Philologus 2014; 58(1): 1–9

Jenny Strauss Clay and Amir Gilan

The Hittite “Song of emergence”
and the Theogony

Abstract: The unusual verb “to emerge” to mean “give birth” in the Theogony
finds a striking parallel in the Hittite “Song of Emergence” and, if not coinciden-
tal, may suggest a more direct contact between Greek and Hittite material than
originally supposed and allows us to explore the possible locale of such contact.

Keywords: Theogony, Hittite, Emergence, ἀνίημι

DOI 10.1515/phil-2014-0001

The Ancient Near Eastern background of the Hesiodic succession myth is widely
recognized. Hesiod portrays divine genealogy as a rather violent dynastic history,
consisting of several generations of “kings in heaven”, each gaining power by
defeating their predecessors. The succession myth, spanning from the first ruler in
heaven to the present one, shares many parallels with other narratives such as the
Babylonian enūma eliš or with Philo’s adaptation of the Phoenician History of
Sanchuniathon of Beirut, dated to the first century CE, but probably citing a
Phoenician work of an earlier, Hellenistic date. It is the Hurro-Hittite compositions,
however, that provide the most striking and exciting parallels to the Hesiodic
narrative. The following paper will offer another parallel between the two composi-
tions: the unconventional verbs used to denote unnatural births in both of them.
Recounting the birth of the gods and the constituent parts of the cosmos as well
as those forces that define it, Hesiod’s Theogony deploys various expressions for
“begetting”, “engendering”, and “giving birth”. Most common are the forms of the
verb τίκτω (45 times), γείνομαι (28 times), and γίγνομαι or ἐκγίγνομαι (12 times).
There is, however, an unusual expression that occurs only twice and once again
with a slight variant:

πάντας ἀποκρύπτασκε καὶ ἐς φάος οὐκ ἀνίεσκε (157)

ὃν γόνον ἂψ ἀνέηκε μέγας Κρόνος ἀγκυλομήτης (495)
οὕς τε Ζεὺς ἐρέβεσφιν ὑπὸ χθονὸς ἧκε φόωσδε (669)

Jenny Strauss Clay: Department of Classics, University of Virginia, P. O. Box 400788,

Charlottesville VA 22904-4788, E ˗ Mail: jsc2t@virginia.edu
 
 

Amir Gilan: University of Tel Aviv, E ˗ Mail: agilan@post.tau.ac.il

 
 
2 Jenny Strauss Clay and Amir Gilan

ἀνίημι (or ἵημι), of course, does not mean “to be born”; it means “to thrust up” or
“to emerge”. The Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos, in fact, cites only these two
occurrences of ἀνίημι with this sense (s. v. ἵημι, 2bβ, col. 1152)1. LSJ does not list
this usage at all. Also striking are the Hesiodic contexts of these passages: in the
first, Ouranos refuses to allow the children of Gaia to emerge into the light from
her womb; in the second, Kronos disgorges his offspring and thus allows them to
emerge from his belly. Similarly, in 669, Zeus allows the 100-Handers, previously
imprisoned in Erebus, to “emerge into the light”. All the contexts occur during the
primordial phases of the Succession Myth, and all express the notion, not so
much of birth as generation, as of the emergence of offspring, in each case in an
anomalous fashion, whether impeded by Ouranos, regurgitated by Kronos, or
released from the depth of the underworld.
The Hittite composition, KUB 33. 120++2, which is sadly a very fragmentary
and difficult text, was usually designated in the scholarly literature as “The
Kingship among the Gods”3, “Kingship in Heaven”4, or as the Song of Kumarbi5.
However, Carlo Corti was recently able to join a new fragment to the main text,
extending the end of column IV and completing the colophon at the end of the
composition6. Thus, the original title of the composition was shown by Corti to be
“The Song of Emergence” or “The Song of Going out”. Interestingly, the scribe
designed a unique composite cuneiform sign to represent the name of the compo-
sition, a sign that is so far not attested elsewhere, comprising of the sign GÁ
containing the signs UD.DU.A, the phonetic writing for È. A., which according to
the trilingual lexical list erim-ḫuš, may give the meaning of “going out”, Hittite
parā=kan pawar7. Corti suggested that this title may express something like
“Beginning” or “Genesis”, but it probably merely represents, in a playful and
ironic manner, the main subject recurring throughout the whole composition:

1 The LfgE (2aα, col. 1151) does note that ἀνίημι is used of grain three times in the Hymn to
Demeter (307, 332, 471), but this too throws the unusual usage in the Theogony into relief since
grain may be said to emerge from the earth, but not offspring.
2 Edited by Güterbock (1946). A recent online edition of the text is E. Rieken et al. (ed.), hethiter.
net/: CTH 344 (INTR 2009-08-12). Recent translations include Hoffner (1998) 42–45; Haas (2006)
133–143; Pecchioli Daddi/Polvani (1990) 115–124; Ünal (1994) 828–830. Recent treatments include
van Dongen (2011) and Beckman (2011).
3 Forrer (1936).
4 Güterbock (1946).
5 Hoffner (1998).
6 Corti (2007).
7 CHD P, 21, 33: Corti (2007) 118–119: “to go out, to depart, to exit”.
 The Hittite “Song of emergence” and the Theogony 3

“Going out” or “emergence” in the sense of being born8. As convincingly noted by

Corti, the notionof pregnancy and birth is also conveyed by the composite cunei-
form sign itself, in which one sign contains the others inside it9. In this case,
however, we are dealing with an unnatural birth, more specifically, a birth by a
male parent. The practical problems faced by a male in giving birth, as Beckman
suggests, “are a central concern of the text, which indeed takes its title from this
comical yet serious situation as seen from the point of view of the divine children:
Where should I emerge/come out (parā uwa)?”10
The events that lead to this unnatural male birth are narrated in the beginning
of the “Song of Emergence”, which like other Poems of the “Kumarbi Cycle”, begins
with a proemium in which the Primeval Deities are invoked. The narrative itself that
follows dryly recounts the history of the first two kings in Heaven, the Mesopota-
mian deities Alalu and Anu. But when it was the turn of Kumarbi to challenge Anu
over the Kingship in Heaven, the following happened (KUB 33. 120++ i 18–27):

Anu was King in Heaven for a mere nine years. In the ninth year Anu gave battle to Kumarbi.
Kumarbi, the offspring of Alalu, gave battle to Anu. Unable to withstand the eyes of Kumarbi
any longer, Anu slipped away from Kumarbi’s hand. Anu fled and went to Heaven. Kumarbi
reached after him. He seized him, Anu, by the feet, and dragged him down from Heaven.

He bit his genitals. His Manhood mixed in Kumarbi’s stomach like Bronze. As Kumarbi had
swallowed the Manhood of Anu, he rejoiced and laughed.

Kumarbi rejoiced too soon. Anu had the last laugh because he made Kumarbi
pregnant with three deities, the Storm God, his vizier Tašmišu, and the river Tigris
(i 31–33). As Dennis Campbell most recently notes, the narrator is careful to convey
that the Storm God and his two siblings were created by a fusion of their parents
just as bronze is made by the fusion of copper and tin11. By usurping the heavenly
throne by castrating Anu, Kumarbi ironically becomes a mother to his son, the
Storm God, thus setting up his own downfall. Kumarbi is explicitly named the
“mother (Hurrian nera) of Teššub” in a Hurrian prayer to Teššub of Aleppo12. Other

8 Archi (2009) 219; Beckman (2011) 28. Van Dongen (2010) 105–109 (see now also Van Dongen
2011) suggests translating the name of the composition as “The Song of Going Forth”, but this title
does not relate the name to the contents of the composition and misses the playfulness of the title
in connection with the births it recounts.
9 Corti (2007) 116.
10 Beckman (2011) 28. For parā uwa- “to come out/forward” see CHD P, 116.
11 See on this most recently Campbell, forthcoming.
12 KUB 47. 78: i 9’-14’, edited by Thiel/Wegner (1984) 187–218; Schwemer (2001) 454–455; Haas
(2006) 251–252; Campbell, forthcoming.
4 Jenny Strauss Clay and Amir Gilan

sources, however, designate him as a male. In the proemium to the Song of

Ullikummi Kumarbi is called “the father of all the gods”13.
As Beckman suggests, Kumarbi’s predicament becomes the central motor of
the plot, also giving it its name. If a male god gives birth and threatens to kill his
newborns on delivery, where and how will they emerge14? The text offers a variety
of solutions. Tašmišu/šuwaliyatt, the Vizier of Teššub15, was born by a surrogate
mother, the mountain Kanzura, which became pregnant with Tašmišu after
Kumarbi spat out spittle mixed with sperm on the mountain (KUB 33.120++ i 38–
41). The mountain finally gave birth “like a woman in childbed” (i 80: GIšN]Á-aš
MUNUS-aš i-wa-ar”).
Later on, in a fragmentary dialogue in the city of Nippur, the Storm God,
designated as A.GILIM, is urged by someone to emerge (parā eḫu) from Kumarbi’s
stomach. Several body parts he could use for his exit are enumerated (ii 1, 2, 3).
The Storm God answers from inside Kumarbi’s stomach that he will only come out
if he gets a generous list of properties from different deities. The God Anu urges
him to come as well (ii 23–28, eḫu “come!” but without parā). The storm god, now
identified as KA. ZAL, was finally willing to get out, but he was well aware of the
problem of where to emerge from, as his fragmentary speech in the first person
suggests. The speech contains the verb parā uwa- “to emerge” (parā uwami in ii
32, 34 and most likely it should be reconstructed at the broken end of ii 30 as
well). Finally, Kumarbi’s skull was split like a stone and “KA. ZAL, the Heroic
King, came up from his skull” (ii 36–37). The term chosen here is not parā uwa,
but šarā uwa- “to come up”. As already noted by almost every commentator of the
text, the birth from the skull of a male deity is clearly a forerunner to Athena’s
birth from the head of Zeus.
After the split in Kumarbi’s skull was mended, he became angry and de-
manded that Ea hand him the child, so that he could devour him. Instead, just
like Kronos, he was handed a stone, which likewise became a cult object (ii 60–
65). Later on, the river Tigris emerged (ii 77: parā wet) from a “second place”
(ii 77–80). The mighty Tašmišu/šuwaliyatt emerged (ii 84 parā wet, Beckman
2011, 28 emends a parā before the wet ii 83 as well) from a “good place” right after
him. Both were probably delivered by the Gulšeš deities who act as midwives
throughout the text and attended Kumarbi when he gave birth (ḫaššanuer=an in ii
79 and 82, respectively) like a woman in childbed (ii 80: GIš.N]Á-aš MUNUS-aš
iwar). The verb used here, ḫaššanu-, is a derivative of the usual Hittite verb

13 Hoffner (1998) 56.

14 Beckman (2011) 28.
15 For this deity, see now Schwemer (2011).
 The Hittite “Song of emergence” and the Theogony 5

denoting the act of birth: ḫāš-/ḫašš- “to give birth (to), to beget, to procreate”, a
verb which may take both females and males as Subject16.
The verb ḫāš-/ḫašš- is indeed used on the reverse of the tablet – which is
unfortunately even more fragmentary than the obverse – to denote the birth of
Earth’s two children, whose identity; however, we do not know (iv 17, 21: ḫašta).
The father is probably the “Wagon” (GIš.MAR.GÍD.DA), possibly referring to the
chariot of the Storm God17. The first Tablet ends with Ea giving gifts to the
messenger who brings him the good news. The composition, however, was
continued on other tablets, unfortunately unknown to us.
The use of the conventional verb ḫāš-/ḫašš- to describe Earth’s giving birth on
the reverse only highlights the choice of the narrator to use unconventional verbs
to denote the unnatural births in the obverse. As we have seen, the verb “to
emerge” (parā uwa-) was chosen to describe the unnatural births of the three
brothers from their male “mother” Kumarbi. Teššub himself “came up” (šarā
wet-) from Kumarbi’s skull, but elsewhere in the text, his birth was reflected as an
act of “emergence” too.
The Hittite composition makes use of intransitive verbs (the god emerged,
came up), while the Hesiodic ἀνίημι is transitive (a god causes another or others
to emerge). Nevertheless, the use of unconventional verbs in parallel contexts in
both the Hittite composition and in the Theogony is striking. But does the new
parallel between the two compositions suggested here have any bearing on the
question of the transmission of “The Song of Emergence” to Hesiod? Unlike the
motifs of castration, stone swallowing, and head-births, we find here a striking
v e r b a l p a r a l l e l that links the two compositions by an unusual semantic usage
and one that pinpoints verbally the anomalous yet thematically crucial phenom-
enon of unnatural, usually male, birth in a theogonic context.
Most scholars now would deny the possibility of direct transmission of the
Hittite materials to Hesiod or his Greek forerunners and agree with Walther
Burkert that we are dealing here with a tangled network of traditions, a “many
voiced interplay”18. Carolina Lopez-Ruiz, in her chapter on the succession myths
concludes that:

The extant versions of these stories… bear witness to a rich and complex Eastern Mediterra-
nean pool of mythic traditions in which the Greeks were also diving for many centuries.
Within these parameters of cultural exchange, the (geographical and cultural) proximity of

16 See Kloekhorst (2008) 319–321 and HW2 Ḫ: 421 ff. for etymology, attestations, and uses. Beck-
 

man (1983) 5–19 offers a survey of Hittite texts pertinent to Birth.

17 Haas (2006) 141. For the episode with the “Wagon” see also West (1997) 280.
18 Burkert (1987) 22.
6 Jenny Strauss Clay and Amir Gilan

Greeks and Northwest Semites… probably accounts for much of what has traditionally been
viewed as direct Hittite, Egyptian, or Mesopotamian influences in Greek cosmogonies19.

Indeed, many scholars would explain the shared deities, motifs and mythologems
as products of the Eastern Mediterranean koine, a local Graeco-Levantine tradi-
tion with a strong Northwest Semitic component (Canaanite or Syro-Phoenician),
which to cite Lopez-Ruiz again “enabled the transmission of influential Hurro-
Hittite myths (such as the castration motif, the swallowing of the stone, and some
features of the Storm God’s monster-enemies etc.)…”20. However she is the first to
admit that she cannot explain exactly when and how these motifs entered
Hesiod’s local Graeco-Levantine horizon. The many-voiced interplay of layers of
tradition may be too complex to pin down precisely. But in fact, the Hurro-Hittite
“Song of Emergence” is already a rich literary blend of Hurrian, Mesopotamian,
and Syrian names as well as places, motifs, and deities, which are a product of
another, earlier cultural melting pot, the North Mesopotamian-Syrian-Hurro-Hit-
tite koine21. Are we to give up the When and How questions of cultural borrowings
altogether?
A different approach was taken by Robin Lane Fox in his book Travelling
Heroes22. Instead of bringing the myths to the Greeks, he brings the Greeks to the
myths and explores the cultural encounters made by Euboeans of the 8th Century
in the Eastern Mediterranean coasts of Cyprus, Cilicia and the northern Levan-
tine Syrian plain, and the ways the Greeks interpreted, adapted, rearranged,
misunderstood and reinvented the many local traditions they found there and
wove them into their own stories. Lane Fox studies both the Dragon Slayer
traditions and the Kumarbi cycle myths and suggests locating the Greek encoun-
ter with these traditions around Mount Ḫazzi, the mountain of the Storm God,
alias Mount Zaphon, the Jebel Aqra at the bay of İskenderun, the arena of many
Dragon Slayer stories23. We know for example that a “Song of the Deeds of the
Sea” and a “Song of Kingship” – fragments of which, in Hittite and in Hurrian,
were found in Ḫattuša – was sung during a festival in honour of Mount Ḫazzi24.

19 López-Ruiz (2010) 127.

20 López-Ruiz (2010) 127.
21 Haas (2006) 130–132; Archi (2007); Beckman (2011) 25; Bachvarova (2012), especially 112–114.
22 New York, 2008. For a review of maritime interactions between the Aegean and the northern
Levant, see for example the review by Van Dongen (2007) with ample references. Van Dongen
(2010) 221–240, however, prefers an overland transmission via Anatolia.
23 Lane Fox (2008) 259–301.
24 Houwink ten Cate (1992) 116–117; Pecchioli Daddi/Polvani (1990) 147; Rutherford (2001)
598–599; Schwemer (2008) 25; Lane Fox (2008) 259–264; Lorenz/Rieken (2010) 229–230.
 The Hittite “Song of emergence” and the Theogony 7

The Songs probably portrayed the well-known battle fought between Teššub and
the Sea25.
In support of cultural continuity in the region, Lane Fox highlights the Hittite
cultural heritage in the Neo-Hittite kingdom of Patina and its capital Kinallua
further inland in the Amuq valley26. As Gilan will argue in a forthcoming essay,
the newly published inscription of Taita from the temple of the Storm God of
Aleppo as well as further inscriptions from Arsuz on the bay of Iskenderun may
further support this suggestion. These inscriptions and other evidence reveal the
existence of a relatively large kingdom, named Palistin, covering the territories of
the 9th century Neo-Hittite states of Arpad, Unqi and Hamat27. In his inscription
King Taita presents himself as a preserver of Hittite style, as renovator of the
temple of the Storm God of Aleppo, and as a supporter of the cult there28. The God
to which he pays homage is none other than the mighty Teššub of Aleppo, who
engaged the sea in the famous mythological battle. He is also the God that was
born out of Kumarbi’s skull. He is the addressee of the Hurrian prayer cited
earlier, KUB 47. 78, summoning him to the throne of Aleppo, naming Anu as his
father and Kumarbi as his mother. The Hurrian text, with these clear references to
the “Song of Emergence”, also lists provisions to festivities in Mount Ḫazzi29.
Taita and his Kingdom could thus provide the missing link which could keep
the cult of the Aleppine Storm God and his mythology alive well into the first
millennium and possibly bring the mythological literature around him closer to
the Greeks. If the striking verbal parallel between the Hesiodic and Hittite texts
cannot be counted as mere coincidence – and we believe it cannot – then the
notion of some form of direct contact at some point in the tradition, as suggested
above, would be strengthened.

Bibliography
A. Archi, Transmission of Recitative Literature by the Hittites, Altorientalische Forschungen 34,
2007, 185–203.

25 As Van Dongen (2011) 208 correctly notes, since Corti identified of the name of the composition
as the “Song of Emergence” in 2007, it is now clear that the “Song of Kingship” sung in the vicinity
of mount Hazzi does not pertain to that composition, as earlier commentators on the text often
assumed.
26 Lane Fox (2008) 266.
27 Harrison (2009); Hawkins (2011); Singer (2012); See now the historical overview of Bryce (2012)
128–138.
28 Aro (2010) 5–6.
29 Haas (2006) 251–252.
8 Jenny Strauss Clay and Amir Gilan

–, Orality, Direct Speech and the Kumarbi Cycle, Altorientalische Forschungen 36, 1999, 209–229.
S. Aro, Luwians in Aleppo?, in: I. Singer (ed.): ipamati kistamati pari tumatimis. Luwian and
Hittite Studies presented to J. David Hawkins on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, Tel Aviv
2010, 1–9.
M. R. Bachvarova, From “Kingship in Heaven” to King Lists: Syro-Anatolian Courts and the
History of the World, Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 12, 2012, 97–118.
G. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals (Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, Vol. 29), Wiesbaden 1983.
–, Primordial Obstetrics. “The Song of Emergence” (CTH 344), in: M. Hutter/S. Hutter-Braunsar
(eds.), Hethitische Literatur: Überlieferungsprozesse, Textstrukturen, Ausdrucksformen und
Nachwirken, Münster 2011, 25–33.
T. Bryce, The World of the Neo-Hittite Kingdoms. A Political and Military History, Oxford/New York
2012.
W. Burkert, Oriental and Greek Mythology: The Meeting of Parallels, in: J. Bremmer (ed.), Inter-
pretations of Greek Mythology, London 1987, 1–19.
CHD: H. G. Güterbock/H. A. Hoffner/Th. van den Hout (eds.), The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago, Chicago, 1980-.
D. R. M. Campbell, On the Theogonies of Hesiod and the Hurrians: An Exploration of the Dual
Natures of Teššub and Kumarbi, forthcoming.
C. Corti, The so-called ‘Theogony’ or ‘Kingship in Heaven’: The name of the song, Studi Micenei
ed Egeo-Anatolici 49, 2007, 109–21.
E. van Dongen, Contacts between Pre-Classical Greece and the Near East in the Context of
Cultural Influences: An Overview, in: R. Rollinger et al. (eds.), Getrennte Wege: Kommuni-
kation, Raum und Wahrnehmung in der Alten Welt, Frankfurt am Main 2007, 13–49.
–, Studying external stimuli to the development of the ancient Aegean. The ‘Kingship in
Heaven’-theme from Kumarbi to Kronos via Anatolia, Diss. UCL 2010.
–. The ‘Kingship in Heaven’-Theme of the Hesiodic Theogony: Origin, Function, Composition,
Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 51, 2011, 180–201.
E. Forrer, Eine Geschichte des Götterkönigtums aus dem Hatti-Reiche, Annuaire de l’Institut de
Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales 4, 1936, 687–713.
H. G. Güterbock, Kumbarbi, Mythen von churritischen Kronos aus den hethitischen Fragmenten
zusammengestellt, übers. und erklärt, Zürich 1946.
HW2: J. Friedrich/A. Kammenhuber/I. Hoffmann, Hethitisches Wörterbuch. Zweite, völlig neu
bearbeitete Auflage auf der Grundlage der edierten hethitischen Texte, Heidelberg 1975–.
V. Haas, Die hethitische Literatur: Texte, Stilistik, Motive, Berlin/New York 2006.
T. P. Harrison, Neo-Hittites in the ‘Land of Palistin’: Renewed Investigations at Tell Ta‘yinat on
the Plain of Antioch, Near Eastern Archaeology 72, 2009, 174–189.
J. D. Hawkins, The Inscriptions of the Aleppo Temple, Anatolian Studies 61, 2011, 35–54.
H. A. Hoffner Jr., Hittite Myths2, Atlanta 1998.
P. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, The Hittite storm god: His role and his rule according to Hittite cunei-
form sources, in: D. J. W. Meijer (ed.), Natural phenomena: Their meaning, depiction and
description in the ancient Near East (= Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandse Akade-
mie van Wetenschappen Vol. 152), Amsterdam 1992, 83–148.
A. Kloekhorst, Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon (= Leiden Indo-European
Etymological Dictionary Series, 5), Leiden 2008.
R. Lane Fox, Travelling Heroes, New York 2008.
C. López-Ruiz, When the Gods Were Born: Greek Cosmogonies and the Near East, Cambridge MA,
2010.
 The Hittite “Song of emergence” and the Theogony 9

J. Lorenz/E. Rieken, Überlegungen zur Verwendung mythologischer Texte bei den Hethitern, in:
Jeanette C. Fincke (ed.), Festschrift für Gernot Wilhelm anlässlich seines 65. Geburtstages
am 28. Januar 2010, Dresden 2010, 217–234.
F. Pecchioli Daddi/A. M. Polvani, La mitologia ittita (= Testi del Vicino Oriente Antico Vol. 1),
Brescia 1990.
I. Rutherford, The Song of the Sea (šA A. AB. BA SÌR): Thoughts on KUB 45. 63’, in G. Wilhelm
(ed.), Akten des IV. internationalen Kongresses für Hethitologie: Würzburg, 4.-8. Oktober
1999 (= Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten, Vol. 45) Wiesbaden 2001, 598–609.
D. Schwemer, Die Wettergottgestalten Mesopotamiens und Nordsyriens im Zeitalter der Keil-
schriftkulturen. Materialien und Studien nach den schriftlichen Quellen, Wiesbaden 2001.
–, The Storm-Gods of the Ancient Near East: Summary, Synthesis, Recent Studies. Part 2, Journal
of Ancient Near Eastern Religions 8, 2008, 1–44.
–, šuwaliyatt: Name, Kult und Profil eines hethitischen Gottes, Colloquium Anatolicum 10, 2011,
249–260.
I. Singer, The Philistines in the North and the Kingdom of Taita, in: G. Galil/A. Gilboa/
A. M. Maeir/D. Kahn (eds.), The Ancient Near East in the 12th-10th Centuries BCE: Culture
and History, Münster 2012, 451–472.
H. J. Thiel/I. Wegner, Eine Anrufung an den Gott Teššup von Ḫalab in hurritischer Sprache, Studi
Micenei ed Egeo Anatolici 24, 1984, 187–213.
A. Ünal, Hethitische Mythen und Epen, in: O. Kaiser (ed.), Weisheitstexte, Mythen und Epen:
Mythen und Epen II, Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments, Vol. 3, Gütersloh 1994,
802–65.
M. L. West, The East Face of Helicon. West Asiatic Elements in Greek Poetry and Myth, Oxford
1997.