
follows: (1) dKar~&bis (K a -s b i, K a -s p e ), pronounced * Karbji ’; (2) C ang (IC ang), ‘ C h a n g * ;
(3) rK atig -ican g (K a -w a n g ), ‘ K a n g w a *; (4) s T od -w ang,* T o w a n g ’; (5) sM ad -teang , ‘ M e w a n g *;
(6) B a r-p a , ‘ B a p ’; (7) s B is -m ig (sB e-sm ad), ' B j i m 6 ’; (8) a T o d -p a , ‘T 6 p \ T h e suffixes
-jfcAa, -7ian(/r -sa, and -'t-sa, c o m m o n l y nddod to place-names in B h u t a n to distinguish the locality
from ita inhabitants (root 4- -p a , or final ' p ’ in the colloquial language), can be applied to
Bome of these names, viz. ' Bnrpuisa *, * T t i p a i s a ‘ Bjimenang \ ‘ Karbjisa’, etc. Luciano
Petech, ' T h e rulers of B h u t a n c. IG50-1750 O rie n t E xtrem ua, XIX, 1072, p. 210, n. 63, suggest#
that K a-s p e is a family or clan name. In Bhutan, however, with the exception of various districts
in tho east, clan and family n a m e s aro non-existent a n d instead place-names are used in front
of personal n a m e s to distinguish people. Petech's Ka-spe is clearly ' Karbjisa * (no. (1) above),
a village in the extreme north of tho T h i m p h u valley which produced m a n y influential figure#
in later Bhutanese history os a result of ita long association with tho 'Brug-pa oohool.
626 M IC H A E L A1U3

connecting the present account w ith the sources o f ancient custom. This
I shall do as I am * a planted tree, an appointed m a n ' even though I am
incapable o f giving broad explanations through clever speech. A fte r listening
4. well you m ust hold i t in your minds. Since in re a lity you, the E ig h t Great
Hosts, are chief o f the fa vou rite followers from among the patrons in the
Southern Land o f the holy lama Ngag-dbang rN am -rgyal himself, who is
the head ornam ent o f all o f us Southerners, here today on tho occasion of
holding the llla -sg rom Chen-mo celebrations th a t are beloved o f the
‘ Guardians o f Religion * and during which Mahrikala, tho * G uardian o f
5 Religion is like the W ar God of a ll white doers of v irtu e and tho executioner
o f all black evildoers, owing to tho fact th a t on the side of v irtu e the Teach­
ings o f the Buddha in general and in p articula r these precious teachings o f
explanation and realization of the Glorious 'Brug-pa are, w ith o u t exception,
the source from which arises the good accum ulation o f benefits and happiness
in the sphere of the w orld, the protection o f those teachings fro m decline
depends on tho * Guardians o f Religion ’ and so the W ar God in the
* support-form ’ o f the * Guardian o f R e lig io n ' enters even you, the
6 champions o f the E ig h t Great Hosts, after bestowing blessings on you. Erom
th is day forw ard the honour o f embracing bravery which destroys the
u lte rio r enemies w ith o u t and o f accomplishing works o f sendee to the
religion w ith in by means of pure and special devotion has been conferred
on you jo in tly by the Precious Lord,62 the lamas and the m onastic com­
m u n ity. Furtherm ore, although you are established in camps you m ust
also form each yo ur own earth and stone boundaries on the outer assembly
ground and in tho stockade and just as i t is said ‘ W hatever the father
7 teaches is the way fo r the son so you m ust act in accordance w ith ancient
customs whatever they may be. A t night, although you are in camp,
apart from singing songs and so on in a state o f contentment and ease, i f you
should quarrel, make disturbances, and so on, then punishments w ill be
meted o ut on each of you. On entering the fortress you m ust n o t get
intoxicated on beer, quarrelling and m aking disturbances, which is a sign
o f disrespect to one’s superiors. Instead, ta k in g fo r example the devotion
o f a good dog to its master, you must proceed cunningly w ith heroic s k ill
in protecting yo u r own home and in vanquishing the homes o f others.
8 As to the preparation of all yo ur k it including helmets and boots, you m ust
do i t now in advance w ith o u t saying ‘ Teach us ! ' (?). The detailed com­
mands as to the Great Excellent R ite o f M ahakala’s In itia tio n w ill be issued
in extended fo rm tom orrow in the courtyard. W h a t I have spoken to you
o f today is sufficient and you should keep i t in m ind. I voice the aspiration
th a t, as a result o f the efficacy o f acting in this manner, in te rn a lly the
Teachings and th e ir upholders w ill continue fo r a long tim e w ith o u t decline,

** Gong-aa B tii'p o -c h e ia a titlo of tho 'B ru g s D e -a rid , tho former secular rulers of Bhutan,
o n w h o m see p. 631, n. 81, holow.
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T U E TH U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 627

th a t externally among the patrons o f the F our D istricts o f the South 63 in

9 general and in p a rticu la r among all the villages o f the E ig h t Great Hosts
harvests and domestic animals w ill always prosper, th a t rains w ill fa ll in
th e ir due season, th a t human and animal diseases w ill always be stopped,
and that good auspices w ill come fo rth bringing an enjoym ent o f the
glorious age o f consummate happiness.

T h a t completes tho firs t day. On tho second day:

Oh ! The profound threshold o f good auspices being more perfect today .

than on any other occasion, i f I am to address you briefly on this, sta rtin g
w ith the aspects o f th is perfection at this tim e o f the great flourishing o f
the qualities o f astrological conjunction, as our own H ierarch the P ro tector
10 o f Beings61 declared:
* Prepare good auspices towards virtue.
Then one can achieve perfection oneself \
In accordance w ith these words, the fact th a t now all o f you young braves
who include tho three groups o f champions, th a t is tho executive repre­
sentatives, a ll the headmen and the youths o f the E ig h t Great Hosts w ho
arc the chief patrons o f religion in the Southern K ingdom of F our D is tric ts ,
the land o f Sandalwood Forests, are assembled here fo r the fe stival o f the
11 Great E xcellent R ite o f M ahakala’s In itia tio n is extrem ely good. I f i t be
, asked * W h a t is the reason fo r i t being good ? i t is as has been s a id :
* On the new dates of the firs t m onth
I f you hold celebrations perfection w ill come
In accordance w ith these words, due in general to the unfeigned compassion
o f the T rip le Gem, in p a rticu la r to the aspirations b o m in the m ind o f the
lama Ngag-dbang rN a m -rg y a l05 and especially due to the m e rit o f our
Precious R uler, our co un try today has become like an object o f desire to
other countries. The sun o f happiness n o t m oving from the heavens,
12 whatever accumulations o f good there are th a t exist here pertaining to
religious and secular affairs have w ith o u t effort been brought to plenitude
like an ocean w hich swells in summer. I f i t be asked * From where does
the cause o f th is arise %\ i t arises from the power o f the ‘ G uardian o f

*3 W o kha bzhi (or W o m on kha bzhi) is aaid to be the oldest n a m e for B h u t a n a n d continues
to bo used in literary works today. T h e term denotes the geographical extent of the country
and kha m a y perhaps be rendered as * approach ' rather than * district \ tho more usual meaning.
Lists of these four k h a tend to vary from one text to anothor but probably the m o s t c o m m o n
one is: (1) Sh a r K h a -g lin g -k h a (a border district in Bouth-east Bhutan); (2) W o G h a-H -k h a
(Cooch Bihar in north Bengal); (3) N u b b rD a -lin g -k h a (Kalimpong); (4) S y a n g s T ag -rtae-kh a .
(an unidentified place o n the northern border).
**'G r o -b a 'i m G on-po is a n epithet of gT sang -pa rQ y a -ra a Yo-shea rDo-rje, aliaa g.Yung*
drung-dpal (11G1-1211), tho founder of tho ’Brug-pa sohool. A useful skotch of his life can be
found in D N g ., N y a , fola. 115b-18a.
** See introduction.

VOL. XXXIX. TAUT 3. 43

628 M IC H A EL A R I3

R eligion ’ M ahiikula who is pleased by the preparation o f the auspices year

b y year w ith o u t mistake according to the good ancient customs. I f i t be
thought, 4 W ho knows whether or not i t is the power o f the “ Guardian o f
Religion ” ? (the answer is th at) i t was our own Precious One o f the
Glorious ’Brug-pa (Ngag-dbang rNam -rgyal) who gained control over the
‘ Guardians o f Religion * and due to this the Glorious Mahakala B ro th e r
13 and Sister m anifestly offered the Southern K ingdom o f F our D is tric ts
its e lf to the lama Ngag-dbang rNam -rgyal as his field fo r converting a c tiv ir ,
ties. A t th a t tim e the Country o f the M on K lm -h h ra 68 was filled w ith
barbaric religion and after-he came to these southern chasms he introduced
laws where there had been no southern laws and whereas the pots had no
handles he fixed handles. H e established the custom of the Ten V irtu ou s
Actions and the Sixteen Pure Observances. H e founded monasteries
containing the Three Supports. He opened the door to the divine s ta te s '
14 and to liberation. H e increased the radiance o f virtuous deeds. In p articula r,
■ having combined together the Ten Cycles o f a D harm araja w ith the Ten
Cycles o f a Tathagata, he brought all beings to enjoym ent of the g lo ry o f
tem poral happiness and to the unblemished practice of attaining u ltim a te ly
to Buddhahood—which was like tho appearance o f a lig h t in a dark house.
As a result of th is the so-called 4 Border C ountry o f Barbarians ’ fro m th a t
tim e on gained the exceedingly pleasant name of c ’Brug-pa ’ and i t m ust be
know n th a t this was due solely to the kindness of tho lama Ngag-dbang
15 rN am -rgyal and to the a c tiv ity o f the ‘ Guardian o f Religion * M ahakala.
As i t has been said,
* F ro m th a t tim e on the celebration o f
The dharma came to this w orld ’.
A n d so i t came about as spoken.
I f ju s t a little should be fu rth e r recounted from the story o f these
H ierarchs o f the ’Brug-pa who are possessed o f such kindness as this and
who have the dual greatness o f th e ir lineage and of th e ir monastic status,
then, quoting from tho ’Jam-d-pal-gsanij-baf1
‘ I n th is northern realm o f T ib e t
Am ong the descendants o f Avalokite&vara
There w ill come up to eighty
16 O f these divine emanations in particula r ’.
I n accordance w ith these words, previously a t tho tim e o f the D harm araja

14 A s in tho case of M o n , K h a -k h ra would appear to bo a n a m e iiBcd loosely b y Tibetans for

people living south of tho H i m a l a y a n watershed but it eoomB to bo used m o r e particularly with
regard to som e of the tribal pooplo of Arunachal Pradesh in tho area to tho east of Bhutan.
T h o peculiar reference in this sentence to fixing handles o n pots should be taken as alluding
metaphorically to Ngag- d b a n g rXam-rgyal’s success in bringing the material benefits of civiliza­
tion to the Bhutanese. T h o phrase is taken verbatim fr o m L Q B , fol. 103a. T h e tone of these
historical allusions (and s o m e of their wording) m a y be traoed to cortain passages in L C B .
47 b K a '- g i ju r : rN y in g -rg y u d , no. 838.
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T H E TH U N D E R B O LT CANNON-BALL 629

Srong-btsan sGam-po, the champion lH a -d g a '63 fetched from China the

image o f the Jo-bo Shakya Mu-ne. As to the successive issue o f emanations
o f AvalokitciSvara fro m among his descendants, the Glorious N a-ro-ta-pa,69
chief o f the scholars and sages o f India, to o k b irth fo r the sake o f the
Teachings and o f sentient beings in the Snow M ountains and so the P rotector
o f Beings, possessed o f the name of his clan and o f his apparel,70 th is
Precious One o f tho Glorious ’ Brug-pa him self, was born. H a v in g fille d
the m ountain ranges w ith bands o f sages, the U pper ’B r u g 71 became even
17 like the stars in the slcy, the Low er ’B rug even like the soil o f the earth,
and tho M iddle ’B rug exceeded the atoms in the sun’s rays. So tho dharma-
lineage o f tho Glorious 'B rug-pa arose, fillin g the land covered b y up to
18 days’ flig h t o f a vu ltu re . Among the scions o f this school were nine
bearing the name Seng-go,72 three emanations of the Three Fam ilies, the
unequalled rGyal-dbang-rje, fa th er and son, and others, and then the-
Omniscient Second Buddha called M i-pham Padma d K a r-p o 73 who became
th e head ornam ent o f a thousand sages. W ith regard to his prophecy
18 concerning liis fu tu re incarnations, as he him self declared,7*
‘ The basis fro m w hich a ll previous Jinas were emanated is
The source o f a ll fu tu re Jinas;
Inseparable from the present protectors
The D harm araja rN am -par rGyal-ba w ill come fo rth \
In accordance w ith these words, the Omniscient Ngag-dbang N or-bu 75

*' lHa-dga' m i d k L u-dga’ are said to be two champions w h o obtained an imago of the B u d d h a
from China foe K i n g Srong-btsan s G a m - p o of Tibet. It is the former w h o m tho clan of r O y n
claim as their ancestor a n d it is presumed that it was this exploit which provided tho n a m e of
tho clan (rGya can m o a n China). O n tho early development of tho ’Brug-pa school a n d its oloso
association with this clan see R. A. Stein’s Tie d chants de 'B ru g -p a K nn-leg s le Y o g in , Paris,
1972, 10-12.'
** Niiropa, tho Indian master of Mar-pa ‘tho Translator’ (1012-96), to w h o m tho b K a ’-
rgyud-pa, and tho ’Brug-pa as ono of its sub-schools, trace thoir spiritual lineage.
70 I take gdung dang n a -b za 'i m tshan-can to rofor to g T sa n g -p a rQ y a -ra s (seo p. 627, n. 64,
above); rG y a is tho n a m e of his clan (gdung) a n d is tho white cotton of his apparel (na-tea’).
71 T h o IJppor, Lower, a n d Middlo Branches of tho ’Brug-pa were founded respectively b y
throo disciples of g T sa n g -p a rG ya-ras Yo-shes rDo-rjo, namo l y rGod-lshang-pa m G o n - p o rDo-rjo
(1189-1258), L o -ra s -p a dBang-phyug brTson-’g n m (1187-1250) and Sangs-rgyas dB on -raa
D a r m a Seng-go (1177-1237), tho first of tho nino ‘ Seng-go ’ montioned bolow. Although tho
jD N g . lias a long passago ( N y a , fots. IlSa-33b) devoted to tho evolution of these sub-schools,
the Middlo Branch which gained control of Bhutan is treated os representing the personal
lineage of g T sa n g -p a rQ y a -ra s himself (fob 119a) and is not given a separate n a m e as in the case
of tho other two sub-schools.
’* A complete list of theso 14 hierarchs of Rwa-lung, w h o between t h e m cover a period
from 1177 to 153S, can bo found in Stein (op. oit.; a useful chart is given between pp. 10 a n d 11)
a n d a partial list in D N g ., N y a , fols. 118-19. Thoir biographies can be found in tho P u n a k h a
edition of the b K a '-rg y n d gSer-'phreng whoso contents have been analysed b y E. G e n e Smith
in his appendix III to Lokosh Chandra’B edition of T h e life o f the saint o f gT sa n g (Sata-pifaka
Series, lxxix), N o w Delhi, 1969.
78 Seo introduction.
Anothor version of this ‘ propkooy omitting mention of Ngag-d b a n g rNam-rgyal’s
name, is found in P B P , G a , fol. 13b.
7# N g a g-dbang Nor-bu is a n alias for P a d m a dKar-po.
630 M IC H A E L AIMS

himself, th in k in g o f protecting this southern land, once again to ok b irth ,

having as his fa th er the great Vajra-holder M i-pham bsTan-pa’i N yi-m a ,70
who was a descendant in his tu rn from tho lineage possessed o f b oth great­
nesses, and as his m other bSod-nams dPal~gyi Bu-khrid, daughter o f the
19 sde-jpa sKyid-shod-'pa77; and so the one having the name o f Ngag-dbang
rN am (-par)-rG yal(-ba), the pow erful D harm araja, was b om accompanied
b y m any auspicious signs o f virtu e . Then when he had gradually come to
live at the apex o f a ll tho scholars and sages of the Land o f Snow, the
Glorious M ahakala B rother and Sister prophesied th a t he w ould offer to
h im as a religious estate this Great Southern K ingdom o f P our D is tric ts .78
I n accordance w ith the orders w hich he had received to fu lfil his w ork, he
rode in stages to th is land arrayed w ith sandal trees in the southerly
20 direction o f the sun. H e subjugated all the w ealthy provinces o f the'South.
In te rn a lly, he founded communities fo r the Sangha, the ro o t o f th e
Teachings, and established therein the combined teachings pertaining to
explanations o f the doctrines and th eir realization. E xterna lly, w ith a view
to the governanco o f a ll the patrons o f religion, having a t th e ir head the
E ig h t Great Hosts, he appointed b y tu rn a ll tho Provincial Governors,70
Government Hep resent at ives, and Executive Officers. Constraining b y
means o f religious law w hich is like a silken k n o t and pressing down w ith
the w eight o f secular law which is like th a t of a golden yoke, he introduced

7i M i - p h a m bsTnn-pa’i N y i - m a (1567-1619), tho sou of the seventeenth incumbent of

Rwa-lung, M i - p h a m Chos-kyi rGyal-po (1543-1606), w a a active in B h u t a n s o m e yearn before
tho arrival of hit) heir, N g a g-dbang rNam-rgyal. H o diod in Tibot a n d his b o d y w a s socrotly
brought d o w n to B h u t a n a n d his ashes deposited in a silver mchod-rlttn at lCaga-ri to tho north
of the T h i m p h u valloy. llo is k n o w n to have h a d at loast one other son, tho illogitimato bsTun-
*dzln ’Bmg-sgra (1607-67), w h o ruled B h u t a n as its second sde-srid for 12 yoars. A short sketch
f of bsTan-pa’i N y i - m a ’a lifo is found in P B P , G a, fob 16a-b.
77 T h o sde-pa s K yid -a h o d -p a is the title of tho ruler of the lHa-sa district duriug this period
of tho lay h e g e m o n y in Tibot of tho gTsang kings. \Yo do not k n o w hi3 n a m e but one tradition
has it that ho first gave this daughter in marriage to tho king of that time, Pkun-tshogs
rNam-rgyal. A daughter, A .Ic e (or d-zlies) Drung, w a s born to t h e m but tho marriogo did not
lost a n d she w a s later given in marriage to M i - p h a m bsTan-pa*i Nyi*ma.
76 This prophecy w a s the basis for future justifications of Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal’s rule in
Bhutan. It is said to have been rovoalcd to h i m in the following vision ( P B P , G a, fol. 99a-b).
,. in particular, in a d r e a m which the lord himself experienced a cat w a s at first m a k i n g
sounds while d a maging a sacrificial cake a n d so, knowing that it was a p h a n t o m created b y the
king (?), he crushed it with a concentration of wrathful visualizations a n d after it h a d dis­
appeared an extromely large raven c a m e u p to his side. W h e n it flew off in a southerly direction
he went flying after it and arrived in a place which he did not know, Later it turned out to be
aPang-ri Z a m - p a ” , he said. T h e Raven-headed M a h a k a l a having thus c o m e a n d conducted
h i m along a path of clear light, gestures of offering this country of the Southern L a n d to h i m
os his heavenly field were m a d e . ’ (Tho temple at sPang-ri Zam-pa, founded b y N g a g - d b a n g
Chos-rgyal, 1-165-1540, still stands today at tho hood of the T h i m p h u valley. It w a s one of the
first places in B h u t a n which Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal gained oontrol of after his arrival in 1616.)
79 T h e ap y i-b la , m o r e usually called dpon-aJob, were the provincial governors of Paro, Tongea,
a n d Dagana. Originally monastio officials with seoular responsibilities, these were quite soon
succeeded b y laym e n w h o yet retained a certain monastio Btylb in their courts. T h e poBts continue
today os royal sinecures with tho exooption of that of D a g a n a whioh has lapsed.
 T U B A D irO X m O N OF T U B T H U N D E liU O L T CAXXON'-BALL 631

the good legal system relating to religious and secular affairs and so i t m ust
be know n th a t i t is due solely to the compassion of the lama Ngag-dbang
21 rN am -rgyal th a t up to the present an enjoyable condition o f glorious
happiness has arisen in this very kingdom o f the Southern Land. Likewise,
since it is necessary to protect these teacliings o f the ’Brug-pa H ierarchs b y
means o f both religious and secular measures, from the internal p o in t o f
view o f religious law, as the successive Great Abbots,80 the Sthavira A rh ats,
who perform the function o f upholding, guarding, and diffusing the
teachings, have, up to the present liv in g Precious Protector A b b o t, a ll
22 solely been Buddhas entered in to human fo rm there is no need to te ll you
o f th e ir works o f religious a c tiv ity . Prom the external p o in t o f view o f
secular law, since from the tim e o f the great sDe-srid dbXJ-mdzad81 the
successive D harm arajas who perforin the fu nctio n of successfully defending
the public have, up to the present ruler, th is great D harm araja, a ll been
Bodhisattvas, there is no need to tell you o f the w eight of th e ir edicts.-
N ow even though you are o f the class o f patrons o f religion i t is v e ry
im p o rta n t th a t you should give countenance to these good ancient practices
23 lest the legal system o f old and good custom should be allowed to deteriorate.
Furtherm ore, i t is ve ry im p orta nt th a t you should, as best you can, complete
the external repair o f temples and furnish w ith in them articles o f obeisance
and offering and objects o f meritorious v irtu e as m arks of reverence since
the karm ic result o f these actions w ill come to fru itio n on tho one who
performs them. Also even though you arc headmen, since you are im p o rta n t
people engaged from the hollow of the masses and appointed from the lines
o f tho few, lest you should give in to tho power o f your desires fo r acquisition
i t is v ita l th a t you should adhore to works o f service to yo u r superior above

*° T h o m K ltan -ch en , or rJ e m K h an -p o , as ho ia popularly known, is the H e a d A b b o t of all

state m o n k 3 in Bhutan, both in tho capital a n d in all tho provincial monasteries located in tho
rdzonq .of each district. There wero 48 of these H e a d Abbots to hold office between the first,
Pad-dkar ’Byung-gnas (1604-72), a descendant of P h a -jo ‘Brug*sgom Zhig-po, a n d the last
one before the foundation of the present monarchy, ’Jam-dpal bShes-gnyen w h o w a s enthroned
in 1907. T h o office continues today as the highest ecclesiastical post in the country.
11 sD e -s rid d B u-m dzad (alias bsTan-’dzin ’Bmg-rgyal) w a s born in 1591 in the line of Grub-thob
gTer-khung-pa in tho ’O b - ’tsho family of northern Bhutan. H o received his monastio training
at Rwa-lung and accompanied Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal on his journey to Bhutan. A s sde-srid.
phyug-m dzod he w a s given responsibility for the secular administration of the country. H o ruled
for six years and died in 1650. (See L O B , fol. 93a-b.) In contrast to the complicated a n d troubled
succession to tho throne of the head of state (the incarnations or representatives of N g a g - d b a n g
rNam-rgyal) there w a s strong continuity in the office of the sde-srid, their theoretical nominee.
Fifty-six incumbents are counted between tho first, s D e -s rid dB u-m dzad, a n d the foundation of
hereditary m o n a r c h y in tho early twentieth century. These sde-srid are the ‘ D e b Kajas ’ of the
British, a title formed from tho c o m m o n Bhutanese contraction of two syllables (sde-pa) into one
(‘D o b ’). T h e incarnations or representatives of Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal (usually k n o w n as the
Zkabs-drung B in-po-che wero k n o w n to tho British as the * D h a r m a R o j a s ’, a title which in its
translated form of C hos-kyi rO y a l-p o is mor e often applied to tho tde-srid b y tho Bhutanese t h e m ­
selves, os w o can see in this passage.
632 M IC H A E L A X IS

24 and look to the welfare o f the public below. Even though you are champions
i t is very im p o rta n t th a t you should keep in m ind th a t i f you are ignorant
o f your proper behaviour, then fo r whatever actions you com m it which
contravene yo ur duties, being heedless hero and now o f your annual services
which do n ot extend beyond two days, fierce penalties w ill be imposed on
you, starting w ith the officers o f yo ur own host. Also now in this place after
the exalted members o f the Sangha, sons o f the Buddha, have completed
firs tly the p ro p itia tio n o f A rya Cakrasamvara lasting one week together w ith,
the additional rites o f the * practical application ’ and the b u rn t offerings,
and having brought to conclusion the Great Excellent B ite of Mahakala’s
25 In itia tio n together w ith its * earth sadhana ’,82 the coloured powders o f the
7naiidala are dedicated as a w ish-fulfilling gem and delivered up to the
Rulers o f the N agas; fo r the sake of securing happiness in the w orld and
ensuring ra in in its due season a profound accumulation of m e rit is produced
b y means o f an inconceivable va rie ty o f offerings which are conducted
along b y a ceremonial procession.83 I n conjunction w ith this, have you, the
champions o f the E ig h t Great Hosts, also got w ell prepared your accoutre­
m ent for display to the enemy, including robes, boots, upper garments, chain
26 m ail helmets, pikes o f the W a r God, swords, daggers, muskets, bows,
do-cha,&* thum b rings, and the other articles of your k it ? I f not, penalties
w ill come to each in tu rn . Furtherm ore, when departing from the fortress
you should, b y means o f the courage of Y rip u , the general o f the virtu o u s
god3, combined together w ith the intelligence o f V a jraklla, leap like tigers,
roar like leopards, and rage in fu r}' as i f w ith the bearing of fu ll confidence.
W ith u nsigh tly and fearsome gestures you should le t loose unmelodious
27 yells at the u lte rio r enemy. Raging w ith minds devoid o f mercy you should
act as i f setting fo rth to devour the trip le world. Decorated w ith a va rie ty
o f armour and weapons so th a t your ordinary suits are n o t visible you
m ust go fo rth w ith m inds bent on destroying as i f in to m inute particles o f

**Tho sa-choy (‘ earth sadhana ’) referred to here takes tho form of a dance of tho ’ Blaok
Hat’ performed b y 21 m o n k s iasido tho m a i a monastic assembly hall in ordor to
obtain a loan from the local spirits of tho ground u p o n which tho maytddla is to bo constructed
for tho Mahakala ritual. Apart from this one occasion, three further adaptations of this well-
k n o w n dance take place during the * P u n a D r o m c h o * festival. (Seo C G S , [3, 5].)
,s See introduction.
Si M y translation of this list of weapons a n d a r m o u r is tentative. T h e ‘ t h u m b ring ’ (m the-kor,
erroneous for m ihe-'khor) is m a d e of ivory a n d w o r n on tho right hand. Ita use is n o w purely
ceremonial but it is thought to have been used once b y archers to help d r a w their b o w strings.
It can be seen w o r n in the dance of the monastio guardB called sG ra-snyan Chos-g^ha* (C G S , [23])
w h e n it is worn with a string of ivory beads on the other hand. Perhaps the do~cha is this latter
object. In Lhasa use of the rnthe-'khor is a special privilogo of the treasurers (phyag-m dzod) of
noble houses. Nebesky-Wojkowitz (p. 412) has m theb-'khor or bkras-’khor meaning a silver
amulet ring w o r n on the t h u m b of the right h a n d b y certain oraele-priests. H e notes, * This
ring has nowadays a purely ornamental value, but formerly a ring with a h o o k w a a w o r n instead,
which w a s used to span the sinew of a b o w * (?).
 814

T H E A D M O N IT IO N 0 ? T H E TH U N D E R B O LT C AN NON-BALL 633

dust all enemies who impede the Teachings. I n th is regard, a t the tim e
also o f issuing fo rth outside the fortress you must, w ith o u t undisciplined
chatter, neither rushing nor lingering, and w ith u ninterrupted cries, proceed
energetically as i f fillin g up the sky w ith sounds of good fo rtun e and
prosperity 83 th a t please the W ar God. I f you are ignorant o f proper
28 behaviour and instead o f keeping them raised up you throw down y o u r
chattels and weapons and leave them on the g ro u n d 86 and com m it other such
acts th a t cause in ju ry to the W a r God then you are heinous men indeed.
Also at the tim e o f re-entering the fortress, as i f raising a lo ft a t the top o f
the world the w hite banner o f the gods who have trium phed over the a rm y
o f demons and le ttin g fo rth continuous cries like the w hinnying o f horses 87
you should enter tho courtyard after circulating the level plain outside the
fortress like, fo r example, fo u r great rivers th a t flow in to the outer ocean'
w hile sw irling to the rig h t. There in the courtyard, having honoured w ith

15 T h e phrase p h yw a dang hug requires a little explanation, hug would appear to be the local
pronunciation of khug (past tense of 'gug(s)-pa 4 to call, conjure up, bring forth ’). g .Y a n g -k h u g
is tho n a m e of a special ritual of non-Buddhist origin performed to bring prosperity o n a house­
hold or community, p h yw a (or p h ya ) is a w o r d originally derived from the C h ’iang language
moaning ‘ skj' ’ or 1 sky god 4 but which later c a m e to m o a n ‘ fato ’ or ‘ portent* a n d oventually
' prosperity Jitschke (7 'ib e ta n -E n g lis h dictio n ary, 347) haa 1 to call forth good luck a n d blessing,
to secure it b y enchantment ’ for p h y w a dang g.yang 'gug p a ; ph yw a dang hug m u s t be an
1 abbreviation of this phrnso. O n p. [12] of C G S w o find in the s a m e contest a3 here p h y w a dang
khug g i sgra a n d p h yw a dang khug g i dbyangs ; hence * sounds of good fortune and prosperity \
T h e phrase is pronounced 1 pshadahuk ’ in the vernacular; the ya-blags in Western Bhutanese is
c o m m o n l y turned into a 4 sh ' or 'zh ’ sound w h e n subjoined to the letters p a (or pAa) a n d ba
respectively, the initial value of these consonants being retained. T h e actual sound of the
' pshadahuk * is the s a m e * ki hi hi hi hi ’ referred to in n. 87, below.
88 E v e n in village archery it is considered most inauspicious to lay one*s b o w flat o n the
ground even for a few seconds. Perhaps this taboo has its origins in the fact that it is easier to
snatch u p one’s w e a p o n in a surprise attack if it is already supported vertically. Wagic, however,
n o w plays a part in this attitude to weapons and a r mour os can readily be seen during the
P u n a k h a festival w h e n spectators try to obtain blessings b y having their heads touched b y the
chain mail helmets of tho ‘ p a z a p s ’. W h e n they wero w o r n b y the ancestors of the present
4 pazaps ’ thcso old helmets are said to have become i m b u e d with the powers of the guardian
doities w h o wero assisting N g a g-dbang rNara-rygal a n d his forces against tho invasions of the
gT aang sde-srid and tho dG e-lugs-pa school. A m o n g tho Tu-jon (Tib. rGya-hor) of the K o k o
N o r area, the sword of tho oraclo-priest (who is k n o w n locally as tho gurium , perhaps fr o m
eku -rte n -p a) is regarded as tho soat of the deity w h o takes possession of him. (See Nebesky-
Wojkowitz, 443). In this text the W a r G o d (dgra-lha) w h o resides in the paraphernalia of battle
a nd also in tho bodies of the champions seems to be regarded as an aspect of ifahakala (see
fols. 5-6 above). In other circumstances the dgra-lha is one of the 1 gods born together (with
m a n ) * (lh an -cig skyes-pa'i Ih a) a n d a3 such ho is tho centre of the entire N e w Y e a r festival at
P o o on the western border of Tibet but it is not clear whether this celebrates tho 4 Agricultural *
or tho ‘ Iviog’s N e w Ye a r ’. See Giuseppe Tucci, T ib e ta n folksongs fro m Gyantse a n d western
Tibet, Ascona, 1966, 61-70, a n d also A. H . Fraucko, A n tiq u itie s o f In d ia n T ib e t, Calcutta,
1014-26,1, 22.
47 T h e 4 whinnying of horses4 (rta-dbyangs) is said to he an old battle cry of the Tibetan
cavalry. While horses hav e never been used Beriously in warfare in B h u t a n for obvious reasons
of geography, the s a m e cry (4 K i hi hi hi h i ' shouted rapidly o n descending notes) is used during
archery a n d public rituals connected with the guardian deities.
 M IC H A E L A X IS

an ocean o f m edicinal d ra u g h ts 88 the assembly o f lamas, tu te la ry deities,

29 ddkinis, ‘ Guardians o f R eligion and * Protectors ’ as a form o f thanks­
giving fo r having properly fu lfille d th e ir previous commissions, i t is declared
that, fillin g the celebration w ith sounds o f good fortune and prosperity 69
in a manner calculated to please them, an enjoyable diversion w ill be held.
Now, m ay the Glorious P rotector o f Wisdom, Mahakala B ro the r and
Sister together w ith tho proud arm y th a t manifests its e lf in the visible
w o rld ; also the Great General, tho Red Perform er of Simultaneous W o r k ; 90
the Great V i^nu w ith his poisoned razor th a t destroys the planet dem on; 91
the Great O ath-Bound Door Demon bearing an iron sw ord ; 92 in p articu la r
those from the h oly place o f bDe-chen-phu 93 in the Thim (-phu) valley,
30 namely the W ild S p irit, K in g o f W ar G ods; 04 the Red K ille r A ssista nt; 85
the W ar God of A ll Im p o rta n t B eings; 06 the General of the W h ite G ods; 97
the Bon Defenders o f Zhang-zhung; 08 those under the orders of the
vidijddhara lam as; tho Red K ille r 99 together w ith his attendant concourse
o f one hundred thousand who takes away like fire the life and breath o f
oath-breakers and harassing enemies; in brief, m ay a ll ‘ Guardians o f
Religion ’ and ‘ Protectors ’ who have gained miraculous powers and who
have agreed to defend the Teachings and remove its enemies, lest you
should forsake yo ur form er oaths, come at this instant to th is place w ith
31 the speed o f the w in d and w ith sounds th a t shake the sky and the earth
and reside in the bodies o f a ll the soldiers o f the E ig h t Great Hosts, the
heroes who guard the Teachings. Dress yourselves in the vajra arm our.
H aving dressed go fo rth and destroy in to particles o f dust all the harassing

*® T h e ocouu of medicinal draughts ’ (sm an-phnd rgya-mtsho) is a circumlocution for the

beer offered in tho libation ceremony of m ar-chang {see introduction a n d C O S , [12]).
44 Seo p. 633, n, S5.
14 For a full account of this doity boo D am -c a n chos-skyong las-gshan tig -c a r d m a r-p o 'i
rtogs-brjod ( L C B , fols. 135b-6a).
*l See Lh a-chen k h y a b -'ju g ra -h u -la drang-srong g z a 'i rtogs-brjod ( L C B , foie. 13Gb-Sb).
41 Seo D a m -c a n ago-bdud chen-po Icags-ral-can g y i rtogs-brjod ( L C B , fols. 144b-Sb).
43 T h e temple of bDe-chen-phug w a s founded b y K u n - d g a ’ Seng-go (1314-47), seventh
abbot of Rwa-Iung, in a side valley at tho northern ond of tho T h i m p h u valley. It is still c o n ­
sidered to bo tho mos t important placo in B h u t a n dovotcd to tho guardian deities.
44 Seo bTsati-chen d g ra -lh a 'i rgyal-po ja g -p a m c-len g y i rtogs-brjod ( L C B , fols. 141b-4b).
This * Brigand w h o fetched tho Fire * is an aspect of the better-known dGe-bsnyon.
** This deity m a y bo the s a m e as L o a - m k h a n Cig-car dMar-po (see ru 90, above).
** I have not been able to identify this deity a n d a m not sure of m y translation of sK ye s -p a
Pho-thog.
47 It need not surprise us to find thiB reference to the B o n religion here. Just as the B o n
text of the k L u -'b u m w a s widely accepted b y Buddhists for its efficacy in dealing with the ndga
Bpirits, bo also are its deities respected a n d placated for their reputed power. O n e m u s t presume,
however, that tho * B o n Defenders of Zhong-zhung * are regarded as converts to Buddhism.
44 This m a y be a n epithet of Pe-har, in which case see Chos-skyong rg yal-p o pa'i-ha-ra'i
rtogs-brjod ( L O B , fols. 140n-lb).
44 See n. 02, above.
 T H E A D M O N IT IO N OF T H E TH U N D E R B O LT C AN NON-BALL 635

enemies. H a vin g gone fo rth , i t is declared th a t again inside the fortress- a

thanksgiving fo r the proper completion o f the celebrations and concluding
prayers o f good auspice w ill be held.

These words are to be kept in the hands o f the Government srung-

’khor-pa.100

100 T h e S ru n g -'k h o r-p a is the monastio official whose duty in to pray for the personal safety
a n d welfaro of the ruler in B h u t a n b y Interceding on hia behalf with the guardian deities. Hia
special responsibility of reciting this text, important as it is in the cult of these deities, to the
assembled ‘ pazap 1 militia is therefore an extension of his m o r e general duties. I a m indebted
to the present incumbent of this post for giving m e permission to photograph the text of the
bK a'-b kyo n rdo-rje tho-lum .

A ppendix
A recent visit to India from M a y to July 1976 {made possible b y a grant from the Scholarships
C ommittee of the School) has afforded m o the opportunity of collecting s o m e additional in­
formation on tho Bhutanese N o w Year. M y friend Mr. Rigdzin Dorje of the R oyal B h u t a n
Mission in N e w Delhi, himself a native of the Cbapcha district referred to in the N ote on p. 619
above, confirms that tho curious N o w Yea r custom described in rJe Yon-tan m T h a ’-yos’ biography
does in fact alludo to an ohsoloto rite of the so-nam lo-gsar apparently local to Chapcha. F o r this
reason ho prefers tho reading lo-gsar rn y in g -g i skabs * at the time of tho older N o w Year ’ to tho
ambiguity of lo g s n r-rn y iiig -g i sfcabs ' tho junction of tho old a n d n o w years ’ in tho p n s m g o cited.
While tho N o w Year retreat practised by selected eidor3 of ouch family in C h apcha is no longer
ohsorvod. tho throo-day celebration of tho so-nnm lo-gsar is still essential to tho traditional life
of tho area. As far south as Uuxa, which tho 1SIKJ annexation of tho Bhutan Dnars caused to bo
incorporated within India but which retains a small Bhutanese population of m i x e d descont,
tho ' Agricultural N o w Year ' is celebrated under tho n a m e of ‘ Nyinlog \ a wo r d derived from
1 (dgun) nyin -ld o y * tho Wintor Solstice ’. T h o timing and form of ‘ Nyinlog * correspond closely
to that of * Paro L o m b a discussed in s o m e detail above, with tho important exception that tho
dpa'-bo m e d i u m plays no role whatsoever in the former festival. This seems all the m o r e strango
in view of tho great n u m b e r of dpa'-bo in that area of southern Bhutan, the continuity a n d
stability of their office being ensured by the need to pass it on to a n e w incumbent, usually within
the s a m e family, before death. Although lacking an overtly religious form, * Nyinlog ' is for
Chapcha and tho adjacent districts the culmination of the intense religious activity w h i c h is
apparent during wintor throughout those areas of the H i m a l a y a where Tibetan forms persist.
It is in tho winter that each household has a major rite dedicated to its tutelary deity called the
lo-chog performed. It is also tho soason w h e n the dpa'-bo hold most of their seances a n d w h e n
m a n y households expel ransom or scapegoat effigies (glad) with the assistance of m e n officiating
as * pazaps ’ in a most interesting version of this rite which still awaits proper documentation.
' N y i n l o g ’ itself is a time of feasting {' d z a c h u m ’) a n d of archery contests (' choda p s h e w a *
*=> pbyogs-m da' p h ra d -p a 7) arranged between rival villages. During the night the village youths
m a k e a round of each house singing a refrain k n o w n a3 Lol6 ’ (lo-legs ‘ T h e good year ’): ‘ M a y
tho ground floor bo filled with cattle-good year, good yoar ! M a y tho middle floor bo filled with
grain— good yoar, good year I M a y the top floor bo filled with poople— good year, good year 1
M a y tho butter box bo filled with butter, good year, good yoar 1 ’— a n d so on. T h o youths aro
glvon presents of food a n d drink with which they hold a feast. N o t only they but tho wholo
c o m m u n i t y too consider it very important to eat well during the 1 Nyinlog 1 festival as this is
said to prosago h o w m u c h food thoy will obtain in tho coming year. Again the carolling of tho
' pazap ' militia during the Inter ' K i n g ’s N e w Y e a r ’ (see pp. 616-17) is clearly an imitation of
the Ch a p c h a * Lol6 ’— another striking instance of h o w s o m e of the features of that festival
m u s t have been modelled o n those of the ’ Agricultural N o w Ye a r T h e assimilation of ancient
forma into the pattern of n o w institutions, giving them a degree of authority a n d respectability,
is a process still easily discernible in Bhutanese society today.
 GLOSSARY

This glossary contains items drawn from texts I to III presented in

Part 2 of this work. It includes only the following: (1) unusual admini­
strative terms, (2) certain kinship terms, (3) rare words and rare mean­
ings, (4) some standard terms whose every occurrence I wished to note,
and (5) Bhutanese usages. Por many of these I have relied closely on my
informants in Bhutan, among whom LN, LP and TR (see below) are specifically
mentioned. The order of entry follows that of the Tibetan alphabet.
Abbreviations
I rGyal-rigs 'byung-khungs gsal-ba'i sgron-me
II Lo-rgyus gsal-ba'i me-long
III Khrims-yig
BU Bhutanese Usage
J Jaschke's Tibetan-English Dictionary
LN Slob-dpon Nag-mdog
LP * Slob-dpon Padma-lags
S Stein (1974)
TR sTobs-dga' Rin-po-che

kar-rdzi, perhaps an official who had charge of herds belonging to a clan

ruler in eastern Bhutan, I: 51a, 53b.

klad-1gems (emended from kled-Tgems = J: klad-pa *gems-pa) = ’to surprise’,

lit. 'to destroy the brain', III: 109a.

dkar-dro — lit. 'white meal', i.e. a bloodless, vegetarian meal, III: 112b,
113a.

bka'-blon = 'minister', II: 18b, 22a.

1 i
j

bka'-blon nang-ma (= nang-blon) = 'household official', II: 7a.

bka'-khrims / bka'i khrims-yig = 'legal decree', 'the decree of a legal

code', III: 100b (x 2), 101a (x 2).

rkang / lchral-rkang = 'tax estate', III: 112a, 112b (x 3).

rkang-can = 'the possessor of a tax estate1, III: 113a.
skam-khral = lit. 'dry tax' levied in cash, as opposed to rlon-khral
('wet tax') levied in kind. (LN: skam-po dngul dang rlon-pa rgyu-dngos),
III: 112b (x 2).
skam-rlon — 'dry (cash) or wet (food)', III: 113a.

sku-drung (— J: dge-brkos) - 'monastic prefect’, II: 19b, 21b, 22b (x 2).

sku-tshab = 'government representative", particularly the drung-pa ('drum'

in the vernacular) an official appointed to the control of groups of
villages, III: 107a, 107b, 109b, 110b (x 5), 111a (x 3), 111b (x 5),
112a (x 3), 113b.
sku-tshab tsho gnyis-ma - 'second-class government representatives',
III: 110b.

Kha-khra — lit. 'Striped-Mouths', unidentified people of Arunachal Pradesh,

I: 49b.

Kha-dkar = lit. 'Whlte-Mouths', unidentified people of Arunachal Pradesh, I: 28a.

kha-mchu - 'law-suit, litigation'; the broader sense of 'quarrel, strife,

dispute' (J: kha-mchu 3 and J: zhal-mchu 3, sub mchu) is not known
in Bhutan; (cf. kha-mchu'i gcod-sdom / — bslab-don = 'judgements
passed on litigation'), III: 106a, 107b, 108a, 109b, 111b.

Kha-nag = lit. 'Black-Mouths', the Aka people of Arunachal Pradesh, I: 28a.

kha-lo sgyur(-ba) = 'to rule, goverp, lead' (see J2), I: 27a, 41b, 43b;
III: 109a.
kha-lo bsgyur-mi ~ 'ruler', II: 12a.

khungs ma-chod-pa — 'unfounded, groundless, unproven', I: 11a, 45a (x 2).

khungs-bcad - 'have been substantiated', I: 46b.
khungs — dpyad — 'have examined ... the grounds' (of oral traditions),
I: 47b.

khol-jo = 'slave-master' (cf. chug-khol q.v.), Ill: 112b.

khol-tshab = 'substitute slave' delivered to a slave owner by a community

which failed to capture and return to him his runaway slave when tjie
latter stopped in their territory (cf. khral-tshab q.v.), Ill: 112b.
 819

khyug-bde-ba = 'agile1, I: 34a. ^

khra = 'terms' (of a treaty, chings-dan-gyl — ); from khra-ma = 'judicial

decree' (J2), III: 106a.

khral-rgyug = 'taxation', 'administration of taxes', IXX: 111b.

khral-pa — 'taxpayer', III: 112b,

khral-tshab — 'substitute taxpayer' settled in a district by the authorities

in order to provide a replacement for a previous taxpayer who had died
without issue but whose obligation to render taxes is still borne by
the community (cf. khol-tshab q.v.), Ill: 113b.

khral-zhing khral-khyim = 'taxable fields, taxable houses' forming part

of a single tax estate, III: 112b.

khrims-ra — 'court of justice' (J), II: 17a.

dkhyil-sgar = 'central camp', II: 8b, 20a.

'khus-lan btab-pa ™ 'to return an insult', II: 4a (x 2).

[Continued on next page.]]

 82U

'khor-gsum - 'armour, weapons and helmet’ (lit. 'three wheels'), TR III:

109 a.

Gangs-ri’i rDor-'dzin, the official deputed to control the Bhutanese

enclave In the Kailash area of Western Tibet; also known as the
Gangs-ri Bla-ma, III: 109b.

Gu-se Lang-ling, name of deity from whom the gDung(q.v.) families claim
descent, I: 32a, 36a.

go-mtshon(-pa) - ’armourer’, III: 109a.

gri-chad — ’knife penalty’, a fine for unsheathing a knife or sword (gri

is pronounced ’gi’ in the vernacular; cf. 1thab-chad, byi-chad q.v.),
Ill: 113b.

grong-bshul (= J: shul 3) = ’the personal property left by a dead person',

III: 113a.

gros-mi — ’(village) counsellors’, III: 104a, 107a, 112a.

dgon-lag = ’branch monasteries', II: 5a (x 2).

mgron-gnyer (abbreviated to mgron) “ 'chamberlain', III: 106a, 107a, 108a,

109a, 109b.

mgron-'thud (LN: gzhung-gi mgron-po khag-la sprod-rgyu’i lto-mthud)

= 'entertainment allowance' due to government guests and officials
on tour and realised in kind from selected households (cf. lto-’thud q.v.),
Ill: 110a, 111b.

mgron-babs (LN: mgron-por sprod-rgyu’i babs-sgo) — 'board and lodging' for

government officials on tour (cf. lto-’bab and zhag-babs q.v.), Ill: 111b.

’go-pa do-dam ~ 'superintendent official' of the border marts, III: 114^.

rgad-po = 'village or district headman' (pronounced 'gap' in the vernacular),

III: 111b.
rgan-'go = ?an elder', II: 21a (x 3).

rgya-drung, government officials appointed to control the frontier dis­

tricts bordering on India; the 'subha1, 'soubah' etc. of British
records, III: 107a, 109b.

rgyab-bkab — 'mantle', III: 109a, 110b, 113b.

rgyal-mkhar = 'royal castle', I: 10b, 13a, 14a, 13b, 15b, 15b-16a (x 2),
17a, 17b (x 2), 18b (x 2), 19a, 21a, 23a (x 3), 23b, 24b, 25b (x 2),
26b, 27a, 27b, 28b, 31b.
yul-mkhar — 'district castle1, I: 31b, 42a (x 2), 42b; II: 17a.
mkhar = 'castle1, I: 39a; II: 14a (x 2).
rgyal-mkhar bzung-mkhan / 'dzin-mkhan = (royal) 'castellan', I: 23a,
31b, 43a.
mkhar-mthon (emended from mkhar-'thon) — 'watchtower, turret1 (T),
II: 16b (x 3).

rgyal-rabs [1] (=” rgyal-brgyud-kyl rabs, III: 102a) — 'dynasty', 'royal

lineage1, 'generations of kings', I: 6a, 3a; III: 100b, 102a (x 3),
102b.
rgyal-rabs [2] — 'royal genealogy, history', I: lOa-b, 47b; III: 100b.

rgyal-rigs = 'royal family' (cf. rje-rigs = 'noble family', I: 48a),

I: 3a, 10a, 10b, 17a (x 2), 17b (x 2), 18a, 18b (x 3), 19a, 20a (x 2)
20b, 20b-2la, 25b, 26b (x 2), 28b, 31b, 32a, 40a, 43b, 46a, 47a (x 2)
47a-b.

rgyal-sa = 'royal site, seat, throne', I: 3b, 15a, 16b (x 2), 18a, 20b,
25b, 27a, 28b, 29b.

J
rgyal-srid = 'government' in its secular aspects (cf. chos-gyi rgyal-
srid q.v.), Ill: 108a, 109a, 109b.

rgyas-btab (-'debs-pa) — 'to seal (a matter with prayers)', I: 16a.

rgyugs len-pa = 'to hold an examination', III: 105b (x 2).

rgyud-tshig = 'traditional words', I: 48b.

 j
brgyud-khung = 'ancestral origins', I: 2b, 28b, 40b.

brgyud(-pa) — 'line of descendants, lineage’, 'lineal descendants',

I: 3a (x 3), 13b, 17b, 19a, 19b (x 3), 20a (x 2), 24b, 26a, 28a,
28b, 31a, 31b, 35b, 36a, 43a (x 2), 43b, 44b.
nye-bar brgyud-pa — 'close lineal descendants', I: 28b.
mi-brgyud — 'descendants', I: 41b; II: 24a (x 2).

sgar / sgar-pa — 'bodyguard', II: 15a; III: 105b, 107a, 108b.

sgar-gnyer - 'quartermaster', III: 109a.

sgor-ba = ? 'plot, patch* (of grass), I: 34b.

sgrig(s) rnam-gzhag = 'regulation of (public) order', 'fundamentals of

administration'; the term sgrig seems to have been used first in
regard to monastic administration and the customary discipline of
monks in the state monasteries. It was later used In reference to
public administration in general, II: 18a; III: 103b, 104a, 109b,
110b.

ngag-rgyun = 'oral traditions', I: 2b, 36a.

nges-rtags = 'sure evidence, certain proof, I: 10b, 11a.

ngo-can = 'important (person)1, lit. 'having face', III: 104a.

ngo-ma (= ngo-bo) = 'actual, real', 'face to face, In person' (BU), III:

108a.

mngon-spyod — 'destructive magic', lit. 'manifest action', III: 106b (x 2).

bcad-rgya — 'retreat', 'state of seclusion', III: 113b.

chad-khungs ~ 'genesis, origin' (of families, lineages etc.), I: 2b, 28a,

32a, 36a, 40a, 43b, 46b.
(dam-bca'-ba'i tshig) chad-rdo (byed-pa) = ’promise1.
(chad-rdo is related to brjed-rdo, an inventory, an aid to memory
(mi-brjed-pa1i dran-rten). In both cases rdo (’stone1) 'acts as a
tshig-grogs, an auxiliary or qualifying element suggesting the
indissoluble nature of the promise or inventory (LP).
chad-rdo seems unconnected with the meanings given by J (1): 'the
stone which is broken in the ceremony of rdo gcog-pa1 or J (2):
'monument, memorial of a covenant’), II: 12b, 14b.
Pina’-tho(-’i) chad = 'promises made in an oath-list’, III: 105b.
J
chings-dan = ’treaty' (LP),.III: 106a.

chibs-bzhon, government officials entitled to ride horses, III: 108b.

che-dgu " ? ’all one's most precious possessions’, I: 24a.

chug-khol / khol — 'slave' ('zap' in the vernacular), III: 110b, 112a.

chur-mo = 'husked paddy’, 'rice' BU, ('chum' in the vernacular), III:

110b, 112a.

chos-kyi rgyal-srid / chos-srid = 'theocratic rule’, III: 105a, 108a,

110a, 114a.

chos-mdzad (honorific for chos-pa ?), title of a semi-ordained religious

practitioner from a noble family, I: 47b, 48a; II: 6b (x 2), 12a,
17b, 18b, 21a, 21b.

mchod-gzhis (= chos-gzhis) - 'religious or monastic estate', III: 110b.

rj e-rgyal(-po) = 'lord-king' (especially used of gNya'-khri bTsan-po),

I: 2a, 3a, 10a, 14b.

rje-dpon - 'lord-chief' (i.e. petty ruler), I: 5b, 6a (x 2), 14a, 14b,

15b (x 2), 17a, 18b, 21a, 23a (x 2), 23b, 24b, 26a (x 2), 28a,
29a (x 2) , 29b (x 4) , 31a (x 2) , 31b (x 2), 32a (x 4) , 32b (x 2) ,
33a, 33b, 34b, 36a-b, 40a.

r.jes-'.lug = 'successor', I: 46b.

 82 d

*jigs-ra (= 1thab-ra q.v. = 'dzing-ra q.v.) = 1battie-fence, stockade*,

II: 14a.

nya-khral = 'fish-tax', I: 23a.

nye-ba drung-po = ’close mentor', II: 11a, 12a.

gnyen-du sdebs-pa = 'to Intermarry', I: 14b.

gnyen-zla = J: 'fit for matrimonial alliance' (as to birth etc.), I: 14b.

gnyer-pa " 'steward', II: 7b, 8a, 20a, 21b.

snyad-btags / — -btegs " 'false pretext' (cf. S: snyad brko-ba ~ 'pretexter'),

III: 110b.

tara-ka / ma-tam / phyed-tam, various Bhutanese coins, III: 111a, 111b, 112b.

gtam-rgyun (= gtam-rgyud = ngag-rgyun q.v.) — 'oral traditions' (cf.

gtam-rgyus = 'news', II: 7b)i I: 10b, 22a, 25b, 29a, 40a, 45b (x 2),
46a, 46b, 47b.

ltag-rdzong = 'upper citadel1, built in positions overlooking some of the

principal rdzongs situated on hill sides (as in sPa-gro, Krong-sar
and bKra-shis-sgang), they serve as a final point of defence from
which a last-ditch stand could be made, II: 22a.

[Continued on next page.3

lto-'thud ~ 'food allowance* — (cf. mgron-* thud q.v.), Ill: 112a.

lto-*bab — *meal visits1, paid on households by government officials

(cf. mgron-babs and zhag-babs q.v.), Ill: lllb-112a.

lto-gzan / gzan — ,menial* 'orderly1, lit. 'eater of (the master's) food*

BU (cf. nang-gzan q.v.), Ill: 107a, 118b, 110a (x 2), 111a (x 2), 113a.

stung (= gzeb(-ma)), a box or pannier made of split cane, LP (Tsangla

dialect) I: 21b, 22b.
sTung-sde, name of clan, I: 22b et seq.

stong [1] = unidentified Bhutanese fruit (mon-gyi shing-'bras), I: 33a (x 2),

33b, 34a (x 2).
stong [2] / dge-stong — 'manslaughter fine*, III: 103b, 113b.

tha-ma-kha = 'tobacco', III: 107a (x 2).

thug-gsher = 'trial1 (LN: lab-gzhi dang rtsod-gzhi rigs kha-mchu rtsis-gzhi'i

rigs-la zer-ba-yin) , III: 111b.

thun-kha (“ J: thun) — '(work) shift', III: 108b.

tho-chems ~ 'testamentary record', I: 48b.

mtha'-khob — 'barbarian border region' (cf. J: yang-khob = '... a still

more distant and barbarous country'. Also cf. mtha'-'dul, yang-'dul
etc.,), II: 6a.

mthong-bkur - 'privilege and honour', I: 32b.

mthong-srol = 'customary privileges', III: 109b.

'thab-chad = 'fight penalty' (cf. gri-chad, byi-chad q.v.), Ill: 113b.

*thab-ra (= 'dzing-ra q.v. - 'jigs-ra q.v.) - 'battle-fence', 'stockade*,

■II: 10a, 15b, 16a (x 2). ■
jjthud = 'allowances' supplied in kind by the public to officials on tour
(cf. mgron-1thud q.v.), Ill: 112a (x 2).

dong-pa (— J: dong-po, ldong-po) - 'tube' (of bamboo), I: 37b.

smyug-dong, I : 37b (x 2).

gdung [1] = 'clan', lit. 'bone' (honorific for rus q.v.); Is 14a, 15b,
23a, 35b; III: 103a.
gdung-rus = 'clan' (pleonastic compound), I: 28a.
gdung [2], hereditary title and family name of the ancient ruling nobility
in Bum-thang and Kheng (bum-thang sde-bzhi'i gdung; gdung rin-po-che;
rje-dpon gdung; gdung grags-pa dbang-phyug etc.,). I: 32a, 32b,
33a (x 3), 33b, 35b (x 5), 36a, 40a (x 2); II: 6b, 13a (x 2), 13b,
14a (x 2), 24a.

gdung-brgyud — 'line of descendants, lineage' (honorific for brgyud-pa q.v.),

I: 6a. 6b. 3a. 10b, 32a, 46a; III: 103a.

gdung-rabs = 'generations' of a royal or noble family (honorific for

mi-rabs q.v.; cf. rgyal-rabs q.v.), I: la, 2b, 3b (x 2), 10a, 10b,,
11a, 32b, 48a.

mda'-dpon = 'arrow-captain', III: 109a.

mdo-drug (— mdo -'phrug ?) — 'horse* (epic term, frequent in Ge-sar and

Tun-huang literature), III: 109a.

rdo-phong (= J: pha-bong) = 'boulder', I: 24a.

[Continued on next page.]

lding-dpon " 'captain1, II: 4a (x 3), 4b; III: 109a.

'dus-che(-ba) = 'rich, prosperous' (in reference to a locality), I: 13b;

II: 9b, 12b, 17a.

'dra-brdzus 'bru-log — "counterfeiting (written orders or altering their

meaning by) reshaping their letters', III: 114a.

sde-thang — 'local price', III: 110b.

sde-pa [l] (= sde-srid 1 q.v.), title by which the secular rulers of

Bhutan were known; pronounced 'deb' in the vernacular; hence the
’Deb Rajas' of the British, II: 4b; III: 100b (x 2).
sde-pa [2] = the provincial rulers or district governors of Tibet, I: 36a.

sde-srid [1] / sde-srid phyag-mdzod / phyag-mdzod, the 'Deb Rajas' of

Bhutan, III: 101a, 105a, 107b.
sde-srid [2], the ’Kings' of gTsang and, later, the 'regents' of the
dGe-lugs-pa, II: 2a (x 2), 2b; III: 104b, 114a.

sdeb [1] — 'team', i.e. of craftsmen etc., Ill: 110a.

sdeb [2] = 'measure' i.e. of grain that has been saved up, III: 110b.

bsdu-khral = ? .'harvest tax', levied on grain after the harvest (lo-thog

bsdu(-ba) , III: 111b), III: 111b.

bsdu-thun = 'common or general tax collection', III: 110b.

na-rim = 'successive (generations)', I: 28b.

nag-gcod / nag-chad = "severe punishment', perhaps 'execution'; lit. 'black

severance', 'black punishment', II: 4b, 22a; III: 111a, 112a, 113b.

nang-gzan = 'household servitors' in government employ (cf. gto-gzan q.v.),

Ill: 105b. '

gnam-lha / gnam-gyi lha = 'The God of Heaven' (the deity '0-de Gung-rgy^l),
I: 12a, 32a, 33b, 36a.
gnas-po = ’landlord' (used as a title as in ICags-mkhar gNas-po; ’nep’
in the vernacular), II: 7a.

gnas-mo chen-chung = 'senior and junior wives', I: 16b. ^

dpa’-dar = ’hero sash1, awarded to soldiers as a mark of bravery in battle,

III: 109a.

dpa’-gzas = ’military service’ (cf. dmag-tsho q.v.), Ill: 112a.

dpung-rgyab-kyi dmag — ’the forces of a supporting (or auxiliary) army’,

II: 19a.

dpon-mo = ’(hereditary) chieftainess', I: 35b.

dpon-slob [1] (= spyi-bla q.v.), lit. 'chief-teacher’; probably slob-dpon

reversed; title of the three regional governors of sPa-gro, Krong-sar
and Dar-dkar, II: 4b (x 2), 6b (x 2), 7a (x 2), 7b (x 3), 8a, 14b (x 2)
dpon-slob [2] = 'the lord and his disciple(s)’, II: 5b.

dpya (- khral) = 'tax', III: 111b.

spus-dag = ’pure quality', in reference to merchandise, III: 114a.

spus-btsug = ’share-in-kind’ in a trading venture, III: 110b.

spo-bzhag / spo-’jog ~ ’transfer', on government duty, III: 108a, 110b.

spyi-dpon - lit. 'general officer', the lowest grade functionary on the

village level whose main duty is to carry government messages between
the rdzong and the village; hence, 'village messenger’ (’pshiptJn'
in the vernacular), III: 104a, 107a, 111b, 112a.

spyi-bla (rnam-gsum) (= dpon-slob El] q.v.) — the three 'regional governors’

lit. head bla-ma’. (Use of this term is confined to literary works
whereas dpon-slob is used in common parlance), III: 106a, 108a, 109b,
111a.
sprin-gyi dbyangs = 'the melody of clouds', i.e. the thunder which is
said to be the sound of dragons ('brug); an allegorical expression
used In reference to the 'Brug-pa school, (cf. dbyar-rnga q.v.),
III: 101b.

pha-mes (= yab-mes q.v.) - 'ancestors', lit. 'fathers and grandfathers',

I: 45b.

pha-spad = 'father and son(s)', I: 28a; II: 12a, 16b.

pha-spun — 'paternal siblings', I: 13b, 31b.

pha-tshan == 'family' (lit. 'paternal relatives'), I: 45a; II: 7a.

phul, the smallest measure of grain (— ^/6 bre ?), III: 113a.

pho-ngar (— J: ngar-po) = 'strong', I: 43b.

pho-mnyam = ? 'men of standing equal' (as in ya-rabs pho-mnyam = 'nobles

of equal standing' and pho-mnyam gzhon-pa — 'young men of equal
standing), I: 4b, 47a.

pho-rengs (- J: pho-yan, pho-rang, pho-hrang) = 'bachelor 1 (cf. yug-sa-ma

rengs-mo / mo-rengs-mo:q .v .), I: 38a, 38b (x 3), 42b.

pho-res (= LP: re-res) — 'individually', I: 42b.

(gser-dngul-gyl) phya-thag 55 '(gold and silver) phya-cord1 (cf. rmu-thag q.

I: 45b.

phyag-mjal — 'gifts' offered to a superior, II: 21a; III: 112a (x 2).

phyag-rjes = lit. 'hand-print', used figuratively with the sense of 'a

token to someone's achievements', II: 22b.

phyi-mgron = 'commissioner', lit. 'external chamberlain', a government

representative on temporary (?) deputation, III: 109b.
 830

'phrul-thabs = ’magical (or mechanical) devices (or means)’ (probably in

reference to skill in warfare), I: 26a, 47b (x 2);
'phrul-'khor = 'sorcerous device’, 'mechanism1, II: 20b; III: 106a.

'phros-gtam = 'legend', I: lib.

ba-spu = ’Babu’, a title used in reference to those Eastern Bhutanese who

settled in or near the Assam Duars and gained a measure of control
over the local Indian populations, I: 24b, 28a (x 3).

bu-chen = lit. 'big son', the eldest son delivered as hostage to guarantee
the good behaviour of his relatives, II: 14b, 19b (x 2), 21b.
bu-gte = 'sons (kept as) hostages', II: 24a. ,

bu-brgyud — 'issue, progeny, descendants, scions' (cf. sras-brgyud q.v.),

I: lib, 17a, 17b ( x 2 ) , 18a ( x 2), 18b (x 3), 19a (x 2), 20a (x3),
20b (x 4) , 24b (x 2) , 25a (x 4) , 25b (x 2) , 26a (x 2) , 26b (x 2),
27a, 31b (x 3), 42a (x 3), 42b, 43a (x 3), 43b (x 2), 45b.

bu-rabs rim-pa = 'successive generations of sons', II: 13b.

bod - 'attendant' BU (? from J2: 'bod-pa = 'to call [summon] a person'),

III: 109b, 110b.
J
Bon Thang-la 'Od-dkar = name of an unidentified bon-po deity or saint,
I: 36a.

bya-bzhag — 'employment', 'business', III: 108a, 109a.

byi-chad = 'penalty for adultery or rape1 (J); (cf. gri-chad, 'thab-chad q.v.),
Ill: 103b.

bran(-pa) (~ shes-pa or go-ba) = 'to know, understand' a dialect word

from E. Bhutan; pronounced as written, not 'dren'), I: 22a.

bla-gnyer sbrel-ma (LN: blam dang gnyer-pa gnyis-sbrags-kyi go-sa-can-gyi

dpon-khag) = 'those holding the joint office of bla-ma and gnyer-pa',
i.e. those monastic officials who bear secular responsibilities of
government, III: 110b.
dbang-yon — lit. 'initiation fee', here signifying an additional tax
imposed on the public, ostensibly for blessings bestowed on it by
the state monks (BU), III: 110a.

dbang-tshong (byed-pa) = 'to force someone to sell at extortionate rates';

in the vernacular 'bangchen tshongwa' means simply 'to extort', 'to
force someone to do something against his will', III: 110b.

dbu-mched (= mched-grogs = chos-spun) — 'clerical brother', II: 17b.

J
dbu-rtse, the central square tower of every rdzong comprising a tier of tempi
several stories in height, II: 22a.

dbon-sras (= sras-dbon ?) = 'descendants' (lit. 'grandsons (and their ?)

sons'), I : 45b.

dbyar-rnga = 'the drums of summer', an allegorical expression used in

reference to the 'Brug-pa school, the dragon ('brug) being associated
with the thunder of summer (cf. sprin-gyi dbyangs q.v.), Ill: 114b.

'bab-g.yu skya-dkar, a particular kind of pale-coloured turquoise (the

function of 'bab is unclear), II: 18b.

'bab-zhus ~ 'acts of submission' (cf. zhabs-'dzul = 'acquiescence' II:

10b), II: 9a, 10a, 10b, lib (x 4), 12a, 13a, 17b, 19a, 19b, 20b, 21a.

'bab-sha 'bab-nor = 'tribute meat, tribute wealth', offered on making

submission to the 'Brug-pa authorities, II: 21a.
'bab-shus-kyi nor, II: 12b.

'bul-ba [1] = lit. 'offering', used in a special sense when referring to

tributes delivered to the authorities on behalf of districts or
groups of villages; (pronounced 'biu' in the vernacular), II: 21a.
'bul-ba [2] = 'due', 'fee', III: Ilia.
'bul-thus = 'dues collected', III: 111b.

m a - 'gyur — a 'pledge' which is retained by the authorities if a promise

remains 'unfulfilled' (ma-'gyur) TR, II: 19b (x 2).
 832

ma-pi-ba — ’bard’ (’manip' in the vernacular), III: 113b (x 2).

ma-yin ma-’thus-pa’i nag-can — 'evil criminal', III: 107b.

mar-khral = 'butter-tax', III: 111b.

mi-khyim = 'habitation, household', I: 4a, 13b, 14a.

mi-'go = 'leader', II: 20b, 21a, 21b.

mi-sde — (secular) 'community'(under the control of a local ruler or civil

official; as opposed to lha-sde, a community under the authority of
a monastery), I: 10b, 19a, 21a, 24a, 24b, 25b, 32b (x 2), 39a,4lb,
42b, 43a (x 2), 43b; II: 7b, 10a, 13a, 14b, 15a, 17a, 17b, 22b;

mi-nag = 'peasant' (BU), lit. 'black man' (pronounced 'minap' in the

vernacular; cf. J = 'layman'), III: 107a.

mi-sna = 'envoy', II: 2b (x 3), 3a (x 2), 4a, 15a, 17a.

mi-sna bang-chen = 'envoy courier', II: 10b, = pho-nya-ba bang-chen,
II: 20b.

mi-dpang = 'human witness' to an oath (cf. lha-dpang q.v.), II: 21a, 21b;
III: 114a.

mi-dpon = 'overlord' or 'headman' of a village or district, I: 32b; II: 7a.

mi-rabs = 'generations' of a family (cf. gdung-rabs q.v.), I: la, 2b, 13b,

31b, 43b, 46b.

mi-rigs — 'human race', I: 2a, 10a. j

mi-brgyud — 'human race', I: 43b, 44b.

mi'i skad-gtam = 'human speech', I: 38a.

mes-po (emended from mes-pho) = 'ancestor', lit. 'grandfather', I: 36a, 42b.

mes-dbon = 'grandfathers and grandsons', 'ancestors' (cf. dbon-sras q.v.),
I: 48a; III: 100b, 101a, 105b.
yab-mes (emended from yab-med) = 'ancestors', lit. 'fathers and
grandfathers' (honorific for pha-mes q.v.), I:40a.
 833

mo-ma = ’diviner1, possibly ’female diviner1, I: 4b.

dmag-gral = 'battle-line', XII: 109a (x 2).

dmag-dpon / dmag-dpon ehen-mo = 'commander', 1commander-in-chief', II: 7b;

III: 109a.

dmag-dum zhig = 'a detachment of the army', II: 17b, 19b-20a, 20a.
dmag-dpung kha-'thor shig - idem, II: 10b.

dmag-dmangs (= dmangs-kyi dmag ?) = 'popular forces' (TR), II: 21a.

dmag-tsho = 'militia' composed of ordinary taxpayers (khral-pa) , one of

whose common obligations is to take up arms during times of war
(cf. dpa'-gzas q.v.), Ill: 112b.

dmar-rgyan - 'meat sacrifice1, lit. 'red ornament' offered to Mahakala;

here used euphemistically for 'execution' (cf. next item), III: 114a.

dmar-gsod = 'execution', lit. 'red killing', III: 113b,

rmad-'jal (— smad-'jal ?), a fine for fornication, III: 103b.

(lha'i) rmu-skas (emended from rmu-skad) = '(divine) rmu-ladder', I: 45b.

(lha'i) rmu-thag - 'the (divine) rmu-cord' (cf. phya-thag q.v.), I: 32a.

rMu-btsan lHa-gnyan Chen-po, the name by which the deity, Gu-se Lang-ling
(q.v.) was known in the land of rMu, I: 36b.

sman(-rtse) = a yellow silk cloth with a printed floral pattern ('damask' ?),
Ill: 111b,

tsa-ra — retribution, reprisal (TR says this is a Khams-pa term; LN suggests,

unaccountably, = rtsad-dpyod / zhib-dpyod, 'detailed enquiry, investi­
gation'), III: 107b, 111a.

gtso-rgan = '(village or district) headman', used only in Eastern Bhutan

(cf. rgad-po q.v.), I : 21b, 27b, 28a; II: 12a.
gtso-las — 'chief councillors', II: 10a, 12b, 17a, 21a, 21b.

btsan-chas / btsan-cha = 'defences, embattlements', II: 15b, 18a, 22a.

btsan-sa ~ (sa btsan-po, II: 14a) = 'stronghold, fastness', I: 17b;

II:-20a, 20b.

btsun-khral (emended from btsun-khras) = 'monk levy', the obligation

incurred by families having three or more sons to send one ofthem
to join the state monastery located in the rdzong, II: 21b.

rtsa-lhongs (byed-pa) = 'to transfer' a tax estate, 'to settle it upon

someone else', III: 112b.

rtswa-khral = 'grass tax', the obligation to provide fodder for government

horses, III: 106a (x 2), 111b.

rtsis-rta = 'a horse handed over to the charge (rtsis-sprod) of a govern­

ment official for his use' (cf. gso-rta q.v.), Ill: 111a.

rtsis-bdag = 'charge, responsibility, control', III: 106a, 107b.

tshwa-chu sman-chu (abbreviated to tshwa-sman) = 'saline and mineral

springs', III: 111a (x 3).

'tshang-kha rgyab-pa = 'to make an assault, to storm',II: 7b, 16a, 18a (x

*dzin-tho = 'list of receipts', 'account', III: 111a.

rdzong-kha — 'district under the administration of a rdzong' (the modern

spelling is rdzong-khag; the term rdzong-kha has today the meaning
of 'fort-language', i.e. the official language of Bhutan), III: 106a,
110a (x 2), 110b, 111a (x 2), 113b.

mdzad-mkhyon rlabs-che-ba (-chen) = 'extensive sphere of action', 'far-

ranging endeavours' (S: rlabs-chen = 'de grande force, tres vaste'),
I: 23b, 38b.
bya-spyod-kyi rlabs — ? 'extensive activity', I: 42b.
mdzad-mkhyon — 'sphere (of action)', II: 22b.
rlabs-chen spyod-pa'i bgyi-ba = 'acts undertaken on a broad scale',
III: 108b.
rdzong-dpon / — -bdag / — - sdod (abbreviated to rdzong) 'district
governor',.l i t . 'fort-chief', 'fort-owner1, 'for.t-resident' (the
term rdzong-bdag is the one in current use to-day in Bhutanese
government and administration), II: 8a, 9a, 22b; III: 106a, 107a,
107b, 108a, 109a, 109b (x 3).

'dzing-ra (= 'jigs-ra q.v. — 'thab-ra q.v.) = 'battle-fence, stockade',

II: 11a.

'dzum-mu-le-ba = 'smiling', I: 34b.

wang (= sa-dong) = 'earth p i t ’ (Tsangla dialect), I: 22a, 22b,

Wang-ma, name of clan, I: 22b et seq. and Addendum.

za-ba — 'to inherit', lit. 'to eat', III: 112b. ^

zas-bsngos = 'blessed food' offered to a dead person as part of the funerary

ritual, III: 112b-113a.

zur-chod - 'split up, sub-divided' (of land etc.); also 'cragged' (TR),
I: 27b; II: 22b.

zlo(-ba) (LF = 'gran-pa) = 'to contend, vie' (BU ?), I: 21a.

gzims-'gag = 'household guard', III: 109b.

gzims-dpon (abbreviated to gzims; = J: gzim-dpon) = 'steward-in-chief',

III: 109b.

zhag-babs = 'overnight stay' on a journey (cf. mgron-babs and lto-'bab q.v.),

Ill: 111a, 111b.

gzhi-len, a special feast admlssable to a government guest or to a govern­

ment official on taking up office. Cf. gzhi-tshugs, an issue of
standard rations (LN / T R ) , III: 109b.

gzhis = 'family', III: 113b.

'ul (= 'u-lag; S = 'u-la) = 'corvee', 'conscripted labour', III: 106a,

107b, 111a, 112b (x 2).

'og-khang — 'dungeon', lit. 'lower house', III: 104a.

yan-po 88 'bastard' (cf. I: lib: yan-pa = 'unclaimed, unowned'), I: lib.

yig-cha = 'records', I: 29a, 45a, 47b; III: 100b.

phyag-gi deb-ther yig-cha = 'personal documentary records', I: 28b.

yig-gter (= gter-yig) = 'treasure-writing' (hidden and rediscovered),

I: 36a, 45b.

yig-tshang - '(? collected) records' (in modern usage = 'office'), I: 15a..

yug-sa-ma rengs-mo / mo-rengs-mo (” J: yug(s)-sa-mo) = 'widow' (cf. pho-

rengs q.v.), II: 8b.

(g.)yas (= zo-ba) = 'trough, pail' (Tsangla dialect), I: 21b, 22b.

Yas-sde, name of clan, I: 22b et seq.

ras-su 'bor-ba (LN = yal-bar 'dor-ba = 'to annihilate, annul'J2) = 'to

repudiate' (ras is probably cognate to dral-ba / hral-ba, 'to tear
to pieces', and to r a l , 'torn'), III: 104a, 105a.

ri-rgya lhungs-rgya sdom-pa — 'to prohibit hunting and fishing'; lit. ’to
seal up the hills and streams' (cf. J2: ri-rgya lung-rga 'dzug-pa),
III: 106a.

rigs [1] = 'family', I: 24b, 25a, 28b, 31b, 43a, 43b (x 2), 46b.
'brog-rigs = 'pastoral family', I: 42b.
rigs [2] = 'tribe', II: 18a.

rigs-brgyud ~ 'family lineage, genealogy', I: 14a, 40a.

rigs-rus (? abbreviation for rigs dang rus) = 'family and lineage (or
clan)'; used loosely it seems to signify either 'clan' or 'family',
I: 2b, 3a, 6a, 13b (x 2), 14b, 32a, 33b, 35a, 41b (x 2), 44a,
44b (x 3), 45a, 45b, 46a, 46b.

ru-nga(-bo) (LN: = gang-drag sha-tsha che-tog-to [BU: = shin-tu che-ba]

= 'meticulous', 'assiduous', 'lovingly careful' TR (cf. S: ru-nga-mo
= 'femme habile'), III: 108b.
rus (= gdung [l]) = ’clan, lineage', lit. ’bone', I: lib, 14a, 14b (x 2),
15a, 22b (x 4), 43b, 44a, 44b (x 2), 45a (x 3).
rus-chen — 'great clan', I: 32a, 44a, 44b (x 2).
rus-rigs - 'clan-stock' (viz. Se, rMu, lDong sTong andsome of their
sub-divisions), I: 44a (x 2).

lan-rtsa = 'reprisal' (TR) (perhaps cognate to tsa-ra q.v.), Ill: 106a.

lab-rtsa (= J: lab-tse), the top of a pass where cairns are usually found,
I: 12a, 52a.

lam-khral = 'road-tax, toll’, I: 23a, 25b.

las-sgo / rgya-gar-gyi las-sgo = '(the Indian) trade-marts' (i.e. the

Assam Duars), I: 18b, 19a, 24b (x 2), 28a, 28b, 37a, 42a (Tibetan
las-sgo), 48a; II: 2b, lib, 23a (in general); III: 107a, 111b, 113b,
114a.

(gnyen)' sha-khrag[-gis] 'brel-ba = 'related by flesh and blood', (i.e.,

on the mother's side as opposedi to the father's which is by 'bone',
rus q.v.), I I : 7a.
sha rus gang nye'i mi-phros - 'kin nearest related by flesh and bone'
III: 112b.
J
sha-khral = 'meat-tax', ? levied in kind on animals slaughtered by the
public, I: 23a, 111b.

shar-re-ba — 'in a flash', I: 38a.

shing-khral = 'wood-tax', the obligation to supply the rdzong with fire­

wood, III: 106a, 111b.

she-ma = 'dairyman' (TR), III: 112a.

bshams-ra, sham-ra (= J(l): shom-ra) = 'plan, preparation', I: 23b; II:

8 a, 10a, 10b.

bshal(-ba) = ? 'to rove, roam', I: 33b, 41b.

sa-rgyus dang ri-rgyus = ’the lie of the valleys and mountains', II: 11a.
lam-rgyus ri-rgyus = 'knowledge of the paths and mountains', II: 13a.

sa-brtsi rl~brtsi (— sa-mtshams ri-mtshams, LP) = lit. 'land-reckoning,

hill-reckoning', i.e. the delineation of agricultural land and pastoral
land belonging to people with adjoining estates, I: 25b.

sras-brgyud — 'issue, progeny, descendants' (honorific, for bu-brgyud q.v.),

I: 10b (x 2), 11a, 14a, 16a, 27b, 28b, 31a (x 2), 35a, 35b (x 2).
yab-sras-brgyud — 'father-son lineage', I: 48a.

srog-nor — 'ransom1, lit. 'life-wealth, life-price', I: 53a; II: 18b.

gso-rta = 'a horse maintained by the government for the use of an official',
(cf. rtsis-rta q.v.), Ill: 111a.

gsol-ba dkar-mo = 'white rations', the finer quality white rice known as
sbo-'bras, the issue of which to senior government officials was
regarded as their customary privilege (the term may also include
certain dairy products), III: 109b (x 2).

J
gsol-dpon (abbreviated to gsol) = 'Butler-in-Chief, II: 22b; III: 109b.

hab-thob (emended from has-thob) = 'to scramble for something'.

(S: hab-thob (byed)-pa — 'se precipiter sur quelque chose, se disputer
pour quelque chose'), I: 5b; II: 10a.

har-yangs = 'open, broad' (pleonastic compound), I: 12b.

hur-rgol = ? 'sudden raid', I: 35a.

hol-spyod = 'unexamined' (LP), I: 10b.

hrig-ge-ba = 'sharp-sighted' (cf. S: rang-sems kyi ngo-bor hrig-ge-ba etc.),

I: 34a.

lha-dpang = 'divine witness' to an oath (cf. mi-dpang q.v.), II: 21a;

III: 114a.
 83U

lha-btsun, title of royal descendants who pursue a religious life, I: 9b,

27b (x 4), 47a,

A-lce = ’Lady’ (title of a female member of the nobility), I: 35b.

A-ya = 'a beauty’, I: 36b.

Ar-po — 'a menial’, I: 27b.

>
j
 APPENDIX

Chronological lists of the r u l e r s , head abbots and important

J
incarnations of Bhutan
With the exception of the offices of 'Brug sDe-srid and 'Brug rGyal-po,
all these lists are based on information provided in LCB II, ff. 123a -
168a. Por the 'Brug sDe-srid I am dependent on notes kindly provided
by Slob-dpon Padma-lags who has taken great pains to correct the faulty
chronology of LCB I. The dates of the TBrug sDe-srid, rJe mKhan-po
and 'Brug rGyal-po are all regnal.

(A) The Zhabs-drung Thugs-sprul, ’mental incarnations1 of Zhabs-drung

Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal 1594 - ? 1651 (the Dharma Rajas of the British
records).

1) TJigs-med Grags-pa I 1724 - 1761

2) Chos-kyi rGyal-mtshan 1762 - 1788

3) 'Jigs-med Grags-pa II 1791 - 1830

4) 'Jigs-med Nor-bu 1831 - 1861

5) TJigs-med Chos-rgyal 1862 - 1904

6) 'Jigs-med rDo-rje 1905 - 1931

(B) The Zhabs-drung gSung-sprul (Phyogs-•las sPrul-sku) , 'vei

nations1 of Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal.

1) Phyogs-las rNam-rgyal 1708 - 1736

2) Shakya bsTan-'dzin 1736 - 1780

3) Ye-shes rGyal-mtshan 1781 - 1830

4) 'Jigs-med rDo-rje 1831 - 1850

5) Ye-shes dNgos-grub 1851 - 1917

6) 'Jigs-med bsTan-'dzin ? - ?
(C) The rGyal-sras sPrul-sku, incarnations of 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje
(1631 - ? l68l ) » son of Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal.
1) Kun-dga1 rGyal-mtshan 1689- 1713
(alias Gha-na-pa-ti)
2) ’Jigs-med Nor-bu 1717 - 1735
3) 'Brug-sgra rNam-rgyal 1735 - 1762
4) 'Jigs-med rNam-rgyal 1763 - 1795
5) 'Jam-dpal rDo-rje 1798 - 1829

(D) The Bla-ma Khri-pa (Khri-sprul), incarnations of bsTan-'dzin

Rab-rgyas 1638 - 1696.

1) Mi-pham dBang-po 1709- 1738
2) 'Jigs-med Seng-ge 1742 - 1789
3) Ngag-dbang 'Jam-dpal rGya-mtsho 1790 - 1820
(alias Tshul-khrims Grags-pa)
4) 'Phrin-las rGya-mtsho 1835 - ?
5) Mi-pham rNam-rgyal ? - ?
6) ? ? - ?

(E) The Byams-sprul, incarnations of Byams-mgon Ngag-dbang

rGyal-mtshan 1647 - 1732.
1) Ye-shes rDo-rje 1757 - 1805
2) 'Jam-dbyangs bsTan-'dzin 1831 - 1855
(alias bDud-'joms rGyal-mtshan)
3) rGyal-mtshan ? - ?
4) rGya-mtsho ? -

(F) The 'Brug sDe-srid (the 'Deb Rajas' of the British Records).

1) bsTan-dzin 'Brug-rgyas 1651 - 1656

2) bsTan-'dzin 'Brug-grags 1656 - 1667
3) Mi-'gyur brTan-pa 1667 - 1680
4) bsTan-'dzin Rab-rgyas 1680 - 1695
 5) dGe-'dun Chos»--*phel 1695 - 1701

6) Ngag-dbang Tshe-ring 1701 - 1704

7) dBon dPal-'byor 1704 - 1707

8) 'Brug Rab-rgyas 1707 - 1719
9) Ngag-dbang rGya-mtsho 1719 - 1729
10) Mi-pham dBang-po 1729 - 1736

11) Khu-bo dPal-'byor 1736 - 1739

12) Ngag-dbang rGyal-mtshan 1739 - 1744
13) Shes-rab dBang-phyug 1744 - 1763
14) 'Brug Phun-tshogs 1763 - 1765
15) 'Brug bsTan-'dzin 1765 - 1768
16) bZhi-dar 1768 - 1773
17) Kun-dga' RIn-chen 1773 - 1776
18) 'Jigs-med Seng-ge 1776 - 1788
19) 'Brug bsTan-'dzin 1788 - 1792
20) bKra-shis rNam-rgyal 1792 — 1799
(alias bSod-nams rGyal-mtshan)
+ dBu-mdzad sKyab-khra-pa
21) 'Brug rNam-rgyal 1799 - 1803
22) bKra-shis rNam-rgyal (again) 1803 - 1805
23) Sangs-rgyas bsTan-'dzin 1805 - 1806
24) dBu-mdzad sPa-gro-ba 1806 - 1808
+ N o . 25
25) Bla-ma Chos-grags 1808 - 1809
26) Khri-sprul Tshul-khrims Grags-pa 1809 - 1810
27) Thugs-sprul 'Jigs-med Grags-pa II 1810 - 1811
28) Phyogs-sprul Ye-shes rGyal-mtshan 1811 - 1815
29) Tsha-phug-pa rDo-rje 1815
30) bSod-nams 'Brug-rgyas 1815 - 1819
31) bsTan-'dzin 'Brug-sgra 1819 - 1823
32) Phur-rgyal 1823 _
1831
(alias Chos-kyi rGyal-mtshan)
33) rDo-rje rNam-rgyal 1831 1832
34) 'Phrin-las 1832 - 1835
35) Chos-kyi rGyal-mtshan (again) 1835 - 1838

36) rDo-rje Nor-bu 1838 - 1847

4- No. 37
37) bKra-shis rDo-rje 1847 - 1850

38) dBang-chen rGyal-po 1850

39) Thugs-sprul TJigs-med Nor-bu 1850 - ? 1852

(ruled from Thim-phu)
40) ICags-pa Sangs-rgyas 1851 - ? 1852
(ruled from sPu-na-kha)
41) Dam-chos lHun-grub 1852 - ? 1856
(alias Bar-cung-pa)
4- ’Jam-dbyangs bsTan-’szin
42) Kun-dga1 dPal-ldan 1856 - 1861
(alias bSod-nams sTobs-rgyas)
(ruled from sPu-na-kha)
4- U-ma-de-ba
(alias Shes-rab mThar-phyin)
(ruled from Thim-phu)
43) Don-grub 1861 - 1864
(alias gNag-rdzi Pa-sangs,
alias Phun-tshogs rNam-rgyal)
44) Tshe-dbang Sri-thub 1864

45) Tshul-khrims Yon-tan 1864

46) dKar-brgyud dBang-phyug 1864

47) Tshe-dbang Sri-thub (again) 1864 - 1866

48) bTson-'grus Pad-dkar 1866 - ? 1870

49) ’Jigs-med rNam-rgyal 1870 - 1873

50) sKyid-tshal-pa rDo-rje rNam-rgyal 1873 - 1879
51) Chos-rgyal bZang-po 1879 - 1882

52) Bla-ma Tshe-dbang 1882 - 1884

53) dGa’-ba bZang-po 1884 - 1886

54) dByans-slob Sangs-rgyas rDo-rje 1886 - 1903

55) Phyogs-sprul Ye-shes dNgos-grub 1903 - 1905

(G) The rJe mKhan-po, head abbots of Bhutan
1) Pad-dkar 'Byung-gnas ? - 1672

2) bSod-nams 'Od-zer 1672 - 1689

3) Pad-dkar lHun-grub 1689 - 1697

4) Dam-chos Pad-dkar 1697 - 1707

5) bZod-pa TPhrin-las 1707 - 1724

6) Ngag-dbang lHun-grub 1724 - 1730

7) Ngag-dbang 'Phrin-las 1730 - 1738

8) bsTan-'dzin Nor-bu 1738 - 1744

9) Shakya Rin-chen 1744 - 1755

10) bsTan-'dzin Chos-rgyal 1755 - 1762

11) Ngag-dbang 'Phrin-las 1762 - 1769
12) Kun-dga1 rGya-mtsho 1769 - 1771
13) Yon-tan-mTha'-yas 1771 - 1775
14) bsTan-'dzin rNam-rgyal 1775 - 1781
15) Kun-bzang rGyal-mtshan 1781 - 1784
16) Shes-rab Seng-ge 1784 - 1791
17) Byams-sprul Ye-shes rDo-rje 1791 - 1797
18) 'Jam-dbyangs rGyal-mtshan 1797 - 1803
19) Ngag-dbang Chos-rgyal 1803 - .1807
20) Phyogs-sprul Ye-shes rGyal-mtshan 1807 - 1811
21) 'Jam-dpal Grags-pa 1811 - 1816
22) 'Jigs-med rGyal-mtshan 1816 - 1826
23) 'Jam-dpal Grags-pa 1826 - 1831
24) Chos-rje Shakya rGyal-mtshan 1831 - 1836
25) Shes-rab rGyal-mtshan 1836 - 1839
26) Yon-tan rGya-mtsho 1839 - 1840
27) Padraa bZang-po 1840 - 1847
28) Rin-chen bZang-po 1847 - 1848
29) Padma bZang-po (again) 1848 —
1850
30) 'Jam-dpal rGya-mtsho 1850 - 1851

31) Yon-tan rGyal-mtshan 1851 - 1858

32) Tshul-khrims rGyal-mtshan 1858 - 1860

33) Kun-dga' dPal-'byor 1860 - 1861

34) bShad-sgrub 'Od-zer 1861 - 1865

35) Shakya rGyal-mtshan 1865 - 1869
36) Yon-tan dPal-bzang 1869 - 1873
37) Kun-dga' Seng-ge 1873 - 1875
38) Shakya rGyal-mtshan (again) 1875

39) Blo-gros rGyal-mtshan 1875 - 1878

40) Pad-dkar 'Od-zer 1878 - 1881

41) Ngag-dbang Don-ldan 1881 - 1886

42) Chos-rje 'Phrin-las rGyal-mtshan 1886 - 1888
43) bsTan-'dzin lHun-grub 1888 - 1889
44) Chos-rje 'Phrin-las rGyal-mtshan (again) 1889 - 1891
45) 'Phrin-las rGya-mtsho 1891 - 1894
46) Dam-chos rGyal-mtshan 1894 - 1899
47) Shes-rab lHun-grub 1899 - 1901
48) 'Jam-dbyangs Rin-chen 1901 - 1903
49) Rig-'dzin sNying-po 1903 - 1907
50) 'Jam-dpal bShes-gnyen 1907 - 1909

51) Byams-pa'i sTobs-bzang 1909 - 1912

52) dPal-ldan Seng-ge 1912 - 1915
53) Phyogs-sprul Ye-shes dNgos-grub 1915 - 1917

54) Ye-shes'Zla-ba 1917 - 1918

55) dPal-ldan Seng-ge (again) 1918
56) Mi-pham dBang-po 1919 - 1922
57) Ngag-dbang rGyal-mtshan 1922 - 1927
58) Srid-zhi rNam-rgyal 1927 - 1931
59) Chos-kyi dBang-phyug 1931 - 1940
60) Ngag-dbang 'Phrin-las 1940 19-46

61) bSam-gtan rGya-mtsho - 1946 1955

62) Yon-tan brTson- grus 1955 1956
63) 'Phrin-las lHun-grub 1956 1961

64) bSan-gtan dPal-bzang 1961 1965

65) Ye-shes Seng-ge 1965 1968

66) Kun-dga' 1968 1971

67) Ngag-dbang 'Phrin-laslHun-grub 1971
(Nyi-zer sPrul-sku)

(H) The 'Brug rGyal-po, hereditary kings of Bhutan.

1) 0-rgyan dBang-phyug 1907 1926

2) 'Jigs-med dBang-phyug 1926 1952

3) 'Jigs-med rDo-rje dBang-phyug 1952 1972

4) 'Jigs-med Seng-ge dBang-phyug 1972

 BIBLIOGRAPHIES

Rote

The literature on the later period of Bhutanese history is voluminous

hut much of it falls outside the scope of this study and only those

works cited or ref erred to are included here. Many of those I did use

were reprinted in facsimile editions in India while this study was

in progress hut since my research has heen mainly hased on the

original texts I copied in Bhutan, for the sake of consistency I

do not supply references to the Indian editions. Under A), therefore,

I give the authors and titles of all the primary Bhutanese sources

used, and I should like to take this opportunity of thanking the

many friends in Bhutan who helped me to make copies. Under B) I

include unedited Tibetan blockprints and Indian reprints of Tihetan

works. Texts edited or translated hy Western and other scholars,

and modern works of scholarship, are given in C). The entries in

A) and B) appear in Tihetan alphabetical order while those under

C) follow the Harvard System.

A) Bhutanese Sources

Kun-dga’ rGyal-mtshan (1689-1713): mTshungs-med chos-kyi rgyal-po

r.je-htsun dam-chos pad-dkar-gyi mam-par thar-pa thugs-r.je chen-no'i

dri-bsung; (biography of the 4th Head Abbot, Dam-chos Pad-dkar, regn.

1 6 9 7 -1 7 0 7 ) dbu-can ms. ff,

KunC-dga1] dBang-H-phyug], alias O-rgyan Tshe-dbang: Grub-mchog

hum-ral drung-drung yab-sras-kyi mam-thar mdo-tsam gleng-ba rin-chen

do-shal; (the Hum-ral gdung-rabs) dbu-can ms, 71 ff.» dated 1 7 6 6 .

dGe-'dun Rin-chen : dPal-ldan 1brug-pa1i gdul-zhing Iho-phyogs nags-mo'i

l.jongs-kyi chos-'byung blo-gsar ma-ba* i rgyan; (a recently composed

religious history of Bhutan) blockprint in 192 ff., completed in 1972.

Ngag-dbang of the Byar clan : dPal-1brug-par lung Iha' i gdung-brgyud-

kyis bstan-pa'i ring-lugs / Iho-mon-kha-bzhi-las nyi-ma shar-T>hyogs-su

byung-zhing rgyas-pa'i lo-rgyus gsal-ba'i- me-long; (account of the

'Brug-pa annexation of eastern Bhutan) dbu-can ms. in 2k ff,, no

date (Text II in Part 2 of this study).

Ngag-dbang of the Byar clan ; Sa-skyong rgyal-po"i gdung-rabs 'byung-

khungs dang 1bangs-kyi mi-rabs chad-tshul nges-par gsal-ba'i me-long;

(history of the ruling clans and families of eastern Bhutan) dbu-can

ms, in 5^ ff,,.‘dated 1728. (Text I in Part 2 of this study).

Ngag-dbang dPal-ldan rGya-mtsho : rDo-r.je 'dzin-pa chen-po bsod-nams

1od-zer-gyi mam-thar snyan-tshig 'dod-'.jo'i 1khri-shing; (biography

of the 2nd Head Abbot, regn. 1 6 7 2 -8 9 ) dbu-can ms. in 29 ff.

Ngag-dbang bsTan-'dzin ? : Pha 'brug-sgom zhig-pa'i -po'i] rnam-par

thar-pa thugs-r.je chu-rgyun: (gter-ma biography of Pha-.io 'Brug-sgom

Zhig-po) blockprint in ff., ? 1580.

(1670-1730)
Ngag-dbang lHun-grub/: mTshungs-med chos-kyi rgyal-po r.je rin-po-che'i

mam-par thar-pa bskal bzang legs-bris 'dod-pa'i re-skong dpag-bsam-

gyi snye-ma; (biography of bsTan-'dzin Rab-rgyas, I 63 8 -I6 9 6 ) blockprint

in 383 ff., dated 1 7 2 0 . J

bstfan-'dzin Chos-rgyal (1701-67) : rGyal-kun khyab-bdag *gro-ba'i

bla-ma bstan-'dzin rin-po-che legs-paTi don-grub zhabs-kyi mam-par

thar-pa ngo-mtshar nor-bu'i chos-sdong; (biography of the 2nd

sGang-steng sPrul-sku bsTan-'dzin Legs-pa'i Don-grub, 16^5-1726)

dbu-can ms. inI23 ff.

bsTan-'dzin Chos-rgyal : lHo-'i chos-'byung bstan-pa rin-po-che'i

'phro-mthud '.jam-mgon smon-mtha1i *phreng-ba zhes-bya-ba / gtso-bor

skabs-mgon rin-po-che rgyal-sras ngag-dbang mam-rgyal-gyi rnam-thar

kun-gyi go-bde gsal-bar bkod-pa: (the famous lHo'i chos-'byung. a

religious history of Bhutan) blockprint in 1 5 E ff., written in

the period 1 7 3 1 -5 9 .

Pad-dkar rGya-mtsho : sPa-gro'i chos-r.je pad-dkar chos-kyi rgya-mtsho'i

nyams-'gyur-gyi rtogs-pa br.jod-pa'i gtam bcad-lhug spel-ma'i do-shal

ces-bya-ba ri-khrod-pa'i mdzes-rgyan-du 'os-pa; (autobiography of J

the gZar-chen Chos-r.je Pad-dkar rGya-mtsho, 18th century) dbu-can

ms. in 297 tt.

Padma Gling-pa (1^50-1521) : Rig-'dzin padma gling-pa-yi / zab-gter

chos-mdzod rin-po-che; (the complete gter-ma discoveries of Padma

Gling-pa) 20 volumes,reprinted at thebehesiof A-zhes Phun-tshogs

Chos-sgron,

Padma Gling-pa s Bum-thang gter-ston padma gling-pa1i rnam-thar

*od-zer kun-mdzes nor-bu'i phreng-ba zhes-bya-ba skal-ldan spro-ba

skye-ba'i tshul-du bris-pa; (autobiography of Padma Gling-pa,

completed by his son rGyal-ba Don-grub) 25^ ff. in Vol. Pha of his

collected works.

Padma Gling-pa ? : rGyal-po sindha ra-dza'i rnam-thar; 30 ff.

in a m o d e m reprint, no date.
Padma Gling-pa : Bum-thang dar-gud-kyi lung-bstan padma gling-pa1i

gter-ma; (padma Gling-pa's gter-ma prophecy on thb fate of the

Bum-thang province) dbu-can ms. in 8 ff.

Byang-chub bZang-po (l9th cent.) : Untitled guide (gnas-yig)to the

complex of temples at rDzong-brag-kha in sPa-gro; dbu-can ms.

in the form of a scroll, no date, preserved at rDzong-brag-kha.

Partly reproduced with variants in the gNas-rnying chos-'byung,

ff. 50 b-5Ib (see below).

'Brug-sgra rDo-rje (early I8th cent.) : gTer-ston 'brug-sgra

rdo-r.je'i nyams-snang-du byung-ba'i chu-mo-phug-gi gnas-yig;

(guide to the shrine of Ghu-mo-phug in sPa-gro) dbu-can ms, in

6 ff., dated 1722. No, 320 in the Collection David-Neel, Musee Guimet,

Paris.

Mi-pham Ngag-gi dBang-phyug : dPal-ldan bla-ma dam-pa grub-pa'i

dbang-phyug rdo-r.je-'chang chen-po ye-shes dngos-grub zhabs-kyi

rtogs-br.iod beedurya'i mchod-sdong ngo-tshar 'od-brgya'i byung-

gnas; (biography of the Korn-1phrang Chos-r.je Ye-shes dNgos-grub,

I7th - I8th cents.) dbu-can ms. in 392 ff. dated 1 7 3 2 .

gTsang mKhan-chen 'Jam-dbyangs dPal-ldan rGya-mtsho : bsTan-pa

'dzin-pa'i skyes-bu thams-cad-kyi mam-par thar-pa-la gus-shing

r.jes-su '.jug-pa'i rtogs-br.iod pha-rol-tu phyin-pa dang gzungs dang

ting-nge-'dzin-gyi sgo mang-po rim-par phye-ba'i gtam; (autobiography

of gTsang mKhan-chen, l6l0-8^) dbu-can ms. in 2 vols., no date,

completed by a certain Ha-ya,

gTsang mKhan-chen : dPal 1brug-pa rin-po-che ngag-dbang bstan-'dzin

mam-rgyal-gyi mam-par thar-pa rgyas-pa chos-kyi sprin chen-po'i

dbyangs; (extended biography of Zhabs-dnmg Ngag-dbang rNam-rgyal,

I59^-?l65E) blockprint in 6 vols., no date. The last'vol. (Cha) is

a biography of Tshe-dbang bsTan-'dzin, alias rTa-mgrin rGyal-mtshan

1574- 1643.

Tshe-dbang bsTan-fdzin (alias iTa-mgrin rGyal-mtshan, 1574-1643) ? and

others ; 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po chos-r.je kun-dga1 legs-pa'i mam-thar rgya-

mtsho'i snying-po mthong-ba don-ldan: (the Bhutanese biography of

'Brug-pa Kun-legs, I455-1529) 82 ff,, ed, dGe-'dun Rin-chen and

others. Kalimpong, 1970.

Tshe-dbang bsTan-'dzin ? and others s 'Gro-ba'i mgon-po kun-dga1

legs-pa'i rnam-thar mon spa-gro sogs-kyi mdzad-spyod-rnams: (another

version of the Bhutanese biography of 'Brug-pa Kun-legs) 6 5 ff. Indian

edition, no date.

gZhan-phan Rol-pa'i rDo-rje : 'Jigs-med bstan-pa*i rgyal-mtshan-gyi

ngang-tshul mams-par (sic) gleng-ba sgyu-ma chen-po'i rtogs-br.jod;

(biography of the 2nd Pad-tshal-gling sPrul-sku of Bum-thang,

1788-1850) dbu-can ms. in 20 folios, no date.

Yon-tan mTha'-yas (1724-84) : Chos-rgyal chen-po shes-rab dbang-phyug-gi

f
dge-ba'i cho-ga rab-tu gsal-ba'i gtam mu-tig do-shal; (account of

the virtuous deeds of the I3th 'Brug sDe-srid. Shes-rab dBang-phyug, 3

regn. 1744— 63) blockprint in 95 ff«» no date.

Shakya Rin-chen (1710-59) : Byang-chub sems-dpa' chen-po kun-tu

dga'-ba'i rgyal-mtshan dpal-bzang-po' i rtogs-pa br.jod-pa dpag-bsam

yongs-*du*i sn.ye-ma; (biography of the 1st rGyal-sras sPrul-sku Kun-dga'

rGyal-mtshan, 1689-1713) dbu-can ms, in 126 ff., no date.

Shakya Rin-chen s Byang-chub sems-dpa* sems-dpa' chen-po ngag-gi

dbang-phyug bstan-'dzin mi-pham '.iigs-med thub-bstan dbang-po1i

sde'i rtogs-pa br.iod-pa dbyangs-can rgyud-mang: (biography of the

Khri-sprul. Mi-pham dBang-po 1709-38) dbu-can ms. in 83 ff., no

date.

Shakya Rin-chen : dKar-rgyud-kyi rnam-thar gser-gyi 1phreng-ba lta-

bu-las dpal-1dan bla-ma mthu-chen chos-kyi rgyal-po ngag-dbang

rnam-par rgyal-ba'i skabs; (biography of Zhabs-drung Ngag-dbang

rNam-rgyal, I594-?l65l) dbu-can ms. in 45 ff, no date,forming part

ofthe author's Collected Works, Vol. Ka.

Shakya Rin-chen : Byang-chub sems-dpa1 grags-pa rgya-mtsho'i rnam-

thar rgyal-sras kun-tu dga'-ba'i zlos-gar (biography of Grags-pa

rGya-mtsho, I7th cent.) dbu-can ms. in 58 ff., no date, in Vol. Ka

of the author's Collected Works.

Shakya Rin-chen : sPrul-pa'i sku-mchog ngag-dbang phyogs-las rnam-

rgyal-gyi rnam-par thar-pa skal-bzang '.jug-ngot (biography of the

1st Zhabs-drung gSung-sprul, 1708-36) dbu-can ms, in 23 ff.,,dated

1757» in Vol. Kha of the author's Collected Works.

Shakya Rin-chen : rGyal-kun rtse-ba'i spyi-gzugs sems-dpa' chen-po

gsung-dbang sprin-dbyangs-kyi rtogs-pa br.iod-pa rig-'dzin kun-tu

dga'-ba'i zlos-gar; (biography of Ngag-dbang 'Brug-pa, 1 7 th cent.)

dbu-can ms. in 50 ff., no date, in Vol. Kha of the author's

Collected Works.
Shakya Rin-chen ; rDo-r.je- 1chang chen-po r.ie-btsun ngag-dbang

'phrin-las-kyi rnam-par thar-pa rgyal-sras rtse-dga'i 'khri-shing;

(biography of the 7th Head Abbot, Ngag-dbang 'Phrin-las, regn. 1730-

3 8 ) dbu-can ms, in 147 ff,, no date, '

Shakya b^Tan-'dzin (E736-80) : Byang-chub sems-dpa' ngag-dbang

pad-dkar-gyi rtogs-pa br.iod-pa drang-srong dgyes-pa'i glu-dbyangs

gzhan-phan bdud-rtsi'i rlabs-'phreng; (biography of the ICang ^

sGang-kha Chos-r.je Ngag-dbang Pad-dkar) dbu-can ms, in 70 ff.,

no date,

Shes-rab rGyal-mtshan (1772-1848) : rJe bla-ma rin-po-che'i mam-par

thar-pa zhal-gsung-ma bden-gnyis 'grub-pa'i shing-rta; (autobiography

of the 25 th Head Abbot, regn. 1836-39) dbu-can ms. in 78 ff., completed

by the 4th Zhabs-drung Thugs-sprul 'Jigs-med Nor-bu in 1854.

Anon, s Tsa-ri-tra gnyis-pa gnas-chen stag-tshang-gi gnas-yig

ngo-mtshar 'phrul-gyi sgo brgya-pa:(guide to the holy shrine

of ^Tag-tshang in the sPa-gro valley) dbu-can ms. in the form of

a scroll, preserved at sTag-tshang.

Anon. : rJe grub-pa'i dbang-phyug mam-rgyal lhun-grub-kyi

rtogs-pa br.iod-pa dpag-bsam l.jon-pa'i snye-ma? (biography of the

1st Pad-tshal-gling sPrul-sku of Bum-thang, rNam-rgyal lHun-grub,

18th century) dbu-can ms. in 18 ff., no date.

Anon, : Untitled eulogy (gnas-bstod) of the temple of gSum-'phrang

in the U-ra valley of Bum-thang; dbu-can inscription on the outer

wall of the main temple.

 B&4

B) T I B E T A N SOURCES

K u n - d g a 1 rDo-rje : H u - l a n deb-ther (1346). Gangtok edition :

The Red A n n a l s , Namgyal Institute of Tibetology, 1961,

Kun-bzang 'Gyur-med mChog-grub d P a l - ’bar (1725-1762) :

K u n - mkhyen chos-kyi rgyal-po gter-chen dri-med ’od-zer-gyi
r nam-par thar-pa cung-zad spros-pa ngo-mtshar skal-bzang
mchog-gi d g a ' - s t o n , 33 folios, blockprint, lHa-lung edition.
(Biography of Kl o n g - c h e n - p a Dri-med 'Od-zer, 1308-63).

Kong^sprul Blo-gros m T h a !-yas (1813-99) (ed,): R i n - c h e n gter-

m d z o d . mTshur-pu edition, 60 yols.

Kong-sprul Blo-gros mTha'-yas : Z a b - m o ’i gter dang gter-ston

grub-thob .ji-ltar byon-pa lo-rgyus mdor-bsdus bk o d - p a rin-chen
bai-du-rya i phreng (Lives of the ’text d i s c o v e r e r s ’ in
Vol. Ka of the Rin - c h e n g t e r - m d z o d ) .

K Long-chen R a b - 1b y a m s , Dri-med 1Od-zer (1308-63): Bum-thang

l h a ’i sbas-yul-gyi bkod-pa me-t o g s k y e d - t s h a l ; ff.22b-26b in
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Klong-rdol Bla-ma Ngag-dbang B l o - b z a n g . 1719-1305: g S u n g - ’b u m ;

ed. Dalama, Mussoorie 19^4-

dKon-mchog dPal-bzang: Bla-ma thang-stong rgyal-po'i rnam-thar

sal-ba'i s g r o n - m e ; dbu-can ms. in 2 9 4 folios (no d a t e ) .
fThe ’o r i g i n a l ’ biography of Thang-stong rG-yal-po from the
monastery of rTa-mch o g - s g a n g . )

Chos-skyong-ba'i rgyal-po srong-btsan s g a m - p o ’i bka'-'bum

Ma-ni b k a '-1bum 1. sPu-na k ha edition in 2 vols. (Date
uncertain.)

Grags-pa i ^ y a l-mtshan (1147-1216) : Bod-k.yi rg.yal-rabs in

Sa-sk.ya b k a ' - ’bu m Vol. T a .

’Gos Lo-tsa-ba gZhon-nu-dpal (1392-1481): Deb-ther sngon-po

(1478); Yang-pa-can/Kun-bde-gling edition.

'Gyur-med bDe-chen. 1609: dPal grub-pa*i dbang-phyug brtson-

’grus b z a n g - p o ’i rnam-par thar-pa kun-gsal n o r - b u ’i m e - l o n g ;
174 folios in an undated Indian reprint based on a blockprint
from Ri-bo-che. The ’standard' biography of Thang-stong
rGyal-po (1385-1464).

Ngag-dbang B l o -bzang rGya-mtsho, the 5th Dalai Lama (1617-82):

Ban-de ngag-dbang blo-bzang rgya-mtsho'i 'di-snang 'khrul-pa’i
rol-rtsod rtogs-brjod-kyi tshul-du bkod-pa d u - k u - l a ’i gos-
b z a n g , Vol. Ka^ 364 folios. (1st volume of the autobiography
of the 5th Dalai Lama, covering the years 1617-65.)

Ngag-dbang Blo-bzang rGya-mtsho (5th Dalai Lama) : Gangs-can

yul-gyi sa-la sp.yod-pa’i mtho-ris-kyi r g y a l-blon gtso-bor
br.iod-pa'i deb-ther rdzogs-ldan g z h o n - n u ’i d g a ’- s t o n dpyid-kyi
rgyal-mo'i glu-dbyangs (l643);'ed. Ngawang Gelek Demo,
New Delhi 1967.
mEyam-med Rin-chen (ed. ? ) i sKyes-bu dam-pa-rnams-kyi rnam-
par thar-pa r i n - p o - c h e 1i g t e r - m d z o d ; 2 vol. blockprint (Ka in
17 folios and K h a in 8 8 folios), printed in chu-pho-rta T?) •
The gNas-rnying chos- 'b.yung,.

sTag-lha Phun-tshogs b K r a - s h i s : rGya'i yig-tshang-nang gsal-ba'i

bod-k.yi rg.yal-rabs gsal-ba'i m e - l o n g . Dharamsala, 1973*

Don-darn sMra-ba'i S e n g - g e : bShad-mdzod yid-bzhin nor-bu

(1 5 th cent.); ed. lokesh Chandra, "Sata-Pitaka Series 78.
New Delhi, 1969*

bDud-'joms Rin-po-che: Gangs-1.jongs rgyal-bstan y ongs-rdzogs-

kyi phyi-mo snga-'gyur rdo-r.je theg-pa'i bstan-pa rin-po-che
.ji-ltar b.yung-ba' i tshul dag-cing gsal-bar br.iod-pa lha-dbang
g.yul-las rg.yal-ba'i r n g a - b o - c h e 'i'sgra-dbyangs (history of the
rKying-ma-pa school) K a l i m p o n g , 1967.

mDo-mkhar Zhabs-drung Tshe-ring dBang-rgyal (1697-1763) : dPal

m i fi dbang-po rtogs-pa br.iod-pa M i g - r t e n k u n - t u dga'-ba'i
tam (biography of Pho-lha-nas, 1 6 8 9 - 1 7 6 3 ) R e p rinted in
f vols., Darjeeling, 1974*
*

Padma dKar-po (1527-o2) : Chos-'byung b s t a n - p a !i padma rg.yas-

p a Ti n.yin-b.yed (1575) ; ed. Lokesh Chandra, ^Sata-Pit aka Series 75 >
Kew Delhi, 1968.

Padma dBang-rgyal (Zhe-chen r G y a l-tshab) : s Kg a- 'gy nr r d o- r .ie

theg-pa gtso-bor gyur-pa'i sgrub-brg.yud shing-rta brgyad-kyi
byung-ba br.iod-pa'i gtam mdor-bsdus; legs-bshad padma d k a r - p o Ti
rdzing-bu (1910)* Ed. T.Y. Tashigangpa. Smanrtsis Shesrig
Spendzod 10, Leh, 1971.

dPa'-bo gTsug-lag 'Phreng-ba: Chos-'byung mkhas-pa'i dga'-ston

rlHo-brag c h o s - 1b.yung. 1565]; ed. Lokesh Chandra. 'Sata-Pitaka
Series 9(4)* New Delhi, 1962.

Bu-ston Rin-chen-grub (1290-1364): Chos-'byung (1322).

ed. Lokesh Chandra, ^Sata-Pit aka Series 64 (Vol. Ya of his
Collected W o r k s ) . Bew Delhi, 1971.

'Ba'-ra-ba r Gyal-mtshan dPal-bzang (1310-1391) : rJe-btsun fba'-

ra-ba rgyal-mtshan d p a l - b z a n g - p o 1i rnam-thar m g u r-'bum dang-
b c a s - p a ; Vol. Ka (222 folios) in a blockprint edition of a three
volume b k a ' - ' b u m . The spiritual songs of the author.

sBa-bzhed zhabs-btags-ma (12th century ?); ed. Stein, Une

Chronique Ancienne de b S a m - y a s : s B a - b z e d , Paris 1961.

Tshul-khrims 'Byung-gnas: dPal-ldan bla-ma dam-pa 'khrul-zhig

rin-po-che ngag-dbang tshe-ring-gi rnam-thar kun-tu bzang-po'i
zlos-gar yid-kyi b c u d - l e n ; 128 f o l i o s , dated me-mo-phag (1867 ?).
Mo d e r n reprint, no date. (The biography of the 'Brug-pa teacher
Ngag-lbang Tshe-ring (1717?-1794?) from rDzong-khul in Zangs-dkar.
In the same collection there is a continuation of the rnam-thar
by one bSod-nams 'Brug-rgyas, and a short rnam-thar in 9 folios
of Zhabs-drung Rgag-dbang rNam-rgyal.)
La-dwags rg.yal-rabs (history of Ladakh) ; dbu-can ms. in the
Bodleian Library, Oxford.

Sangs-rgyas Gling-pa (1340-1396) : Q-rgyan gu~ru padma 'byung-

gnas-kyi sk.yes-rabs rnam-par thar-pa rgyas-par bkod-pa padma
b k a 1i thang-yig (Thang-yig g s e r - 1phreng) ; e d . b D u d - 1j oms Rin-
po-che. V a r a n a s i , 1970. (Based on the Punakha edition).

Sangs-rgyas rGya-mtsjio (1679-1703) : Vaidurya-ser-po (1698) ;

ed. Lokesh Chandra, "Sata-Pitaka Series i ! T ( T ~ & H 2 T T _ New Delhi,
I960.
Sa-skya b k a 1- ' bum (15 vols.), Complete Works of the Sa-skya Gong-
ma Inga; reprinted as The Complete Works of the Sa-skya Seot of
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‘feribhutibhadra: rGya-bod yig-tshang (1 4 3 4 ) . Mr. R i c h a r d s o n s copy.

0-rgyan Gling-pa (b.1323) : b K n - t h a n g s d e - i n g a , dGa'-ldan Phun-

tshogs-gling edition of 1674*
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Anon: dPal-ldan bla-ma dam-pa grags-pa rgya-mtsho'i rnam-par thar-pa

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Anon. : Kha-rag gnyos-kyi rgyud-pa byon-tshul mdor-bsdus: (records

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