Hermetica Vol1
Hermetica Vol1
Hermetica Vol1
HERMES TRISMEGISTUS
EDITED
BY
WALTER’ SCOTT
VOLUME I
Introduction
OXFORD
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS
1924
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Citta nlln ite laa aint tai Ctatisd
HERMETICA
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Plan of the Work
Vor. 1. Introduction, Texts
and Translation.
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INTRODUCTION
1 The Hermetic “belli differ so much among themselves, that few general
ments can be made concerning them to which exceptions may not be found ;
am here describing the impression produced by them as a whole, or for the
2pat.
A Hermetic teacher might : oa like
have said, oa a Homeric& bard (Od. 22. 347),
robibaxros 8 celui, Oeds BE por ev gpecty olyas wavrolas évépuoev. The meaning
of Beds had changed, but the notion of inspiration was still nearly the same.
8 INTRODUCTION
of God. It is the divine vods which has entered into the man
that
tells him what he needs to know; and with that divine vovs the
man’s true or highest self is identical or consub
stantial. ‘Think
things out for yourself’, says a Hermetist, ‘and
you will not go
astray,’!
And a second thing to be noted is the absen
ce of sheurgia—that
is, of ritualism, or sacramentalism, The notion of the efficacy of
sacramental rites, which filled so large a
place both in the religion
of the Christians and in that of the adher
ents of the Pagan mystery-
cults, is (with quite insignificant excep
tions) absent throughout
these Hermetica. The writer of Corp. XI. ii, for instan
ce, says,
‘Everywhere God will come to meet you’.
He does not say that
God will come to meet a man in initiation-r
ites like those of Isis
or Mithras, or in the water of baptism, or the
bread and wine of the
Christian Eucharist; what he does say is,
‘God will come to meet
you everywhere’, in all you see, and in
all you do,
At what dates were the Hermetica writt
en? This question,
together with the closely connected
question from what sources
were derived the doctrines taught in
them, is discussed in detail
in the notes on the several Jibel/i.
I here sum up shortly the
conclusions at which I have arrived.
The external evidence (collected in
the Testimonia) proves that
in A.D. 207-13 some Hermetica of
the same character as ours were
already in existence and accessible
to Christian readers; and that
in or about a. p. 310 most, if not all, of the extan
tHermetica were
in existence, as well as many others that
have perished.
From internal evidence I have been
able to assign a definite date
to one document only. If I am
not mistaken, the Greek original
of Asc. Lat. III was written within
a year or two of A.D, 270.
With respect to all the other Herm
etica, we have nothing to go
upon except the character of the
doctrines taught in them? What
can be inferred from that?
There was no one system of Herm
etic philosophy or theology,
no one body of fixed dogmas ;
each of these numerous writers
had his own manner of thinking,
and looked at things from his own
( point of view; and there are wide differences between the teaching
of one Adel/us and that of another. But underlying all these
differences there is a certain general similarity, such as would
naturally result from similar training and a common environment.
In the first place, the influence of Plato—and of the Zimaeus
more than any of Plato’s other dialogues—is manifest in almost
every page. Most of the Hermetists were probably not much given
to reading (that would seem to follow from the fact that they relied
on talk much more than on books in their teaching), and it may be
that some of them had never read a line of Plato’s own writings ;
‘but somehow or other, whether by attendance at the public lectures
of professional teachers of philosophy, or by private talk with men
who knew about these things, they had imbibed the fundamental
doctrines of that kind of Platonism which was current in their time.
But this prevailing Platonism is modified, in various degrees, by
the infusion of a Stoic ingredient. Terms and conceptions derived
from Stoic physics or cosmology are to be found in most of the
fibelli. Now Platonism modified by Stoic influence-—the sort of
syncretic Platonism that we find in Philo, for instance—was not
‘and cannot have been anywhere in existence much before the
first century B.c. There can have been no such blending of
doctrines during the period of scepticism in the Platonic school,
when Academics such as Carneades’ were waging war against the
smatism of the Stoics. It was not until that feud had died
, that the scepticism of the Academy was replaced by a more
tive form of Platonic teaching; and it was only then that
atonists began to Stoicize, and Stoics to Platonize. This new
ure may be dated, roughly speaking, at about 100 B.c.
mong the Stoics who Platonized, the most prominent name is
of Posidonius, who wrote between roo B.c. and 50 B.C.;
id in some of the Hermetica the influence of Posidonius can
clearly seen. Any proposal to put the date of the Hermetica
re 100 B.C, may therefore be disregarded. It is not merely
probable, but certain, that the true date is later than that.
_ But how inuch later? If we want an answer to that question, we
Must not be content with talking about the Hermetica in general;
must examine the /de//i one by one, and try to find out, with
ard to each of them in turn, what date is indicated by the details
Manuscripts
Present
edition A BCDM R Index capitum
(I-XIV) (I-XVIII) (I-XVIT1) inS
Libellus I ie(pddcov) a’ a’
— Il
&e.
- B B’
&e. &e,
— XLi 2 y
ra) o _ ta’
— Xiii 2 B ta’
— XILi
5 5
& & )
= E eas 18" 1B!
— XiILii si) aa J
— XIII (XIII. 1-16) vy’
: vy’
(XIIL. 17-22) 13’ 13"
— xiv _ te’ te’
— XVI XVI-XVIIT as a
XVI and XVII] separate work, |
asonedocument} in three unnum. |
— XVII bered parts. viz. | -
XVI+XVII, ‘7
— XVIII XVIII. 1-10 XVIII, 1-10,
XVIII, 11-16 XVIIL. 11-16
CORPUS HERMETICUM 19
SSS, ee
éYZ = XI — x1 | — x1 (XI
i — Mr — xu | — xcxnp
— XVI Suowe
pasisdsiayut
I9YIO
vI279M4aFT
“ulay)
YA — XVI
XVI- swgzop
paovyd
‘gapro
BUL
JuasayIp
YL
2772927
JO
YI
XVIII as
in R. — XVIT
— XVIII
20 INTRODUCTION
the Corpus; there is therefore no Libellus XV
in the present
edition.
In dividing the text of each Zibe/lus into section
s, I have, for
the most part, followed Reitzenstein in the Ze/i edited
by him
in his Poimandres (viz. I, XIII, XVI, XVII, XVIII)
, and Parthey in
the rest of the Corpus; and in cases where
further subdivision
seemed desirable, I have added letters to the
number of the section,
dividing § 3, for instance, into § 3a and
§ 3b. But I have here
and there slightly shifted the point of division
between two sections,
in order to make it correspond better with
a division in the sense.
The manuscripts of the Corpus have been
carefully investigated
by Reitzenstein, to whom I owe most of
the information given
in the following list. But to the fiftee
n MSS. mentioned and
described by him (oim. pp. 323 ff.) must
be added three Oxford
MSS. (Bodl. 3388, which I call Q; Bodl.
8827, which I call R¥
and Bodl. 3037, which I call S), of the existence of which
he
appears to have been unaware.’ All the
manuscripts reproduce,
with slight variations, the text of a comm
on archetype,? which was
full of corruptions. The first task of an
editor is to reconstruct
the text of the lost archetype ;his second
and more difficult task
is to infer from this what the author of
each document wrote x DIS
third task is to find out what the author
meant. And in cases
in which it is impossible to recover the preci
se words which the
author wrote, it may still be possible to guess
his meaning,
+ The derivation of Bodl, 16987 from Q is sufficiently proved by the fact that
two passages in Corp. II and four passages in Corp. XII, which have been
accidentally omitted in Q, are also omitted in Bod]. 16987 (first hand),
The connexion of Bodl. 16987 with D was recognized by Reitzenstein, who did
lot know of the existence of Q, the immediate source of Bodl. 16987.
* R cannot be derived from A itself, because five small lacunae which ovcur in
|
|
22 _ INTRODUCTION
a different hand; these corrections must have been taken
from
another MS.) The writing of Corp. XVI-XVIII is smaller,
but
similar in character to that of I-XIV, and both parts of the MS.
may
have been written by the same hand. The text of XVI-XVIII
appears to be derived from a MS. closely related to D.
(See the
readings of R given in the foot-notes to Corp. XVI-XVIIL.)
S: Bodleianus 3037 (Misc. Gr. 36, Auct. E 2.
8): 16th cent.
The text of S breaks off at the words raSré cot dokAn
me évoovre
in Corp. IX. 10, and the rest is lost; but the prefixed
Zudex capitum
gives the headings of all the documents in the
Corpus, including
XVI-XVIII. Sis closely connected with G
Reitzenstein mentions three other MSS., viz.:
Paristnus Graec.
1297; 16th cent.; contains Corp, I-XIV 3 ‘much
touched up, often
agrees with B*’ Vaticanus Graec. 914; end
of 15th cent.; contains
Corp. I. 1-28. Parisinus Graec. suppl. 395; 17th
cent.; contains
Corp. 1, 1-21. But these three are of no
importance.
It is possible that there may be in existence some
MSS. of the
Corpus which have not yet been discovered;?
but it is not likely
that any future discovery will make any appreciable
addition to the
material already at our disposal. The known MSS.
are more than
sufficient to enable us to reconstruct the lost archet
ype from which
they are all derived; the more serious difficu
lties begin: when we
try to correct by conjecture the corrupt
text of that archetype.
Reitzenstein considers that, when the relatio
ns of the MSS. to one
another and to the printed texts have once
been ascertained, an
editor need concern himself only with the readin
gs of A, C, and M,
and can safely disregard the rest. I have not
done precisely that ;
but I hope that what I have done in this matter
does not fall very
the A-text of Corg. I. 4, 5, and are indicat
ed by blank spaces in A,
in R. But in all else, R (I-XIV) very closely agrees with A. E.g.doI.not occur
om. AR | I. 9, érdpyov 3, dnoiv
om, AR | fb, éwrd twas AR: twas énrd
vonta AR: vyerd cett. | 1.15, év om. AR | I, 21, nai marip AR: cett, | I. arb,
kai 6 warp
cett. | I. 22, éyd abrdsAR: éy® Q Turn,: abrds eye cett, | Z2.,
ipvowvres cett. | I. 26a, ipvotor AR:
avyxalpover ... marépa
wdddos AR: kdéos cett. | 1. 28, ondvy AR: mAdvpom. AR (Aomocoteleuton), | 1. 27,
* For instance, S agrees with C, and differs cett.
a from ABDM, in the following
I. 4, todrw CS: rodro cett, }I. 5b, e@aBalvovros CS: avaBaivovros
cett. | I.6, BAérav at dxotoy CS: Bdémov xai dxovdov cett. | L. 7, dvrémno€é CS:
ex dyrégno€ corr. dvrmmncé A: dvrémnoé cett.
cett. | I. 11a, érpeve CS: Eorpeye cett. | I. 14, ds| 1. 9, mepéyovre CS: weptéxovras
® Reitzenstein says that he was obliged te C: hore S: ds dre cett.
intention of searching for MSS. of the to leave Italy without carrying out his
Corpus in the smaller libraries of that
country,
,
CORPUS HERMETICUM 23
and XIII,
far short of that which he thinks requisite. In Corp. I
the MSS. used by Reitzen stein (viz.
| have given the readings of
ABCDM), and of the printed text of Turneb us, and added those
and
of Q. In Corp. II-XI, I have given the readings of A, Q,
n
~
one else before me, that fact is stated in a foot-note. When there is no such
nt in the foot-notes, it is to be understood that it is I that propose this
ation of the text.
See Zervos, Michel Psellos (un philosophe néoplatonicien du XI” stécle),
Faris, 1920,
* Reitzenstein speaks of the ‘Text der Psellosabschrift’.
26 INTRODUCTION
in Corp. XVIII especially, Psellus filled gaps in the text
by inserting
conjectural supplements. But what evidence is there that
Psellus
took the part assigned to him by Reitzenstein, or any
part at all,
in the transmission of the Corpus?
In support of his statements,! Reitzenstein puts
forward only the
two following facts. (r) In Cog, I. 18, there is
inserted in the text
of Cod. M an anonymous Scholion, in which
it is pointed out that
‘this ydys’ (i.e. the author of Corp. I, who
is assumed to be
Hermes) must have been acquainted with the Mosai
c account of
the Creation. And in the margin of Cod. B, this
same scholion is
written by a later hand (B*), with the superscripti
on tod Wé\Aov.
(2) In Cod. M (which contains several different and
unconnected
works), the Corpus Hermeticum is immediately preced
ed by two
copies of a treatise of Psellus on the Chaldaean
Oracles, and the
second of these two copies is written by the same
hand as the Corpus
Hermeticum$
The second fact is negligible. It does not follow,
because two
works which appear side by side in a Codex of the fourte
enth century
were written by the same hand in that Codex,
that the archetype
of the one had been written by the hand of
the man (of the eleventh
century) who was the author of the other, or
had ever been in that
man’s possession.
It seems then that the only evidence‘ that
Psellus had a hand
in the transmission of the Corpus is
the fact that a scholion on
Corp. I. 18 is ascribed to Psellus by an unkno
wn person who revised
' Reitzenstein says that it was Br. Keil
connexion of the Platonic studies of Psellu who first called his attention to ‘the
I have not met with any published statem s with the editing of the Corpus’; but
ent
® For this scholion see Posies in Testim. of Keil on this subject.
* Similarly, in Cod. S (which was
not known to Reitzenstein),
Hermeticum is immediately preceded by Psellus J Psychogoniam the Corpus eS
Platonis,
1 egy II. 1-4, 6b-9, 10-13; IV. 1b, 10-11 b; X. 7-8b, 12-13, 16-18,
19, 22 b-25.
_ ® At the beginning of Zéée//us II, a passage which is missing in our Corpus
MSS. has been preserved by Stobaeus,
It is conceivable that the two losses of leaves (that between I and II and that
tween XVI and XVII) may have taken place independently, and in two different
28 INTRODUCTION
between the loss of the leaves and the
writing of our MSS,, it may
be considered almost certain that
the collection as a whole existed
at least as early as the twelfth century. Moreover
that the Corpus as a whole was know , it is probable
n to Psellus, and consequently, —
that the 4e/i' of which it is comp
osed had been brought together
by abou t a.p. 1050, That, however, is the earliest
any trace of it can be found, date at which
The Corpus was almost cert
ainly known to the author of the
Hlermippus,' as he shows knowle
dge of five at least of the “belli
contained in it,? and in some of
his borrowings from them, repro-
duces the corruptions of our
Corpus-text. But the date of
Hermippus is unknown; it may the
have been written as late as the
eleventh century,® or even later.
Fulgentius Mythographus (c. a.
p. 500) refers to Libel/us I, and
quotes a phrase from it;* but |
that is no proof that the collecti
of dibeli which we call the Corp on
us Hermeticum existed in his time
Stobaeus prefixes to his excerpts .
from Zibeldus X the heading
‘Eppod é« trav pos Tr, and to
those from Lidellus II the head
“Eppod ex av mpos "AokAymidv. (Of ing
his two excerpts from Lided/us IV,
the first has no heading, and the
second is headed simply ‘Eppoi.)
It is to be inferred from this that
he found Libelius X (and pre-
sumably Zidellus IV also) in a
book entitled ‘The discourses of
MSS, ; and in that case neith
er of those two MSS. need
the whole Corpus. One of necessarily have included
them, for instance, might
have contained I-XIV,
ont
CORPUS HERMETICUM 29
1 He gives under this same heading (‘Eppod é« ray npds Tar) a number of other
passages which come from Hermetic /2se//¢ not included in the Corpus. His
aathologinm contains also some excerpts from a third book, called ‘The
iscourses of Hermes to Ammon’, and some from a collection of Hermetic
iments (including the Aore Kosmi) in which the teacher is Isis, and the pupil
Lactantius quotes from Cor, XII. ii and Cog. XVI; it is more or less
that he also refers to Corp. V, Corp. IX, and Corp. X. Cyril quotes
Corp. XI. ii and Corp. XIV. See Testim.
See note on Corp. 1.2
The probable date of Corp. XVIII is within a year or two of A.D. 300, and
eng gg to think that any of the other /#de//? in the Corpus are of later
than this.
30 INTRODUCTION
“belli included in the collections used by Stobaeus were also in
circulation singly ; and there may have been others which had never
been included in them, but stood alone. If so, a compiler of the
Corpus may have added each /e//us in turn to his own collection as
he happened to meet with it.
In some of the MSS., the Corpus is divided into two distinct
parts, the first part (Corg. I-XIV) being thought to contain the
teachings of Hermes, and the second (Corp. XVI-XVIII), the
teachings of Asclepius. It is probably a result of this distinction
that Zidel/i XVI-XVIII were omitted in A; the transcriber copied
only ‘the teachings of Hermes’, and did not go on to copy ‘the
teachings of Asclepius’, which he considered to be a different work.
But we do not know whether this division existed from the first,
or was subsequently introduced by some redactor or copyist. As
a matter of fact, Corp. XVI, in which the teacher is Asclepius, and
the surviving fragment of Corp. XVII, in which the teacher is Tat,
are similar in general character ‘to the majority of the preceding
“belli, and must have come from similar sources ; while Cop. XVIII,
which the transcribers apparently assumed to be a speech (or two
speeches) delivered by Asclepius, has in reality no connexion either
with Hermes or with his pupils.
At any rate, it seems to have been by deliberate intention that the
three /ide//i in which Hermes does not appear either as teacher or as
pupil’ were placed together, and put at the end of the collection.
But in Corp. I-XIV, there are few traces of designed arrangement.
It is true that Zzbe//vs 1, in which a man (assumed by the transcribers
to be Hermes) is taught by God, and sets forth to teach to mankind
the gnosis which God has taught him, is well suited for its place at
the beginning ; and the documents which follow may have been
regarded as specimens of that teaching of which Zzde//us I describes
the origin. But in II-XIV, there is no internal connexion between
adjacent documents,’ and the order in which these 4e// stand in
the Corpus appears to be merely accidental.
1 There are three other /zde//i (I, III, and VII) which, when first written,
probably had nothing to do with Hermes; but these three had doubtless been
ascribed to Hermes before they were included in the Corpus.
* It is possible that in two or three instances a redactor of the Corpus may have
slightly altered the opening words of a /ibe//us, in order to make them appear to
refer back to the document which immediately precedes it in the collection. (See
the first sentences of Corp. V, X, and XIV.) But in no case is there any real con-
nexion between the contents of two successive /ide//i, except, perhaps, in XI. i and
XI, ii, in both of which the teacher is Nods,
CORPUS HERMETICUM 31
of it at Damascus, and got Moses Rouas to translate the Arabic text into Ttalian ;
the Italian of Rouas was translated into Latin by Petrus Nicolaus ex Castellaniis ;
and the Latin version thus produced was printed at Rome in 1 519, under the
patronage of Pope Leo X, with the title Sapientissimd Aristolelis Stagiritae
Theologia sive mistica Philosophia Secundum Aegyptios noviter Reperta et in
Latinum Castigatissime redacta. A revised edition of it, in more polished Latin,
was published by Carpentarius at Parisin 1572; but Patrizzi preferred to reproduce
the edition of 1519, as more faithfully representing the original. Fr, Dieterici has
published the Arabic text (Dze sogenannte Theologie des Aristoteles, 1882), and
a German translation of it (1883). Dieterici says that the Latin version of 1 519
(i.e. that which Patrizzi reprinted), ‘judged from the present standpoint of Arabic
philology, is worthless’.
Patrizzi saw that the doctrine of this treatise is what is commonly called
Neoplatonic ;yet he contrived to retain his belief that it had been written by
Aristotle. His theory about it is as follows. Plato studied for thirteen years
under the Egyptian priests at Heliopolis (Strabo 806), and was permitted by them
to read the writings of Hermes Trismegistus, After his return to Athens, Plato
taught two distinct philosophies—an ‘ exoteric’ philosophy, which is given in his
written Dialogues, and an ‘esoteric’ philosophy, based on the ancient wisdom
of Egypt, which he imparted orally to his pupil Aristotle. The latter wrote down
day by day the secret teaching which he received from the lips of Plato; and the
Mystica philosophia consists of the notes which he thus wrote down. Afterwards,
Aristotle quarrelled with Plato and his followers, and started a school of his own
in opposition to them; and the books commonly known as Aristotle’s writings
are those which he wrote during that period of his life. But in his old age he
retuned to the true Platonic faith. The book in which this ‘ mystic hilosophy ’
was written down by Aristotle was lost, Patrizzi thinks, innnedintely after his
death, but was found again in the time of Ammonius Saccas, the teacher of
Plotinus ;and the Neoplatonists borrowed from it.
? i. e. Plato’s ‘exoteric’ teaching, which is given in his Dialogues,
2 Herm. a. Stob. £xc. ITB. 2.
CORPUS HERMETICUM 39
1 He puts the date a little too early; most of the /el/i of the Corpus were
probably written in the third century, some perhaps in the second century.
? He onght rather to have said Judaicam. (See Corp. I and III.)
More is now known about the modes of thought of the ancient Egyptians; but
Casaubon’s opinion on this point is confirmed by the results of modern Egyptology.
‘Traces of the influence of indigenous Egyptian thought, if not entirely absent, are
fare in the Hermetica.
e
e
a
oe
e_
E
42 INTRODUCTION
E
e
e
44 INTRODUCTION
German translation of the Corpus, based on the Greek text of
Flussas. Reitzenstein says that Tiedemann gives in his notes
‘a whole series of excellent conjectures’, The book is scarce, and
I have not seen it.
Parthey, 1854.—Hermetis Trismegisti Poemander. Ad fidem codi-
cum manu scriptorum recognovit Gustavus FParthey. Berolini,
MDCCCLIV. This is an edition of Corp. I-XIV. Parthey says
in his preface that, if it meets with a good reception, he intends
to edit afterwards religua Hermetis scripta, apud Lactantium, Cyril-
lum, Stobaeum servata; but this project was never carried out by
him. He says nothing about Corg. XVI-XVIII.
Parthey made use of the editions of Turnebus, Flussas, and
Patrizzi, and Tiedemann’s notes; but he professes to base his text
mainly on two MSS., A and B.* Cod. A had been collated for him
by F. de Furia, and Cod. B by D. Hamm. But whether through his
own carelessness or incompetence, or through that of the collators,
his statements as to the readings of A and B are untrustworthy;*
and for any one who has access, either directly or through the
medium of the Fimandras of Flussas, to the sounder text of the
editio princeps, which reproduces without alteration that of a MS.,
Parthey's edition is useless, if not misleading.
Ménard, 1866.—Hermes Trismégiste. Traduction complete, preé-
cédée d'une étude sur Lorigine des livres Hermétiques. Par Louis
Ménard... .. Paris,..+ 1866. The Traduction is a free translation
of Corp. I-XIV, the Latin Ascdepius, twenty-six Stobaeus-excerpts,
some fragments from Cyril, &c., and Corp. XVI-XVIII. Ménard
does not stick closely to the (often meaningless) words of the
traditional text, but expresses in fluent French what he rightly or
wrongly takes to have been the author’s meaning. His introductory
Etude (x11 pages) is a sensible and well-written treatise on the
Hermetica. For those who wish to make acquaintance with the
Hermetists, but do not read Greek and Latin, Ménard’s book is,
I think, to be recommended in preference to any other work on
the subject that has yet been published.
Zeller (Philosophie der Griechen, Theil IIT, Abth. IZ, ath edition,
Collated by Goldbacher :
(x) P = Parisinus 6634 ; twelfth century.
(2) L = Laurentianus plut. LXXVI cod, 36; twelfth or thirteenth
century.
(3) F = Florentinus, olim Marcianus 284 ; twelfth century,
Besides these two groups, Thomas mentions a MS. in the British
Museum (Add. 11983, twelfth century), which he has found to
be of
very little value; and a large number of ‘interpolated MSS.’,
which
he has deliberately disregarded.
Thomas has reconstructed the text of the archetype from
which
our MSS. are derived. But that is only the first stage
on the road
to the discovery of the Hermetic teacher’s meaning.
The text of
the archetype itself was corrupt ; and even if we could
restore the
Latin to the exact form in which it came from the
hand of its first
writer, we should still be far from the completion
of our task. We
have to do with a Latin translation of a Greek docume
nt. The
Greek text was probably already damaged when
it came into the
translator's hands; the translator was very imperfe
ctly qualified for
his work, and it is certain that he has frequently
blundered, Our
first business is to work back to the Latin text
as the translator
wrote it; but having done this, we have still to
guess what was the
Greek which the translator had before him, and
thence to infer
the meaning which the writer of the lost original intende
d to convey.
Thomas has brought together the results of the
previous work of
other scholars in the emendation of the text,
and has added much
of his own that is of high value ;but he has
still left much to be
done. Not only have both the Greek original and
the Latin
translation been damaged by errors
of transcription ; but it is
evident that either the original or the translation
has been mutilated
in a quite exceptional way. Some passage
s have been lost, some
have been misplaced, and many words,
phrases, and sentences have
been transposed from a context in which
they made sense to a
context in which they make nonsense.
If the Latin text had once
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 51
1 The subject of this document might be described in the words of Pl. Theaet,
174b: ri 8& or’ early dvOparmos, kal rh rh Toaithn pice mpoonke Siddopoy ray
Ghraw moteiv f naoxew, Cnret (6 girdaogos),
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 53
which parallels cannot be found in earlier Greek writings. Yet the
teaching of Asc. I is not a mere repetition of traditional formulas;
the writer’s words ring true, and are alive with genuine feeling. If
he has adopted his beliefs from others, they are none the less
his own.
The influence of Plato is manifest throughout. The fundamental
articles of the writer's creed—the doctrine of a supracosmic God,
who is the maker and ruler of the universe, and that of a supracosmic
element in the human soul—have been transmitted to him from
Plato ; and verbal echoes of phrases used by Plato may be recog-
nized (see for instance the reminiscences of the Zimaeus in ch. 8).
But there is ample evidence of dependence on Greek writers of later
date than Plato. The terms tAy and gualitas (rodv or rodrys), as
employed in As¢/. I, did not come into use until after Plato’s time.
The cosmology of chs. 2-6 is largely Stoic. The notion of a lower
and mortal soul which is either composed of fire and air, or insepar-
ably connected with those elements, must have been arrived at by
a blending of Platonism with Stoic physics. The terms guod sursum
versus fertur and quod deorsum fertur (rd dvudepés, 7d Katwpepés),
ch. 2—species (cldos) in the sense of an individual, or the group of
qualities distinctive of an individual, chs. 2 Jin.-4—spiritus (avedpa),
ch. 6—and the statement that plants are diya, ch. 4, are of Stoic
origin. The phrase (vots) guae guinta pars soli homint concessa est ex
aethere, ch. 6 fin. seems to have been derived from the Peripatetic
Critolaus, perhaps through the syncretic Platonist Antiochus,!
The writer of Asc. I says that man has been embodied on earth
‘in order that he may tend the things of earth’ (iva ta émiyea
Gcparrevy) ;and it is in the treatment of this theme, if anywhere, that
he shows independence. ‘he earliest Pagan writer in whom I have
found this thought expressed is Cicero ; and he probably got it from
Posidonius. In this part of Asc¢/. I, therefore, the influence of
Posidonius may be suspected.
The modification of a fundamentally Platonic system of thought
by an intermixture of Stoic physics, such as we find in this document
as well as in most of the other Mermetica, must have been derived
from Antiochus and Posidonius, or from writers subsequent to them
and influenced by them.
1 The passage (sunt res) quaedam quae ante faclae sunt, &e., ch. 5 énit.,
bably comes from Antiochus; but it is doubtful whether this passage existed
n the original text of Ase/. 1,
54 INTRODUCTION
There seems to be nothing distinctively Egyptian in the doctrine
of Asc, 1. The religious fervour of the writer is characteristic of his
Egyptian nationality ;but there is nothing in his dogmas that cannot
be derived from Greek philosophy.
There are several phrases which show some resemblance to
passages in the first two chapters of Genesis. See notes on ch. 3,
mundus .. . pracparatus est a deo (i.e. thy has been created by
God); ch. 7, pars (hominis, sc. the vots), guam vocamus divinae
similitudinis formam ; ch. 8, kahos 8& (79 OG) eddvy dv (6 Kdcpos);
tb., talesque omnes esse praecepit (which implies the making of a ‘ first
man’); #4., man has been embodied wf possit ... gubernare terrena.
There is, then, a possibility that the writer was to some slight extent
affected by Jewish influence; but as each of these thoughts may
very well haye been suggested in some other way, it remains a
possibility only.
The writer uses the term 6 xvpios as a name or title of the
supreme God (ch. 8). Is this to be regarded as a result of Jewish
influence? The word «ipios (with a dependent genitive) was applied
to Zeus by Pindar, Jsthm. 4 (5). 67: Zeds ra te Kal ra véwer, Leds 6
mdvrwv Kips’ and according to Liddell and Scott, «pios occurs
‘in inscriptions, as a name of divers gods, Zeus, Hermes, Kronos, &c.,
vide C. I. Index II1; so Kvpéa of Artemis, &c., 2.’ But it was not
commonly used by Greek philosophic writers with reference to the
supreme God. There is no instance of this use of it in Diels
fr. Vorsokr., in Plato, in Aristotle, or in Diels Doxogr1 But it was
employed by the translators of the LXX as a rendering of the
Hebrew name of God; and where it is similarly used by Pagan
writers, it may have been taken over by them from Hellenistic Jews.
It occurs frequently in the books of magic; e.g. the god is addressed
as xvpte in Dieterich Afithrasliturgie, pp. 8, 10 (thrice), 14 (twice),
and Dieterich Aéraxas, p. 177, &c. Its use in such cases is com-
parable to that of the Hebrew names (e.g. Safa, Abraxas p. 176)
employed in magic invocations.
I have failed to find the slightest trace of Christian influence in
Ase. I.
Date of the Greek original of Ascz. J. The only definite erminus
1 It would be a short /ibed/us, but not shorter than some other Hermetica which
may perhaps have been written as independent /¢ée//7, and meant to stand alone,
e.g. Corp. VIII and Cor, III.
58 INTRODUCTION
16b, 17ac, ((33ac, 34a)): Ratio mundanorum, a short
[tccoun of the constituents of the material universe, viz. iAy,
a5 noppai, and mvedpa.
18, 19a, ((34b)), 19b (27cb)) 90, (340, (r7b)), 355
36)): Ratio divinorum ; a discussion of voyrd.
* * * * * * % * * * %
respect, Asc/. III stands in marked contrast to Asc/. 1.) The treatise
as a whole has little unity ; and it is difficult to describe its subject
ina single phrase. But every part of it contributes in some way to
the exposition of what the writer holds to be the true religion ;and
in some parts at least he is occupied in explaining what gods are to
be worshipped, and how men ought to worship them. In the
Prophecy he laments the impending abandonment of the old cults ;
his repeated assertion that men make gods (23 b, 37) is a defiant
justification of the usages of Pagan worship in the face of Christian
hostility ; and the passage on time and eternity (26 b-32) leads up
to a mention of that vision of the Eternal in which all worship
culminates. Perhaps then the loosely connected discussions of
which Ase/. III is composed may be fairly comprehended under the
title De culiu deorum.
The sources of Asccerius IZ, The influence of Plato is manifest
throughout. The fundamental conceptions of the writer—that of
a supracosmic God, and that of an incorporeal vods—are derived
from Plato. The notion of eternity (26 b-32) is Platonic ;and the
use of the word aefernifas (aidv) to express this notion comes from
the Zimaeus. The doctrine of voyr& and «idy contained in chs. 17 b,
18b, 19 ac, 34b-36, is based on the teaching of Plato; and the
distinction between voyra eiSy and alcGyra <idn (17b and 35)
belongs to a stage of Platonism which can hardly have been reached
before the time of Antiochus (first century B.c.). The daemonology
of 27e-29 a must have been taken over from some Platonic authority.
The use of the term #Ay (17a) originated among the pupils of Plato.
In 16b, the Kosmos is described as sensibilis deus (aicOnrds Oeds,
Pl. Zim.).
To Stoic influence must be ascribed the use of the term sfiritus
(xvedpa) in 16b, 17a, 18 b, and the doctrine of eipappevy in 39, 40a.
The definition of vox (dwv}) in 20a is Stoic. In the words guod
dicitur extra mundum, 33, the writer refers to the Stoic doctrine of
a void outside the Kosmos. The statement that no two individuals are
alike (ch. 35) is derived from the Stoics of the second century B.C.,
who maintained this doctrine in opposition to the Academics; and
the astral explanation of individual differences (.) would hardly
have been found in the writings of any Stoic earlier than Posidonius.
The terms droxaréornoey and regenitura (wadvyyeveoia) in the last
paragraph of the Prophecy, 26 a, are Stoic, and the contents of this
paragraph are probably derived in part from a Stoic source, In the
60 INTRODUCTION
account of the life after death, 27 e-29a, the assumption that all
souls alike, on their separation from the body, ascend into the
atmosphere is of Stoic origin ;and the division of the atmosphere
into two distinct strata, and the purgation of impure souls in the
lower stratum, are derived from Posidonius.
The statement that vois is divina pars mundi, ch. 22 b, is due to
the influence of Stoic materialism, but may perhaps have been
transmitted to the writer by the Peripatetic Critolaus and the
Platonist Antiochus. The remarks on circular movement in 31 jin.
and 40b may perhaps have been derived from Aristotle.
The contents of chs. 20, 21 (God is évévupes or ravrévepos—God
is dpoevéOmAvs) may possibly be derived from native Egyptian
sources. The views expressed in connexion with the statement
that man makes gods (23 b, 24a, and 37, 38) are Egyptian rather
than Hellenic. In these passages, the writer formulates certain
beliefs of his countrymen ; he is here speaking of things familiar
to him by direct and personal knowledge, and has no occasion to
borrow from earlier writers,
In the list ef otcudpya (19 b, 27), the notion of a system of
departmental gods, and the names Zeus, Heimarmene, indicate a
Stoic source ; but the terms (Decani\, Horoscopi, and Lantomorphos
are derived rather from the astral religion of Hellenistic Egypt.
The combination of Stoic and Egyptian ingredients in this passage
might be accounted for by the assumption that the scheme of
overdpxat has been borrowed from the Egyptian Stoic Chaeremon.
The form of the Prophecy, 24 b-26a, may have been suggested
by earlier apocalypses, Egyptian or Jewish ; but its contents, so far
as it refers to contemporary events, must be original.
Analogies to Jewish teaching may be found in the exaltation
of human procreation, ch. 21 (cf. Gen. i. 28, atédverbe Kal 7A Oi-
veoGe) ; in the statement that man is made ex parte corruptiore mundi
et ex atvina, ch. 22 (cf. Gen. ii. 7, &érAacev & beds Tov GvOpwrov xoov
dmé tis yas «%7.A.); and in the application of the term summus
(tpuros) to the supreme God (summus gui dicitur deus, 16b) ; but
there is no proof that the writer was in any way affected by Jewish
influences.
There is not the slightest reason to think that any part of the
doctrine of Asc/. III has been derived from Christian sources. On
the other hand, the writer’s attitude is to a large extent determined
by his repugnance to Christianity. This repugnance finds direct
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 61
expression in the Prophecy, and underlies his treatment of the topics
of god-making and procreation.
Date of the Greek original of Ascrzpius ITZ. A consideration
of the sources from which the doctrine of Asc/, III is derived makes
it certain that the treatise must have been written after the time
of Antiochus and Posidonius, i.e. at some time later than roo B.c.
At no earlier period could Stoic conceptions have been blended
with Platonism as we find them blended in this document. And if
; the writer has borrowed from Chaeremon, the date must be later
than A.D. 50.
But the Prophecy, ch. 24f., contains references to contemporary
events ; and by examining these references, it may be possible to
determine the date more exactly. .The contents of the Prophecy
may be summarized thus: ‘Cruel and impious foreigners will invade
the land of Egypt, and slaughter a large part of the inhabitants ;
thereupon, the Egyptians themselves will become cruel and impious,
and the national religion will die out.’ At what date were these
predictions written? It is evident that the writer is describing,
under the form of a prophecy uttered by Trismegistus, things which
had recently taken place, or were taking place before his eyes. If,
therefore, we can identify the events of which he speaks, we shall
obtain an approximate date for the writing of chs. 24-6 at least,
if not for the whole treatise.
Let us consider first the predicted abandonment of the national
religion.
Under the rule of the Persians and the Greeks, and under the
eatlier Roman empire, the Egyptian religion had maintained itself,
not indeed unchanged, but unimpaired in strength, and unshaken
by any sudden or violent transformation ; and at no time could it be
thought to be in danger of perishing, until it was threatened with
extinction by the advance of Christianity.’
} Under the Ptolemies and the early Roman emperors, the only declared
opponents of Paganism in Egypt were the Jews; and they were never numerous
or influential enongh to cause such a feeling of impending and inevitable doom as
is expressed by our Hermetist. (On the Jewish rising under Trajan, see below.)
An illustration of the attitude of the Jews towards the Egyptian religion is
to be found in Orac. Sibyl. 5. 484-503, written by an Alexandrian Jew of
unknown date (possibly about the time of Trajan or Hadrian) :
"Iot, Oed tprrddawa, peveis Emi yedpacr NelAov
pouvn, pawas dvavdos émt Wapdbos ’Axépovros,
koueTt cou pyela ye pevel kad yaiay amacay.
wat od, Sdpam, Al@ous dpyods émxelpeve moddods,
kelon mTGpa péyoroy éy Alyinry tpradalyg:
62 INTRODUCTION
What, then, is the earliest date at which Christianity was powerful
and aggressive enough in Egypt to give rise to such gloomy anticipa-
tions as are expressed in chs. 24-5 of the Asclepius? Harnack,
Mission und Ausbreitung des Christentums , Book IV, has collected
the evidences of the spread of Christianity down to A.D. 325.
Celsus! (A.D. 176-80) speaks as if Christianity had been almost
extirpated. Doubtless he exaggerates the success of the repressive
measures of Marcus Aurelius ; but he could not haye spoken thus if
the Christians were numerous enough to cause serious alarm. In
his time, Pagans regarded Christianity with hatred and contempt,
but not with fear.
Tertullian? (a.p. 197-213) speaks in a tone which foreshadows
the coming danger to Paganism. But allowance must be made
for his rhetorical style; he greatly exaggerates the numbers and
power of the Christians.
bacco 8 Aiydrrov wébov iyyayov cis oe, dmavres
KAavoovral ge Kak@s, Gedy apbrrov év peat Oévres*
ywhoovral ce 70 pndév, Boo Oedv eiprncay,
kat (rére) T&v iepéwv Tis épel, AwwdaToAos avyp*
“ Bedre, Oeod Téuevos Kaddv aThampev adAnOods
Betre, Tov én mpoydvev Sewdv vépov addAagapcr,
Tov xdpiv of AUOlvos Kat darpaxivorcr Beotow
mopmds kat TeAerds motovpevot ovK évdnoay.
orpépapev yuxds Sedv apOrov evpvodvtes
Tov mpvramy mavrev, Tov ddnbéa, Tov Bactdja,
Wuxorpdpoy -yevertpa, Gedy peyav aity édyra,”
The Jewish Sibyllist here predicts the conversion of the Egyptians, as the
writer of Isaiah ch. 19 had predicted it before him; but it is hardly to be thought
that an Egyptian idolater would at any time have admitted that the conversion of
the whole nation to Judaism was even possible, much less that it was inevitable.
1 Celsus, in Origen contra Cels. 8. 69: tpév 52 (sc. of you Christians) dv
mAavarai Tis ert AavOdvow, GAAA (yreira mpos Oavarov Bixny. (The dates of the
books here cited are taken from Harnack, Chronol. der Alichrist. Litt., 1897-
1904.)
5 Tertull. Apolog. 2 (A.D. 197) ‘Obsessam vociferantur civitatem, in agris, in
castellis, in insulis Christianos, omnem sexum, aetatem, condicionem, etiam
dignitatem transgredi ad hoc nomen’. Jd, 37 ‘Si et hostes exertos, non tantum
vindices occultos agere vellemus, deesset nobis vis numerorum et copiarum?...
Hesterni sumus, et vestra omnia implevimus. . . . Cui bello non idonei, non
prompti fuissemus, etiam impares copiis, qui tam libenter trucidamur, si non apud
istam disciplinam magis occidi liceret quam occidere? . . . Si enim tanta vis
hominum in aliquem orbis remoti sinum abrupissemus a vobis, suffudisset utique
dominationem vestram tot qualiumcumque civium amissio, immo etiam et ipsa
destitutione punisset. . . . Plures hostes quam cives vobis remansissent. Nunc
etiam pauciores hostes habetis prae multitudine Christianoram, paene omninm
civitatium paene omnes cives Christianos habendo.’ Tertull. adv. Fudaeos
(A. D. 1y8-203) ‘In quem alium universae gentes crediderunt nisi in Christum?’
Tertull. adv. Marc. 3. 20 (A.D. 198-209) ‘ Aspice universas nationes de voragine
erroris humani exinde emergentes. . . . Christus totum iam orbem evangelii sui
fide cepit’ Tertull. ad Scapulam 2 (A.D. 212-13) ‘Tanta hominum multitudo,
pars paene maior civitatis cuiusque, in silentio et modestia agimus’, See also
Minucius Felix 9 (A.D, 222-50).
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 63
Origen' (a.D. 246-9), speaking the language of sober truth,
supplies the necessary corrective to Tertullian’s exaggerations. He
admits that there are still many people, even in the Roman empire,
whose ears the preaching of Christianity has not yet reached; and
that the Christians are still ‘ very few’ as compared with the Pagans.
; He looks forward with confident assurance to the ultimate prevalence
a: of good over evil, either in this world or in the world to come; but
. he doubts whether the universal acceptance of the true religion
is possible on earth,
Harnack (of. ci¢., p. 376) concludes that ‘as regards the stages in
the history of the mission-work, the great advances, after the time
of Paul, were made (1) in the epoch of Commodus (a.D. 180-92) and
his next successors, and (2) in the years 260-303; and it was in the
latter period that the progress was most rapid ’.?
) From the time of the edict of toleration issued at Milan by
Constantine and Licinius in a.p, 313, the victory of the new
religion was assured. Eusebius,’ about a.p. 325, describes the
Christians as ‘the most numerous of all the nations’; and Firmicus
Maternus, some twenty years later, speaks of Paganism as almost
extinct.*
1 Origenes, ad Matth. 24. 9 (A. D. 246-9) ‘ Multi enim non solum barbararum,
sed etiam nostrarum gentium usque nunc non audierunt Christianitatis verbum’.
Orig. contra Cels. 3. 29 Ye D. 246-8) 6 be méupas tov "Incouv beds ... émoinge
navTaxod Tis oikouperys brép ris Tay avOpwmav emarpopys Kai diopPwaews Kparhoa
ro ebaryyédov “Inood, wal yevécOat ravraxod éxxAnalas dvtimodrevopeévas ExeAnotas
Sacriatpivey kal deoddorov xat ddixov. Jb. 8. 69 elwep “dv bdo cuvppavaow”
ef qpdy .. . “-yerqoerar abtois mapa rod éy ois obpavois marpds,” . . . Ti xph
vopicew, el pr) pdvov ds viv wavy ddAbyo cupdavotey, dAAA naga 4 tnd ‘Papalov
dpxy ; [b. 8. 68 Aris (se. Tav Xporiavav Opnanela) Kat povn wore pathoe, Tov
Adyou del wAelovas vepopévov puxds. /b. 8.72 ebxqv twa elmdy (sc. Celsus) Thy
“El ydp 51) olév re cis Eva cuuppovnca vouov Tos tiv ‘Aclay Kat Edpwmny wai
AiBdny xarouwcodyras “EAqvas kai BapBdpous dxpt reparav veveunuévous”, ddvvarov
robro voulcas elvat, emupéper ri “6 Totro olduevos oidey ovdév"’, ei 5% xpi) Kal TOOT’
_eiwetv, Acdéferar dAlya ... els Td Havivar ob pdvoy Suvardy, GAAA Kai dAnOes Td
Aeyduevoy epi Tod eis Eva cupppovica véuov way TO Aoyutdy . . . MavTaw yap
tev év 7H uxt Kandy Buvardrepos av & Ad-yos, kal } ev abr@ Oepameia, mpoad-ye:
kata BovdAnow Oeod ExdoTw avTqv’ Kai 7d Tédos TOY mpayydrww dvaipeOfval gor
Tiv waxlav .,. kat taxa GAnbds ditvaroy piv 73 toodrov ois ert dv owpari, ob
pi ddivarov Kat dmodvOetow airod.
? See Euseb. Hist, Eccl, 5. 21.1; 6. 36.1; 8.1.13; 9. 9.
® Enseb. 1. #. 1, 4. 2 wdvrav rv t6vav rodvavOpwrdtaroy.
4 Firmicus Maternus, de Arr. Prof. Relig. 20 (A.D. 346-7) ‘Licet adhuc in
quibusdam regionibus idololatriae morientia palpitent membra, tamen in eo res
est ut a Christianis omnibus terris pestiferum hoc malum funditus amputetur ’,
But this is an exaggeration. Paganism died slowly; and the reaction under
Julian, a. D. 361-3, gave it a fresh lease of life. Firmicus himself, ch. 13, admits
that the cult of Sarapis in Alexandria was still openly carried on at the time when
he wrote. During the youth of Augustine, about A. D. 372, festivals of the Magna
Mater and Attis were publicly celebrated in Carthage (Aug. De civ, dei 2, 4 and
64 INTRODUCTION
From the evidence of the authors so far cited, we may form some
notion of the stages by which Christianity advanced in the Roman
empire as a whole. Our present purpose would be better served
if we could trace the progress made in Egypt. The history of
Christianity in Egypt down to a.p, 180 is almost a blank ;* con-
cerning that period we know only that some early Christian documents
were probably written there; that a ‘Gospel according to the
Egyptians’ was in circulation ; and that Basilides, Valentinus, and
other Christian Gnostics taught in Egypt. About 180, we find
a vigorous Christian Church established in Alexandria, and the
Christian ‘Catechetical School’ already at work. In the time of
Clement (from A.D. 190 onwards), that School was attended by
Pagans as well as Christians ; and if Clement’s words* may be taken
as specially applying to Egypt, they imply that Christianity had
gained a firm footing among the people of the country. Eusebius
(Hist. Eccl. 6. 1, 2) says that in the persecution of Septimius
Severus, A.D. 202, a large number of Christians ‘from all (Lower)
Egypt and all the Thebaid’ suffered martyrdom in Alexandria.’
Harnack (of. cit., p. 454) says that ‘from the fragments of the letters
of Dionysius Alex., bishop of Alexandria (a. D. 247-65), and from
the accounts of the persecutions (A.D. 250-60), we get the impres-
sion that the number of Christians in Alexandria was large, and that
Christianity had spread to a considerable extent in the towns and
villages of the country. After the middle of the third century,
Lower Egypt was certainly one of the regions in which the Christians
were especially numerous. . . . At the time of the persecution of
Decius (A.D. 250) there were already Christians holding public
offices in Alexandria, and many wealthy men were Christians (Euseb.
7. 26; Boissier, Fin du paganisme, i; p. 347). Libanius, De templis, about
A.D. 384-7, speaks of Pagan cults as still practised (Hoissier, 2., ii, p. 341); the
edict of Theodosius in A.D. 392 (Cod. Theodos, 16, to. 12) shows that the need
of fresh enactments against them was still felt at that time ;and even Theodosius II
(Cod. Theod. 16, 10, 22) issued an edict against paganos gut supersunt, quamguam
jam nullos esse credamus, In A.D. 398, Claudian (De guarto cons. Honorii
570 sqq.; Otto, Priester und Tempel, ii. 281 and i, 404) describes a procession
of statues of the gods in Memphis.
1 Harnack, Mission und Ausbreitung des Chr., p. 448.
2 Strom. 6, 18.167 6 3é ye 70d BidacKddov Tod hyerépov Abyos .. . ExvOT...
dvd nacav thy olkoupévny, welbov “EAAQVav Té Spod kat BapBépwy xara eOvos Kat
kapny wat oA naaay, otkous GAous Kat idiq Exactov Tay énaxneodray, kal abray
ye Tav prrocépow ob« dALyous Hin ext Tiy GANIaav peOloras.
8 Eusebius here speaks of ‘a myriad’ of martyrs: puplav Saav rots kara 7d
papripov dvadovptvey orepavas. But pupior in Enseb, merely means ‘a good
many’. Origen, c. Ce/stm 3. 8, says: dAlyor kara Katpods Kal apddpa evaplOunror
imtp ris Xporiavdv GeoceBeias TebrjKact.
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 65
6, 41: 7.11)’. The descriptions of the persecution of Diocletian
(A.D. 303) prove that there were at that time large numbers of
Christians in the Thebaid. Dionysius Alex. (Euseb. Ast. Eecd.
6. 41) speaks of Christians among the native Egyptian population
as well as among the Greeks; and the translation of the Bible into
Coptic was probably begun, in Upper Egypt, in the second half
of the third century, ‘It is certain’, says Harnack, ‘that at the
time of the persecution of Diocletian the Christians in Egypt had
long outnumbered the Jews ; at the beginning of the fourth century
their number probably exceeded a million.’
What, then, is the earliest date at which it would be possible for
an adherent of Paganism in Egypt to foresee and lament the coming
extinction of his religion? ‘To this question no exact and certain
answer can be given ; but we may conclude that chapters 24-5 can
hardly have been written before the renewed expansion of Christianity
which followed on the close of the period of persecution under
Decius, Gallus, and Valerian (A.D. 250-3 and 257-60). Thus from
what we know of the progress of Christianity, we might fix on the
year 260 as the ¢erminus a quo for the Greek original of chs. 24-6.
A terminus ante quem is given by Lactantius’s quotation from the
Greek original of ch. 26 in his Div. Znsz., written within a few years
of A.D. 310. The prophecy, then, was probably written at some time
in the half-century a. D, 260-310.
But we may hope to fix the date more exactly by identifying the
particular events referred to. The prophecy speaks of an invasion
of Egypt by aMenigenae, and an immigration of ‘Scythians or
Indians or some such barbarians’, Who are these alienigenae?
The term cannot be meant to apply to Greeks or Jews ; for Greeks
and Jews had been resident in Egypt in large numbers ever since
the time of Alexander, and the invasion spoken of is evidently
recent. Nor can the Roman conquest be meant ; for we are told
that the foreigners will ‘fill the land’; but the Roman conquest
caused no large and sudden influx of foreigners ; indeed, Italians
were at no time numerous in Egypt. And neither Greek, Jew, nor
Italian can be described as ‘ Scythes aut Indus’.
We are also told of a vast slaughter, or series of slaughters, in
which a large part of the population of Egypt perishes. The earliest
incident to which this description could possibly be supposed to
apply is the insurrection of the Jews under Trajan.’ But though
1 Mommsen, Provs, of Rom. Empire, Eng. tr., 1886, ii, p, 221: ‘In the year
2806 F
66 INTRODUCTION
the Jewish insurgents, [during their short-lived success, may have
dealt harshly with the Egyptian idolaters, there is no reason to
suppose that any large proportion of the Egyptians abandoned the
religion of their fathers ;and no one at that date could anticipate
the total extinction of Egyptian Paganism. Besides, there is nothing
in that incident to account for the mention of adienigenae* and
Scythes aut Indus. It is therefore certain that the event referred to
cannot be the Jewish insurrection of A. D. 116.
The next incident to which the prophecy of slaughter might seem
to be applicable* is the massacre of Alexandrians by order of
Caracalla® in a.D. 215. But the words alienigenis terram com-
plentibus and inhabitabi t Aegyptum Indus aut Scythes cannot be
made to apply to Caracalla’s soldiers.
It would seem that after this disaster Alexandria never fully
recovered its former prosperity ;and from this time onward, things
went from bad to worse in Egypt. In a.D. 252 we first hear of
a pestilence which ravaged the empire in successive outbreaks
during a space of fifteen years, and by which large numbers of
Egyptians perished. But it was especially during the troubled years
which followed the capture of Valerian by the Persians in 260,
that calamities fell thick and fast upon the land. We have a
contemporary description of the situation in Egypt between a. D. 261
and 26s,‘ in the letters written by Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria.
116, the Jews of the eastern Mediterranean rose against the imperial government.’
The chief seats of the rising were Cyrene, Cyprus, and Egypt; it was ‘directed
to the expulsion of the Romans as well as of the Hellenes, and apparently to the
establishment of a separate Jewish state’. The Jews for a time got the upper
hand in Egypt; ‘they killed those (Greeks and Romans) whom they seized’;
but ‘in Alexandria, which does not itself appear to have fallen into the hands
of the Jews, the besieged Hellenes slew whatever Jews were then in the city’.
The insurrection was suppressed by an army and fleet sent by Trajan, Appian
says that Trajan annihilated the Jews in Alexandria,
1 The insurgent Jews in Egypt, though they may have been reinforced by
contingents from elsewhere, must have been in the main Egyptian residents, and
not invaders.
2 Tt is certainly not applicable to the insurrection of the BoveédAn in Egypt
in the time of Marcus Aurelius (Dio Cass. 71. 4).
8 Schiller, Gesch. der rim. Kaiserzett, i, 747: ‘A rising in Egypt summoned
Caracalla to that land, and Alexandria was severely punished; the town was
ie up to the soldiers to be plundered, and a great part of the inhabitants were
illed.’ Dio 77. 22, 23; Herodian 4. 8. 6-9 and 9; Spartianus, Vita Caracall,
6. 2.3. The details are uncertain, but the fact that a great slanghter took place
cannot be doubted. ‘The subjection of Egypt’ is depicted on a Roman coin
struck at this time.
4 Euseb. H. Z. 7. 21 ff. The persecution of the Christians was stopped by
order of Gallienus (Euseb. H. Z. 7. 13); and as, after the capture of Valerian in
260, the rule of Macrianus was for a time recognized in Egypt, the order of
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 67
Gallienus cannot have taken effect there before 261, Dionysius died in 26;
nges 7. 28, 3). The letters must therefore have been written between 261
and 265.
Mommsen’s account of these events is self-contradictory, He rightly says that
Dionysius died in 265 (Rom. Emp., ii, p. 250, n. 2), and that the Palmyrene
invasion of Egypt did not take place until after the death of Odaenathus in 266-7
(5. pp. 106, 107); and yet he speaks of the incidents described by Dionysius as
if they arose out of the Palmyrene invasion (7. p. 250).
* Trebellius Pollio, Vita Galtieni, 4.1; ‘ Per idem tempus (i.e. not far from the
time of the death of Macrianus, A.D, 262) Aemilianus apud Aegyptum sumpsit
imperium, Sed hunc dux Gallieni Theodotus conflictu habito cepit.’ Jb. 5.6;
6.4; 9. 1. Lyrann, Trig. 22; the Alexandrian mob attacked the honse
‘Aemiliani ducis’: .. . ‘Aemilianus sumpsit imperium. . . . Consenserunt ei
Aegypti totius exercitus, maxime in Gallieni odium, Nec eius ad regendam remp.
vigor defuit; nam Thebaidem totamque Aegyptum peragravit, et, quatenus potuit,
barbarorum gentes (Blemmyes and Saracens?) forti auctoritate sammovit. ...
Misso Theodoto duce, Gallieno iubente, dedit poenas.’ /d. 26. 4 (whence it
appears that Theodotus was an Egyptian by birth). This ‘Aemilianus dux’ may
be identical with the AlyAsavés bérov tiv Hyepoviay in Egypt, before whom
Dionysius was summoned during the persecution of 257-60, Euseb. H. E. 7. 11, 6.
Mommsen, Rom, Emp., ii. 251, n. 1, rejects the evidence of Trebellius Pollio,
and doubts the existence of the alleged usurper Aemilianus. But this is surely
an excess of scepticism, At any rate, the contemporary evidence of Dionysius
makes it certain that either Aemilianus, or some person whose name we do not
_ know, raised ‘civil strife and war’ in Egypt between 261 and 265,
As the Easter letter written by Dionysius during the ordcis is followed by
another Easter letter written by him when fighting had ceased and pestilence was
taging, and that again by others written ‘when the city was at peace again’, the
ordows may be assigned with probability, if not with certainty, to the year 262.
* We shall find a similar situation recurring a few years later in the ‘siege
of Brucheion’. We are told that Caracalla, after his massacre in 215, had
ordered a wall to be built, by which the city was divided into two parts; Dio
7:23, Thy "Adegavipeay SiarexicOjval re nat ppouplas wWiarerxiaOhvan exédrevoev,
pnnér’ dbeGs map’ GAAHAous porrSev. It would seem that this fortification
was still in existence, and was utilized by the combatants, in the time of
Dionysius.
F2
68 INTRODUCTION
the world from East to
into a foreign country, or even to traverse
to the other. The
West, than to pass from one part of Alexandria
sable than the desert
principal street of the city is more impas
have become like the
of Sinai; and the harbours of Alexandria
with bloodshed.
Red Sea, for they have many times been reddened
drier than the
The river which waters the city’ was at one time
and flooded all
desert;? at another time it overflowed its banks
nually polluted
the ways and lands around the city; and it is conti
As in the days of Moses,
with blood and slayings and drownings.
river stinks”. The
“ the waters have been turned to blood, and the
river and harbour
air is turbid with noisome vapours ; earth and sea,
lie rottin g every where,‘ and the
reek with foul exhalations ;corpses
. And yet men wonder what
dew is corrupted by their fetid juices
ences! And they ask whence
is the cause of these incessant pestil
destr uctio n of manki nd,’ and why it
comes this great and manifold
of our great city, young and old together,
is that the inhabitants
than the elderl y perso ns * alone were in times
are fewer in number
h all from fourte en to eighty years of age have
gone by. For thoug
e the publi c
now been included in the list of those entitled to receiv
corn-dole, they are less numerous than the people from forty to
? Men see the
seventy years of age used to be in those times.
and yet they
human race continually diminishing and wasting away,
tendi ng more and
do not tremble, though the course of things is
more towards their total destruction.’
year) when
In another letter, written (apparently in the following
its height, Dionys ius says,
the war is ended, but the pestilence is at
here ; the city resounds
‘ There is lamentation and mourning everyw
ude of the dead, and of
with cries of woe by reason of the multit
is not a house where
those that are dying day by day ;° for “there
to Alexandria.
1 j,e, the canal by which the water of the Nile was brought d during the distur-
2 The regulation of the water-supply was probably neglecte
off by the besiegers.
bances, and the water may have been purposely cut e shone usque ad
3 Exod, vii. 20, 21. Cf. Asc. Lat. 24b: ‘ Torrenti sanguin sanguine, sed totae
ripas erumpes, undaeque divinae non solum polluentur
corrumpentur,’ a’.
4 7b. *Tune terra ista . . . sepulcrorum erit mortuorumque plenissim
orum.’
5 Ascl. Lat, 24b: § Vivis multo maior erit numerus sepulchr
& gporyépovras, i.e. old, but still vigorous.
; it may have
7 Dionysius does not tell us of what earlier time he is speakingfor the purpose
been any time before the massacre of Caracalla. It appears edthat,
unaltered. In the
of the corn-dole, a maximum limit of number was maintain
up by entering on the
time of greatest prosperity the full number had been made
decreased, the names
roll those between forty and seventy alone; as the population
of younger and older persons were added to the register.
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 69
there is not one dead ”'—and would that there were not more than
one. Even before this, many terrible things had befallen us ; first,
the persecution of the Christians 32... . then, war® and famine,
which we Christians endured together with the Pagans, sharing the
evils which they inflicted on each other; ... and then, after short
respite to us and them, there came on us this pestilence, a thing
most terrible to them, and the most cruel of all disasters.’ The
Christians, Dionysius says, tenderly nursed the sick, and buried
the dead ; and many of them, in so doing, caught the infection and
died themselves. ‘But with the Pagans, it is far otherwise; they
thrust away from them people who were sickening; they fled from
their nearest and dearest ;they flung them out into the streets when
they were dying ; and they cast forth corpses unburied, like offal.’
There is a striking resemblance between the situation depicted
in these letters and that predicted by Trismegistus ;and it seems
probable enough that the writer of the prophecy had lived through
the events which Dionysius describes. As yet, however, we have
met with no trace of the alienigenae. But Egypt was invaded by
foreigners a few years later. Odaenathus of Palmyra, who ruled
over the provinces of Syria and Arabia, and some adjacent countries,‘
nominally as Dusx Orientis under Gallienus, but in practical indepen-
dence, was murdered between August 29, 266, and August 29, 267.
His widow Zenobia claimed the succession for her son Vaballathus,
and ruled in his name; and, shortly after her husband’s death,°* she
sent an army under her general Zabdas to occupy Egypt, professedly
on behalf of the Roman emperor. The fullest and most trustworthy
account of the Palmyrene invasion is that given by Zosimus. He
says (1. 44 ff.) that, after the first Gothic campaign of Claudius,
‘ Zenobia, seeking to extend her power, sent Zabdas to Egypt, which
Timagenes, a native of the country, was endeavouring to bring
under the rule of the Palmyrenes. The invading army was com-
posed of Palmyrenes, Syrians, and barbarians, and amounted to the
number of 70,000 men. The Egyptians met them with a force
of 50,000, and a great battle took place. The Palmyrenes were
1 Exod. xii. 30. 2 A.D. 257-61.
* i.e. the ordaois of the first letter.
__ 4 ‘Possibly Armenia, Cilicia, and Cappadocia,’ says Mommsen, Lom. Emp.,
¥ cateatty in the year 268; for Zosimus and Trebellius Pollio (V/a Claud. 11)
a that the Palmyrene invasion of Egypt took place in the reign of Claudius,
audius succeeded Gallienus in 268, and there would hardly be room for the
subsequent events if we placed the invasion later than that year.
70 INTRODUCTION
victorious in the war; they placed a garrison of 5,000 men in the
country, and withdrew. Probus, who had been appointed by the
emperor (Claudius) to clear the sea of the (Gothic) pirates, hearing
that Egypt was occupied by the Palmyrenes, proceeded thither with
his force, and being joined by those Egyptians who were not of the
Palmyrene faction, attacked the garrison and drove it out.' The
Palmyrenes* once more marched against Egypt; Probus got
together an army of Egyptians and Libyans to oppose them; the
Egyptians (under Probus) got the upper hand, and were driving
the Palmyrenes out of the country. Probus took up a position
on the mountain near Babylon,* meaning to bar the passage of the
enemy there as they marched towards Syria; but Timagenes,
making use of his knowledge of the locality, occupied the summit
of the mountain with 2,000 Palmyrenes, and surprised and destroyed
the Egyptian force. Probus was caught with the rest, and killed
himself. Thus Egypt became subject to the Palmyrenes.’*
1 It appears that Probus, in treating the Palmyrene invaders as enemies of
Rome, acted on his own responsibility, without waiting for instructions from the
emperor; and Claudius, being too much occupied with the Goths to be willing to
involve himself in a simultaneous war in the East, afterwards acquiesced in the
“ait accompli, and recognized Vaballathus as governor of Egypt in his name.
2 i.e. probably the main army, recalled, in the course of its homeward march,
by the news of the defeat of the garrison.
* Babylon is the fortress of ‘Old Cairo’, on the eastern bank of the Nile. (See
A. J. Butler, Babylon of Egypt, p. 23.) The most convenient route from
Alexandria to Syria passes round the apex of the Delta, from which Cairo is only
a few, miles distant up the river; and if the Palmyrenes, at the time ot their
retreat from Alexandria, still held the fortress of Babylon, they would naturally
choose the point guarded by it for their crossing of the Nile. ‘The mountain
near Babylon’ must mean some spur of the desert heights to the north-east of
Babylon, i.e. east of the modern town of Cairo, (The citadel of Cairo stands
on such a spur, and its site may be the very place.) Probus posted his force here,
apparently with the intention of attacking the Palmyrenes in flank as they marched
northward from Babylon after crossing the river, While the attention of Probus
was fixed on the river-valley below him, Timagenes stole round behind, over the
desert tableland, and came down upon him from above.
4 These events are summarized by Trebellius Pollio, Vita Claud. 11, as follows:
‘Dum haec a divo Claudio aguntur, Palmyreni ducibus Saba et Timagene contra
Aegyptios bellum sumunt, atque ab his Aegyptia pervicacia et indefessa pugnandi
continuatione vincuntur. Dux tamen Aegyptiorum Probatus Timagenis insidiis
interemptus est: Aegyptii vero omnes se Romano imperatori dederunt, in absentis
Claudii verba iurantes.’ Trebellius Pollio has omitted to say that Timagenes was
an Egyptian; but his account, as far as it goes, agrees in the main with that
of Zosimus. But who is Probatus? Schiller, ram. Kaiserseit, i. 859, says that
‘near the end of the reign of Gallienus, Egypt had revolted under a usurper
Probatus. On the accession of Claudius Il... Zenobia... caused the land to
be reconquered for the Roman empire by her general Zabda,’ But there is no
evidence for the existence of Probatus except this passage of Trebell. Poll.; and
Mommsen (ii. 107, n, 1) is undoubtedly right in identifying the ‘dux Aegyptioram
Probatus’ of Trebell. Poll. with the Probus of Zosimus, who was not a usurper,
but a Roman commander opposing the Palmyrenes in the interest of the empire.
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS WI
The war of conquest must have lasted for at least a large part
of a year (A.D. 268-9). How long did the Palmyrenes hold the
country they had conquered? Zosimus (i. 50) says that Aurelian,
after his accession (early in 270), spent some time in settling affairs
in Italy and Paeonia, and then ‘was purposing to make war on the
Palmyrenes, who by this time were masters of the inhabitants of
Egypt, and of all the East as far (westward) as Ancyra in Galatia’.
Aurelian probably set out on his expedition to the East in 271,
captured Zenobia and received the surrender of Palmyra in the
spring of 272, and, on the renewed revolt at Palmyra, destroyed
that city in the spring of 273. At what stage in the war did he
recover possession of Egypt? Zosimus does not tell us. Vopiscus
says that Egypt was reconquered for Aurelian by the future emperor
Probus,’ but gives no date. The most probable date seems to be
The znsidiae Timagenis by which he perished must mean the fight near Babylon.
What pretext, if any, Zenobia put forward to justify her occupation of Egypt,
we do not know; but if there was any disturbance in the country which might
be represented as calling for her interference, no record of it has come down
to us; aud Probus evidently regarded the invasion as an act of war against Rome,
though Claudius subsequently found it convenient to recognize the Palmyrene
_ as legitimate governor of Egypt in his name.
The last sentence of Trebell. Poll., ‘Aegyptii vero. .. verba iurantes', must
be taken to mean that the Egyptians submitted to Vaballathus, accepting him,
however, not as an independent ruler, but as viceregent of the Roman emperor
Claudius.
1 Bury on Gibbon, i. 462.
2 Vita Probi 5. 9 ‘(Probus) pugnavit etiam contra Palmyrenos Odenati et
Cleopatrae (i.e. Zenobiae) partibus Aegyptum defendeptes, primo feliciter, postea
temere, ut paene caperetur; sed postea refectis viribus Aegyptum et orientis
maximam partem in Aureliani potestatem redegit’. The earlier part of this
passage (as Mommsen has noted) suspiciously resembles the account of the
conquest of Egypt by the Palmyrenes in 268-9. In that war another Probus
had fought against the Palmyrenes in Egypt; and according to Zosimus’s account,
it might be said of him that he had fought ‘ primo feliciter, postea temere, ut
caperetur’, It seems probable, therefore, that Vopiscus has erroneously taken
as referring to the more famous Probus something that he had read about the
doings of the other, The statement which follows, that the future emperor
Probus reconquered Egypt for Aurelian, may none the less be correct; but the
vidence is open to suspicion. ’
_ Mommsen (ii, p. 108) says, ‘ Egypt was already, at the close of the year 270,
brought back to the empire... by Probus’; and he adds, ‘The determination
of the date depends on the fact that the usurpation-coins of Vaballathus cease
irely in the fifth year of his rad Ay reign’ (by which must be understood the
fifth year from the death of his father Odaenathus, not from his acquisition of
Egypt), ‘i.e. Aug. 29, 270—Aug. 29, 271; the fact that they are very rare speaks
for the beginning of the year’, But this merely negative evidence is hardly
conclusive; and the cessation of the coins may be otherwise accounted for, by
the supposition that Vaballathus died in 270-1 (Schiller, i. 864).
_ Mommsen, #4., p. 250, says, ‘ When Probus, the general sent dy Claudius, at
Tength gained the upper hand’, &c. Is this a slip of the pen? Or has Mommsen,
Vopiscus, here confused the one Probus with the other? It is certain that
the a? war against the Palmyrenes did not begin till after the death of
andius.
7% INTRODUCTION
2713; so that we may conclude that Egypt was under the dominion
of the Palmyrenes for about two years.
An incident in this war of reconquest! is described by Eusebius
(H. E. 7. 32), who speaks of it as occurring ‘in the course of the
siege of Piruchion* at Alexandria’, The Roman commander held
one part of the city, and was blockading the Palmyrene faction
(including, it would seem, the bulk of the inhabitants), who were
cooped up in the other part, and were dying of hunger. The
besieged Alexandrians were under the rule of a council (BovAy,
avvéspov). An influential Christian who was amongst them induced
the council to grant permission to the starving non-combatants to
pass the lines and go over to the Romans, and at the same time,
communicating with a friend on the other side who had access to
the Roman commander, obtained from the latter a promise to spare
the lives of all who came over to him. By so doing, he saved from
death not only the aged, the women, and the children, but also
a large number of able-bodied men, who took the opportunity to
escape from the blockaded quarter, disguised in women’s clothes.
The Palmyrene faction was conquered for the time, but it was
not yet extinguished. Even before the invasion, there had been in
Egypt a party, headed by Timagenes, which sought to place the
land under the rule of the Palmyrenes; and some two years after
the reconquest of the country by Aurelian’s force, this party (no
1 Schiller (i, 865) speaks of the siege of Brucheion as taking place in the course
of the suppression of the subsequent revolt of Firmus in 273. But against this
view it may be argued (1) that we are told that Aurelian suppressed that revolt
‘statim’ (Vopiscus), civ 7éxe (Zosimus), and this is not consistent with a pro-
longed blockade; and (2) Eusebius’s mention of an unnamed ‘ Roman commander’
(rod ‘Pwpatey orparnddrov, Tov ‘Papaiav orpatnydv) implies that Aurelian was
not present in person, whereas it is stated that, in the suppression of the revolt of
Firmus, Aurelian himself was in command.
2 According to Mommsen, ii, 108, the Prucheion (Piruchion, or Brucheion)
‘was no part of the city, but a locality close by the city on the side of the great
oasis; Hieronymus, vit. Hilarionis, c. 33, 34, Vol. ii, p. 32 Vall.’ 7d., p. 250,
‘the strong castle of Prucheion in the immediate neighbourhood of the city’.
Ensebius, however, was of a different opinion; for his narrative clearly implies
that the place besieged was a part of the city itself—presumably one of the two
parts into which the city was divided by the wall of Caracalla, The two
statements may be reconciled by assuming that, in consequence of the devastation
of this part of the city by Aurelian, and the subsequent dwindling of the
pulation, the Brucheion ceased to be inhabited. It was a part of the Alexandria
<nown to Eusebius; it was outside the Alexandria known to Jerome, Cf.
Ammianus 22. 16. 15 ‘Alexandria, ... Aureliano imperium agente, civilibus
iurgiis ad certamina interneciva prolapsis dirutisque moenibus amisit tegionis
maximam partem, quae Bruchion appellabatur’. Eusebius, C4vov., mentions the
siege of Brucheion, but puts it in the first year of Claudius, 268. Is this a mistake ?
Or does it refer to a distinct event which occurred at the time of the Palmyrene
invasion in that year?
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 73
doubt strengthened by foreign immigrants who had settled there
during the Palmyrene supremacy) once more asserted itself. About
the time of the final revolt of Palmyra in 273, and probably
in connexion with it, the Palmyrene faction in Egypt rose in insur-
rection, under the lead of a rich Egyptian merchant named Firmus,'
who called in the Blemmyes? and Saracens as his allies. Aurelian,
shortly after his return from Palmyra, proceeded to Egypt in person,
promptly suppressed the insurrection, and inflicted punishment on
Alexandria.* But he was unable to expel the Blemmyes, or at any
rate, to prevent their return; and they continued to hold a large
part of Upper Egypt until driven out by the emperor Probus in
A.D. 279.°
? Vopiscus, Vita Aurefian. 32 ‘ Firmus quidam extitit, qui sibi Aegyptum sine
insignibus imperii, quasi ut esset civitas libera, vindicavit, (As to cévetas libera
ef, the guvé5piov spoken of by Eusebius in his account of the siege of Brucheion.)
Ad quem continuo Aurelianus revertit (from Europe, shortly after his return from
Palmyra in 273). Nec illic defuit felicitas solita; nam Aegyptum statim recepit.’
Vopiscus xxix, Vita Firmi, 2-6: ‘¥irmum, qui Aureliani temporibus Aegyptum
occupaverat.... Illum et purpura usum et percussa moneta Augustum esse
yocitatum....(Firmus), Zenobiae amicus et socius, qui Alexandriam Aegyptiorum
incitatus furore pervasit, et quem Aurelianus . . . contrivit.. .. Idem et cum
Blemmyis societatem maximam tenuit et cum Saracenis. .. . Hic ergo contra
Aurelianum sumpsit imperium ad defendendas partes quae supererant Zenobiae.
Sed Aureliano de Thraciis redeunte superatus est.’ /d., c. 5, dispatch of Aurelian :
‘Firmum etiam, latronem Aegyptium, barbaricis motibus (sc. of Blemmyes and
Saracens) aestuantem, et feminei propndii (sc. Zenobiae) reliquias colligentem, . .
fugavimus, obsedimus, cruciavimus, et occidimus.’
Mommsen, Rom. Lmp., ii, 111, n. 1, and 251, n. 1, rejects the evidence of
Vopiscus concerning Firmus as worthless; and he says that ‘the so-called
description of the life of Firmus is nothing else than the sadly disfigured catastrophe
of Prucheion’ (i.e. the reconquest of the country by Probus for Aurelian at an
early stage of the war against Zenobia). Vopiscus is not a Thucydides; but
it is difficult to believe that he can have created ex xthilo the story of this
insurrection, What motive could he or his informant have for such audacious
lying? Moreover, Mommsen ignores the corroborative evidence of Zosimus, who
speaks of the suppression of a revolt in Egypt by Aurelian at the time in question.
Zos. 1. 61 (Aurelian destroyed Palmyra), civ raya 52 wal ’Adefavipéas oracid~
gavras kat mpds drécracw iddvras mapaornodpevos, OpiauBov els tiv “Pwpnv
cigayayov K.7.A,
® The Blemmyes lived in the mountain country to the south-east of Egypt.
They harried Egypt with frequent raids from this time onward to the Arab
conquest,
’ We are told that he destroyed all buildings in the Brucheion that might
harbour insurgents, and increased the dues paid to Rome by the Egyptians.
Vita Aurel. 45.1. Zosimus 1. 61.
“ Mommsen, ii, 250-1. To complete the list of the calamities of Egypt during
the third century, I quote from Mommsen (#é.): ‘Under the government of
Diocletian, we do not know why or wherefore, as well the native Egyptians as
the burgesses of Alexandria rose in revolt against the existing government... .
The revolt lasted from three to four years, the towns Busiris in the Delta and
ape not far from Thebes were destroyed by the troops of the government,
and ultimately under the leading of Diocletian in person in the spring of 297 the
74 INTRODUCTION
It appears, then, that it is impossible to find any time to which
the prophecy of Trismegistus could refer, except the time of the
Palmyrene occupation of Egypt ;and that the events of that time—
i.e. of the five years 268—73—correspond exactly with the indications
given in the prophecy.
“We are told that the invading army, 70,000 in number, was
composed of Palmyrenes, Syrians, ‘and barbarians’. These bar-
barians were, no doubt, contingents sent by countries subject or
allied to Zenobia, and adventurers attracted by the prospect of pay
and plunder. Among them were certainly Saraceni (Bedouin
Arabs), probably Armenians, perhaps Iberians, and possibly Persians.’
A patriotic Egyptian might naturally enough describe a body thus
composed by the contemptuous phrase ‘Scythes aut Indus aut
aliquis talis de vicina barbaria’. It should be remembered that the
trade-route between Egypt and India traversed the Red Sea, and
consequently the inhabitants of the southern coast-lands of the Red
Sea—Arabes Eudaemones and Axomitae, and perhaps Blemmyes
also—were, from the point of view of an Egyptian, neighbours of
the Indians;? while the Armenians, Iberians, and Persians were
neighbours of the Scythians, Moreover, the conquest of the
country would probably give occasion for a large influx of Arab
and other immigrants in addition to the armed forces; and if to
these we add the hordes of the Blemmyes pouring in over the
capital was reduced after an eight months’ siege.’ This, however, cannot be
the event referred to in the prophecy; for there was at this time no fresh invasion
of alienigenae.
1 During the siege of Palmyra in 272, Zenobia was expecting succour from
Persia. Letter of Zenobia in Vopiscus, Vzta Aurelian. 27: ‘Nobis Persarum
auxilia non desunt, quae iam speramus; pro nobis sunt Saraceni, pro nobis
Armenii,’? Letter of Aurelian in Trebell. Poll. 7yig. Zyrann. 30,7: ‘Possum
adserere tanto apud Orientales et Aegyptiorum populos timori mulierem fuisse,
ut se non Arabes, non Saraceni, non Armenii commoverent.’ Vopiscus, Veta
Aurelian. 33, describing Aurelian’s triumph at Rome after his conquest. of
Palmyra, mentions the attendance of deputations from the blemmyes, Axomitae
(Abyssinians), Arabes Eudaemones, Indi, Bactrani, Hiberi, Saraceni, Persae.
It is implied that all these races had been so far concerned in or affected by
the struggle, that they found it expedient to show respect to the conqueror; and
with the exception of the Indi, all the nations named may have given some
support to Zenobia. Cf. the hyperbolical encomium quoted in Vita Aurelian.
41.9 : ‘(Aurelianus) Persas . .. fudit, fugavit, oppressit: illum Saraceni, Blemmyes,
Axomitae, Bactrani, Seres(!), Hiberi, Albani, Armenii, populi etiam Indorum
veluti praesentem paene venerati sunt deum.’
2 Jn Josephus, Bell. Fud. 2. 385, Agrippa describes Egypt as Spopos ris
‘vies. In a Coptic document, quoted by E. O. Winstedt in Classical Quarterty,
July, 1909, p. 218, the Axomitae, the Adulitae, the Homeritae (of south-west
‘Arabia), and other dwellers in that region (including a tribe which Mr. Winstedt
identifies with the Blemmyes) are called Indians.
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 75
southern frontier, there is quite enough to account for the words
* Alienigenis terram istam complentibus ’.
The loss of life caused by war and insurrection during these five
years, and by the famine and disease that war brought with it, must
have been enormous; and scenes such as those described by
Dionysius a few years earlier must have recurred again and again.
It might well be said that ‘the land was filled with corpses’, and
‘the waters were polluted with blood’, and even (if we make some
allowance for a prophet’s rhetoric) that ‘the dead were far more in
number than the survivors ’.
The inhabitants were divided into two factions, the one siding
with the Palmyrenes, and the other opposing them. Thus the
_ horrors of civil war were added to those of foreign invasion ; ‘ Egypt
itself was infected with yet worse plagues’ than those inflicted by
the barbarian invader, and ‘set an example of cruelty to the world’.
And lastly, the national religion was dying out. As we have
already seen, the power which Christianity had acquired by A.D. 260,
and its rapid growth from that time onward, were enough to give
FA worshipper of the gods of Egypt cause to anticipate the total
defeat and overthrow of his religion ;and the violent disturbance
of native traditions caused by the shock or the Palmyrene invasion
must have further promoted that general abandonment of the old
cults which was already in progress. The invaders and immigrants,
who at this time ‘filled the land’, were doubtless worshippers of
many different gods, but all of them alike must have been strangers
to the national religion of Egypt, and little disposed to venerate its
rites. The Palmyrene rulers, if they did not directly promote the
spread of the new faith, were at any rate not hostile to it;? and
adevout Egyptian might well feel, when his land fell under their
dominion, that Egypt was forsaken by the gods, and that the
national religion, already much impaired by the encroachments of
Christianity, was now indeed doomed to perish.
1 There must have been Christians among them, Harnack, Mission und
Ausbreitung des Chr., p. 440: ‘It is established that before 190 A. D. Christianity
‘Was strong in Edessa and the vicinity, and that (soon after the year 201, or even
earlier?) the royal family of Edessa had gone over to the Church.’ (Edessa was
one of the principal cities within the dominion of Zenobia,) In the kingdom
of Armenia, Christianity was the officially established religion by the beginning of
the fourth century: Harnack, 2., p. 472; Euseb. //. £. 9. 8, 2.
_ * Paulus of Samosata, the bishop of Antioch described in Euseb, HW, Z. 7. 30,
said to have been favoured by Zenobia. Harnack, 2d., p- 430. On the other
d, the Pagan Longinus was one of her counsellors. The Palmyrene invaders
aay perhaps have plundered temples, or confiscated temple endowments.
76 INTRODUCTION
I think then that we may take it as established that the prophecy
in chs, 24-6 of the Asclepius was written under the impression
produced by the Palmyrene invasion of Egypt and the events
connected with it. And as there is in the prophecy no hint that
the foreigner will be expelled or dispossessed, and it seems to be
assumed that his occupation of the land will be permanent (‘inhabi-
tabit Aegyptum’), it may be inferred that the passage was written
either before the reconquest of the country for Aurelian in 271,
or at any rate, before the final suppression of the Palmyrene faction
in 273. ‘The writing of the prophecy then (with the exception
of two sentences added after a.p. 353) must be assigned to the
years 268-73.
It remains to be considered whether Ascedepius III as a whole
is of the same date. It is conceivable that the prophecy might have
been inserted into an already existing document. But as ch. 26,
which is closely connected with the preceding predictions, passes on
without a break into the main current of the treatise, I do not think
this hypothesis can be admitted. It is also conceivable that
different parts of the prophecy itself might be of different dates—
i.e. that the prediction of the extinction of the national religion
(in chs. 25 and 26) might have formed part of an As¢/, III which
was in existence before 268, and that the references to the Palmyrene
invasion (‘ Alienigenis enim ... videbitur alienus’, if my rearrange-
ment of the sentences is accepted) might have been subsequently
inserted in 268-73. But against this it may be said, first, that the
latter passage, if not absolutely needed for continuity, at any rate
fits perfectly with its context, and supplies a cause for that decay
of religion of which the writer goes on to speak ; and secondly, that,
since we have already found reason to think the writer’s conviction
of the impending doom of the national religion could hardly have
arisen before a.D. 260, the dates of the two portions of the prophecy
could in any case be separated by no more than a few years at most.
I conclude therefore that this hypothesis also must be rejected,
and consequently, that the Greek original of Asc. III as a whole
was written in A.D, 268-73.
Circumstances of the writer of Ascrzerivs III. The author of
Asel. III must have been an Egyptian by race; he regards Egypt
as his country, and his Hellenic education has not diminished
the intensity of his national patriotism (ch. 24b). Seeing that he
localizes the cult of the god Asclepius (ch. 37) and the ancient cult
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS "7
xxxvi, Wien, 1888, Abth. 2, p. 36) says that the Papyrus Mimaut
was written in the fourth century 4.p.; but Reitzenstein (Arch. fiir
Rel,, 1904, p. 397) is inclined to assign it to the third century rather
than the fourth. Thus the prayer may have been first written about
A.D. 2'70-go, and borrowed by a sorcerer a little later.
Date of the Latin translation. The Latin Asclepius has come
down to us among the works of Apuleius. Now Apuleius was born
about A.D. 125, and wrote under Antoninus Pius and Marcus
Aurelius, i.e, before A.D. 180, If, therefore, any good reason could
be shown for attributing the translation to Apuleius, it would be
necessary to reconsider our conclusion as to the date of the Greek
original of Asc/, III.
Hildebrand (Afpudleii Opera, 1842, vol. i, pp. xlix ff.) discusses the
question whether the translation was written by Apuleius, dealing
with it mainly on the ground of Latin style, and states his conclusion
thus: ‘hunc dialogum ab Apuleio confectum esse persuasum mihi
quidem est. ... Demonstrasse mihi videor, dicendi rationem quae in
hoc dialogo cognoscitur ab Apuleiana non esse alienam, ac pluribus
lociscum eaconcordare, Inde quamquam colligi per se nequit Apu-
leium revera huius dialogi esse auctorem, tamen cum accedat manu-
scriptorum auctoritas, qui optimi quique Apuleii nomen in fronte
habent, non intelligo cur nostro scriptori hic liber abiudicandus sit.’
But the incompetence shown by our translator’ is a strong
argument against identifying him with Apuleius, who would surely
have done the work better. Moreover, the method of translation
in the Asclepius differs widely (as Hildebrand admits) from that
of Apuleius in his version of the Aristotelian De mundo. In the
De mundo, the translation is free and fluent; in the Asclepius, it is
literal ® and clumsy.
It may be considered certain that Augustine, who knew our
translation, did not suppose it to have been written by Apuleius.
In quoting from it,‘ he says ‘Huius Aegyptii verba, sicut in nostram
> The quality of his work as a translator can be judged from the fragments
of the Greek original which have been preserved, as well as from the numerous
difficulties in the text which can only be explained on the assumption that he has
misunderstood or inadequately rendered the meaning of the Greek.
° That the translator of the De mundo was Apuleius is attested by Augustine,
Civ, Dei 4.2: ‘quae... Apuleius breviter stringit in eo libello quem de mundo
seripsit.
5 e.g. we find a Greek genitive (gen. abs. or gen. after a comparative) repre-
sented by a Latin genitive, where Latin grammar demands an ablative.
4 Civ, Det 8. 23 fi.
THE LATIN ASCLEPIUS 99
linguam interpretata sunt, ponam’, without naming the translator.
But in the same passage Augustine speaks of Apuleius, and
contrasts the view of Apuleius with that of ‘Hermes’ (i.e. that
expressed in the Asclepius); if therefore he had thought the Latin
Asclepius to be the work of Apuleius, he would have mentioned
the fact—as he does elsewhere in the case of the De mundo.
I can therefore see no reason to dissent from Goldbacher,’ who
says, ‘Asclepi dialogum . . . iniuria inter Apulei opera referri mihi
persuasum (est)’. After speaking of the passage in Augustine,
Goldbacher continues, ‘Quo cum accedant aliae res gravissimae,
quas Bernaysius’... exposuit, haud quemquam fore putaverim, qui
hunc dialogum ab Apuleio e Graeco in Latinum conversum esse
existimet’. The Latin Asclepius was, no doubt, attributed to
Apuleius in the archetype of our MSS.: but that attribution was
an error. Consequently, there is nothing to set against the con-
clusion at which we have already arrived, namely, that the Greek
original of As¢/, III was written in A.D, 268-73; and the Latin
translation must have been written at some time after that date.
The terminus ante quem for the Latin translation is given by the
fact that Augustine quotes from it in his De civ. Dei, about A.D. 413-
26. If the references to penal laws against Pagan worship are
contemporary with the rest of the Latin text,’ the translation must
be dated between 353 and 426. If those references have been
subsequently interpolated into the Latin text, any date between
about 280 and 426 is possible for the translation.
Who was the translator? That question cannot be answered
with certainty; but the only man known to us to whom the
translation might with some probability be attributed is C. Marius
Victorinus. Hieronymus Vir. illusir. 101: ‘Victorinus, natione
Afer, Romae sub Constantio principe (A.D. 350-6r) rhetoricam
2406 G
THE HERMETICA IN THE ANTHO.- |
LOGIUM ’OF STOBAEUS
500,'
* Joannes SToBarus, at some date not far from A.D.
compiled a large collection of extracts from Pagan Greek writers.
The collection was divided into four books, and was entitled é«Aoyav,
dmopbeypdrav, troOnxav ByBhia récoapa. It seems to have been
ons of
made up by putting together the contents of earlier collecti
d by Stobaeu s himself
extracts, and adding to them passages extracte
from books which he had read. He arranged the extracts in
chapters according to subjects, and placed at the head of each
ed
chapter a superscription stating the subject of the extracts contain
in it.
Photius (c. A.D. 850) read this anthologium in a copy differing
eca,
little from the original as written by Stobaeus ; and in his Biblioth
p. t12a, 16ff., he describe s it as a work in two volumes (rey),
consisting of four books (AiPdia), and gives the superscriptions
of the 208 chapters into which the four books were divided.
Our MSS. of Stobaeus are derived from an archetype closely
resembling the MS. used by Photius, if not from that very MS.
which
But at some time not far from A.D. 1000, the two volumes of
the archetype consisted were separated ;the two parts passed into
different hands, and thenceforward, each of them was copied and
recopied separately. Hence the first part (Bks. I and II) has come
down to us in one set of MSS., and the second part (Bks. III
and IV) in another set of MSS. The two parts consequently came
to be edited separately, as if they were two different works ; and the
editors gave to Bks. I and II the title Zc/ogae physicae et ethicae,
and to Bks. III and IV the title Morilegium, Either the term
Eclogae or the term Florilegium might serve as a title for the whole
(each extract, whether in Bks. I and II or in Bks. IIT and IV, is an
1 The latest writer quoted by Stobaeus is the Neoplatonist Hierocles, a con-
temporary of Proclus (A. D. 410-85). The fact that Stobaeus ignores all Christian
writings makes it improbable that he lived much later than Hierocles (Christ,
Gesch, der gr, Litt., p. 848).
STOBAEUS 83
ecloga, and the four Books are collectively a florilegium); but the
assignment of the title Zc/ogae to one part of the collection and
the title Florilegium to the other is arbitrary and groundless, and
Wachsmuth and Hense, the latest editors, have rightly rejected
these titles. In their edition, what had hitherto been called S7od.
Edi, is called Stobaet Anthologii libri duo priores, and what had
hitherto been called Stob. Floril. is called Stobaei Anthologit libri
duo posteriores; and their correction will doubtless be henceforth
accepted by all scholars.
After the separation of the two parts of the Amthologium, the first
part (Bks. I and II) was reduced to smaller compass by an epito-
mator, who had a preference for philosophical writings. He copied
out almost in full Bk. I, chs. 1-30; but from that point onward
as far as his handiwork can be traced (i.e. down to Bk. II, ch. 9);
he omitted nearly all extracts except those from Plato, Aristotle,
Archytas, Porphyry, and (fortunately for our present purpose)
Hermes. The last part of his epitome (Bk. II, chs. ro-46) is lost.
It is only this mutilated epitome of Bks. I and II, and not the full
text of these two books as read by Photius, that has come down
to us in the MSS. of Stobaeus. Some of the missing passages
have, however, been recovered from a gnomologium, partially pre-
served in a cod. Laurentianus (fourteenth century), the compiler
of which borrowed largely from the four Books of Stobaeus at
a time when they were still complete; and from that source
Wachsmuth has been able to print the text of Stob., Bk. II, chs. 15,
31, 33, and 46.
Stobaeus seems to have got his Hermetica from (1) a collection
of “Eppot Adyou wpds Tér; (2) a collection of ‘Eppod Adyor xpos
"Aoxhymdv ; (3) a collection of “Epyot Adyar mpos "Appova; and
(4) a collection of Epyuod Adyou “Lowos wpds*Qpov. The total number
of Hermetic excerpts in his Anthologium is forty-two,' if we include
£x¢c. [XXVIII] and [XXIX], and count as separate excerpts the
two parts of Stob. 1.41. 1 (which I call Zxc. II B and Zxc. XI), and
_ the two parts of Stob. 1. 41. 6 (which I call Zxc. IV Band Exe. III),
Of these, ten are taken from /ide// which have been preserved in the
Corpus Hermeticum (Corp. U1, IV, and X); and one (Stob. 4. 52. 47)
1 There may perhaps have been some more Mermetica in chs, 10-46 of Bk, II,
which are missing in our MSS, of Stobaeus; ch. 11, for instance, the superscription
of which was “Or xpi) oéBew 7d Oefov, may very likely have contained some
Hermetic extracts,
G2
84 INTRODUCTION
is an extract from the Greek original of the Latin Asclepius. The
remaining thirty-one are given in the present edition as Excerpts I,
ILA, IIB, III, IVA, IVB, V—[XXIX]. I have arranged and
numbered them, grouping together the Hermes to Tat Excerpts
(I-X1), the Hermes to Ammon Excerpts (XII-XVII), the Excerpts
in which there is no indication of the pupil’s name (XVIII-
XXII), and the Jsis ¢o Horus Excerpts (XXIII-XXVIT); and
I have divided the longer Excerpts into numbered sections.
Twenty-seven of these ‘Excerpts’, as well as all the ten extracts
from Zbelli which are extant in the Corpus, occur in Stob. Bk. I,
and two (Zxe, land £xc, XVIII) in what remains of Stob, Bk. II.
There are only two Hermetic extracts (Zxe. II A and £xe, XXVII)
in Stob. Bk. III, and only one (the extract from the original of
Ascl. Lat.) in Stob. Bk, IV, But by an accident which must have
happened before the separation of the two parts of the Anthologium,
the leaf of Bk. II on which Zxc. I was written in the archetype
was, together with two other leaves, shifted from its place, and
inserted in Bk. IV; and the contents of these three leaves have
consequently been transmitted as part of the text of Bk. IV. For
the text of Zxc. |I therefore we are dependent on the MSS. of
Bks. III and IV (the so-called /ordlegium), and not on the MSS.
of Bks. I and II (the so-called Zc/ogae). Wachsmuth has now
restored these misplaced passages to their original positions in
Bk. II, chs. 1, 4, and 2,
Of the MSS. which contain the extant remains of Stob. Bks. I
and II, two only need be taken into account, as all the other MSS.
are derived from them. These two are
cod. Farnesinus (F), fourteenth century ;
cod. Parisinus (P), fifteenth century.
F and F then are our only sources for the text of all the Hermetic
extracts except four. F is much the better of the two; but the
evidence of P also is of some value. There are in P numerous
corrections by two or three later hands; but these corrections
(marked P*) are conjectural.
The other four Hermetic extracts (viz. Zxcerpis 1, ILA, XXVII,
and the fragment of the Greek original of Asc/. Lat.) have come
down to us in the MSS. of Stob. Bks. III and IV. Of these, the
earliest and best is cod. Vindobonensis (S), written soon after
A.D. 1000. ‘The editio princeps of Bks. III and IV by Trincavelli
STOBAEUS 8s
(Tr.); faithfully reproduces the text of a cod. Marcianus (fifteenth
or sixteenth century) closely related to S, if not wholly derived from
it, and is useful chiefly as a substitute for certain missing parts of S.
There are two other MSS. which are of some value, as representing
a text of different descent, viz. cod. Escurialensis (M), ¢. a.D. 1100,
and cod. Parisinus (A), fourteenth century. Hense has also made
use of the cod. Laurentianus (L) mentioned above, which contains
extracts from Stob. Bks. III and IV as well as from Stob. Bks. I
and II, and of another gxomologium, preserved in cod. Bruxellensis
(Br.), fourteenth or fifteenth century, which likewise contains
borrowings from Stob. Thus our sources for these four Hermetic
extracts are S (with Tr.) and MA, supplemented by L and Br.
The chief printed editions of Stobaeus are the following :—
Bks. I and II: Canter (ed. princeps), Antwerp, 1575; Heeren,
1792-1801 ; Gaisford, 1850; Meineke, 1860-3; and Wachsmuth,
Berlin, 1884. :
Bks, III and IV: Trincavelli (ed. princeps), Venice, 1535-6;
Gesner, 1st edition 1543, 2nd ed. 1549, 3rd ed. 1559; Gaisford,
1822; Meineke, 1860-3 ; and Hense, Berlin, 1894-1912.
Wachsmuth and Hense have investigated the MSS. far more
thoroughly than any of the previous editors ; and the edition of the
Anthologium of Stobaeus which they have produced by their com-
bined labours supersedes all earlier publications of the text. Their
edition is my sole authority for the readings of the MSS. in the
Hermetic extracts.
In my text of the Zxcerfis, and in my textual notes on them,
I have used the same notation as in the Uelli of the Corpus
Hermeticum.’ The readings of P* I have treated as conjectures,
_ The task which Wachsmuth and Hense have set themselves in
their edition, and which they may be considered to have accom-
plished, as far as its accomplishment is possible, is that of restoring
the text of the Anthologium as written by Stobaeus.2 There remains
Hermeticum), hanc normam tenui, ut non ea quae ipsos scripsisse probabile esset,
sed ea tantum quae in exemplo suo Stobaeus legisse videretur restituerem.’
Hense, vol. iii, p. Ixv, says: ‘ Mihi quid in hac editione propositum fuerit, iam
puto elucere. Ad librorum manuscriptorum fidem reversus id operam dedi, ut
et ordo eclogarum et contextus ab illorum archetypo abesset quam proxime.’
TESTIMONIA
1 Clement taught in the Catechetical School of Alexandria from about A.D. 190
to 202 or 203, At the latter date he quitted Egypt; he was residing in Asia
Minor about A. D. 211, and he died in or about A.D. 216. The dates of his chief
writings are probably Profrepi., A.D. 190-200; Strom. i-iv, Paedag., Strom. v-vii
(in this order), A. D. 203-16 (Harnack, Chronol., ti. 3-18).
88 INTRODUCTION
teachings of an ancient Egyptian sage, he could not possibly have
omitted to speak of them in the course of these discussions, He
could not have failed to notice the resemblance between the
Hermetic doctrines and those of Plato; and he would have said,
as others did, ‘Plato borrowed from Hermes’.' His silence con-
cerning the Greek Hermetica can therefore be accounted for only
by assuming either that they were not yet in existence ; or that they
were in existence but unknown to him; or that he knew them, but
knew them to be of recent date, and therefore had no more reason
to speak of them than of other recent writings. Now the hypothesis
that no such writings were yet in existence is excluded by the
evidence of Clement’s contemporary, Tertullian, who quotes from
a philosophic Hermeticum; and if writings of this character were
known to Tertullian, it is most unlikely that they were unknown
to Clement, whose work as a teacher in Alexandria must have
brought him into contact with thinkers of all kinds that were to
be found in Egypt, Pagans as well as Christians. It is therefore
probable that Clement knew of the existence of some Greek
Hermetica of the same character as ours, but knew them to have
been composed by men of his own time, and therefore to have no
bearing on the question what sort of doctrines were taught in Egypt
before the beginnings of Greek philosophy.
Arguments ex silentio are often of little weight; but in the case
of Clement, the force of this argument will, I think, be evident
to any one who reads the following passages. Strom. 1. 15. 66-73
(a long list of Greek philosophers who were either barbarian by race
or pupils of barbarian teachers), Strom, 1. 21. 134 (an item in
a long list of Pagan prophets): dAAa Kal rav wap’ Alyumrios dvOpdrov
roré, yevoutvoy 8& dvOpwrivy Sdé) Gedy, “Eppijs re 6 OnBaios xal
*AckAnmis 6 Meudirys.? Strom. 5. 5. 29: Kat ddws 6 Tvbaydpas
kat of am aitod ot Kat TAdron podtota tov GAAwy procddwv
a
go INTRODUCTION
Egyptian; and
list of books, directly or indirectly, from a native
d the meagr e informa-
he knew nothing about their contents, beyon
he had believ ed any Greek
tion which he gives at second hand. If
or paraph rases of ancient
Hermetica known to him to be translations
would necess arily have referred
and genuine ‘books of Hermes’, he
to him and his readers
to them here, as the best evidence accessible
ophy’, instead of
concerning the character of the ‘Egyptian philos
by the priests , books which he could
talking of the books studied
not read, and about which he knew very little.
know of any
We must conclude then that Clement either did not
seems more likely, knew
Greek Hermetica such as ours, or else, as
those which have
of some such writings (not necessarily any of
date, and that
come down to us), but knew that they were of recent
to the ancient teacher
their contents could not be rightly attributed
Hermes.’
or religious
Did Origen (a.p. 185-255) know any philosophic
docu-
Hermetica? No quotations from or references to Hermetic
his teacher and
ments have been found in his writings. Origen, like
and the Hebrew
predecessor Clement, repeatedly asserts that Moses
ophers , and says
prophets were prior in time to the Greek philos
it must have been the
that, as far as there was any borrowing,
but he does not discuss
Greeks that borrowed from the Hebrews ;
does; and I do
this question at length and in detail, as Clement
works in which the course
not know of any passages in Origen’s
had known any Greek Hermetica
of his argument is such that, if he
ned in them to be Egypti an and
and thought the teachings contai
been xecess ary for him to speak of
of ancient date, it would have
them.”
of pseudonymous writings
1 Clement assumed without question the authenticity he would hardly have been
and
such as those ascribed to Orpheus and the Sibyl; date of Hermetica merely by
capable of discovering the true character and
later time), But he may have
examining their contents (as Casaubon did at a ica by direct information;
known something about the authors of Greek /Zermet acquainted with some of them.
indeed, it is not impossible that he was personally ica would have been
‘There are passages in which a mention of the Aerntet
Abyurriav copot xara ra Tar pia
appropriate; e.g. Orig. ¢. Cels. 1.121 of pev vevojuopéva Oclav (al. Peay):
ypappara TOAAG drrogopoiat wept tev wap’ abrois (meanings or explanations)
of b& Iara, pUOous Twas dxovoavres dy rods AGyous here goes on to say that the
ode emioravra, péya én’ abrois ppovovaw. Origen ns, and from whom it might
only men who know this secret wisdom of the Egyptiaan oditer dictum.)
be learnt, are the priests. (That however is merely
staying in Egypt, met Jewish
7b. 4. 39: ‘Some think that Plato, while learnt some things from them.’
philosophers (rots ra. “lovdala y qidocop odar), and
so absurd as it might seem at first sight; there were Jews
That notion is not not quite impossible that some
in Egypt before the time of Alexand er, and it is
TESTIMONIA 9!
It may however be said of Origen, with even more confidence
than of Clement, that if any such writings were current in his time,
he must have been aware of their existence. Origen was born and
brought up in Alexandria, and lived and taught there as head of the
Catechetical School (with some intermissions) from a. D. 203 to 230,
after which he migrated to Palestine. He had a wide and thorough
knowledge of Pagan philosophic writings, and especially of those
of the Platonists, down to and including Numenius. Some have
thought that he was for a time a pupil of Ammonius Saccas, and
a fellow-pupil with Plotinus (who was junior to him by about
eighteen years). Statements to that effect seem to have arisen out
of a confusion between the Christian Origen and a Pagan Platonist
of the same name. But be that as it may, the fact remains that he
was living in Egypt at the same time as Ammonius Saccas and
Plotinus ; that he may have been personally acquainted with one or
both of them; and that he must have got his Platonism from the
same sources that they did, or from similar sources. Among
the sources from which he got it, were any Hermetica included?
That question we have no means of answering. There are in his
writings many passages which, in the thoughts expressed, closely
resemble passages in our Hermefica; but I have found no
instances of verbal resemblance of a kind that could be held to
prove direct borrowing; and the resemblances in thought prove
nothing more than that both Origen and the Hermetists were
familiar with Platonism.
In any case, Origen’s writings are of special significance for the
study of the Hermetica, because he lived at the very time during
_which we have reason to think that most of the earlier of our extant
e
ee
e
ae
_ Hermetica were written. He was a Platonist as well as a Christian.’
_ The Platonism that is to be found in his writings is intermixed with
allegorical interpretations of Bible texts, but it can, for the most
_—
part, be disentangled from them without much difficulty ;? and we
a
_ teport of the Jewish account of the Creation may have reached Plato by that
route, and may have been borne in mind by him (together with much else) when
he was writing the Zimaeus. But to any one who knew our Hermetica, and
ae them to be ancient, it would have seemed much more evident that Plato
had learnt some things from zhem.
1 Just as Philo was a Platonist as well as a Jew.
2 See, for instance, Orig. De principiis, 1. 1. 5-7, pp. 31-9 Lommatzsch
(concerning the incorporeality of God and mind). That e might, without
change of a single word, have been written by a Pagan Platonist; and if it had
come down to us as a /tbelius ascribed to Hermes, we should have found in it
nothing incongruous with that ascription,
g2 INTRODUCTION
have it in a specimen of the kind of Platonism that was current
in Egypt at that time, i.e. after Numenius, and before the publication
of the teachings of Plotinus.
The date of the sentence concerning Hermes in Cyprian (?)
Quod idola is so uncertain, that no inference can safely be drawn
from it.
The author of the Cohortatio ad Graecos (probably A. p. 260-302)
quotes Herm. af. Stob. Zxc. 1; and if the conjecture “Ayaot
Saipovos for ”Axpwvos is accepted, he also knew a Hermetic dialogue
in which Agathos Daimon was the teacher.
The earliest Pagan ¢estimonium is that of Porphyry, who, in his
Letter to Anebo, written in the latter part of the third century, said
that he had met with some philosophic Hermetica (Abammonis resp.
8. 4a: ey Trois cvyypdpparw ols Ayes mepireruynkeval . . . TH pev yop
epdpeva ds “Eppot x.7.A.).
It might perhaps be argued that the Greek /ermetica may have
been for some considerable time kept secret (as is enjoined in some
of them), that is, may have been passed from hand to hand within
the small groups of men for whose instruction they were written,
but concealed from all others; and that they may therefore have
been in existence long before they became known to outsiders.
But that seems improbable. Among ‘seekers after God’, such as
were the authors of our Mermetica and their pupils, conversions to
Christianity must have been frequent; and a Hermetist who had
become a Christian would no longer have any motive for concealing
the writings which he had previously held sacred. There was
therefore nothing to prevent these documents from becoming widely
known soon after they were written.
We find then that the external evidence agrees with and confirms
the conclusion to which the internal evidence points, namely, that
most of the extant Aermetica were written in the course of the
third century after Christ, and that few of them, if any, can have
been written long before A.D. 200.
That most of them, if not all, were in existence at the end of the
third century, is proved by the evidence of Lactantius.
The treatise of Lactantius De opificio dei, his larger work Divinae
institutiones, and his treatise De ira dei were written between
A.D. 303 and 311.1. The contents of the Divinae institutiones are
1 See Hammack, Chronol, der altchrist, Litt., ii. 415 ff., and Bardenhewer,
Patrologie, pp. 178-80.
TESTIMONIA 93
repeated in an abridged form, with some variations and additions,
in the Epitome div. inst., which was written by Lactantius some
years later, perhaps about a.p. 315. For the text of Lactantius, my
authority is Brandt's edition, Corp. script. eccl, Lat. vol. xix (1890)
and vol. xxvii (1893-7).!
In the De opif. dei (c. A. D. 304), there is no mention of Hermes.
In Div. inst. 2. ro. 14f., speaking of the making of the human
body by God, Lactantius mentions Hermes, together with the
Stoics and Cicero, as having dealt with the subject, and adds,
‘I pass over this topic now, because I have recently written a book
(viz. the De opif. dei) about it’. But he does not there say that he
made use of any Hermetic document when he was writing the
De opif. dei; and it is possible that the Hermetic passage (probably
Corp. V. 6) to which he refers in Div. inst, Zc. was not known
to
him until after the De ofif. de was finished,
Brandt, Uber die Quellen von Lactans’ Schrift De opificio dei
(Wiener Studien 13, 1891, pp. 255-92), tries to prove that one of the
two main sources of the De opif. det was a Hermetic document—
probably, he thinks, the Aphrodite, of which Herm. ap. Stob.
xe. XXII is a fragment. His argument may be summarized as
follows: ‘Lactantius, throughout De opif. dei cc. 2-13, insists
on
the deauty of man’s bodily structure even more than on its utility. T
ma
-—
=
Now that is exceptional ;in most other writings on the same topic
(e.g. in Cic. Wat. deor, 2. 133-53) the utility of the bodily organs
is spoken of, but not their beauty. Lactantius must therefore have
drawn from a source other than Cicero and Varro, and other than
the Stoic writings of which Cicero anc Varro made use. And as
Lactantius in Div. inst. 2. 10. 13 says that Hermes had dealt
with
the subject, the peculiar source from which Lactantius drew in
the
De opif. dei must have been a Hermeticum. In that LHermeticum,
beauty must have been spoken of side by side with utility.
The .
only extant Hermetic passage in which the construction of the
human body by God is dealt with is Corp. V. 6; and that’, says
Brandt (mistakenly, as it seems to me), ‘cannot be the passage
referred to in Div. inst. /.¢., because it speaks only of the beauty of
the bodily organs, and not of their utility. The Aermeticm
1 The chief MSS. of Div. ust. are %, sixth or seventh century; #, ninth
century; 47, tenth century; S, twelfth century; /, ninth century; J’, tenth
or
eleventh century ;and (for the passages quoted in Greek by Lactantius) Sedu/ins,
ninth century.
O+ INTRODUCTION
e
of which Lactantius made use in the De opif. dei must therefor
have been a Zidellus which is now lost; and it may very likely have
opif.
been the Aphrodite. From it are derived those parts of the De
dei in which either the utility and the beauty of the bodily organs
viz.
are spoken of together, or their beauty is spoken of alone;
8. 1-8,
cap. 2, cap. §. 13, nearly the whole of cap. 7, much in cap.
much in cap. ro, and most of cap. 13.’
If that were established, it might be said that a large part of the
contents of a lost Hermetic Hée//us has been preserved in the De
opif. dei, But Brandt's argument does not appear to me to be
convincing.’ Beauty as well as utility is spoken of in this connexion
by Minucius Felix, Octavivs 17, 11: ‘formae nostrae pulchritudo
deum fatetur artificem: ... nihil in homine membrorum est, quod
non et necessitatis causa sit et decoris.’ The passages of Lact.
De opif. dei which Brandt thinks to be of Hermeti c origin are an
expansion of that statement. Minucius Felix shows no knowledge
of Hermetic writings. His Octavius was certainly known to
Lactantius; and the passages in the De opif. dei of which Brandt
speaks may have been suggeste d to Lactanti us either by that passage
of Minucius Felix, or by some Stoic treatise which was known to
both of them.2 We must conclude then that there is no evidence
that anything in the De opif. dei of Lactantius comes from a
Hermetic source. But Hermes is many times spoken of and
quoted in the Div. inst., and is once referred to in thé De iva det.
Lactantius knew of ‘many’ writings ascribed to Hermes that were
of the same character as our Hermetica (‘libros, et quidem multos,
ad cognitionem divinarum rerum pertinentes’, Div. inst. 1. 6. 4).
He had read the Greek original of Asc/. Zaz., which he calls Adyos
réAes; and as he refers to three different parts of it (Asc/. Lat.
I. 8; II. 24b-26a; Zpilogus 41a under that same title—Div. inst.
4. 6.4; 7. 18. 4; 6. 25.1) there can be no doubt that the compilation
1 Malalas (Migne, tom. 97, col. 512) says that in A.D. 367-83 O¢av 6 gcopwraros
gAdaogos (that is, no doubt, Theon of Alexandria, the father of Hypatia) édi8acKe
kat Apuhveve 7A dotpovomnd, kat ra ‘Eppow Tod rponeylarov ovyypaupara, Kai
7a 'Oppéws, (See note on Herm. af. Stob. Lx. ([XXIX].) But we are not told
that ‘the writings of Hermes Trismegistus’ on which Theon commented were
eer pate or religious; they may have been writings on astrology or some other
sind of ‘ occult’ science.
Cyril of Alexandria (Migne, tom. 76, col. 548 B; see Testém.) says that some
man, whom he does not name, ‘composed at Athens the fifteen books entitled
‘Epyaxd.’; and he quotes from the first book of that work (which seems to have
been written in the form of a dialogue) a passage, put into the mouth of an
Egyptian priest, in which it is said that Hermes was the founder of Egyptian
civilization and science. But we do not know how long before Cyril's time the
work called Hermaica was written; we know nothing about its contents except
the extract quoted by Cyril; and in that extract nothing is said of Hermes as
a teacher of philosophy or religion.
TESTIMONIA 97
seem to have been little known and seldom read, until they were
'brought to light again in the revival of learning which took
place
at Constantinople under the lead of Psellus. In that interval
(A.D. 550-1050) most of them perished; and (apart
from extracts
and quoted fragments) those only survived which were, at
some
date unknown to us, put together to form the Corpus Hermeticum.
The Latin Asclepivs may have owed its preservation to the fact
that
it was mistakenly ascribed to Apuleius, and handed down
together
with his writings.
But while the reputation of Hermes as a philosopher and teacher
of religion dwindled in Europe, it lasted on undiminished in another
region. The centre in which it most strongly maintained
itself, and
from which it spread afresh, was Harran,! an important city in
‘northern Mesopotamia, situated on the main road between Babylonia
and the West. When Christianity, in the course of the fourth
century, became the dominant religion in the neighbouring regions
of the Roman empire, the majority of the Harranians refused
to
be converted, and continued to worship in their heathen
temples
as before ;* so that Harran came to be spoken of by Christian
s as
‘a ‘city of Pagans’ (‘EAAjvev réds).2 When Syria and Mesopotamia
were invaded and conquered by the Arabs (a. D. 633-43), a large
part of the Harranians were still Pagans; and under
Moslem tule
they adhered to their religion with the same pertinacity, We
hear
little of them for nearly two centuries; but they emerge into
light
again in the reign of the Abbasid caliph al-Ma’min (son of
Hartn
ar-Rashid). In a,D. 830, al-Mamun, setting out from Bagdad,
his
1} The evidence of Arabic writers concerning the Pagans
of Harran has been
collected and very thoroughly discussed by D. Chwolsohn, Die
Ssadier und der
tsmus, St. Petersburg, 1856 (a work in two volumes, which
contains large
of material, exasperatingly ill arranged). Chwolsohn’s main
are accepted by more recent authorities, e.g. Carra de Vaux, conclusions
61-71, and E. G. Browne, Zit. Hist. of Persia, 1902, pp. 302-6. Avicenne, 1900,
ly that my transliteretions of Arabic names will be found (It is very
sistent. In writing the names I usually omit diacritical marks, inaccurate or
except at the
lace where each name occurs.)
orthem Mesopotamia was the chief battle-ground in the long series of wars
ween the Romans and the Persians. It was therefore of
to the Roman government to retain the loyalty and goodwill great importance
of Harran, which was one of the chief strongholds of that of the inhabitants
region; and it may
e been for this reason that Paganism was connived at there
ibly suppressed in other places. when it was
Chwolsohn, i, pp. 303 and 438. (He refers to Acta
Paris, 1644, pp. 34 and 37.) Procopius, Bel/. Pers. Concilio rum, t. ix,
+ 540 the Persian king Chosroes showed exceptional 2.favour 13, says that in
cause its inhabitants were mostly Pagans’ (S74 8) of wAcioro ob to Harran
MAAG Gots
Xpariavoi,
THs Tadaids Tvyxdvoumw dvres).
8896 H
98 INTRODUCTION
ugh
capital, on a campaign against the Byzantines, passed thro
who there presented themselves
Harran,! and noticing, among those h
before him, some people strangely dressed, asked them, ‘To whic
you belong?’ They answered,
of the peoples protected by law? do
‘Are you Christians?’ ‘No. ‘Jews?’
‘We are Harranians’.
a holy scrip ture or a pro-
‘No’ ‘Magians?’? ‘No. ‘Have you
an evasi ve answe r. ‘You are
phet?’ To this question they gave
caliph, ‘and it is permitted
infidels and idolaters then’, said the I return
by the time when
to shed your blood. If you have not, of one
ems or adher ents
from my campaign, become either Mosl pate you to
, I will extir
of the religions recognized in the Koran ssion
in outward profe
aman.’* Under this threat, many of them,
l-
Fihvist (A.D. 987), Bk. 9, cap. 2 (Chwo
1 This story is quoted by an-Nadim, disclo sure of the doctrine of the Har-
from a book called Zhe
sohn, ii, pp. 14 sqq.), under the name of Sabians, which was
rantans, who are in our time Rnown ian named Abi-Jusuf Abshaa’al-Qathil.
written (probably c. A.D. 900) by & Christ
es of a Book’, i.e. non-Moslems
2 According to Mohammedan law, ‘Peopl containing truths revealed by God
whose religio n was founde d on a scriptu re
prophet, were entitled to toleration, on
to one whom Moslems recognized as a law was based on certain passages
condition of payme nt of a fixed tax. This
‘Sabia ns’ were favourably spoken of,
in the Koran in which Jews, Christians, and Christians, or Sabians, if only they
(Koran 2. 59: ‘ The believers, be they Jews,what is right, will find reward in the
believe in God and the last day, and do shall torment them.’ See also
presence of their Lord; neither fear nor sorrow
Koran 5. 73 and 22. 17.)
Sabians’ by Mohammed were the
According to Chwolsobn, the people called ‘ near the head of the Persian Gulf,
Mandaeans, a sect residing in the marsh-lands and Mandéische Schriften, 1893.)
(See Brandt, Manddische Religion, 1889, a name derived from manda, which
‘These people called themselves Mandaeans, them Sabians, a Semitic word meaning
means # yv@ous; but their neighbours called s*. A few thousands of Mandaeans
‘people who wash themselves’, or ‘ baptist of Basra in the nineteenth century;
were still to be found in the neighbourhood if not quite, extinct. The sect may
but they are probably by this time almost, century A. D. Their scriptures are
have been in existence as early as the second mixture of Babylonian, Jewish, and
written in an Aramaic dialect, and contain a an influence. These writings,
Zoroastrian ingredients, slightly modified by Christi perhaps have been com
now extant, may
in the form in which they are were doubtless compiled out of
about the seventh or eighth century A.D., but , so little was generally known
documents of earlier date. In the ninth century
Pagans of Harran, who had no-
about this sect, that it was possible for the
them, to claim the name of Sabians without fear of
connexion whatever with a legal status similar to that
contradiction, and thereb y to get for themse lves
and Magian s (i.e, Zoroas trians ) under Moslem rule.
of Jews, Christians, ohn was right in identifying the
There is, however , some doubt whether Chwols
Koran with the Mandae ans. De Goeje (Actes du 6™ congres
‘Sabians’ of the Leyden, 1885, p. 289) says that
international des Oriental istes, Pt. ii, section 1,
an sect strongly impregnated
the people called Sabians in the Koran were ‘a Christi in Babylonia, and who, while
with Pagan element s, the Elkasai tes, who existed
Mandae ans, are not identical with them, as
having much resembl ance to the
ohn thought they were’. But whether the sect denoted by the name
Chwols
ans or some other, it was in any
Sabians before A. D. 830 was that of the Mandae nothing to do.
case a sect with which the Pagans of Harran had
1921, Pp. 274, says: ‘In
3 Ameer Ali, A Short History of the Saracens,
b
TESTIMONIA 99
at least, went over to Islam, and others to Christianity. But some
of them held out, and consulted a Moslem jurist, who, in return for
a large fee, gave them this advice: ‘When al-Mamun comes back,
say to him, “We are Sabians”; for that is the name of a religion
of which God speaks in the Koran,’ Al-Mamun never came back
(he died two or three years later, while still at war); but the
Harranian Pagans acted on the advice of the jurist. They
called
themselves Sabians, and were thenceforward Officially recognized by
the Moslem government as entitled to toleration under that name.!
But in order to make good their claim to this legal status, it was
necessary for them not merely to call themselves by a new
name,
but also to put forward a Book on which it could be said that their
_ religion was based, and a Prophet or Prophets to whom the
contents
of that Book had been revealed. The sacred books of the sect
which had hitherto been denoted by the name Sabians were pro-
bably unknown and inaccessible at Harran ;and if they had
been
known there, it would have been evident that those books had
nothing to do with the religion of the Harranians. Tt was therefore
Some Arabic writers were aware that there were people ‘in the
H 2
100 INTRODUCTION
serve the
necessary to choose some other writings, which would
purpose better.
century
Now the religion of the Pagan Harranians of the ninth
heathe n Syria, more or less modifi ed
was the indigenous religion of
n and other influen ces. For the
by Hellenic and perhaps by Persia
elsewhere,
mass of the people, religion must have been, there as
of
a matter of cult far more than of doctrine. Of the local cults
have come down to us in Arabic writing s ;
Harran some descriptions
but these are mostly vague and meagre , and some of the more
ding
definite statements are evidently due either to gross misunderstan
or to malicious inventi on. We learn from them, howeve r, that there
temple of the Moon- god Sin,' and that among the
was at Harran a
deities worshi pped by the Harran ians the seven planet -gods were
seems
prominent ; and there are also descriptions of a cult? which
to show some resemblances to Mithraism.
But there were among the Pagans of Harran learned men who
were well acquainted with Greek philosophy ; and in those times
Greek philosophy meant a religious philosophy founded on Plato
and Aristotle—that is, in one word, Neoplatonism.’ The religion
ever
1 The cult of the Moon-god Sin must have been firmly rooted at Harran
Harranian
since what may be vaguely called ‘the time of Abraham’; and thisfor instance,
it,
cult was in high repute under the Roman empire. We hear of
at Harran on his way
in the time of Caracalla; and in A.D. 363, Julian, halting
Moon-god (Amm.
to war against the Persians, worshipped in the temple of thewithout intermission
Marcell. 23. 3. 1). This worship seems to have continued
destroyed, either
under Moslem rule, until the temple of Sin at Harran was finally of the Tartar
in A.D, 1032, or according to another authority, at the time
invasion in A.D. 1230.
the
2 We are told (Chwolsohn, i. 496, 513, and ii. 319-64) that in one of (or
the genii
temples at Harran was worshipped a god named Shemdl, ‘the lord of
underneath this
daemons), the highest God, the God of the mysteries’; and that were
hore there were crypts, in which were idols, and in which mysteries by weird
celebrated. Boys were admitted into a crypt, and were there terrified a sacrament
sounds and voices. Women were excluded from the rites. There was meal mixed
of
in which cakes were eaten (we are told that these cakes were made like
with the blood of a slaughtered baby; but that is doubtless a calumny, alike, the
similar accusations against the early Christians; and in both cases
actions
accusation may have been based on a too literal inter retation of symbolic
and metaphorical phrases used in the ritual); and there was also a sacramental
drinking of some liquid out of seven cups. have
In this description there is much that reminds one of Mithraism. It must
Mithraic
been in some region not far distant from northern Mesopotamia that the
after it had
cult which spread over the Roman empire first took shape; and and revived
spread westward, it might have been brought back to that same region
there by Roman soldiers and merchants.
3 Roughly speaking, it may be said that the Neoplatonists made use of Aristotle
se. But
as their chiefauthority for logic, but Plato for philosophy in the strictersen
they habitually tried to explain away the differences between Plato and Aristotle,
The
and to show that one and the same philosophy was taught by both.
‘
TESTIMONIA 101
of these men must have been related to that of the uneducated
mass of worshippers of Sin and the planet-gods in the same sort
of way that the religion of Iamblichus was related to that of
uneducated Pagans in the Roman empire. And when the Pagan
Harranians were required, on pain of death or merciless persecution,
to name a Book on which their religion was based, it would
necessarily fall to the learned men among them to find an answer
to the question, and to speak on behalf of the whole body. They
might have said with some truth that their religion (i.e. the philo-
sophic religion of these learned men themselves, though not the
religion of the mass of Pagans) was based on Plato’s Dialogues ;
but they preferred to name what were believed to be the more
ancient writings from which Plato had derived his wisdom—that
is, the Greek Aermetica. ‘Our Scriptures’, they must have said
to the Moslem officials, ‘are the Hermetic writings; and our
Prophets are those whose teaching is recorded in those writings,
namely, Hermes Trismegistus, and his teacher Agathos Daimon.’!
The Moslems did not set any fixed limit to the number of
‘prophets’ acknowledged by them (among those whom they recog-
nized as prophets were Adam, Seth, Enoch, Noah, Abraham, &c.,
and we are told by one authority that the total number of prophets
amounted to 313, Chw. i. 626); and there might be no great
difficulty in adding two more to the list; but it would be easier
to get these two accepted if they could be identified with prophets
already well known to Mohammedans. It was probably for this
reason, and at the suggestion of Harranians, that Agathodaimon
came to be identified with Seth son of Adam, and Hermes with
_ Idris, whom Moslems held to be identical with Enoch (Koran 19. 57
and 21. 85).
The fact that the Harranian Pagans, when required to name
a Scripture, chose the Hermetica, proves that in A. D, 830 a collection
of Hermetica was known and read in Syria; and the fact that they
named Agathodaimon as a prophet together with’ Hermes proves
that their collection included some dialogues (now lost, and known
writings; and
1 Tat son of Hermes’ is repeatedly spoken of in Arabic the Harranians
Asclepius is mentioned as one of the prophets recognized by (Chw., i. 243).
(Chwolsohn, i. 229, ii. 523, &c-), and is called a follower of Hermes
(Chw., i, p. 487,
Of Ammon there is at least one mention; al-Qifthi, A. b. 1248
of Idris (i.e.
and ii, p. 533), wrote a book containing, iter alia, biographies
Hermes), Atng Amon, Asclepius, Empedocles, and Plato.
were known
3 We know from Ephraim Syrus (see Zestém.) that Hermetica did not read
in Syria c. A.D. 365, and that at that time a Syrian who probably
Greek had some knowledge of their contents (but perhaps only at second hand).
translation of
De Boer, Geschichte der Philosophie im Islam, 1901, says that century.
profane writings from Greek into Syriac began in or about the fourth furnished with
In the fifth century, there was in Edessa a flourishing academy, can be little
a large library of Greek and Syriac books (Chw., i. 172-4), and there of works of
doubt that among those books were the Mermetica . We hear
The school at
Aristotle translated into Syriac in the fifth century (Chw., ib.). the emperor
Edessa, having become infected with Nestorian ism, was suppresse d by
to have been
Zeno in A.D. 489 (C. de Vaux, Avicenne, p. 41); and there seems but the work
thencefor ward no one central seat of learning for Syrian Christians ;
Syrian cities
which had been centred at Edessa was still carried on in other for Syrian
(e.g. at Nisibis). Meanwhil e, Harran was the chief seat of learning
The Arabs
Pagans, and continued to be so down to the end of the ninth century, Christians
got their knowledge of Greek science and philosophy partly from Syrian
830 onward, if not
(orthodox, Monophysite, and Nestorian), but (from A.D.
before) partly also from Syrian Pagans of Harran. of al-Farabi
Masudi (af. C, de Vaux, Avic., p. 38) reports from a lost work ‘The
(who died in A.D. 950) the following sketch of the history of learning: a in
Alexandri
chief seat of human knowledge was transferred from Athens to two
Egypt. The emperor Augustus, after destroying Cleopatra, establisheda stop
centres of teaching, Alexandria and Rome; the emperor heodosius put
a. Under
to the teaching at Rome, and brought back the whole of it to Alexandri was transferred
Omar son of Abd-el-Aziz (A.D. 705-10), the chief seat of teaching
Mutawakkil, it was
from Alexandria to Antioch; and later on, in the reign of Arabs’, was
transferred to Harran’ The caliph Mutawakkil, ‘the Nero of the Ali, Short
a drunken debauchee, and a rigidly orthodox Mohammedan (Ameer ? Appa-
Hist., p. 288). Why is he, of all people, mentioned in this connexionHarranians
rently because it was in his reign (A.D. 847-61) that the learning of theof the Arab
first became widely known among the Arabs. From the time
legal
conquest until A.D. 830, the date at which their religion was grantedin con-
reenenim the learned Pagans of Harran had been forced to remain
cealment.
TESTIMONIA 103
From that time onward, for about two centuries (A. D. 850-1050),
i we hear much of the Harranian Pagans. Some of them rose to
v
positions of high eminence, and played an important part in the
intellectual life of Bagdad.
The most famous of them is Thabit ibn Qurra,’ who was born
A.D. 835, and died ¢ A.D. gor. During the earlier part of his life
he resided in Harran, as a money-changer. But shortly before
A.D. 872, there was a schism in the community? of ‘Sabians’, as
the Harranian Pagans were now called ; Thabit’s party was defeated,
and he was expelled, and forced to leave the city, After some
years he settled at Bagdad, was introduced to the caliph, and
attained to high favour at court; and he got the government to
recognize him and his companions as a separate and independent
community of ‘Sabians’, with a head of its own.* Most of the
learned men of Harran probably migrated to Bagdad and joined
him. The community thus established at Bagdad must have been
a sort of school of Pagan Neoplatonism,‘ in some respects analogous
to the school of Pagan Neoplatonism which had flourished at Athens
until suppressed by Justinian about 350 years before.* But there
=
104 INTRODUCTION
were doubtless considerable differences ;and one of the differences
was this, that whereas the Neoplatonists of Athens had ignored the
Hermetica, the Harranian Neoplatonists of Bagdad recognized the
Hermetica as their ‘Scripture’, and regarded the Hermetic teaching
as the source whence their philosophy was derived.
Thabit lived on at Bagdad, occupied in teaching and writing, till
his death about a.D. 901. We are told that towards the end of his
life he was forced to become a Mohammedan ; but his sons remained
Pagans, and the Pagan community which he had founded in Bagdad
continued its activities after his death.
Thabit’s work as a writer extended over a wide range of subjects.
He is spoken of as highly distinguished in mathematics, astronomy,
logic, and medicine, as well as in philosophy. His mother tongue
was Syriac, but he knew also the Greek and Arabic languages.
Barhebraeus says that Thabit wrote about 150 works (translations
included?) in Arabic, and 16 in Syriac. He translated Greek
writings, and corrected earlier translations made by others; and
according to an Arabic writer, it was said that ‘no one would have
been able to get any benefit from the philosophic writings of the
Greeks, if they had not had Thabit’s translations’.* Among his
writings on philosophy and logic were the following: a Zractatus
de argumento Socratt ascripto; a Tractatus de solutione mysteriorum
in Platonis Republica obviorum; a translation of part of Proclus’s
commentary on the Aurea carmina of Pythagoras; an Jsagoge in
Jogicam ; commentaries on Aristotle’s Iepi épynveias, and a part of
Aristotle’s @vavxcy dxpdacis; extracts from Arist. Caz, Anal. prior.,
and IIepit épu. But he was, like the Neoplatonists of Athens,
interested in Pagan cults (more especially, perhaps, but not exclu-
sively, the local cults of Harran), as well as in philosophy; and
under this head may be placed the following titles given in the list
of his writings: Liber de lege e¢ canonibus (ceremonial law and
ritual?) ethnicorum; Liber de sepultura mortuorum; Liber de con-
Jirmatione religionis ethnicorum; Liber de munditie et immunditie ;
school either at Athens or at any other place’, Is it certain that Damascius did
not settle down at Harran and teach there? He could hardly find any other
place where he would feel so much at home as in that ‘city of Pagans’, He was
a Syrian, born at Damascus, whence he got his name.
? This agrees with what is said by Carra de Vaux, Avicenne, p. 37: ‘ Transla-
tion into Arabic began under al-Mansur (A. D. 753-74); but philosophic writin
were not at first included among those translated, and the Arabs had not sufficiently
perfect translations of Aristotle into Arabic until the time of al-Farabi, at the
beginning of the fourth century of the egira’ (i.e. c. A. D. 912, a few years after
Thabit’s death).
TESTIMONIA 105
Liber de animalibus sacrificio aptis; Liber de horis precum; Liber de
lectionibus recitandis ad singulas sepiem planetas accommodatis ; Liber
de poenitentia et deprecatione ;Liber de religione Sabiorum ; Liber de
degibus (ceremonial regulations ?) Hermetis, et de orationibus (prayers)
guibus uluntur ethnict. From one of these books (perhaps the Zider
de confirmatione religionis ethnicorum) must have been taken the
following passage, quoted from Thabit by Barhebraeus: ‘We are
the heirs and propagators of Paganism... . Happy is he who, for
the sake of Paganism, bears the burden (of persecution ?) with
firm
hope. Who else have civilized the world, and built the
Cities, if
not the nobles and kings of Paganism? Who else have set in order
the harbours and the rivers? And who else have taught the hidden
wisdom? To whom else has the Deity revealed itself,’ given
oracles, and told about the future, if not to the famous men among
the Pagans? The Pagans have made known all this. They have
discovered the art of healing the soul ; they have also made
known
the art of healing the body. They have filled the earth with settled
forms of government, and with wisdom, which is the highest
good.
Without Paganism the world would be empty and miserable.’
Thabit seems to have also dabbled in the ‘ occult’
sciences ; he
paid some attention to astrology, and he wrote
a commentary on
a ‘Book of Hermes’ concerning doctrina Litterarum et nomin
um—
probably a treatise dealing with the cryptic significance or magic
efficacy of letters of the alphabet? It is very likely that he knew
other books also on such subjects (e.g. on astrology) that
were
ascribed to Hermes, and assumed them to have been written
by
the same Hermes that he believed to be the author of
the teachings
recorded in the religious and philosophic Hermetica.
Thabit’s son Sindn was a physician of high repute
, and held by
official appointment the position of head of the medica
l profession
in Bagdad. Masudi says that Sinan had a thorou
gh knowledge of
mathematics, astronomy, logic, metaphysic, and
the philosophic
‘Systems of Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle,
Chwolsohn (i. 577 sqq.) enumerates twenty-seven other
‘Sabians’
(i.e. Harranian Pagans) whose names have been
preserved. One
of them, al-Battdni (A. D. 877-918), was a famous
astronomer and
mathematician, known as Albategnus in medieval Europe
.*
1 An audacious thing to write under a Mohammedan
® See F. Dormseiff, Das alphabet in Mystik und government,
Magie, Teubner, 1922.
= C. de Vaux says, ‘It is thought that al-Batt
ani knew Greek ; he commented
e
—
ei
ee
ee
=
e
o—e
e
- ee
c
n—
~e
ay= aa
e
=~
106 INTRODUCTION
ed
It appears that the ‘Sabians’ lived on at Bagdad, and continu
a separat e sect, for about 150 years after the
to be known there as
death of Thabit (a.D. 900-1050). At that time the ‘Golden Age’
A. D. 754-
of the great caliphs (al-Mansur, ar-Rashid, and al-Mamun,
the vast empire over which they had ruled had
$33) was past, and
the
fallen to pieces. The declin¢ may be said to have begun in
confusi on,
reign of Mutawakkil, ¢, a. D. 850. There was a period of
in the course of which caliphs at Bagdad were helples s in the hands
themsel ves
of Turkish praetorians, and provincial governors made
independent and established local dynasties. But shortly before
had got
A.D. 950 one of these local rulers, a son of Buwayh, who
master of Bagdad ;
possession of a large part of Persia, made himself
the Seljuks in 1055) the
and thenceforward (until the coming of
there as ‘Mayors of the Palace’, and the
Buwayhids governed
as
caliphs, reduced to impotence, retained only a shadowy dignity
pontiffs. Thus during the greater part of the century A.D. 950-
toso Bagdad was under a tolerably firm and settled government,
and though shorn of much of its earlier glory, was still the chief
city of a considerable dominion (Mesopotamia, Iraq, and western
Persia).
During these political changes, students pursued their work with-
out intermission, some at Bagdad, and others at the place of
residence of this or that local dynast; and it was not until after
the political decline had begun that Arabic learning reached its
highest level.
In the intellectual activity of A.D. goo-1oso the Sabians of
Bagdad took their part. During that time, or at least during the
earlier part of it, there was still under Moslem rule much freedom
of thought ; and non-Moslems, though subject to occasional ill-usage
the
or annoyance, were often well received at court, and found
highest careers open to them. But from about A.D. ro50 we hear
to
no more of these Sabians; and their disappearance is probably
in the strictnes s
be accounted for as the result of a gradual increase
with which Mohammedan orthodoxy was enforced .
Among ‘the two and seventy jarring sects’ of Islam, there were,
and had been from the first, two main tendencies in conflict. There
was a school of theologians (the ‘orthodox’ theologians as they
may be called) who relied wholly and solely on the authority of
of
on the Zetrabiblos of Ptolemy, and revised the A/magest and several works
Archimedes’.
TESTIMONIA 107
reyelation—i.e. on what God had revealed to Mohammed—and
refused to diverge from this or go beyond it; and opposed to them
there was a school of ‘liberal’ theologians, who, while accepting
the authority of the Koran, claimed a right to the use of human
reason in the interpretation of the sacred text, and exercised that
right to a varying extent. In the ninth century, when the Arabs
had got access to Greek learning, there arose, side by side with the
two schools of theologians, a third school, that of the ‘ philosophers ’.*
Philosophy meant, for the Arabs, not a search for truth in any
direction, but adherence to those philosophic doctrines which they
had learnt from the Greeks—that is, to Neoplatonism ; so that the
‘philosophers’ were, in fact, a sect among other sects. They were
professedly Mohammedans (differing in this from the Sabians, who
were not Mohammedans in any sense), and they did not openly
reject the Koran ; but they disregarded it as far as they could with
safety, and when obliged to take notice of it, contrived some sort
of compromise between their Neoplatonic doctrines and those of
Moslem theology. Meanwhile, the liberal theologians also read the
philosophic writings, and got from them arguments which they
employed in their controversies with the more rigidly orthodox.
Thus the ‘orthodox theologians’ and the ‘philosophers’ came to
\
|
stand opposed to one another as the two extremes, while the ‘liberal
theologians ’ held an intermediate position between them.
Under the great caliphs, the liberal theologians had, on the whole,
the upper hand, and men of all ways of thinking could express their
opinions openly, But as time went on, the orthodox party grew
in strength, and asserted itself more and more. The tenets of this
party, or of a comparatively moderate section of it, were formulated
by al-Ashari (who died a. D. 935, i.e. about half a.century after the
founding of the Sabian community in Bagdad); and his followers,
known as ‘the Asharites’, carried on the struggle until they brought
it to a victorious conclusion. From the school of the Asharites
issued Ghazali (a.p. 1058-1111), who ‘crushed the philosophers’,
and finally established the system of Mohammedan orthodoxy which
has, in the main, been in force from his time down to our own day.
1 Among the numerous Oriental Arabs who taught philosophy in their writings,
there are three whose names stand out conspicuously, viz. al-Kindi, who died
about A.D. 873 (of his writings only small remnants have been preserved) ;
al-Farabi, who died a. D. 950; and ibn-Sina (Avicenna), who died A.D. 1037.
What is here said about the religious parties and disputes of the Moslem Arabs
is taken chiefly from de Boer, Gesch. der Philosophie im Islam, 1901, and Carra
de Vaux, Avicenne and Gazali.
a
=e
o
e
108 INTRODUCTION
1 Honein ibn Ishaq (+A. D. 873) was a Nestorian Christian. He took a leadin
part in the translation of Greek writings into Arabic, and was assisted in the work
by his son and nephew. He resided mostly at Bagdad, but travelled in Byzantine
territory, where he remained for two years, and brought back thence a collection
TESTIMONIA III
1 Or ‘Speech’.
* The ‘ world’ here spoken of is the ‘intelligible world’, as opposed to the
‘sensible world’.
® I.e, the elements of the material or sensible world.
* Le. the intelligible world.
aloft ;the fire was light and keen, and active. And therewith
the air too, being light, followed the fire, and mounted up till it
reached the fire, parting from earth and water ; so that it seemed
that the air was suspended from the fire. And the fire was —
encompassed by a mighty power, and was held fast, and stood
firm. But earth and water remained in their own place, mingled
together, so as not to be...;' but they were kept in motion, by
reason of the breath-like* Word which moved upon the face of the
water.
And the first Mind,—that Mind which is Life and Light,—9
being bisexual, gave birth to another Mind, a Maker of things ;
and this second Mind made out of fire and air seven Adminis-
trators,? who encompass with their orbits the world perceived by
sense ; and their administration is called Destiny.
And forthwith the Word of God leapt up from the downward- yo
tending elements of nature to the pure body which had been
made,‘ and was united with Mind the Maker;* for the Word
was of one substance with that Mind. And the downward-
tending elements of nature were left devoid of reason,® so as to be
mere matter. -
And Mind the Maker worked together with the Word, anda
encompassing the orbits of the Administrators, and whirling them _
round with a rushing movement, set circling the bodies he had
made, and let them revolve, travelling from no fixed starting-
point to no determined goal; for their revolution begins where
it ends.
And Nature, even as Mind the Maker willed, brought forth 11 b
from the downward-tending elements animals devoid of reason ;
for she no longer had with her the Word.’ The air brought
forth birds, and the water, fishes,—earth and water had by this
e
e
e
122 CORPVS HERMETICVM
yield up the body itself to be changed,' and the visible form you
bore is no longer seen. And your... you yield up to the...,’
so that it no longer works in you ; and the bodily senses go back
to their own sources, becoming parts of the universe, and entering
into fresh combinations to do other work. And thereupon the 25
man mounts upward through the structure of the heavens. And
to the first zone of heaven® he gives up the force which works
increase and that which works decrease ; to the second zone,‘
the machinations of evil cunning ; to the third zone,’ the lust
whereby men are deceived; to the fourth zone,’ domineering
arrogance ; to the fifth zone,” unholy daring and rash audacity;
to the sixth zone,® evil strivings after wealth ; and to the seventh
zone,? the falsehood which lies in wait to work harm. And 26a
thereupon, having been stripped of all that was wrought upon
him by the structure of the heavens, he ascends to the substance
of the eighth sphere,” being now possessed of his own proper
power ; and he sings, together with those who dwell there, hymning
the Father; and they that are there rejoice with him at his
coming. And being made like to those with whom he dwells,
he hears the Powers, who are above the substance of the eighth
sphere, singing praise to God with a voice that is theirs alone.
And thereafter, each in his turn, they mount upward to the
Father; they give themselves up to the Powers, and becoming
Powers themselves, they enter into God. This is the Good;
this is the consummation, for those who have got gnosis.”
And now, why do you delay? Seeing that you have received 26 b
all, why do you not make yourself a guide to those who are
worthy of the boon, that so mankind may through you be saved
by God?’ And when Poimandres had thus spoken to me, he
mingled with the Powers.’*
! Perhaps, ‘ When the time comes for you to be changed, you first yield up
the body itself to nature for dissolution."
2 MSS. : ‘your moral character you yield up to the daemon.’ But it ought
rather to be, ‘ your vital spirit you yield up to the atmosphere’,
8 T.e. the sphere of the Moon, * That of the planet Mercury,
5 That of the planet Venus. 6 That of the Sun.
7 That of the planet Mars. 8 That of the planet Jupiter.
8 That of the planet Saturn.
; 10 I.e, the sphere of the fixed stars, the highest or outermost of the spheres of
eaven,
11 T.e, the men who have ascended to the eighth sphere.
ay Le, knowledge of God, and of the relation between man’s trne self and
od.
18 T.e, he departed to the incorporeal world, in which the Powers reside.
2806 K
130 CORPVS HERMETICVM
go éy@ 8 tiv elepyeotay rod Towpdvdpov aveypaydpny els
euaurév, kal mrnpwbeis Sv HOchov eEnudpdvOnv. éyévero
yap 6 Tob cdparos Umvos Tis Wuyxfs vais, Kal } képpvorstov
opbaryay ddrnOivh spacis, Kat 4 olwmy pov éyxipov Tod
dyabod, Kal % Tod Adyou ddop{i\a yérynualra} “ayabav’. 5
todo dé ovvéBy por AaBbyri amd [Tod vods pov] [[rovrécri]]
708 ITowpavdpou, ((rovréort)) Tob Tis abbevrias (vods, Tov .. .)
Abyon, (Bev) Oeémvovs yevduevos (...) THs ddnOelas
nrOov.
O15 Sidwmpe é« Woyfis Kal ioydos B8dAns etdoylav TB 10
marpi O66.
31 “Aytos 6 beds Kal warp ray brwv, (5 mpd) dpxA(s dv)
dytos 6 eds, of 4 Bovdy redrcirat dd ray “idtwr' duvdpewr
dys 6 beds, ds yrwoOAvar Botdrcrat, kal yiwdoKxerar Tois
iSiors. 15
dytos el, 6 N6y@ ovotnodpevos Ta bvra
dytos el, dv 4} diats odk Hpatpocer:
dywos el, ob maca pbais eixdy eu.
dywos ef, 6 méons dvvacteias iayvpéorepos:
dytos ef, 6 dons bmepoyis pelfov: 20
dy.os el, 6 xpetrrwv (dv\rav éralvev.
défat Aoyixds Ovolas dyvas dwd Woyis Kai Kapdias mpds
oé dvarerapévns, dvexdddnre, dppyte, com pavotpeve.
82 alrovpérm 7d ph opadrjjva tis yrdoews THs Kar’ ovolay
pv emivevody por Kal évdvvdpwody pe, (iva) [kai] ris 5
X4aptros ravrns (rvxav) dwricw rods év dyvola tod yévous
pov, ddedgods (énovs), viods dé cob.
LIBELLVS If
LIBELLVS II
A discourse of Hermes Trismegistus to Asclepius.
Hermes. Is it not true of everything which is moved, Asclepius, 1
that it is moved zz something, and is moved dy something ?—
Asclepius. Assuredly.—He rm. And is not that in which the thing
is moved necessarily greater than the thing moved ?—Asc/. Yes.—
Herm. And that in which the thing is moved must be of opposite
nature to the thing moved.—Asc¢/. Certainly it must.—
Herm. Now this Kosmos is great; there is no body greater 2
than the Kosmos.—As¢e/, Agreed.—Herm. And it is massive ;
for it is filled with many other great bodies, or rather, with all the
bodies that exist.—Asc/, It is so— Herm. And the Kosmos is
a body, is it not?—Asc. Yes.—Herm. And a thing that is
moved ?—As¢?. Assuredly— Herm. Of what magnitude then 3
must be the space in which the Kosmos is moved? And of
what nature? Must not that space be far greater, that it may
be able to contain the continuous motion of the Kosmos, and
that the thing moved may not be cramped through want of
room, and cease to move?—Ase¢/. Great indeed must be that
space, Trismegistus.— Herm. And of what nature must it be, 4a
Asclepius? Must it not be of opposite nature to the Kosmos ?
And of opposite nature to body is the incorporeal.—Asc/.
Agreed.—Herm. That space then is incorporeal.
Now that which is incorporeal is either something that apper- 4b
tains to God, or else it is God himself. (By ‘a thing that
appertains to God’ I mean, not a thing that comes into being,
but a thing without beginning.) If then the incorporeal thing
is something that appertains to God, it is of the nature of eternal
substance ; but if it is God himself, it must be distinct from
substance, (...).! Space is an object of thought, but not in the 5
1 The text of §§ 4b-6a is badly corrupted, and the restoration of it that is
here proposed is very doubtful. What the author meant might perhaps be
expr by writing as follows: ‘It must be distinct from substance, (and
distinct from objects of thought. It is true that God is, in one sense, an object
of thought, for he is not an object of sense-perception ;) but Space is an object
of thought in a different sense’, &c. ;
@ciov codd. Stob.: 79 Gefov AQS Turn. 22 xal (post deds) AQS: om. Turn.
22-23 Fortasse hoc fere modo supple wai dvovatacrov (an dvotatov ?) |
yiverat (nat dvénrov. o8 py GAdA mH pey vonTds 6 eds" ob yap (Calodjoe
bromimre 5 Geds)).) GAAws SE vonrds 5 Ténos
vonr@ otra A: vonrdv ovtws QS: vonrds ofr Turn.
23 vonrds 6 rémos szripsi: }|
136 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS II 137
same sense that God is; for God is an object of thought primarily
to himself, but Space is an object of thought to us, not to itself.
That which is an object of thought is such to him who contem-
plates it in thought ; Space therefore is an object of thought, not
to itself (for it is not contemplated by itself), but to us. And if 6a
Space is an object of thought, not as God is, but as the working
of a power by which things are contained, then Space is something
other than God.
Moreover, everything that is moved is moved, not in something 6 b
that is itself moved, but in something that stands fast. And the
mover too stands fast; it is impossible that that which moves
a thing should be moved together with the thing it moves.
Asci. How is it! then, Trismegistus, that the things which in our world move
other things are moved together with the things they move? For I have heard
you say that the planet-spheres are moved by the sphere of the fixed stars ;(and
surely that sphere is itself moved. )}—Herm. In that instance, Asclepius, the two
things are not moved together. Their movements are contrary ;for the sphere
of the fixed stars is not moved in the same way as the planet-spheres, but in
the opposite direction. And the contrariety of the two movements keeps the
fulcrum stationary; for motion is stayed by resistance, The planet-spheres 7
then, being moved in the opposite direction to the sphere of the fixed stars, ...
It cannot be otherwise. Look at the Great Bear and the Little Bear. As you
see, they neither set nor rise; are they moved, think you, or do they stand fast?
—Asci. They are moved, Trismegistus—Herm. And of what kind is their
movement ?—Asc/, It is a movement which circles round one point,—
Herm. Yes, and their revolution round one peint is a movement that is held
fast by immobility. For revolution round one point prevents departure from
the orbit ;and the prevention of departure from the orbit results in revolution
round one pvint. And even so it is that movement in contrary directions is
steadfast and stable, being kept stationary by the contrariety, I will give you 8a
an example which you can see with your own eyes. Take the case of some
1 This passage (‘How is it... makes the matter clear, Trismegistus’, e
e
e
e
ee
e e
§§6b-8a) is obscure, and appears to have been inserted by some one who mis-
understood the meaning of the /zbe//us,
Turn. |otet Stob, P?: # otec codd, Corp.: mare? Stob, FP! | xuveto@a 7
éardava codd. Corp. (om. S) et Stob. P*: xweiaGar kat éordvar Stob. FP?
21 tiv wept 7d adrd Parthey: 7iv wept adro codd. Corp. : tiv mept ra abra
codd. Stob. 21-22 orpepopévny cocd. Corp. : dvacrpepopévny codd.
Stob. 22 mepipopa % wept 75 adrd codd. Stob.: meppopa 7d aitd Kai
mept aiird codd, Corp. | knots gor ind codd, Stob.: xivnois bd codd.
Corp. 23 xwdrver 7d wept (ime, suprascr. ) aizé A: nwdrver 7d brép airé cett,
23-24 xwAvduevov . . . wept (78) avro om. codd. Stob. | 58 76 Turn, :82
tods 7d A: 5 rovs TO QS (KkwAvdpevoy B& rods 7d bwép aird bis scriptum S).
Fortasse xwAvopévov 5@ Tod 24 ei earn codd.: ‘fortasse éviorara:’
Wachsm. 25 gornxev codd, Stob.: éorn } AQ Turn.: éorrv#S | Post
5é oo add, éniyerov codd Stob. 26 éunimrov Patr.: émminrov codd,
Stob.; minrov codd. Corp. | ériyera codd. Corp. : énitenpa codd, Stob.
138 CORPVS HERMETICVM
d&Oporov [[Aéyoo]] Oecper myspevov' epopevov yap tov vSaros 7 avri-
Turia tay modav Kal rav xeipav ordows yiverar tO avOpdre Tod pi}
suykarevexOjvat rH Batt.—Zahes rd wapdderypa, & Tpropeyeore.—
naoa ov kivnots év ordoe Kai bd ordoews KivEiTaL.
8b (.+.) 4 ody Kivnots Tod Kéopov, Kai mavris dé Kwov5
UdiKod, ovX bird TOY KaTEKTOS TOD GopaTos cupBaive yiverOat,
aN’ dd rev évras els Td KaTEKTOS, Hrou uyxAs [7 mvedparos]
) Gddov twos dowpdrov. capa yap eprpvxov oWy bmd
odparos) Kiweilrat): ad ovdt +d obvodoy copa, Kav f
4 ~ 7
e
l
140 CORPVS HERMETICVM
ndvra éotiv, & ad pps Kevd, TOD dépos, ef bE Tod dépos, Kal
Tov Tecodpov cwoudrov’ Kal ovpPatver 6 évavtios ddyos
2 re wt
exgaiverOa, drt &B od‘ ysS peotd, Taira
- ra
mdvTa KEevd43EoTL 10
Tod dépos, éxelvay im’ dhrAwv copdtwv oTEevoywpoupéveor, Kal
BY2 éxbvrev Ténov
£
déEacOa
,
Tov
x
dépa.
37
Taira
~
ob,
bi
&nN odx dys
\
i ra a a , 4 Fhe BS
elvat kevd, Kotka Oct dvopdgev, ov Kevad: vmdpgewc yap
peotd
. éorw [aépos kai mvevparos|.—Avartippytos 6 Adyos,
® Tpiopéyiore.— 15
wai Tovx otv
>
témov
ca
tova &2 @A 76x wav-~ Kweirat
~
Ti a ecitoper;
v
er ft ca i pe a a
acéparov, ® AckAnmé.—T6 ovv ao@patov (robr0) Ti €aTt ;—
Nods ddos ¢€ Grou éavriv éurepiex@v, EAeHOepos coparixtic
[alrAdvns, drabys, dvapys, adtos ev eavT@ éoTds, [[ovy]]-
xepnrikds ((cum)\rdv7ov Kai gwTipiws Tay dvTay, (76) ((rHs
4 ~ ~
Yoxts)) ($s)— - :
w bo
yerbis dépos al nvevparos .. . c@ud éotw quae in ceteris Corp. Herm. codicibus
praecedunt) 16 rémov Tov & & mwetrar codd. Corp, : témov év @ ewetrar
7 nav codd. Stob. |etwopey codd. Stob. : efmwpev codd. Corp. 17 &
om. codd. Stob. | rf, codd. Corp.: om, codd. Stob. 18 voids bAos
codd. Stob. : voids, Adyos codd. Corp. 18-19 EdrcVOepos cwparinns wAdyys
‘scripsi: éAev@cpos o&patos mavrés, awAavys codd. Stob.: éAed@epov ohparos
mavTos’ andavijs codd, Corp. 19 Post draéis add, owpar: nat codd. Corp.
dvagis codd. Corp.: dpavjs codd. Stob. | év om. codd. Corp. 20 xwpn-
s ouumdvrew scripsi: xwpyTiKkds Tav wévrav codd. Corp. : ovyyapntixds
f Stob. F: ywpyricds wavtww Stob. P 20-21 10 rijs puxijs pws addidi
vide§ 12 b fin.) 22 ri ov ys huc a § 13 fin. transposui 22-23 ob
€p codd. Stob. : obmep codd. Corp. 23 éerwesS: durives cett. 24 70
apxérunov pas codd. Corp.: 7d dpxérutov mvedparos codd. Stob. | ras
Yoxfis (7s om. Stob. F) hine ad § 12. fiz. transposui
142 CORPVS HERMETICVM
13 ‘O obv beds tf éorw;—'O pnde(rep)ov tobrav bmdpyor,
adv 8& Kal ((robrois)) rob elvan [[rodrors]] airios, Kal maou Kal
évi éxdot@ tay dvtov mévtwv: obSE yap ovdev brédure, WAL
70 ph) dv. mdvra Sé eore Td (ywbpeva) ex Tov dvTov yiwdpeva,
ovdn[t pip] ex rev pi) dvr: Ta yap pi) dvta od dvow eye um
Tod divacba yevéobat (rt), GMAX Tod pi Sbvacbal rt [7d]
yevéobat
rs
Kal ‘ wédu
4
rd. dvta ob> gpiow
4
Exe [rod pydémor
ww ~ ‘ 2
elvat] [[ré ody gysj| rob ph elvat more. 46 odv beds ob rods
éotiv, aitios 8&bY rod= (voiy)
2
elvat. [ovdé mvebipa,
~
aitios débY Tob~
3 Or
- cA
mdvrav: dtd rodro ovdt (6) beds voeirae ind mdvrav a&dN 25
ayvoig Kai rovs Oeods Kal twas trav dvOpdrov dyabods
3 , . A ca ~ ul A >
1 Or ‘ Reality’.
? Viz. God" and ‘the Good’. But the writer of § 17 a took the two names
to be ‘the Good’ and ‘the Father’.
8 Perhaps, ‘ None of the other beings, whether men or daemons, that are
called good’,
‘ Perhaps, ‘can be good in any degree, but God alone. ((God is good,
peek as he gives all things and receives nothing;)) but all other
things’, &c.
® Or perhaps, ‘ And God alone (yévos), and nothing but God, is the Good’.
codd., Turn. —|ydp clot QS: yap eos cett. 20-21 kal rotiro tom pdvoy 6
Ges, wat obdév dAdo scripsi (vide § 14): Todrd éoru 4 Beds Turn. : ToDTS ears 7d
dyaddy* robrd éorw 5 Beds AQS 21 efres QS 22-23 doeBnoes (bis)
scripsi: doeBeis codd., Turn. 25 8a rovro . . . ind wdvrow fortasse
secludendum 26 «at rods Geods secludendum? | Post dya8obs add. et
eras, efva: man. pr. A 27 pare eva om. QS
144 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS II
‘Eppyod rod tpiopeylarou ddyos iepds.
(8rt) mpa&toc amdvrav 6 beds, kat Oetov (7d wav), kal (7)
pias Oeia.
1a ‘Apxi) trav dvrov 6 eds, Kal vod[s] Kai picewc kal HAn(s), 25
cogpia(s) cis deigwv (rojoas mdvt)a, mdvTov dy apy ((Kai))
708) Oc[eJoy [[Kat]] ((evépyera)) x) pvors [Kal] [[evépyesa]], Kar”
dvdykn(v) Kai Tédos Kal dvavéwown (évepyodea).
2 iv Reitz, : dv AQS (etiam MC teste Reitz.) Turn. | od” om. Q:: xa S
pro ob 4 repiv S: Teppy cett. 5-6 rp Tod dyaGoo scripsi: 70 d-yaOdv
codd., Turn. 6 -yévos QS Tum.: yevdpevos A. 9 7d addidi (rd-ya0dv
Patr.) 16 gicw om. QS | Zxov QS Turn. : Exovres A 23 wp@ros
dndvrow scripsi: déga ndvrav codd., Turn. ; quod ex dos (= mp@ros) dnavrawv
factum esse conicio 24-25 dela dp} A: Oela’ wat dpy7) QS Turn. 25 vod"
kat piceas at BAns scripsi: vods kat pdots wat Hy codd., Turn. 26 codias
els Beitiv momoas mavra, mavrov dv dpxh scripsi: copla els deifw andvrov dvs
dpx7) codd., Turn. 26-27 xa} Tod Geod evépyera H) pdots scripsi : 7d Befov Kal
LIBELLVS II 145
For the Good is utterly alien to gods and men;' but it is
inseparable from God, for it is God himself. All the other gods
are called good merely because men have sought to honour them
by giving them a title which belongs to God; but God is called
the Good not by way of honouring him, but because that is his
nature; for the nature of God is one and the same with the
nature of the Good. God then is the Good, and the Good
is God.
And? the other name of God is ‘ Father’, He is called the Father, because I'7 a
he is the maker or begetter of all things; for it is the part of a father to beget.
‘And for this reason the begetting of children is held by those who think aright
to be the most weighty concern in human life, and the most pious of deeds.
That a man should depart from life and leave no child is a great misfortune,
and a great sin; it isa thing accursed in the sight of the Sun, Such a one
is punished by the daemons after death; and the punishment is this, that the
soul of the man who has no child is condemned to enter a body that is neither
that of a man nor that of a woman. Therefore, Asclepius, never be glad on
behalf of any man that he is childless, but pity his misfortune, knowing what
manner of punishment awaits him.
Let this suffice. What I have taught you to-day, Asclepius, 17b
is a beginning of knowledge of the nature of all things.
LIBELLVS Ill
% (} om. A) vais wal evépyera codd., Turn, 27-28 Kat’ dvaryeny scripsi : «at
avayencodd.,Turm., 28 dvavéwow évepyodoa scripsi: dvavéwors codd., Turn,
2806 L
146 CORPVS HERMETICVM
kal mrnvd, [kal waca omopd evoropos] Kal xépros kai dvOovs
mavros xdon, (Kata Sialpeoi(v) gdoean Evorropa,)) Td oméppa
Tis madtyyeveotas év éavrois []omepporonodvra{s}.
gb (.++) Te yeréoes tav dvOpdrav, [els Epywr Oeiov yvaouw,
kal dicews evepyovouc paptupiav, [kal mAjO0s dvOpdmev] 2
kal révrov trav br obpardy deororelay, kal dyabdv éniyvoow|
els 7d avédverOar ev avéjoe Kal mrAnOiverOar ev mrHOEL.
kat macav évoapk(oyi Wuyijy did Spopjparos Ody éyxuKdiov,
trapackeydcas els Kxatomr(e)lav ovpavod [kai Spopyparos
obpaviav Oedv] ((Kal mévrov tov bn’ ovpaviv Seororteiar)), w °
kai ((els yroow Betas duvdpews)) [pyar Oefwv] kal picews
1 & codd., Turn.: fortasse én’ | dpuocw Q: dBicay cett. 2 deig
évra év codd,, Turn.: fortasse Oeiqg Cdifje)ov Ta ev 3 dbiopicray . . .
dwatacxevaoroy huc a § 2 a wt. transposui 4 nal émayn.. . obctas hinc
ad § 2a fim.transposui —_|bp’ dppw QS | bypa Ss dypas cett. 5 xara-
Siapodo. Turn, : karadiepoor A: xaradiatpaor QS: warad. .. . évondpou hinc
ad.§ 3a transposui 7 dnexwpic@n scripsi: dmodiwpic@y codd., Turn.
9 ép' QS: ig’ cett. 10 byp& obcia dypos scripsi: bypG (bypa S) dupw
codd., Turn. 10-11 xai éwdyn . . . ovaias huc a § 1b transposui 14 &
(ante dorpav) om. S 16 mwepietdixOn scripsi: mepreAnyn A: meptedryye: QS :
mepAnyet Turn. 17 aidépiov scripsi: dépt codd., Turn. |«vedi S: wuwdly
cett. 20 @npiaom, S_ | wat épwerdom.S 21 Kal... évoopos seclusi :
fortasse ward macay omopdy évoropa 22 xaTd «.7.A. huc a § tb fin.
LIBELLVS III 147
There was darkness in the deep,’ and water without form; and rb
there was a subtle breath,’ intelligent, which permeated* the
things in Chaos with divine power. Then, when all was yet
undistinguished and unwrought, there was shed forth holy light ;
and the elements came into being. All things were divided one 2a
from another, and the lighter things were parted off on high,
the fire being suspended aloft, so that it rode upon the air; and
the heavier things sank down, and sand was deposited beneath
the watery substance, and the dry land was separated out from the
watery substance, and became solid.
And the fiery substance was articulated,‘ with the gods therein ; 2b
and heaven appeared, with its seven spheres, and the gods, visible
in starry forms, with all their constellations. And heayen
revolved,* and began to run its circling course, riding upon the
divine air.
And each god,° by his several power, put forth that which he ga
was bidden to put forth. And there came forth four-footed
beasts and creeping things and fishes and winged birds, and
grass and every flowering herb, all having seed in them according
to their diverse natures; for they generated within themselves
the seed by which their races should be renewed.
(...’ And God ordained the) births of men, and bade mankind 3 b
increase and multiply abundantly. And He implants each soul
in flesh by means of the gods who circle in the heavens. And to
this end did He make men, that they might contemplate heaven,
and haye dominion over all things under heaven, and that they
might come to know God’s power, and witness nature’s workings,
1 Or perhaps, ‘ upon the deep’.
2 Or ‘a fine airy substance’, or ‘a subtle spirit *.
* Or perhaps, ‘which was moving upon’,
4 Or ‘ was organized’; that is, the mass of fire was fashioned into an ordered
whole made up of distinct and interdependent parts.
5 Or ‘was wrapped round (the world)’.
8 The ‘gods’ here spoken of are earth, water, and air, i.e. three of the four
elements. (Fire, the fourth element, has already been dealt with.)
* The making of man must have been here described in a passage now lost.
LIBELLVS IV
and that they might mark what things are good, and discern the
diverse natures of things good and bad, and invent all manner
of cunning arts.
And it is the lot of men to live their lives' and pass away 4
according to the destiny determined by the gods who circle in
the heavens, and to be resolved into the elements. And some
there are whose names will live on, because they have left upon
the earth mighty memorials of their handiwork ; but the names
of the many time will hide in darkness. And every birth of
living flesh, even as every growth of crop from seed, will be
followed by destruction; but all that decays will be renewed
by the measured courses of the gods who circle in the heavens.
For the whole composition of the universe is dependent on God,
being ever renewed by nature’s working ; for it is in God that
nature has her being.
LIBELLVS IV
those who failed to heed the proclamation, these are they who
possess speech indeed, but have not received mind also. And 5
these, inasmuch as they know not for what purpose they have
been made, nor by whom they have been made, are held under
constraint by anger and incontinence; they admire the things
that are not worth looking at ;? they give heed only to their
bodily pleasures and desires, and believe that man has been
made for such things as these. But as many as have partaken of
the gift which God has sent,’ these, my son, in comparison with
the others, are as immortal gods to mortal men. They embrace
in their own mind all things that are, the things on earth and the
things in heaven, and even what is above heaven, if there is
aught above heaven ; and raising themselves to that height, they
see the Good. And having seen the Good, they deem their
sojourn here on earth a thing to be deplored ; and scorning all
things corporeal, they press on to reach that which alone is good.
Such, my son, is the work that mind does; it throws open the 6a
way to knowledge of things divine, and enables us to apprehend
God.—
Tat. I too, father, would fain be dipped in that basin.— 6b
Hermes. If you do not first hate your body, my son, you cannot
love yourself ;* but if you love yourself, you will have mind ; and
having mind, you will partake of knowledge also— Zuz. What
mean you, father?—/Yermes. It is not possible, my son, to attach
yourself both to things mortal and to things divine. There are
two sorts of things, the corporeal and the incorporeal; that which
is mortal is of the one sort, and that which is divine is of the
other sort; and he who wills to make his choice is left free to
choose the one or the other. It is not possible to take both;
and when the one is slighted, then the working of the other
becomes manifest. The choice of the better is glorious for the 7
chooser ;for it not only saves the man from perdition, but also
shows him to be pious towards God. The choice of the worse is
1 T.e, material things. 2 This ‘ gift’ is mind.
8 That is, your true self, which is incorporeal.
kparijpos) om. QS 20 capa puonoys Q: cdya juonoas S: o@pd cov
piohans cett. 22 petadnn QS Turn. : watadjyn A |Aéyys St Aéyers
cett. 24 yiveobar, rd Ovnrd Sndad} wat Turn.: yiveoOa, wept 7a OvnTa Kal
AQS 25 70 (ante @ciov) om. S 27-28 oldv re xaradaBeiv scripsi :
&y ols re } (é ois } S) ealpeots karadetnera codd., Turn. 28 ri rot
om. QS 81 dwocd(ovea scripsi: dmv@eGoa codd., Turn. 32 ém-
deckvioa scripsi: émdSeixvvow codd., Turn,
154 CORPVS HERMETICVM
& Tar, r& piv rapa rod Oeod hiv [re] daApge kal brdpet,
ra St dd’ tpav dkodovbnodro, Kai pi dorepnodro’ Emel
6 pev Beds dvatrios, jpeis S& aitton Tay Kakdv, Taba mpo-
xpivortes Tay ayabar,
sb. (+++) opas, & rékvor, méoa nyds det odpara ((Kard rmoO
LIBELLVS V
1a. Kat révde oot tov doyov, & Tdr, diegedevoopat, dws pi)
apintos ys Tod KpelrTovos Gcod dvéparos. ad dé voc mas
(Aéyo" vooivtt yap) Td Soxody Tots moddois apaves pavepo-
TaTov Gol yevyjcETal.
rb (...) od yap dv qv e adpaves qv.’ wav yap 76
pavopevov yerynTov" épdvn yap. Td d& agpaves ael €otu
To yap pavivar ob xpnge (2+. ) del yap €or kal Ta
dr\da mdvra gavepd moi, adros dpavijs dv, os del wv.
|
om. codd.
1-2 airy yap eon, ered pi) dAANs apxijs ETuXEY ovoa codd. Corp. : povds oby
Stob. 2-3 povdd: odv Eouev 6 Beds scripsi: povds obv dpy?) A:
} apy? QS Turn. ; povds oboa ot dpx7 codd. Stob. 4 mdvra dpOpov Eur.
codd, Stob.: kat nav7a dpiOpov éum. codd. Corp. 5-6 -yevopévn A: yerva-
7 Bauperdv codd, Stob. : déaiperov AQS Turn. | 72
pévn cett.
Be reAcig codd.: fortasse TH 5e a-yevvnTy 8-10 Kal 7d pey abgnrov.. »
xwpiaa codd. Corp.: om. codd. Stob, 11 oo codd, Corp.: obv codd,
| Svvardv codd. Corp. : buvardy got codd. Stob. 14 éyea 5€
Stob. vel 75
QS : éxer yap cett. 15 % Géa (post. tov) codd. : fortasse 7d Getov
dyabiv 16 Aifos om. QS
LIBELLVS IV 157
of all else. God then is like the unit of number. For the
unit, being the source of all numbers, and the root of them
all, contains every number within itself, and is contained by
none of them; it generates every number, and is generated
_ by no other number. Now everything that is generated is 11a
incomplete, and divisible, and subject to increase and
decrease; but that which is complete’ is subject to none of
these things.
In these outlines, my son, I have drawn a likeness of God for 11 b
you, so far as that is possible ; and if you gaze upon this likeness
with the eyes of your heart, then, my son, believe me, you will
find the upward path; or rather, the sight itself will guide you on
your way. For the...* has a power peculiar to itself; it takes
possession of those who have attained to the sight of it, and
draws them upward, even as men say the loadstone draws the
iron,
LIBELLVS V
kal rém@)) (Sid tZ) o{x) [[rdv] Suooy 7 tvov ((rdv)) Spopov
mo.obvrat (mdvres of) év ovpav@ bytes; ris 6 éxdot@ Tov
47[plérov Kai 7d péyeOos Tob Spbpuov dpicas; (4) a&pxros,
((h)) abriy [[p\] wept adbriy orpedopévn, kai tiv mdvta
83-4 7 pavragia7 scripsi: 4 pavracia } codd., Turn. 4 8} scripsi: 5
codd.,, ‘Turn. 6 paivovra S: palverai cett. 7 pavivar A: pavetra
QS Turn. 8 & Tar réxvoy QS Turn. :rénvov rat A 10 ray S: roy
cett. | wal scripsi: wav codd., Turn. 11 pla S: play cett. | €AAGu-
bs“meee8 Exdapwpat codd. , Turn. 14 airds Turn. : abrov A: éaurdy
év éavrd dy scripsi: év cavt@ codd., Turn, 16 d@Odvws scripsi :
ws codd,, Turn. 17 idetv AQS: NaBety Turn, 18 airijs scripsi :
LIBELLVS V 159
things, but is not manifested; He is not himself brought into
being in images presented through our senses, but He presents all
things to us in such images. It is only things which are brought
into being that are presented through sense ; coming into being is
nothing else than presentation through sense.’ It is evident then
that He who alone has not come into being cannot be presented
through sense ; and that being so, He is hidden from our sight.
But He presents all things to us through our senses, and thereby 2
manifests himself through all things, and in all things; and
especially, to those to whom He wills to manifest himself. Begin
then, my son Tat, with a prayer to the Lord and Father, who
alone is good; pray that you may find favour with him, and
that one ray of him, if only one, may flash into your mind, that so
you may have power to grasp in thought that mighty Being. For
thought alone can see that which is hidden, inasmuch as thought
itself is hidden from sight; and if even the thought which is
within you is hidden from your sight, how can He, being in
himself, be manifested to you through your bodily eyes? But if
you have power to see with the eyes of the mind, then, my son,
He will manifest himself to you. For the Lord manifests himself
ungrudgingly through all the universe ; and you can behold God’s
image*with your eyes, and lay hold on it with your hands.
If you wish to see Him, think on the Sun, think on the course 3
of the Moon, think on the order of the stars. Who is it that main-
tains that order? The Sun is the greatest of the gods in heaven;
to him, as to their king and over-lord, all the gods of heaven
yield place ; and yet this mighty god, greater than earth and sea,
submits to have smaller stars circling above him. Who is it then,
my son, that he obeys with reverence and awe? Each of these
stars too is confined by measured limits, and has an appointed
space to range in. Why do not all the stars in heaven run like
and equal courses? Who is it that has assigned to each its place,
and marked out for each the extent of its course? The Bear, who 4
revolves upon herself, and carries round with her the whole
1 Or, ‘ presentation through sense is nothing else than coming into being’.
2 I e, the Kosmos,
avrais codd., Turn. 22 airod S: abrdv cett. 24 tupav QS: rnpav
cett. 25 tUny S: rémw cett, 29 modevovras A Turn, : wodiredovras
QS Flussas 30 Fortasse tovrwy éxagros rev dor. 81 obx Spoor
i} icov rov Spéuov scripsi: ob Tov Spoov 4 tcov Spéyov codd., Turn.
82 wootvraS: mowwivra cett. 33 rénov scripsi: tpérov codd., Turn.
34 orpepouévny S: orpepopévy cett.
160 CORPVS HERMETICVM
20 def scripsi : det codd., Turn. 20-21 év dépt ev yj AQS: ev yf, ev dep
Turn, 21-22 év navi Tod mavrds om. QS 23 éyra cat Turn, : dvra
abrés kat AQS 24 ph dvra QS Tum, : pd} Exorra A 26 God OS
Turn,: beds A 26-28 6 (sexies) secludendum? 29 nravrocwparos
scripsi :mavrds odparos codd., Turn, 30 4 add, Flussas 31 airods
Turn, :om, AQS
M3
164 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS VI
‘Eppot Tov rpiopeylorov. 40
Sri éy povo TH OeG 7d dyabdy éorw, ddrdaxdbc Se ofSapod.
LIBELLVS VI
7@6 madvrov
wdvrov pelforr
pel kai id duvatrwrdre.
t malay
Odv yap \7ien Ta
yap mAIpy
yevntd, avtis Tis yevécews mabnris ovens. drov dé wdOos,
ovdapod 7d dyabdv: Sov dé 7d dyabdv, oddapod obde ev
mwdOos. Smou yap hepa, ovdapod vig drov & vig, oddapob 20
Hpépa.
2S.
SOev addivaror
107
evd yevéoe:
£
elvat
bg
Tda dyabév,
ia
Ev, povo
fa
dé 7G ayevviiry.
% cal 3 s
ee ’ ;
2b omep dé petovoia mévrav éotiv ev tH tAn Sedopévn,
odrw Kai Tob dyabod. roiroy tiv Tpdrov adyabds 6 Kdcpos,
Kaba Kai adros mdvra mort, (ds) ev TO péper Tod Toreiv 25
dyabés elvat. év S& trois dAdos maow ovK ayabds: Kal
yap maOnrés éort [kal Kwyrtds] Kal mabntdy montis.
galley d¢ 7G dvOpdrm Kara obykpiowy Tod ayabod 7d Kakdv
Téraxtat 7d yap ph Alav Kakdv evOdde 7d dyadr]] [éort.]
[[rd d& evOdde dyabdv popiov rod Kakod 76 EéddyICTOV.]] 30
4 X 2 4 3 4 ta “- s x Ba A
év wados A: obdtv mados QS: ov5t &v 7d aos Turn. 21-24 Didymus De
Trinitate 2. 3 (Testim.): 60ev eipnra xat 7G ‘Eppa TO entudnv Tprapeylory*
“Gduvarov tv yerécer... obTw nat rod dyafot” 23 évy om. Didymus
|deSonevn codd. Corp., Turn., Didymus: fortasse d:adedopévy 25 ds
add. Flussas 27 yap om. QS 28-29 & Bt. . . evOade 7d dyaddy
hine ad § 3 b transposui
168 CORPVS HERMETICVM
and most lovely, and God himself is in love with them. If you 5
are able to apprehend God, then you will apprehend the Beautiful
and the Good, ....?_ For that Beauty is incomparable, and that
1 Or, ‘supplies’ or ‘ furnishes ’.
! # Perhaps, ‘ which are the light that God sheds forth around him’.
ii
aOae
170 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS Vil
[‘Eppod rod rpicpeyiorov. |
¢ ” Led ,
LIBELLVS VII
That ignorance of God is the greatest evil in men.
O men, whither are you being swept away? You are drunken; 1a
you have drunk up the strong drink of ignorance ;‘ it has over
powered you, and now you are even vomiting it forth, Stand
firm; turn sober; look upward with the eyes of the heart,—if
you cannot all, yet those at least who can.
This evil of ignorance floods all the land; its current sweeps rb
along the soul which is penned up in the body, and prevents it
from coming to anchor in the hayens of salvation. Suffer not
LIBELLVS VIII
1a ep? uyijs kal odparos, & mai, viv Aexréov, tpdr@ pev
moim d0dvaros % Wvyy, évepyeia St moram@ (...) éort on
* Perhaps, ‘ by the working of what sort of force (bodies are composed and
dissolved ;for birth and destruction are names which men give to) the com-
position and dissolution of a body’.
? T.e. any of the things in the Kosmos.
aldév eon 7d wav codd., Tum, 24 aimos scripsi: didios codd., Turn.
|sascripsi: 6% codd., Turn. 25 dibiov évros scripsi; didios Kat codd.,
‘urn. 26 baonelpevov A: droxeipevov QS Turn,
176 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS 1X
Eppod Tov tpiopeyiorov.
¢ ~ a ,
LIBELLVS [X
1 The text of § 2 is badly damaged, and this attempt to give the meaning of
what the author wrote is largely conjectural.
tav dvtwv: [dray dé héyw Tav dvTwv, éyw TOD Oeod-] Ta yap
évra 6 Beds Exet, Kal ode adrod oddev exrds obre adbrds
ovdevds. ((uaddov SE A€yw Ste odK adrds adTa& Exel, GAG
Td ddnOes amopalvopat, adtos dravTd eatw.))
10 =taird oot, ‘Ackdrnmeé, evvoodvTt (uev) adnOH Sdgerer din, 25
(ui €v\vootvrt b& dmiota: TH yap voHoat Enetat TO MioTEDoal,
7 dmioricat d& TH ph vopoa. 6 yap Abyos [pu] od POdve
Héxpt Tis ddnbetas: 6 dt vots péyas eori, kal bd Tod
Abyou péxpt Tivds ddnynels, POdver méxpe THS dAnOelas: xai
scripsi ; wou A: wor Q Turn. 20 PpPaver pexpe Reitz.; POdver exe codd.,
Tum | PO@drec. 2. dAqdefas secludendum?
186 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS X
Eppov rov tpicpeyiorou.
e ~ - ,
Kneis.
1a Tov xbes Aoyov, @ AokAnmEé, col dvéOnka: Tov dé oHpepov
Sikatdy éore TH Tar dvadecivat, éwei kal rev (y)evikev Adyar
Ta&v mpos abtoy AcAaAnpevov EoTiv entropy.
1b 6 pev obv Ocds kal matihp, kal 7d dyabdv, & Td, tiv 10
atti exer pdow, paddov dé [Kal] évépyerav. 1 piv yap
gvolis yevéoews Kal avéioeds éott mpoonyopia, admep earl
wept Ta peTaBAnta Kat kwytd (4) d€ Tod Oeod evépyera mepi
Ta dperdBAnra) Kai axivyra, rovréots Ta Oeia [re], ((dv))
kal (r&) dvOpareva [[dv]| adros Bobderar elvat. adddAaxod dé 5
(mepl) évepyerdv [[xabas Kal emi tav dAdowv]) edidééaper
Ociwy te kai dvOpwriver: & det voety emi tobrov ((Kabes Kal
emi tav &ddov)).
2 % yap robrov evepyeia 4} OéAnois éort Kal 1) ovoia adrod
Td Oé\av ndévra eva. ti ydp éori(v 6) Oeds Kal warijp 20
[xal 7d dyabov] } 7d Tév mdvTwy clvat obKért dvT@v; GA
irapéis atrn tav dvtwv. Todto 6 Oeds, TooTo 6 marrp.
rot (d& mpdceott) 7b dyabédy, (roLobTo bv) 6 pnder(i) mpéo-
3 rovyapodv scripsi: tois oty codd,, Turn. 5 xat aigéyoews in A et C
abesse testatur Reitz,
In Libellis X et XI, codicum AQ et Turnebi lectiones adhibui.
X. 7-8 b :—Stobaei Anzhol. 1. 49. 48, vol.i, p. 416 Wachsmuth (£c/. I. 1000
Heeren): ‘Eppov €« trav mpos Tar. Ove qKodoas év rots -yermois.. . atiry Kaxia
puxijs.
X. 12,13 :—Stob. 1. 47.9, vol. i, p. 305 W. (Zc. I. 770 H.): ‘Eppod éx raiv
mpos Tar. ‘O pev dvOpwmos 7d bevrcpov bsov pera tov xéspov, mp@roy 5& Trav
Ovntav.—yuxy 5& dvOpdmov dxeira , .. 6 Cavaros Tod cd&paros.
X. 16-18 :—Stob. 1, 48. 3, vol. i, p. 310 W. (Zcl, I. 774 H.) : ‘Eppod. Mas
Toto Aéyets, @ watep... dvOpwrwos dy TH olefoe,
X. 19 a,b :—Stob. 1. 49. 49, vol. i, p. 417 W. (Zed. I, 1002 H.): Tod abrod
(sc. ‘Eppod). Wux?) 5¢ dvOpwntvn .. . THS ToadTys UBpews,
X. 22 b-25 :—Stob. 1. 47. 8, vol. i, p. 303 W. (Ze/. 1. 764 H.): “Eppod é« trav
mpds Tat. Kowwvia 5€ govt puyav ... bmd 8 To évds mavra,
LIBELLVS IX 187
and found all to be in accord with that which has been expounded
to it by speech, the mind believes, and finds rest in that goodly
belief. And so, if men grasp with their thought what I have said,
they will believe it ; but if they do not grasp it with their thought,
they will not believe it.
Concerning thought and sense, let this suffice.
_LIBELLVS X
eott Tay GAdov. 6 piv yap Kdopos [Kal 6 iALos] 7Tav Kara
petovotay (dyabav) kal airds maztp, ovKéri d€ Tod dyabob
rois (dors iows aizids cori ovde (yap) Tod (hv et d€ [rodro
obras tye], mévrws pévror dvayKkagopevos bd 70d [dyabod]
Oernparos (rod Ocot), oF xwpis ovre elvat (TL) obre yevér
Oa 5
3 duvarév. aitios 8€é, oc marhp Toic Téxvoic, Kal THS omopas
kal tis Tpopis, (mapa rod Oeod) rhv (x)opuriav AaBodv Tod
ayabod [did Tod HAlov], 7d yap dyadéy eore 7d moinTiKoy:
Tobro dt ob duvariv éyyevécOat GAA@ Tivi H pdvm Exeivo, TO
pndey piv NapBdvovri, wdvra dt Oédovrs elvat, ov yap pa; 10
® Tér, woodytt 6 yap mov édAdumys EoTL TOAAG xpbveo,
ev &' dre pev movi, dre d& od motei, Kal modryTas Kal
moodrnras (motel) wore pev yap wood Kal mod (motel), dre
be r& évavtia. 6 St eds [Kal marip Kai 75 ayabdr] 7
4a(Oerew) dva ra mévra (wdvtwv maryp). [obras pal] - 5
[radra] [[7 duvapeve ideiv]] kal yap tabra Oé\a civat, Kat
((obrws dpa)) éore Kat abrda. pdrdiora dé adrd ((€ort 7d
dyabdv, ® Td) Kai yap ra adda. révta did Tobro EoTw.
4b (...) ov yap rob ayabod 7d yvapiferOat [[éori 7d
ayaboy & Tar] (7G Suvapévm ideiv\\.— Emdjpocas pas, [s)
@ wdrep, ths ayabis Kai Kaddlorns Oéas: Kal ddLyou deiv
(émyeoxidaOn pou 6 Tod vod dpOarpuos bmd THs ToLadrns
"Oéas'—Od yap domep 4 Tod HAlov dxris mupadns ovoa
Karavyd¢et kal pew trovet tods dpOadpods, orm Kai 4 Tob
dyabot Oéa rotvavriov dé exrdpret [Kal] emi rooobrov, ed’ 25
dcov Sdvarat 6 Gewpevos SéEacbat THY Emetopory THs vonThs
Aapmndivos. dévtépa pev ydp éotw els Td KabixvetoOat,
5 aBraBis dé, Kal méons abavaclas advdmdews. (kal p)iv of
Ouvdpevot mA€ov Tt adptoacOat tis Oéas KaraxoipifovTat
Wuyijs éorly 4 ayveoia cett. | yvotdoa codd. Corp., Turn. : émyvotca codd.
Stob. 10 rovrov Q: rotrow cett. | pydériv. . . 7d dyaddy secluden-
dum ? 11 6é codd. Stob.: om. codd. Corp., Turn. | évrwaocerat
Tiedemann: écridooa Q: évrivdcoe codd. cett., Turn, 13 domep... Kar
secludendum ? —_|ov« dpxovea codd. Corp., Turn.: ob kardpxovsa codd. Stob.
(odnér’ dpxovoa Meineke) 17 biaddyors scripsi: 50 Adyors codd., Turn.
18 cxopaye? Q 19-20 tovrov ... obow hinc ad § Ioa transposui
26 xpopévous Q: xpapeévy cett. 27 els capa eiodica Yuyn, ra Te scripsi :
eis cwpara te codd., Turn, 28 rd (ante idAudy Q Turn: om. A
2806 Oo
194 CORPVS HERMETICVM
tobT0 dddws elvar addvarov.]| ((rovrov St obras €xovros ép
mao Trois obety,)) (... ‘we
1ob =Ti{s] ody 6 bduKds Beds ddé, (6 Koa pos) ;—O(8) Kakds
(9) Kéopos, obxéla]re St adyabds: brtKds ydp, Kai [ev}radnrés,
kal mp@ros piv mévrov mabnrav, Sebrepos St rev dvtav, [kal 5
abrodens] kai adrds [more piv yevdpevos] dei [8] dv, dv ot
ev yevéoel, Kai ywopevos del (rH) yevéce: Tv Toy Kad Tov
mooav. Kwnros [y|dp(a) aoa yap ((yévears)) ddix} kivnots
11 [[yéveots]] €or. 4 Sd vonth ordots Kwvel riy vAtKkhy kivnow
tov tpémov rodrov. émel 6 Kbapos odaipé éort, Touréore
Kepadn, [kepadijs dé ovdtv drepdvw ddxédv, Somep oud? modap
ovdéy vonroy broxdtw, wav d? druKév,] ["vois d Kepar
atrn’ opatpias kivovpévn, tobro éort kePantk@s,] doa o
Mpoojverat 7H wpe ris Kepadfs ratrys, (vd...) ea
1 Wx}, aOdvara réguxer, [domep] [[ev yoy 8 copa:
memoinpevov]| [kal] mre Too cdparos riy Wuxiy Exovr,
Ta 8 méppw 70d dpévos avnts, wréov Exovra Tis Wouxiis
capa. [wav 8& (Gov]] dare rd wav ek Te dSdLKOD Kal vont
gouvésrnker. ((émptxoy 8% (rod) odparos Teroinpevon,
(rd) (ray 84 ¢Bov.))
12 kal 6 peév Kécpos mpadron ((rav dAdov (gory) 6
dvOpwmos devrepov (Gov perd tov Kébcpor, mpatov de rr
Ovnrév [[rav [wer] ddAdwv Ldeor]] [rd Euuxov exe]. ob
dé [[udvor]] ov« dyads ((udvov)), GAAS Kal Kaxés, ds 6vn
6 piv yap Kbopos odk dyabds, ds Kwnrtés, ob Kakds 6é,
aBdvaros: 6 St dvOpwmos Kal ds Kwyros (ovK ayaés),
13 s Ovytds Kaxés. uy St dvOpdmov dxetrat Tov Tp
Tobrov, 6 vobs [év 7 AOyw, 6 Adyos] ev TH Wuxi, 4 de
év TH mvedpart: 7d (8%) mveDpa, Sipxov bid (trav) [pre
wey yap dyabi) ) Puy" Evowparwbeica 58 poddverai,) Kat odkéT ayabh (péver)
|5 AQ: om. Turn. 21 avaykny yiverar AQ: avayeny 8 yivera Turn.
22 airiy Flussas: éavrivy AQ Turn. 23 dAlyou évros scripsi (dAlyou
Flussas): dAtyor Turn, : 6A’yor Gykwro A: dAtyor dykwro Q 24 dryre-
prévov Turn, : dyxwpévov A: dyeoupévov | m&s wads scripsi: m&s caddy
wey AQ: Tas, Kadi péy Turn, BAéra Q: Badérew cett.; fortasse
éuPderew 25 pydénw scripsi: pndérore dé codd., Turn. | TePorAwpery
scripsi: OoAwpéevny Q: TePoAwpevny celt. 26 nprnpern Q: Hprnpérny cett.
28 diapicaca Q
198 CORPVS HERMETICVM
20-21 airy Ocia 71s codd, Corp., Turn. : airy tis Bela codd. Stub, =21 xafa-
mepel mepBodrF scripsi (abamep mepBorH Parthey): «abdwep of mept AQ: xada-
nepel mupt Turm.: xabdrep bmnpérou Stob. P? ‘yeimnpérn B®): Kaddnep vanperis
Stob. F 22-23 ovoréAdeTa... eis TO mvetpa huc a § 16 transposui
24 otv codd, Corp., Turn.: om. codd. Stob. 25 iivvaro éxwy codd,
Stob,: évvato éxwy Q Turn.: édvvaro éxov A 27 yap yaAéyerce codd.
Corp., Turn, : yap yi} pAéyerar codd. Stob. |wat (ante 5:4) codd. Corp.,
Turn, : om, codd, Stob. 28 ral (ante 7d) codd, Stob.: om, cudd. Corp.,
Turn, 29 vois St d¢draros codd, Stob.: voids dgdraros Q Turn,; ds
éfvraros A |év AQ Tum. : om. codd, Stob. 830 ndvraw Tay vonTayv
scripsi: mévray TOv Ociwy vonpdtwy codd. Stob.: mavrav Oelay vonparwy A:
névtav vonpdray Belov Q Turn, | wat 7d dgtrarov codd. Stob,: Kai dgvrepos
codd, Corp., Turn.
200 CORPVS HERMETICVM
1 o&pa 7d wip codd. Corp., Turn. : 7d wip cpa codd. Stob, 1-2 ydp
dv 6 vois dpydvy scripsi : yap dv 6 vods rav wévrw épydvw codd. Stob. : yap dy
Tov tiv otpavdv AQ: ydp dwavtay roy obpavav Turn, 4 tav éni yas
pévov codd, Stob. : ray émyeiav mévrav codd. Corp., Turn. | dv@phmw codd.
Corp., Turn. : dvOpdmos codd, Stob. 5 dvOpémvos (dvios Q) codd. Corp.,
Turn.: dv@pémov codd, Stob, |olenoe codd, Stob, : doucnoe codd. Corp.,
Turn, 6 ob codd. Corp., Tum.: om. codd. Stob. 7 roatry yuxi
codd. Corp., Turn.: roar «at (om. vy) codd. Stob, 8 dyorcapévn
codd. Stob, :jyanopévn Oeds yiverar codd. Corp., Turn, 9 7dr Bedy codd,
LIBELLVS X 201
Corp., Turn. : 7é Oetov codd. Stob. 10 bAy codd, Stob.: #5) Turn. : 78: Q
11-12 bray . . . imppecias huc a § 21 transposui 13 doeBhs codd,
Corp., Turn,: dseBotds codd, Stob. 14-15 els & cloén@y dvOpwreov
om, 5€)Q Turn.; eis 8 eloéAOp dvepdmvov A: elaedOeiv, els dvOpwmvov Bé
codd. Stob, 15 cpa om, man. pr. A 17 gvAdoca Stob, P:
puddocey cett. 18 dvOpwnivyn Wx} Q Turn.: Yuxt dvOpwrivy A 1p
® Turn, : } om.Q:4 om. A 19-20 noioy wip... doéBera om. Q 22 4
Q Turn.: om. A 28-29 Srav . . . inrypeoias hinc ad § 19a transposui
29 elodts Turn, :ciodvverai A: eladivaca Q 30 adocBR scripsi: doeBeordrny
codd,, Turn, | dpyaprnudroy scripsi : duaprayéyrev codd., Turn. | adore
Q Turn.: wdorng A 31 doeBis Yux A: 4 doeBhs wuxh Q Tum.
32 Fortasse BAagpnylas (51 dy 5 Beds doeBetrar), cat
202 CORPVS HERMETICVM
1 xwpts vod codd. Stob.: xwpis tod vod codd. Corp,, Turn. 2 ot’ Epéa
codd, Stob,: ovré 7 efpfa codd. Corp,, Turn. égictara: Meineke: éfi-
mrara codd. Stob,: ééory codd. Corp., Turn. 83 7 codd. Stob,: om. codd.
Corp., Turn. 6 GAN’ ob5e . . . dvéxerar codd. Stob. : om. codd. Corp.,
Turn. | Fortasse vadp@ yx o(vvev) —'7_—s Ti év codd. Stob. : iv ro.adrny
yuxiv codd, Corp., Turn. mpoonptn.érny codd. Corp., Turn. : mpooxet-
hévny codd, Stob. |nat bx’ avro Q Turn. : «ai wpds (suprascr. dx” man. pr.)
airod A; xara wayra codd, Stob. 8 4 88 rowadry codd. Corp., Turn. : 4
toaity 5¢ codd. Stob. (An 3)?’ Wachsmuth) — | @ codd. Stob. ; om, codd.
Corp., Turn. 9 Hyetobas Sef codd, Stob.: Se? A&yea#a codd. Corp., Turn.
10 (adv éor Befov codd. Corp., Turn.: Gefov (@dv gor: codd, Stob, 10-11 xa?
Tois GAAos (wos ob avyxpiverar codd, Corp., Turn.: «al ovd2 rots dAAors
(gots ovyxpivdpevoy codd, Stob.: fortasse «. 7. a. ¢. ob ovyeperov 1l trois
émvyetous scripsi: T@v émvyeiwy codd. Corp., Turn.: trav émvyeiav risiv codd.
Stob. | & otpavS avo codd. Corp. Tum.: dvw év ovpar@ codd. Stob.
12 ef xpi) codd, Corp., Turn, : éxpiv codd. Stob, |ToApnoavras codd.
LIBELLVS X 205
mind?[{ ]? Oftentimes the mind quits the soul; and at such 24a
times, the soul can neither see nor hear, but is like a beast
devoid of reason. For a soul without mind ‘can neither say
aught nor do aught’*; so great is the power of mind. Nor does
mind endure a torpid soul ;it abandons the soul which is fastened
to the body, and held down in the grip of the body. Such a soul,
my son, has no mind in it; and therefore such a one ought not
to be deemed a man,
For man is a being of divine nature; he is comparable, not to 24 b
the other living creatures upon earth, but to the gods in heaven.
Nay, if we are to speak the truth without fear, he who is indeed a
man is even above the gods of heaven, or at any rate he equals
them in power. None of the gods of heaven will ever quit 25
heaven, and pass its boundary, and come down to earth; but
man ascends even to heaven, and measures it; and what is
more than all beside, he mounts to heaven without quitting the
earth; to so vast a distance can he put forth his power. We
must not shrink then from saying that a man on earth is a mortal
god, and that a god in heaven is an immortal man.
All things then are administered through these two, the Kosmos
and Man; but all things are governed by God alone.
1 [That is, the good mind; for it is of the good mind that I am now speak-
ing, and not of that mind of which I spoke before, namely, the mind which
is employed in service, and is sent down by penal justice.’
2 A quotation from Theognis, |. 177 Bergk.
evépyerat dé
Tod Oeod vods Kai Wuyy,
Tob d€
aidvos, Xeanacia Kal AlamoNH,
Tob 8&
Kécpou, drokardoracts kal dvtanoxardoraais,
Tod dé
xpévou, aténors Kal pelosis,
Tis d&
yevéoews, morérys (kal mocérns),
35
6 obv aldy év TB O68,
6 b€ Kéopos ev TO aidnt,’ lel tA
6 8 xpévos év 7B xébopy,
4 88 yéveats ev 7B xpove.
4 2 “a 4
1 vot Q: vois A Turn, 2-9 Kkardoxes ... 7) way hinc transposui; vide
post § 6a 10 6 xéopos Q Turn: om. A | 6 xpévos om. Q 13 rov
(ante xpévev) Q Turn. : om. A 14 riv QTum.: om, A 21 évép-
LIBELLVS XI (i) 207
1 Trav deiv Q: Tdv Gedy cett. 10 ri scripsi: ris (vel 71s) codd., Turn.
11 % (ante edSa:povia) Turn, :om. AQ 13 evOels TH Ay Q: ’vOels 5 aly
TH UAp cett.: fortasse évOels éxeivy 14 yéveots om, Q 16 dipuns
scripsi: divers codd., Turn. 16-17 aperaBrnrav Kai dpOdproy ... pera-
LIBELLVS XI (i) 209
The Aeon stands fast in connexion with God,
the Kosmos moves in the Aeon,
Time passes in the Kosmos,
and Coming-to-be takes place in Time.
God then is the source of all things; the Aeon is the power of 3
God; and the work of the Aeon is the Kosmos, which never
came into being, but is ever coming into being by the action of
the Aeon. And so the Kosmos will never be destroyed ; for the
Aeon is indestructible. Nor will anything in the Kosmos perish ;
for the Kosmos is encompassed by the Aeon. And the Aeon 4a
imposes order on matter, putting immortality and duration! into
matter. For things come into being in two different ways; the
things that come into being in heaven are immutable and
imperishable, but those that come into being on earth are
mutable and perishable. The Kosmos then is dependent on
the Aeon, as the Aeon is dependent on God ; the Aeon’s source
of being is God, and that of the Kosmos is the Aeon.
And this whole body,?in which all bodies are contained, is filled 4 b
with soul ; soul is filled with mind; and mind is filled with God.
Soul fills the whole body within, and encompasses it without,
giving life to the universe ;without, it gives life to this great and
perfect living creature,’ and within, to all the living creatures.
In heaven above, soul persists in sameness; on earth below, it
changes as things come into being,
That which holds this universe together‘is the Aeon; (some 5
perhaps think, or will think in time to come, that it is Necessity,
or Providence, or Nature, or something else 3) that is to say, it is
God at work. And God’s working is unsurpassable in power ;
nothing human or divine can be compared to it, Deem not
then, Hermes, that anything on earth below or in heaven above is
Bdnrév nat pOaprav scripsi: dperdBAnror nad apOaprot ... weraBAntol Kat
‘p0aprot codd., Turn, 18-19 Fortasse rod pev aidvos dpyd 21 77
(ante Yuyx7) om. Q 23-24 yYuyijs . .. 4 5¢ addidit Reitz. 29 dpa rH
yevéoe scripsi: riv yéveowy codd,, Turn. 30 rotro rd wav scripsi: rodrov
codd., Turn, 31 cire mpdvoray AQ: cire did mpdvoav Turn. 32 éorw
scripsi: éo7e may codd., Turn, 33 duvdpet scripsi: Sdvayus odaa codd.,
Turn. 35 yjre (ante av xdrw) scripsi: yydérore codd., Turn.
2806 P
210 CORPVS HERMETICVM
yis)).
yiwopévots, GAA ra yiwdpeva dn’ aire.
1a ((katdoyxes ov Tob Adyov,
i”. ~
TplopEyLoTE
[4 = 4 c
Eppij,
=~
Kat \
péuvnoo Tay Aeyopévov.)) 15
like to God ; else you will err from the truth ; for nothing can be
like to the One and Only. And deem not that God resigns
aught of his power to another ; for who is as God is? Who else
is the author of life, and the maker both of immortality and of the
changing life of mortals? And what is God’s work, if not to
make things?' God is not idle; if he were, then all things would
be idle; for all things are full of God. Nay, in the Kosmos also
there is no idleness anywhere ; idleness, whether of the Maker or
of that which he makes, is a word devoid of meaning. It needs 6a
must be that all things come into being, and that things are
coming into being always and everywhere. For the Maker is in
all things ; his abode is not in some one place, nor does he make
some one thing; no, he makes all things, and everywhere he is at
work. The things that come into being have no independent
power ; to God is subject all that comes into being.
Grasp this my teaching then, thrice-greatest Hermes, and keep1ra
in memory what I tell you.
1 T.e. to make living creatures, or in other words, to put life into the
universe and all things in it.
2 T. ec. ‘ with the eye of the mind’; for it is Mind that is speaking.
5 I. e, the seven planets.
P 2
212 CORPVS HERMETICVM
bAns Kal puds ths Wuyhs, mapa rin [dv] abrdv 4 xopynyia
[rAs moijoems|; ef d& Kai mapa dudorépas, mapa tivt Tb 30
2 Fortasse obdapod (yis) vel obSupod (carw): vel wip 4 &v) obpand(péry)
_ 2-4 rh yap pirig tov evavtiv nal rH avyepdce t&v dvopoiwy scripsi: 9 yap
pdla nat ) ov-yepacis Téy évavriov Kai r&v dvopotow codd., Turn. 6 dpxov-
Tos wat wWyepdvos Turn. : dpxov Kai Hyepov AQ 7 t6e scripsi: 8é codd.,
Turn, 8 peraBaddAovoay Q Turn. : peraBddAdAgovoa A 9 Tov Kadod
codd., Turn. : fortasse GAov 70D =. 10 rpopav Q, tpopdr cett. 11 écov om,
Q | 70 (ante 7&v Ovnrayv) eras, man. post. A 11-12 Fortasse péons
[oa]dpporépwv [ ] rijs cedhvns weprropevopérys 17 yern7a QD | BA: om.
Q Turn. 21 évisadpdpwr? 22 trav mvjceow QTum.: 7dr koqoews A
23 rafews rerapévys scripsi : TaxvTyTos Teraypevns codd., Turn. 25 map-
éverar Q Turn. ; wapérerar A | fortasse (éxOpds yap Zorat 6 Hrrwy) Tod Kpelr-
Toros | Eprodar Turn. : ép@or A: ep cor Q 27-28 d@avdrous moijom
« «4vnrovs AQ Turn.: d0dvata moijoa.. . Ovnrd Flussas 28 ef Turn.:
LIBELLVS XI (ii) 213
they run their diverse courses. And all things are filled with
light ; but nowhere is there . . . fire;' for by the friendship of
contraries, and the blending of things unlike, the fire of heaven
has been changed into light, which is shed on all below by the
working of the Sun ; and the Sun is the begetter of all good, the
ruler of all ordered movement, and governor of the seven worlds.
Look at the Moon, who outstrips all the other planets in her
course,’ the instrument by which birth and growth are wrought,*
the worker of change in matter here below. Look at the Earth,
firm-seated at the centre, the foundation ‘ of this goodly universe,®
the feeder and nurse of all terrestrial creatures. See too how
great is the multitude of living beings, both those which are
immortal and those which are mortal; and note how the Moon,
as she goes her round, divides the immortals from the mortals,
And all are filled with soul, and all are in movement, immortals
8a
in heaven, and mortals upon earth,
Now all these have been made. There is no need for me to 8 b
tell you that, dear Hermes. It must be so, because they are
bodies with soul in them ;—it is the soul that moves them j—and
body and soul cannot meet in one, unless there is some one who
brings them together. There must then be such a one 3 and he
must needs be one. The movements are diverse and many, and 9
the bodies differ one from another, but there is one ordered
system which extends through all ; therefore, there cannot be two
or more makers. Where there are many makers, one order can-
not be maintained ; there will be rivalry among the many; the
weaker will hate the stronger, and they will be at strife. And if
the maker of mutable and mortal creatures had been another than
the maker of immortals, he would have wanted to make immortals
also; and the maker of immortals would have wanted to make
mortals. Yes, and if there are two makers, then, seeing that
matter is one and soul is one, to which of the two does
the
supply of matter and soul belong? Or if it belongs to both, to
} The meaning must have been ‘ nowhere, except in heaven,
is there a region
of unmixed fire’,
? The moon’s movement (relatively to the fixed stars) is more
rapid than
that of any other planet.
° Or ‘the instrument by means of which Nature works’.
* Or ‘sediment ’.
* Perhaps, ‘ of the whole Kosmos’.
én AQ 30 ris morjcews codd, : fortasse els thy woinaw
(ante duporépors) Q Turn, : mept A | mapa
414 CORPVS HERMETICVM
10 mAeiov pépos; obrm dt vbet, ds wavtds odpatos (GvTos ef
bAns Kal Wuxiis thy ovoracw exovros, kal rod dBavdrov Kai
Tod Ovnrod, kal rod (AoyiKod Kal tod) ddéyou. mdvTa yap
odpata (evra tuvya, Ta O& pi) CGvTa Ody [wédw] Kal?
dauriy éort: Kal uy} dpolos Kal’ éavriv, To wonTh nn
mapakepévn, THs Cas oycla. [[rHS dt (@hs was aitios 6
tov abavdrar.)|| mas odv [[kal ra Ovnra& (pal) (4 Tov dBavd-
tov fo) ddAu (ris) Tav Ovyntdv; mds dE (eHdoyor Tov) TA
abdvata [kal dbavaciay] mowdvra (Ga pi ((Kal ra Ovyra
(Ga) rovetv; ((rAs OA fais mdo(ns) airwos 6 (ris) Tay o
abavdrwv.))
ur Kal Srt pry eort Tis 6 moidv Tabra, SjAdov. sre SE Kal es,
gavepdrarov Kal yap pla yxy, Kal pla (oH, cal pla ody.
ris 8& obros; tis d& dv ddros (ein), ef pH cls 6 Oeds; tin
yap dv dddAw mpémor [Ga] Euypuya woeiv, ef pi) povm 7 5
Cal
1 Or ‘a hard task’.
2 The Greek verb here translated ‘do’ is the same that is translated ‘ make’
in the preceding clause.
3 Perhaps, ‘ You speak and hear, you walk and breathe, It is not one man
that hears and another that speaks, nor one that walks and another that
breathes’.
dxovers [ ] wat neptmare’s [ ] wat (dva)nveis, wal obx Erepos pév torw [ | 6
dot, trepos 5 6 AadGy, [ ] dAAos HE 6 wepimariiv, [ ] Kal GAdos 5 dvanveay
216 CORPVS HERMETICVM
2b ddAd odde duvardn [[éxeiva]] xwpls rod ((éxeiva)) (moetv
Tov) Bein evar. domep ydp, dv rovrwv KatapynOfs, odkért
(ov cd, obras, [ovd] dv éxeivay karapynOf, 6 eds, 8 ph
13 a Oéuis éoriv eimeiv, ovKére éorl Beds. ef yap dmodédexrat
pdtv (mov dvOpwmros od) Svvdpevoc eva, mbo@ paddov 5
6 Beds; ef ydp re éoriv 3 ph move’, Kal (6 Beds), & ph Oéms
elmeiv, dredyséori: ef 8& pi 71 dpyds éore, rédetos. (6 Oeds)
[d¢] dpa mdvra move.
13b =mpos odiyov & dy por ceavrdv émidos, & ‘Epyh, padv0r
vonoal Td Tod Oeod Epyor ev dv, tva mdvra yivyra [rd ywvd-10
Heva, } Ta drag yeyovéra, 4 rd péddovta yiverOa}: [[éore
8 robro, & Pidrare, (wxj]| [rodro dé éort 73 kadébv,] robro dé
17C €or: 7d dyabév. [robro torw 5 Oe6s.] ((bomep yap 6
dvOpwros xopls [fais] (rvojs) ob Stvarat Civ, obrws obdi
6 Geds Sévarar (elvar) ph wordy 7d dyabby: ((are 8 rooTo, 15
& pidrrare, (o7}.)) tobro yap Somep (Cw) cal dorep kivyots]
(odoia) earl rob Beod, (rd) Kiwweiv ra mévra Kal fwomoceiv.))
ac d& Kai Epyo atrd Oédres vojoa, iS ré col eyylverat
Gérovrt yevvijcat. add’ odK éxelvm Todro Spowov éxeivos
(y)ap [a] ody Fderau oddE ydp dddo éxet ovvepyoy, adr- 20
oupyds [y] dp(a) dy, del éorw ev 7B Epye, adbrds dv d motel.
ei yap xapiobein atrod, wévra piv ovpmecciobat, mévra 8
TeOvigecOat dvdyKn, ds ph ottons wns. ef O& mdvra (Ga,
[ula dé kat 4 w#,| (. ..).
4b [els dpa kal 6 Oebs. Kal médw, ef mdvra (Od ort, Kal 25
Ta év ovpav® Kai rd év TH yj, pla 8& Kard mdvrov foi bod
Tod Geob yivera, Kai airy éorl beds, bwd Too Oeod dpa
yiverat wévra.]|
4c — [fwi) d€ ori Evoors [vob] (rdparos) kal yuyis. Odvaros
di ovk drddeva tov cvvaxbévrov, Siddvors 8 ris évdceds 30
eort.]
5a [Tofu eixdy rod Oeod 6 aidy,
tod dé aldvos 6 Kécpos,
Tob St kdopov 6 #AL0s,
Tob dé Alou 6 dvOpwros.] 35
Hb ( « «) tiv & peraBorgry Odvardév gacw vat, Sid 7d 7d
6 woe, wai 6 Oeds, & pr scripsi: woe, wat ef wh Turn.: mworei ef pi) AQ
7 wh te scripsi: pre codd., Turn. 9 énidys Turn. : émidos AQ
10 vojoa scripsi: vonoes codd., Turn. |yienrae Q Turn.: yiverar A
11-12 gor... (af hine ad § r7c transposui 12 8€ (ante éo7 70 d-yaddv)
AQ: om, Turn, 20 yap ody scripsi: dpa ody codd,, Turn. |dAAo
Turn.: dddoy Flussas 21 dpa dw scripsi: yap dy codd,, Turn. [é
trae? codd., Turn,: fortasse év @ moet 23 (@a codd,, Turn. : fortasse
| 25-28 § 14b hinc transposui: vide post § 11 36 7d (post dd)
om.
218 CORPVS HERMETICVM
Q: ais Speow cett. 20-21 Fortasse ép@yta: piv (7H pavracig): vide
[pavracia], § 18 23 évvoneas scripsi : évvonoov codd., Turn, 24 voqoas
. . . tévta. huc a § 18 transposui. vonges scripsi: vénoov codd., Turn.
24-27 § “7 (omep ... (womoetv) hinc transposui; vide post § 13b 28 6
Aeyov Q: b A€yo cett. 30 odd (ante éore) codd., Turn,: fortasse owpa-
tixds) yel owpd{row meprewtucds) 30-31 wal wav cdpa myrévs rd Be
dparov dxtynrov scripsi: mat o@pa dxivyroy AQ: kat dxivyrov Turn,
83 vénoov ... mavra hinc ad § 17b transposni 34 ovSéy gore Turn. :
ob8é tors AQ
220 CORPVS HERMETICVM
19 [kal dmepiépioroy Kal] taybrarov (sv) Kal duvvatératov. Kat
(r)o8to0 vénoov awd ceavrod. [Kal] Kédevody cov TH Wuxi
eis iv OF Kat (Bode yar) mopevOfvat, Kal. taxvrepdy cov
THS Kededoews exci Eorat, peredAOeiv dé adrf Kédevoov emi roy
dkeavoy, kat obtws éxel médw raxéws total, ody ds pera- 5
Baca amd rérov eis témov, GAN ds exe? oboa. Kédevoor dd
avrh Kai eis Tov ovpavdy dvanrivat, Kal obdé mrepav denO4-
erat adr’ ovdt adr ovdev eumrbdiov, ob 7d Tod HALov mop,
[ovx 6 aiOrp,] ox 4 (rév dorépor) Sivn [odxi ra Tay dor
dorépov cdpara) mévra 8 Siarepoica dvamrnocerat méxpt 10
Tob éoxdrov odparos. ef 8& Boudnetns Kal adrd (7d) ddov
Stappigacbat, cai rd éxrés, ef yé me éxrds Tod kécpou,
208 Oedoacbat, Eeori oo. i8e bony dbvapiv, boov rdxos Exets.
dra od pév Séivaca rabra, 6 eds dt of; robrov ody roy
Tpérov vonoov tiv Oebv, Sowep vorpara, mdvra év €avT@ 15
exew, Tov Kdcpor, éavrdy, (rd) ddov. ;
20b dy ody pi) ceavriv efiodons TO OG, rov Oedy vofoa
od
Sivaca Td yap bpo1ov ra[v] dpota[v] vonrév. ((mavrds
odparos éxandjoas)) avvaténcov ceavrov TO Gperpiro
HeyéOee [[wavrds odparos exmndjoas]], kal mdévra ypévoy 20
bmepdpas aldv(ios) yevod, Kai voroes tov Oedr. pn dev
adivarov ceav7e bmboryncai ceavrov Hynoa abdvaroy, cat
mdvra duvdpevov vojoat, macav piv téxynv, wacav dt
emioripny. mavtds (dov Hou (.. ‘), mavros 8& trpous
bWnrédrEpos yevod, Kal ravrds Bdbovs Tamewérepos: mdoas 25
d& ras duridéces rdv moor)hrov cbhAaBe év ceavrs,
[wupés, bdaros,] (Beppod Kat Woxpod,) Enpod Kal sypod
kal dod mavrayh (vénoor) eva, év Yi, év Oardrrn, év
ovpavG pndérw yeyer(v\jobat, év ri yaorpt eva, véos,
yépov, TeOvnkévat, Ta pera tov Odvarov’ Kal tabra TAVTA
30
6u0d vojoas, yxpdvous, rérovs, mpdéypara, Trotntas, moo6-
2laryras, Sivacat vopoa tov Ocdv. éeay dt Karakdelons
cov
Thy Wuxi ev 7S cdpart, kal Tarevaeons éavtdv, kal
ers
2 roo scripsi: ofr codd., Turn. 3 els dv 5}
Ova: scripsi; eis Hv 52 xa wopevOqva AQ: éxeive ropevOfwat Bovre yhy mopev~
Q Turn, : om, (sed per (?) erasum) A va Turn. 4 ener
5 «al
5-6 peraBaca awd rénou eis rénov, GAN’ om. A (ante ofrws) A; om, Q Turn.
om, A 8 70 (ante Tod Halo)
10 dvarrjoera Turn.: dvarenrioera A: dvanrhocera CQ
11 Bovanbeins Q Turn,: Bovdndein A 12 rot é«rds Q: mm éxrds cett.
18 1@ dpoiy scripsi: ray dSpolow codd., Turn.
codd., Turn, 21 alwmos scripsi: aidw
22 ceavré (post ddivarov) Q: éy geaur cett.
| twécrnoa
LIBELLVS XI (ii) 221
of all things, and the mightiest. Think of yourself, and you will 19
see that itis so. Bid your soul travel to any land you choose, and
sooner than you can bid it go, it will be there. Bid it pass on
from land to ocean, and it will be there too no less quickly ; it has
not moved as one moves from place to place, but it ¢s there.
Bid it fly up to heaven, and it will have no need of wings;
nothing can bar its way, neither the fiery heat of the sun, nor the
swirl of the planet-spheres ; cleaving its way through all, it will fly
up till it reaches the outermost of all corporeal things! And
should you wish to break forth from the universe itself, and gaze
on the things outside the Kosmos (if indeed there is anything
outside the Kosmos), even that is permitted to you. See what ana
power, what quickness is yours. And when you yourself can do -
all this, cannot God do it? You must understand then that it is
in this way that God contains within himself the Kosmos, and
himself, and all that is; it is as thoughts which God thinks, that
all things are contained in him.
If then you do not make yourself equal to God, you cannot 20b
apprehend God; for like is known by like. Leap clear of all that
is corporeal, and make yourself grow to a like expanse with that
greatness which is beyond all measure ; rise above all time, and
become eternal; then you will apprehend God. Think that for
you too nothing is impossible; deem that you too are immortal,
and that you are able to grasp all things in your thought, to know
every craft and every science; find your home in the haunts of
every living creature ;make yourself higher than all heights, and
lower than all depths; bring together in yourself all opposites of
quality, heat and cold, dryness and fluidity; think that you are
everywhere at once, on land, at sea, in heaven; think that you
are not yet begotten, that you are in the womb, that you are
young, that you are old, that you have died, that you are in the
world beyond the grave; grasp in your thought all this at once,
all times and places, all substances and qualities and magnitudes
together ;then you can apprehend God. But if you shut up your 21a
soul in your body, and abase yourself, and say ‘I know nothing,
1 T.e. the outermost sphere of heaven,
my son, had seen all things, and spoke words that are in very
truth divine. I once heard him say ‘...’'. Think on these g
words, and apply this teaching to the question which you asked
me just now, that is, the question about destiny. For if you are
careful to put aside contentious arguments, my son, you will find
that in very truth mind is master of all things,—master of destiny,
and of penal law, and of all else ; and for mind nothing is impos-
sible, neither to exalt a human soul above destiny, nor, if the
soul, as sometimes happens, gives no heed, to make it subject to
destiny. As to destiny then, let this suffice—
Tat. This teaching, father, is divine; it is both true and
helpful. But there is yet another thing which I must ask you to 10
explain. You said that in the irrational animals mind works in
the way of instinct, co-operating with their impulses. Now the
impulses of the irrational animals are passive affections,’ I sup-
pose ; and if mind co-operates with the impulses, and the impulses
are passive affections, then mind also must be passively affected,
being polluted by contact with the passive affections.— Hermes,
Well said, my son! Your question shows the right spirit, and it
is only fair that I should answer it. All things that are in a body, 11
my son, are subject to passive affection. It is the bodies themselves
that are subject to passive affection in the primary sense of the
term ; but the incorporeals* also....‘ For everything that moves
something is incorporeal, and everything that is moved is body;
both the mover then and that which is moved are passively
affected, the one being the ruler, and the other that which is
ruled. And so, mind, as long as it is in a body, is subject to
passive affection ; but when it is freed from the body, it is freed
from the passive affection also....5 You must not let yourself
' The saying of the Agathos Daimon, as given in the MSS., is meaningless.
' 2 7a6y, here and throughout the paragraph, might also be translated
‘ perturbations’.
§ The‘ incorporeals’ spoken of in this passage are, or include, mind and soul,
* Perhaps, ‘are passively affected under certain conditions’ (that is, when
they are in a body),
®* The passage here omitted is meaningless as given in the MSS.
20 wat év ddd R 20-21 6 otvy ... Oeod huc a § 144 int. trans-
posui 21 rod vod addidit Flussas 25 # 82 liga Q Tum. R?*: 5éa
man. pr. R 27 Geds (post 6 pev) Q Turn, R?: om, man, pr. R
232 CORPVS HERMETICVM
2 éore OQTurn.: civaa R 5-6 «ai 4 C(uiv?) Han pia huc a § 15 a fin.
transposui 6 éxerat yap ris ravréryros scripsi: éxovra yap Ti TavTi-
m7a QR Turn. | ra om. Q |dovvGera scripsi: ovvéera QR Tum.
11 Sadvdpevoy scripsi: badvéperar QR Turn, “13 ow(wv man, pr. R
(c@{av A teste Reitz.): otowlwr QR? Turn, (avcca{ow CM teste Reitz.)
13-14 xard_riv BovAnow seripsi: «at BovdAnow QR Turn, 14 rijs Cwijs
Q Turn.: ris mp's (ws R 15-16 rod aidvos . . . ore Tod navrds om, Q
| aldvos awd ris mpurns naraordcews scripsi: aidyos, ris naTpyas dmoxatagrd-
cews Turn. : alavos ris dwoxaractaceas R 18 (Gov . . . abrdv scripsi :
(ov... abrd QR: (Gov... atrG Turn. : Cady... atta Flussas 19 ouv-
eorHen scripsi: ovvéornee Q Turn,: ouvéorneey R 20 marpds scripsi :
LIBELLVS XII (ii) 233
eire 88 HAnv, etre c&pa, etre odolav Pps, tobr Kal ravras
otcas évepyeias Tod Oeod: (6 yap Beds) Kal (ris) UAn(s) Evepyet
thy Odébrnra, Kal Tov copdtov (tiv) coparétyTa, Kai (7)A(s)
ovoia(s) tiv ovotdrnta. Kal Toro totw 6 Beds, 7d war"
aga ev 6& 7G mart! obdév éotw 5 ph ~oriv. SOev ore péyeOos 30
obre témos ore modrns ore aXHMa obTE Xpbvos TapA TOY
1 rovros mao. QTurn,: waa tortas R 6p@ QR? Turn. : épara: man.
pr R 3 «al (post Oeds) om. man pr. 4 tant Kal ddvaps Q:
éort Suvayus cett. 8 yvopévwy scripsi : yevouévav Turn, 10 ayabuv
() ; dyabay cett. 12 Garws (post mdrep, evépyear)om. Q | El ow... elow
om. R 13 évepyodvros man pr. R: évepyodvar cett. 14 &owep rod
nécpov pépn city odpards QR® Turn,: dowep éorlv 5 odpavds man. pr, R
14-15 yj cat Hiwp QTurn.: Béwp wat yf R15 pépy scripsi: péAy QR Turn,
|Peo om, Q 16 elpappévy scripsi: afya QR Turn. 18 ov gor Tt
scripsi: ob ére éori te Turn. : ov ér ri Q yevopévaw R: ywopévery cett.
19 éor: Beds R: éorw Od Oeds cett. 21 rémov scripsi: moody QR Turn.
LIBELLVS XII (ii) 237
in the air; but man makes use of all these elements, earth, water,
air ; yes, and heaven* too he beholds, and grasps that also with
his sense of sight.
.. . And it is not difficult, my son, to contemplate God in 20b
thought, or even, if you will, to see him. Look at the order of 2!
the Kosmos; look at the necessity which governs all that is
presented to our sight, and the providence shown in things that
have been, and in things that come to be; look at matter filled
to the full with life, and see this great god? in movement, with all
things that are contained in him.—Zzaf. But these, father, are
nothing but forces at work.— Hermes. If they are forces at work,
my son, who is it that works them? Isit not God? Do you not
know that, just as heaven and earth and water and air are parts of
the Kosmos, even so destiny and necessity and providence and
nature are parts of God? And there is nothing that comes to be
or has come to be, in which God is not.—Zaf¢. Is God in 22
matter then, father?—/Yermes, Why, what is matter apart from
God, my son, that you should assign a place to it? What else
but an inert mass do you suppose matter would be, if it were not
worked upon? And if it is worked upon, who is it that works
upon it? I have told you that the forces at work are parts ot
God ; who is it then that puts life into all living creatures? Who
is it that gives immortal beings their immortality? Who is it
that works change in things subject to change ?* And whether
you speak of matter, or body, or substance, know that these also
are manifestations of God’s working ; for it is God that by his
working makes matter material, and bodies corporeal, and sub-
stance substantial. God is the All; and there is nothing that is
not included in the All. Hence there is neither magnitude nor 23a
. place nor quality nor shape nor time‘ beside God; for God
Oedv core wav yap cott, TO de wav Sid mavToy Kal mepi
wave.
23b rodrov [Tov Adyor], @ Téxvov, mpookiyer Kai Ophoxeve.
Opnoxeia dé rod Oeod pia éorl, ph elvat Kakdv.
LIBELLVS X1TIT
LIBELLVS X/I1
Av@as codd., Turn. 27-29 A€ye por, . . PeAjpare Geod hinc ad § 2 transposui
29 d0avaciay C: adaciay ex adavagiay corr. man. pr. B: dpaciay cord. cett.,
Tum. 30 tay... ppevdv hinc ad § 6 transposui Bl Brérw 7d adv
70 at’rd DMQ Turn. : BAémw 7d adrd codd. cett. | Fortasse o@ yap BAémov 7d
péyeBos 6pa TO abrd ov
2806 R
242 CORPVS HERMETICVM
[os wip] Kal xarwpepts [ds yh] Kal bypov [ds dwp) Kal
ciumvoov [as ap] (aicOjoa twominre 73 d& Tovros
dvépotov) mas aicOnras olTw vojoets, TO pi} oKAnpov, Td pi)
dypov, rd ‘dodiyywrov", Td pi Stadvopevov, Td povoy durd-
pet [kal évepyeta] vootpevor, Sebpevon St Tod duvapévou voeiv 15
74 ((r3 dodparov)) [rhv év Oe yéveow] ;—addvvaros obv eipt, 3)
ndrep :—M}y yévoiro, & réxvov. émiomaca eis éavrov, Kai
. hedoerat? OédAnoor, Kal yiverat. Katdpynoov Tod ceparos
ras alaOjoes, Kal ora: 4 yéveots Tis OedryTos.
7b (... dei) Kabdpar ceavtiy amd Tév addyor Tis UAns 20
Tipepiav.—Tipwpods yap év éuavtd txw, & mdtep ;—OvK
érlyous, & Téxvov, GAA Kal poBepods Kal modAdobs.—Ayvos,
® wérep,—Mia airy, ® Téxvov, Tipwpia, ) dyvoa,
deurépa hemn*
tpitn axpacia® 35
terdptn emtOupia®
mépntn adiKia®
éxt mAcovegia®
€BSopn darn’
dyddn Pbdvas*
evatn Sdédos*
dexdrn opyn’
évdexdrn mporéreta’
Swdexarn xaxia.
eiol dé Kai 5
abrat rov dpiOpov dddexa, td S€ rairas
mreloves EAdat, & Téxvov, (al) did hic [[ro deopwrnpiov
rod sédparos]) aicbrjcews méoxew dvayKdfover Tov ev (rq
Seopornply Tob cdparos)) dede(u)énov avOpwrov, agpioravrat
8 abrat [ov] dOpsws dd tod édenbévros bd Tod Beod, Kal - i]
And this, my son, is the tribunal on which Justice sits enthroned. See how
she has driven ont Injustice. We have been justified, my son, without being
brought to judgement ; for Injustice is no longer here.
As the sixth Power, I call to us Unselfishness, the opponent of Covetousness.
And when Covetousness has departed, . ...
As the seventh, I invoke Truth. Flee away, Deceit ; for Truth has come,
See, my son, how, on the coming of Truth, the Good is completed; for Envy
has departed from us, {and the other torments also).
Truth! has come to us, and on it has followed the Good, with
Life and Light. No longer has there come upon us any of the
torments of darkness ; they have flown away with rushing wings.
; 10
Thus, my son, has the intellectual being* been made up in us
and by its coming to be, we have been made gods, Whoever
then has by God’s mercy attained to this divine birth, abandons
bodily sense; he knows himself to be composed of Powers of
God, and knowing this, is glad.—
Tat. Father, God has made me a new being, and I perceive 11a
things now, not with bodily eyesight, but by the working of
mind.—Hermes, Even so it is, my son, when a man is born 134
again; it is no longer body of three dimensions that he perceives,
but the incorporeal.—Za#. Father, now that I see in mind,
I see myself to be the All, I am in heaven and in earth, in 11
water and in air; I am in beasts and plants; I ama babe in the
womb, and one that is not yet conceived, and one that has been
born; I am present everywhere.—Hermes. Now, my son, you
know what the Rebirth is —
are II C
(Zat, But tell me further; how is it that the torments of darkness, which
in number, are driven off by ten Powers? How does this come about,
twelve
of which 12
thrice-greatest one!—/Hermes. This earthly tabernacle,’ my son, out
passed forth, has been put together by the working of the Zodiac, which
we have
;and
produces manifold forms of one and the same thing‘ to lead men astray
the Signs of which the Zodiac consists are twelve in number, the forms pro-
as
time they are
duced by it, my son, fall into twelve divisions. But at the same
irra-
inseparable, being united in their action; for the reckless vehemence of
It is with good reason then that they all depart
tional impulse is indivisible.
reason that they
together, as I said before. And it is also in accordance with
that is, by the Decad; for the Decad, my son, is
are driven out by ten Powers,
1 Or ‘ Reality’.
2 T,e. that which was previously called the Logos.
® T.e, the body.
twelve different
4 These ‘manifold forms’ are the several ‘ torments’, i.e, the
kinds of evil passion.
7 yap Sexds, & réxvov, eori yuyoydvos. {on b€ Kal Pads ivopevat eioty
évac’ 6 (8) Tis évddos apiOpds métbuxe Tod [rvetparos] (ris Sexddos
apxy). 4 evds ody Kara Adyov ri Sexdda (eymepiéxer [kal 7 Sexds
tiv évddal.|
13a = |[IIdrep, 7d wav 6p Kai éuavrdv év 7 vot.|| [[Abrn 5
éorily } madtyyevertia, & Téxvov, TO pynKkért havTréfecOat els
7d c@pa 7d TpLxH Stacrarév.]|
13b = [[dta& rdv Aéyor Toirov Tov mepi THs madtyyevectas els dy
brepvnparioduny, tva py Gpev didBoror tod travros els rods
moAXovs, eis ods 6 Beds adrds Oédet.]] 10
14 Eilmé po, & wérep, rd cGpa Tobro Td éx Suvduewy ouv-
eords Avow Ezet wore ;—_Evgpijunoor, kal ph ddivara pbéyyou,
érel [duaprices Kal] doeBi(ces. ph éoBéo)On [cera] cov
6 6dOarpds Tod vod; Td alcOnrov Tis picews cSpa bppwbér
éott [ris] (rod) ovarddovs [yevécews]: Td piv ydp éort ~ 5
Stadurév, 7d Se ddiddvtov, kai Td pev Ovnrév, 75 dt aBdvaror.
dyvoeis drt beds mépuxas Kal Tob évds mais, } Kdyad ;—
1 The conclusion implied is that the /e# Powers act as one in driving out the
evil passions,
2 That is, the new self of the man who is reborn.
8 Perhaps, ‘son of God’,
+ I.e. in Corp. I, which the author of Corp. XIII takes to have been written
by Hermes.
5 “to think ont what he did not tell me’?
rod Patr.: and cod codd., Turn. : dnd rod cod Reitz. | edpav scripsi : edpov
codd., Turn. 27 Aéyow scripsi :A€éyouev B: Acyouévny cett. | réOetxas
scripsi: 7éGeKa codd., Turn. 29 diva scripsi: Sdvaya codd., Turn.
|Sa addidi (&@ add, Reitz.) 30 wAj Turn. : mov codd. 33-1 infra:
A€yo. coi Reitz: Aéye ad Ds A€yw oor codd. cett., Turn.
254 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS XIV
LIBELLVS XIV
LIBELLVS XVI
kal Kekpuppévoy tov vody TOv Abywv Exouca. Kai ert doa-
georépa (havicerat) tév ‘EdAjvov borepov Bovdnbévtav
Thy hperépay Siddexrov eis thy idiav peOepunvetoa, drep
éorat Tov yeypappévov peyiotn Siactpopy Te Kai aodpeia.
26 S& Adbyos rH warpda Siadréxro Epynvevdpevos exer agi} 25
2 ofrw kat 6 Cyril.: ofrws 6 R Turn. 5 éorw, abrds scripsi: éort,
«at avros R Turn.
In Libellis XVI-XVIU, codicum BCDMR et Turnebi lectiones adhibui.
O = codicum BCDM prima manus teste Reitzenstein.
7 “Appova B: “Appova cett, 8 epi xaxias om, DR Turn, 10 mepi
(ante rav énrd) om. DR Turn, 12 rév om, DR Turn. 15 dyri-
Aefw scripsi: dyridegiv codd., Turn. 16 yap DR Turn.: om. BC
16-17 6 énds SidacxKados DR Turn.: 6 &ddcxadds pov cett. 18 trois
om, man. pr. M | Fortasse (ciceBas) 21 Adyov R: Adyow cett.
|boxes ex €xovra corr. R 21-22 doapecrarn codd., Turn.: ‘ viel-
eicht doapecrépa’ Reitz. 24 éame LB: earar cett. 25-8 infra: 6 &
G
Adyos TH mrarpea Biaréxra Epynvevdpevos exer. . . exer Thy evépyeav Tov Aeyo-
pévow. boov ovv Bvardv éoti go... dvoparaw ppdow codd, Corp. Apud
LIBELLVS XIV 263
LIBELLVS XVI
An episile of Asclepius to King Ammon.
Of weighty import is this discourse which I send to you, my1a
King; it is, so to speak, a summing up of all the other discourses,
anda reminder of their teaching. It is not composed in accor-
dance with the opinion of the many; it contains much that
contradicts their beliefs. ... For my teacher’ Hermes often used 1b
to say in talk with me when we were alone, and sometimes when
Tat was with us, that those who read my? writings . . .* will think
them to be quite simply and clearly written, but those who hold
opposite principles to start with will say that the style is obscure,
and conceals the meaning. And it will be thought still more
obscure in time to come, when the Greeks think fit to translate
these writings from our tongue‘ into theirs. Translation will
greatly distort the sense of the writings, and cause much obscurity.
Expressed in our native language,® the teaching conveys its mean- 2
@dXX Kal er yas (..., kal) eis Tov KaTdrarov Buddy [kat
6 &Bvocor) Sijkovow. (..-) (gore 6 tovrov dyKos*)) ef dé
nis tore Kal vonrh ovata, (r)avrn(s) ([éoriv 6 robrov dyKos]]
[hs] barodoxi dv efn 7d TobTOU Pas. wébev d& airy ovvicrarat
*) emeppe?, abrds pdvos ofdev (5 Oeds. 6 dé FAos,) [7] Kal TO -°
1 owvéyer scripsi: det codd. (om. R), Turn. :dye Flussas 2 Fortasse
rept abrov (rdv ndcpov diowcet) 3 «at (ante eis) om. R 3-4 navra
SiSods raat [Kai 7d Has dpPovoy xapiCerar] Reitz. | Fortasse maae Cony d:dovs
4 ydp (ante 7d -_ scripsi: «at codd., Turn. 5 ob dyabal ai évépyerat
D: fortasse ob ai évépyerat 7 Fortasse (rijs yap alcOyris Tod paris ovalas
myn) éarw 5 rodrov dyxos 8-9 ravrns imodoxi) scripsi: atrn éorw 6
rovrou byxos Hs inodox7) codd., Turn. lL gia RK | deyis be éavTod
Criv pw .. .) Reitz 12 phom.B_ | croxacpév B Turn. 13 voov-
scripsi: voeiv codd.: voet Turn. 14 abrh 7H sper Spras scripsi:
pevos 23-24 67-
abri) # dus codd., Turn, 15-16 «al broxeipevoy om. DRTum,
juoupyel 7a mavra Reitz. + Squovpyetrat Gnavra OR: Snptovpye? ta dnav7a Turn.
25 ty dvw wepipepela DR Turn. | airod Reitz.: éavrod BMR Turn.:
LIBELLVS XVI 267
way the Demiurgus (that is, the Sun) brings together heaven and
earth, sending down true being! from above, and raising up
matter from below. And he.. .? in connexion with himself, both
drawing ... to himself, and giving forth . . . from himself; for he
lavishes light on all things without stint.? For the Sun is he
whose beneficent workings operate not only in heaven, but also
upon earth, and penetrate even to the lowest depths. The 6
material body of the Sun is... ;4 and if there is such a thing as
a substance not perceptible by sense,° the light of the Sun must
be the receptacle of that substance. But of what that substance
consists, or whence it flows in, God only knows. The Sun, being
near to us in position, and like to us in nature, presents himself to
our sight. God does not manifest himself to us; we cannot see
him, and it is only by conjecture, and with hard effort, that we can
apprehend him in thought. But it is not by conjecture that we 7
contemplate the Sun ; we see him with our very eyes. He shines
most brightly on all the universe, illuminating both the world
above and the world below 3 for he is stationed in the midst,
and
wears the Kosmos as a wreath around him. And so he lets the
Kosmos go on its course, not leaving it far separated from him-
self, but, to speak truly, keeping it joined to himself ; for like
a skilled driver, he has made fast and bound to himself the
chariot of the Kosmos, lest it should rush away in disorder. And
the reins are. . .°
In this wise he makes all things.” He assigns to the immortals 8
their everlasting permanence, and with that part of his light which
tends upwards (that is, the light which he sends forth from that
side of him which faces heaven), he maintains the immortal parts
of the Kosmos ;* but with the light which is shed downward, and
illuminates all the sphere of water, earth, and air, he puts life into
the things in this region of the Kosmos, and stirs them up to
1 Or ‘sinews’,
? Viz. the part which feels desire, and the part which feels repugnance,
_ ® The ‘light’ here spoken of is not the visible sunlight, but the divine and
incorporeal light of Mind.
* T.e. no planet-god. Such a man is freed from astral influences, or in other
words, is not subject to Heimarmene,
éxov tpws scripsi: 6 Adyos obm epas codd., Turn. | Fortasse (obrés) torw
26 diovenow codd,, Turn.: fortasse ia-yoryy | ovxodor wat &’ R Turn.
272 CORPVS HERMETICVM
, \ Ea Kk oe a ’
Onpuoupyias. epi de roy HAov af dKre eiot opaipat, rovTov
HpTnpevat, Hf Te Tay amdavaerv Kai (al) e Tov TavOpEevov
> Zs ~ 3 ~ s é ~ r ,
LIBELLVS XVII
* * * *
LIBELLVS XVII
* * * *
‘... And if you think of it, my King, there are incorporeal images
of bodies also.’—‘ What sort of things do you mean?’ asked the
King.—‘Do you not think that the images seen in mirrors are
incorporeal ?’—‘ Yes, Tat, it is so,’ said the King.—‘ And there
are other things also that are incorporeal ; for instance, do you
not think that the forms which are seen not only in the bodies of
living beings, but also in those of lifeless things, are incorporeal ?’
—‘Yes, Tat, you are right.’—‘ (Well then, as bodies are reflected
in mirrors,)so incorporeal things are reflected in bodies, and the
intelligible Kosmos is reflected in the sensible Kosmos. Therefore,
my King, worship the statues of the gods, seeing that these statues
too have in them formswhich come from the intelligible Kosmos.’—
1 J, e, the atmosphere.
? T.e. Maker of things; but for this writer, ‘making things’ means giving
life to them,
8 Le, the system of spheres which has just becn described.
* The sense required by the context is: ‘God, by means of the intelligible
substance, governs the Sun, and the Sun governs the other gods (i.e. the gods
who preside over the eight spheres)’.
20-21 GAG xal ray dyvxey om, D 21 Fortasse (otxoivdonep.. .,) obras
|dvankdoas R 26 ala@y7od OR Turn. : vonrod B, Reitz.
2406 sf
274 CORPVS HERMETICVM
LIBELLVS XVIII
LIBELLVS XVIUT
|
our kings themselves would wish, that the song should come down
step by step from heaven above, and that our praise of them
4 6 (ante #Aros)
1 ray elpqyny DR Turn: 14y ri elpnvny cett. 6 dpxds R:
om. M 5 mpw@ros coda, : * Vielleicht aparov’ Reitz. BC: dmo-
9 dmodperd pevos man. post. C: drodpend peva
dmapxds cett. ] Tis éxeivou coplas
dpendpevar cett. 9-13 Fortasse ofrw 5) wat hpiv, [
LIBELLVS XVIII 283
conclude his speech with praise of God. For as the Sun, who
nurtures all vegetation, also gathers the first-fruits of the produce
with his rays, as it were with mighty hands, plucking the sweetest
odours of the plants; even so we too, having received into our
souls (which are plants of heavenly origin) the efflux of God’s
wisdom, must, in return, use in his service all that springs up
WYUS: ie
To God then, the Father of our souls, it is fitting that praise 12
should rise from countless tongues and voices, even though our
words cannot be worthy of him, seeing that it is a task beyond
our power to tell of him. Even so, little children are not able
worthily to sing their father’s praise ; but they do what is fitting
when they render to him such honour as they can, Nay, this
very thing redounds to God’s glory, that his greatness transcends
the praises of his offspring ;and the beginning and middle and
end of our praise is to confess that our Father is infinite in
power, and.... But we must beseech him to pardon us ;? though 13
his children do indeed get pardon from their Father even before
they ask it; and just as it is to be looked for that a father, so far
from turning his face away from his babes because they can do so
little, should be glad when they acknowledge him, even so... 2
For God, inasmuch as he is good, and has in himself the only 14a
* * * *
rl
Lr
eee
Oe
ee
eS
——
_
a
conexum,
esse aut unum esse omnia]; ita enim sibi est utrumque
de futuro
ut separari alterum ab a/t(e)ro non possit. Sed
sermone hoc diligenti intentione cognosces.
nobis qui
Ib Tu vero, o Asclepi, procede paululum, Tatque,
intersit, evoca.’ Quo ingresso, Asclepius et Hammona'm] :
na
interesse suggessit. Trismegistus ait: ‘Nulla invidia Hammo
imus a
prohibet a nobis; etenim ad eius nomen multa memin
um et
nobis esse conscripta, sicuti etiam ad Tat amantissim
a.
carissimum filium multa physica (dijexodicaque quam plurim
Tractatum hunc autem tuo (in)scribam nomine. Praeter 2
sissimus
Hammona nullum vocassis alterum, ne tantae rei religio
tum
sermo multorum interventu praesentiaque violetur. Tracta
seclusit
1 Post titulum addunt asclepius iste pro sole mihi est codices:
12 altero scripsi; utro BM : utroque ceé?. 14 tatque (sed
Ménard
priore t eraso) B: atque cett. 18 Tat Thomas : tativ (i.e. Tatium) B: om.
cetl, 19 diexodicaque scripsé : ‘ fortasse diexodicaque’ Thomas: exotica-
que w
ASCLEPIUS
A holy book of Hermes Trismegistus, t
addressed to Asclepius}
Prologue
Trismegistus. ‘It is God that has brought you to me, Asclepius,
ra
to hear a teaching? which comes from God. My discourse will
be of such a nature, that by reason of its pious fervour it will be
rightly *deemed that there is in it more of God’s working ‘ than
1]
in all that I have spoken before,—or rather, that God’s power
has inspired me to speak. And if you understand * my words,
and thereby come to see God, your mind will be wholly filled
with all things good,—if indeed there are many goods, and not
rather one Good, in which all goods are comprised. For we find
that these two things agree with one another; they are so linked
together that it is impossible to part them. But this you will
learn from my discourse to-day, if you listen with earnest
attention.
But go forth for a moment, Asclepius, and summon Tat to
Ib
join us.’ When Tat had entered, Asclepius proposed that
Ammon also should be present. Trismegistus replied, ‘I do not
grudge permission to Ammon to be with us; for I bear in mind
that many of my writings have been addressed to him, as again
many of my treatises on nature,’ and a very large number of my
explanatory” writings, have been addressed to Tat, my dear and
loving son. As for our discussion to-day, I will inscribe
on it
your name, Asclepius. You may call Ammon; but summon
no
one else, lest a discourse which treats of the loftiest of themes,
and breathes the deepest reverence, should be profaned by the
transit, quasi ipse sit deus: hoc daemonum genus novit, utpote
qui [cum] isdem se ortum esse cognoscat : hoc humanae naturae
partem in se ipse despicit, alterius partis divinitate confisus. t
O hominum quanto est natura temperata felicius! Diis cognata
divinitate coniunctus est: partem sui, qua terrenus est, intra se
despicit :cetera omnia, quibus se necessarium esse caelesti dis-
positione cognoscit, nexu secum caritatis adstringit. Suspicit
caelum: ((colit terram)), Sic ergo feliciore loco medietatis est a
positus, ut quae infra se sunt diligat, ipse a se superioribus dili-
gatur. {(Colit terram.]| [[Elementis _velocitate miscetur. |]
((Omnia illi licent:)) acumine mentis in maris profunda
descendit ;{[omnia illi licent ;]] non caelum videtur altissimum,
quasi e proximo enim animi sagacitate metitur. ((Elementis » 5
velocitate miscetur :)) intentionem animi eius nulla aeris caligo
1 ratio BAM: rationem vel ratione cett. 1-2 ratio transposuit Thomas
4 praedicto Z: praedictae cet?. 16 quanta BAZ: quanto cett. 22 ele-
mentis codd.: caelo mentis Diels (Elementum p.75) dubitanter 23 Fortasse
omnia illi (adire) licefn|t
ASCLEPIUS I 295
kind are called ...; and those who associate with men are called
‘daemons friendly to man’.!' And the like is to be said of men;
indeed, the range of men is yet wider than that of the daemons.
The individuals of the human kind are diverse, and of many
characters. They, like the daemons, come from above; and
entering into fellowship with other individuals, they make for
themselves many and intimate connexions with almost all other
kinds. Accordingly, the man who, in virtue of the mind? in him,
through which he is akin to the gods,’ has attached himself to
them by pious devotion, becomes like to the gods; he who has
attached himself to daemons becomes like to the daemons ;‘
those who are content with the intermediate station® of their
kind remain mere men and nothing more; and all other indi-
viduals of the human kind, according as they have attached them-
selves to individuals of this kind or that, will resemble the beings
to which they have attached themselves.
Man is a marvel then, Asclepius; honour and reverence to
such a being! Man takes on him the attributes of a god, as
though he were himself a god; he is familiar with * the daemon-
kind, for he comes to know that he is sprung from the same
source as they; and strong in the assurance of that in him which
is divine, he scorns the merely human part of his own nature,
How far more happily blended are the properties of man than
those of other beings! He is linked to the gods, inasmuch as
there is in him a divinity akin to theirs ;he scorns that part of his
own being which makes him a thing of earth; and all else with
which he finds himself connected” by heaven’s ordering, he binds
to himself by the tie of his affection. He raises reverent eyes to
heaven above; he tends the earth below. Blest in his inter-
mediate station, he is so placed that he loves all below him, and
is loved by all above him. He has access to all; he descends to
the depths of the sea by the keenness of his thought ; and heaven
is not found too high for him, for he measures it by his sagacity,
as though it were within his reach. With his quick wit® he pene-
trates the elements; air cannot blind his mental vision with its
6C Sed quoniam de sensu commoneor dicere, paulo post et huius rationem yobis
exponam: est enim sanctissima et magna, et non minor quam ea quae est
7 @ divinitatis ipsius. Sed nunc vobis expediam quae coeperam. Dicebam enim
[in ipso initio rerum] de coniunctione deorum, qua homines soli eorum digna-
tione perfruuntur, quicumque etenim hominum tantum felicitatis adepti sunt, 20
ut illum intellegentiae divinae perciperent sensum, qui sensus est divinior in
solo deo et in humana intellegentia—Asc/. Non enim omnium hominum,
o Trismegiste, uniformis est sensus?—Z7ism. Non omnes, o Asclepi, intelle-
gentiam veram adepti sunt, sed imaginem temerario inpetn nulla vera inspecta
ratione sequentes decipiuntur, quae in mentibus malitiam parit, et transformat 25
optimum animal in naturam ferae moresque beluarum, De sensu autem et de
omnibus similibus, quando et de spiritu, tunc totam vobis praestabo rationem.
7b Solum enim animal homo duplex est; et eius una pars simplex,
5 inanimalia serigsé: inanimalium 8 animae scrifsi: animi @
10-11 inferioribus mundi elementis scr#ps¢: inferioris mundi alimentis »
12 sensus scrips? : sensu@ 18 soli G et man,2B: solaceté, 21 divinae
seripst: divinum
ASCLEPIUS I 297
thickest darkness; dense earth cannot impede his work; the
deepest water cannot blur his downward gaze. Man is all things ;
man is everywhere.
Now of all the different kinds or races, those which possess 6 b
soul’ have roots extending downward to them from above ; and
those which are soulless sprout from roots which reach upward
from below. The one sort? are nourished with two kinds of eee
—
food ;the other sort, with food of one kind only. Animals are
composed of soul and body; and their food is of two kinds,—
food for the soul and food for the body. The soul is nourished
by the ceaseless movement of fire and air, the higher elements;
the growth of bodies is supplied from water and earth, the lower
elements. Mind,’ a fifth component part, which comes from the
aether, has heen bestowed on man alone ; and of all beings that
have soul, man is the only one whose faculty of cognition ‘is, by
this gift of mind,® so strengthened, elevated, and exalted, that he
can attain to knowledge of the truth concerning God.*
As ¢ I have been led to speak of mind,’ I will later on expound to you the 6c
true doctrine concerning mind also; for it is a high and holy doctrine, and one
no less sublime than that which treats of God himself, But for the present,
I will continue the explanation I have begun. I was speaking of that attach-'7a
ment to the gods which men, and men alone, are by the grace of the gods
permitted to enjoy,—that is to say, such men as” have attained to the great
e
e
e
e
happiness of acquiring that divine faculty of apprehending truth, that diviner
sort of mind, which exists only in God and in the intellect of man.®—Ase/, But
tell me then, Trismegistus, is not the mind of all men of one quality {—
Trism. Not all men, Asclepius, have attained to true knowledge.® Many
men, yielding to reckless impulse, and seeing nothing of the truth,!° are misled
by illusions ;" and these illusions breed evil in their hearts, and transform man,
the best of living beings, into a wild and savage beast. But concerning mind
and the like I will fully set forth the truth to you later on, when I come to
treat of spirit also.
Man, and man alone of all beings that have soul, is of twofold 7b
nature. Of the two parts of which he is composed, the one is
hominibus aut in his aut de his fiunt, [ajut ipsius terrae cultus,
pascuae, aedificatio, portus, navigationes, communicationes, com-
? In the earliest form of the text, this sentence probably ran as follows:
6 Kbpios kal roy wdvrow montis, bv Oedy Kadciv vevouluaper, ered Tov dedrepov
émoinge, Bedv Spardy xai alo@nrdy [ ] mprov Kai pdvov Kal eva, xadds & aire
épavy dv Kal wAnpécratos mayraw tiv dycbdv, Hydo0n Te Kat avy epidanoer ds
id:ov réxov. ‘When the Master... had made him who is second, the first and
one and only visible and sensible god, and when he saw that,’ &c.
? Simul = dpa (Bovddpevos) ? 5 Ratio = Aopopds?
* Diligentia = Oepaneia. 5 Voluntas = Boddnots or 0éAnua.
® Mundanus = iduxéds, 1 Animus = vods?
® Colere = Oepaneiay,
302 ASCLEPIUS
nexus. ‘Et'(...) mundi partis quae est aquae et terrae ;quae
pars terrena mundi artium disciplinarumque cognitione atque
usu servatur, sine quibus mundum deus noluit esse perfectum.
[Placitum enim dei necessitas sequitur, voluntatem comitatur
effectus.] [Neque enim credibile est deo displiciturum esse quod 5
placuit, cum et futurum id et placiturum multo ante sciverit.]
9 Sed, o Asclepi, animadverto ut celeri mentis cupiditate festines
audire quomodo homo caeli vel quae in eo sunt dilectum possit
habere vel cultum. Audi itaque, o Asclepi. Dilectus [dei] caeli
cum his quae insunt omnibus una est obsequiorum frequentatio. ro
Hanc aliud animal non facit nec divinorum nec morfalium, nisi
solushomo. Hominum enim admirationibus, adorationibus, laudi-
bus, obsequiis caelum caelestesque delectantur. Nec inmerito in
| hominum coetum Musarum chorus est a summa divinitate
demissus, scilicet ne terrenus mundus videretur incultior, si rg
modorum dulcedine caruisset, sed potius ut musicatis hominum
cantilenis concelebraretur laudibus qui solus omnia aut pater est
omnium, atque ita caelestibus laudibus nec in terris harmoniae
suavitas defuisset. Aliqui ergo, ipsique paucissimi, pura mente
praediti, sortiti sunt caeli suspiciendi venerabilem curam. Quicun- 20
que autem ex duplici(s) naturae suae confusione (in) inferiorem in-
tellegentiam mole corporis resederunt, curandis elementis hisque
inferioribus sunt praepositi. Animal ergo homo (ex parte
mortale) ; non quod is eo minor, quod ex parte mortalis sit, sed
((mortalitate auctus esse videatur)), ea sorte aptius efficaciusque 25
conpositus ad certam rationem [[mortalitate auctus esse videatur]],
Scilicet quoniam utrumque nisi ex utraque materia sustinere non
9 dei seclusit Koziol 11 facit scripst: fecit w (sed facit corr. B)
| mortalium A7o//: animalium @ 17 laudibus ‘fortasse delendum’ Thomas
19 ergo ipsique Zhomas: ipsique ergo w (sed cum tratectionis signo B)
21 duplicis scréfsé: duplici w | in inferiorem Koziol: interiorem w
~ non quod is 47G: non quo dis 2 25 ea sorte scrips? : eo forie B: eo
‘orte ceft.
ASCLEPIUS I 303
universe’ which consists of earth and water; and this earthly
part of the universe is kept in order? by means of man’s know-
ledge and application of the arts and sciences.’ For God willed
that the universe should not be complete until man had done his
part. [ ][ ]*
But I see, Asclepius, that you are eager and impatient to be 9
told how man can tend * heaven or the things in heaven. Listen
then, Asclepius. Tendance of heaven and of all things that are
therein is nothing else than constant® worship;7 and there is no
other being, divine or mortal, that worships, but man alone. For
in the reverence and adoration, the praise and worship of men,
heaven and the gods of heaven find pleasure. And not without
good reason*has the supreme Deity sent down the choir of the
Muses to dwell among mankind. The earthly part of the universe
would have seemed but rude and savage, if it had been wanting
in sweet melody ; and lest this should be, God sent the Muses
down, to the intent that men might adore with hymns of praise
Him who is all things in one, the Father of all, and that thus
sweet music might not be lacking upon earth, to sound in concord
with the singing of his praise in heaven. To some men then, but
to very few, men who are endowed with mind uncontaminate,’
has fallen the high task of raising reverent eyes to heaven. But
to all who, through the intermingling of the diverse parts of their
twofold being, are weighed down by the burden of the body, and
have sunk to a lower grade of intelligence,”—to all such men is
assigned the charge of tending the elements, and the things of
this lower world. Thus man is a being (partly divine, and partly
mortal); not that he is to be thought the lower because he is
mortal in part; we ought rather to regard him as exalted by his
mortality, in that he is by such a lot more fitly and effectively
constituted for a purpose pre-ordained. For since he could not
have met the demands of both his functions if he had not been
1 Mundus = xédcpos.
? Servatur = puvddocera, 5S Disciplinarum = émormpav.
* [‘ For that must needs be, which it has pleased God to ordain, He wills,
and it is done.’] [‘ For it cannot be thought that what it has once pleased God
to ordain will ever be displeasing in his sight, inasmuch as he knew long
before, both that it would come to pass, and that it would be pleasing to him.”}
5 Dilectum vel cultum = Oepametav.
S Frequentatio = wixvwars or wexvirns. 7 Obsequium = Opnoxeia}
8 Nec inmerito = obx amekérws,
° Pura mens = vods xaBapds. 0 Jntellegentia = vénais?
304 ASCLEPIUS
potuisset, ex utraque formatus est, ut et terrenum cultum et
1 Mensura = pétpor.
2 Religio = ebaéBaa. 8 Bonitas = dyabérns.
4 Virtus = dpern. 5 Cupiditas = tmOupla.
© Or, ‘are alien to all members of God’s family ’?
1 Possessiones = uthpata, 8 Possidere = nracGat, ° Viz. the body.
1° Rationis intentio = biavoias (or Noyopod) émBodr ?
1 Contemplatio divinitatis = 4 rob Oeiov Sewpia,
12 Servare = puddcoev.
38 [‘Man has a pair of hands and a pair of feet, as bodily members, that
may therewith do service to the lower and earthly part of the universe ;and he
he has four mental parts, namely, reason (Adéyos), intellect (voids), memory
(uhm), and foresight (mpovora), that he may therewith know and reverence
all
things divine.’]
k.Hence it comes to pass that men investigate with anxious search
the
differences of things, their qualities, their workings (évepyelas), and their
dimensions, but being hampered by the evil influence of a body which weighs
them down, they cannot adequately understand the true causes of all that ta
es
place in the world.’]
“ Ministerium = tanpeciat Odbseguium = Opnoxeta or Aatpela?
8 Munde mundum servando = 76 tov nécpov Kooplas puddooer,
X 2
308 ASCLEPIUS
eius pulchritudinem qui diligentia servat atque auget, operam
suam cum dei voluntate coniungit, cum speciem, quam ille
divina intentione formavit, adminiculo sui corporis diurno
-s
—— animam obtorto, ut aiunt, detinet collo, ut in parte sui qua
5 fuerit scrépsi : foret w 9-4 infra: ‘quae in hoc capite leguntur inter
e.
personas sic fere mihi distribuenda videntur: AS, luste .. . 0 Trismegist
Tr. Ego
‘Tr. Haec est enim... migratio. As. Utiste...malignitas.
enim...confundunt. As. Ut iste... malignitas. Tr. Ego enim... con-
tundunt. As. Quomodo ergo... confundunt? cezus distributions aliquot
et con-
vestigia in G et al. extant’ Thomas. Ego, quod ad cetera pertinet 17 quae
sentiens, verba sed aliis. . . malignitas Trismegisto attribut,
res B: quare cett. 20 inmortalitate scrzfsz: inmortalitati w
ASCLEPIUS I 309
alike he worthily and fittingly obeys God’s will? For since the
world is God’s handiwork, he who maintains and heightens its
beauty by his tendance is co-operating with the will of God, when
he contributes the aid of his bodily strength, and by his care and
labour day by day makes things assume that shape and aspect
which God’s purpose has designed. What shall be his reward?
Shall it not be that which our fathers have received, and which we
pray with heartfelt piety that we too may receive, if God in his
mercy’ is pleased to grant it? And that is, that when our term
of service is ended, when we are divested of our guardianship ° of
the material world, and freed from the bonds of mortality, he will
restore us, cleansed and sanctified, to the primal condition of
that higher part of us which is divine—Ase/, Right and true, a
Trismegistus.— Zyism. Yes, such is the reward of those who
spend their lives in piety to God above, and in tendance® of the
world around them. But those who have lived evil and impious
lives are not permitted to return to heaven. For such men is
ordained a shameful transmigration into bodies of another kind,*
bodies unworthy to be the abode of holy mind.—As¢d. According
to your teaching* then, Trismegistus, souls have at stake in this
earthly life their hope of eternity® in the life to come.— Zrism. Yes,
But some cannot believe this; and some regard it as an empty
tale; and to some, perhaps, it seems a thing to mock at. For in
our bodily life on earth, the enjoyment derived from possessions
is a pleasant thing; and the pleasure which they yield grips the
soul by the throat, so to speak, and holds it down to earth, com-
pelling it to cleave to man’s mortal part.
Moreover, there are some whose ungenerous temper grudges’
2b
men the boon of immortality, and will not suffer them to get
knowledge of that in them which is divine. For speaking as
a prophet speaks, I tell you that in after times none will pursue
philosophy in singleness of heart. Philosophy is nothing else
than striving through constant contemplation * and saintly piety to
attain to knowledge of God ;* but there will be many who will
(Asclepius Il)
Asclepius II
{Here let the discussion of these things end; and let us now 14b
begin to speak of spirit and the like.]
Trism. In the beginning were’ God and Matter. The
elements of which the universe’ is composed were not then in
existence, because they had not yet come into being ;* but
312 ASCLEPIUS
erant unde nasci habuerunt. [Non enim ea sola non nata
dicuntur quae necdum nata sunt, sed ea (etiam quae. ..).
(.. .) quae carent fecunditate generandi, ita ut ex his nihil nasci
possit. |
Quaecunque ergo sunt quibus inest natura generandi, haec et 5
generabilia sunt: de quibus nasci potest (aliquid), tametsi ea ex
se nata sunt. Neque enim dubitatur ex his quae ex se nata sunt
facile nasci posse (...). (.. .) de quibus cuncta nascuntur.
Deus ergo sempiternus, deus aeternus: nec nasci potest nec
potuit: hoc est, hoc fuit, hoc erit semper. Haec ergo est, quae 10
ex se tota est, natura dei.
Ay autem (vel mundi natura) [et spiritus], quamvis nata non
videa{n]tur, a principio tamen in se nascendi procreandique vim
f posside[n]jt atque naturam. Fecunditatis etenim initium in
| qualitate (naturae] (materiae) est, quae et conceptus et partus 15
k in se possidet vim atque [materiam] (naturam). Haec itaque
sine alieno conceptu est sola generabilis, ((quae utique in se vim
* totius naturae habet.))
; 15 At vero ea, quae vim solam concipiendi habent ex alterius
commixtione naturae, ita discernenda sunt, ut {...). Sic locus 20
mundi cum his quae in se sunt videfajtur esse non natus |[qui
|| utique in se vim totius naturae habet]]: locum autem dico in quo
i}
(Asclepius ITT)
16b Mente sola intellegibilis, summus qui dicitur, deus rector
i gubernatorque est sensibilis dei eius, qui in se circumplectitur 30
i 10 dixeritis scrzpsé: dixi 21 solis » : fortasse soli 26-27 qui
quasi... subiectus est Aine ad cap. 17 a transbosut 28 haec addidtt
Thomas
ASCLEPIUS II 315
properties, magnitudes, positions, and operations! could not be
discerned?
Matter* then, though it is likewise‘ ungenerated, yet contains
in itself the births of all things, inasmuch as it presents a womb®
most fertile for the conception of all things that come into being.
This sum of things therefore is of diverse quality,’ in accor-
dance with the varying action of the generative power of matter,”
which, though uncreated, is creative. For as the generative
power of matter is productive of good, so it is equally productive
of evil’ also.
You must not then, my pupils, speak as many do, who say that 16a
God ought by all means® to have freed the world’ from evil. To
those who speak thus, not a word ought to be said in answer;
but for your sake I will pursue my argument, and therewith
explain this. It was beyond God’s power to put a stop to evil,
and expel it from the universe ; for evil is present in the world"
in such sort that it is manifestly an inseparable part thereof.
But the supreme God provided and guarded against evil as far as
he reasonably** could, by deigning to endow the minds of men
with intellect, knowledge, and intuition.“ It is in virtue of these
gifts that we stand higher than the beasts; and by these, and
these alone,” are we enabled to shun the traps and deceptions
and corruptions of evil. Ifa man shuns them when he sees them
from afar, before he is entangled in them, it is by God’s wisdom
and forethought** that he is protected from them; for man’s
knowledge is based on the supreme goodness of God.
[On this topic then, let this explanation suffice. |
Asclepius ITT
Trism. He whom we name God supreme,” a God apprehen- 16 b
sible by thought alone,” is the ruler and director’ of that god
1 Effectus = evépyea. 2 Dinosci = draxpiveoOa?
3 Mundus = tan. * T.e, as space also is.
5 Sinus = kédmov. Le eS good and partly bad.
7 Materiae = tans. 8 Bonttatis = dyabot : malignitatis = xaxod.
® Omnifariam = ndvros, 10 Mundum = rov xécpov.
1 Jn mundo = 7G xéopm. 2 Membrum = péprov,
13 Rationabiliter = ebddyows?
14 Sensus = vots: disciplina = émornpn: tntellegentia = yao?
18 Or perhaps, reading so/z, ‘ by these gifts we alone (as opposed to the beasts)
are enabled’,
6 Divina intellegentia prudentiague = Th Tov Beov ppovice nai mpovoia ?
W Summus = throros.
18 Mente sola intellegibilis = vontés, or vonce povy KaTaAdnmrds,
19 Rector gubernatorque = broinnris Kal evBepvyrns*
eS
316 ASCLEPIUS
[omnem locum] omnem rerum substantiam totamque |[gignentium
creantiumque]]| materiam, et omne quicquid est, quantumcumque
| 17a est, ((gignentium creantiumque)). Spiritu vero, (qui quasi
organum vel machina summi dei voluntati subiectus est,))
My agitantur sive gubernantur omnes in mundo species, unaquaeque or
\
secundum naturam suam a deo distributam sibi. vAy autem (vel
mundus) omnium est (formarum) receptaculum; omniumque
agitatio atque frequentatio(. . .). Quorum deus gubernator,
dispensans omnibus {[quantum]] rebus mundanis ((quantum))
unicuique necessarium esf: spiritu vero inplet omnia, ut cuiusque 10
naturae qualitas est inaltata.
17b [[Est enim cava mundi rotunditas in modum sphaerae, ipsa
sibi qualitatis vel formae suae causa invisibilis tota ;quippe cum
quemcumque in ea summum subter despiciendi causa delegeris
locum, ex eo, in imo quid sit, videre non possis: propter quod bn 5
multis loci{s] instar qualitatemque habere creditur. Per formas
enim solas specierum, quarum imaginibus videtur insculpta, quasi
visibilis creditur, cum depicta monstratur: re autem vera est sibi
ipsi invisibilis semper. Ex quo eius imum, vel pars (ima), si locus
(imus) est in sphaera, Graece "A:dys dicitur, siquidem ideiy Graece 20
videre dicatur, quo(d) visu imum sphaerae careat. Unde et ideae
dicuntur species, quod sint visibiles formae. Ab eo itaque quod
visu priventur, Graece “Avdys, ab eo quod in imo sphaerae sint,
Latine inferi nuncupantur.]]
17¢ Haec ergo sunt principalia et antiquiora et quasi capita (vel a5
initia) omnium, quéa sunt in his aut per haec aut de his ((mundana,
ut ita dixerim,)) omnia.
18a ([Haec ergo ipsa ut dicis quae est o Trismegiste]] [[mundana
ut ita dixerim]] [[specierum omnium quae insunt uniuscuiusque
1} sicuti est tota substantia.]| 30
' 882 ((De inani vero, quod etiam magnum videtur esse quam pluri-
) Quod etiam... quam plurimis = 6 rat péya 1 rots mrelorois Boxed elvat.
2 Membra = popia.
° Qualitate formaque diversis = rh woidrnrt wat TH poppp Sapéepovar.
* Speciem = elbos, or oxfpua, 5 Perfectus = rédeos
° Validitas=ortPapérns, or arepedrys, or orepeunidrns, Tenuitas =pavérys,
or dpadrns, or Aewropépea.
? Quaedam eorum validiora = 1a pev ariBapwtepa abtav,
® Altrectatio = apn. ® Or ‘ that these things are not bodies’.
*0 J assume the original to have been something of this sort: ob52 yap éxefvo
70 éxrds Tod Kéapov Aeyopevor, ef yé rt Earl, Kevdv pot Some? elvat, obrw “ye wARpes
dv vonray, Tobr’ éort TH OetdtyTt avTod Spolar. Gore wat 6 aloOyrds koopos K.7.A.
ll Facies = oxhpara? " Quasdam ... quasdam = 7a pay. ,. 70. BE.
13 The Greek may have been somewhat as follows : jv yap xai cup palveabai
tt kevdy elvat,—rav yap roxovTow Kevdv vac buvatév,—byuws mvedpards ye Kat
Gépos wevdv ob dy BUvato odd2 7d EXdyiTTOV Elva THY hatvopévwr Elva KEVaY.
320 ASCLEPIUS
inane possit esse a rebus huiusmodi, ((spiritu tamen et aere,))
quamvis sit breve [vel magnum] quod inane videtur, [[spiritu
tamen et aere]] vacuum esse non possit.
344 Similiter vero de loco dicendum est; quod vocabulum solum
intellectu caret. Locus enim ex eo cuius est quid sit apparet :5
principali enim dempto, nominis significatio mutilatur. Quare
aquae locus, ignis locus, aut his similium, recte dicemus. Sicuti
| enim inane esse aliquid inpossibile est, sic et locus solus quid sit
| dinosci non potest. Nam si posueris locum sine eo cuius est,
inanis videbitur locus ;quem in mundo esse non credo. Quod to
si inane nihil est, nec per se quid sit locus apparet. [nisi ei aut
longitudinis aut latitudinis aut altitudinis addideris ut corporibus
hominum signa.]]))
18b (...) Mundus itaque nutrit corpora, animas spiritus. Sensus
autem (his accedit), quo dono caelesti sola felix sit humanitas ; 15
neque enim omnes, sed pauci, quorum ita mens est, ut tanti
1 Or ‘the cane of life’. 7/luminans= oe: and pas here implies (on.
2 Te. ‘highest’. 5 Tle. ‘ giver of all manner of forms’.
. Coeiiice vel machina = bpyavov. 5 Dispensator = topias.
ig
° 1.e. ‘last’ or ‘lowest’. 7 T.e, ‘of the underworld’.
Animantium = tupixor, i, e. animals, * Viribus = dwape.
ae© Effectus = bvépyerat,
ee
326 ASCLEPIUS
f 19¢ (Hoc modo coniuncta sunt in)mortalibus mortalia [et his
similia], ((sensibiliaque insensibilibus adnexa sunt; summa vero
gubernationis summo illi domino paret.)) His ergo ita se haben-
’ tibus, ab imo ad summum se admoventibus sic sibi conexa sunt
omnia, pertinentia ad se, [at de mortalibus mortalia] {[sensibilia- 5
que insensibilibus adnexa sunt ; summa vero gubernationis summo
illi domino paret]] [vel] (ut videantur) esse non multa, aut potius
unum. Ex uno etenim cuncta pendentia ex eoque defluentia,
cum distantia videntur, creduntur esse quam plurima, adunata
vero, unum. [vel potius duo, unde fiunt omnia, et a quo fiunt, id est, 10
de materia qua fiunt, et ex eius voluntate cuius nutu efficiuntur.|
g4c ((Hic ergo sensibilis qui dicitur mundus receptaculum est
omnium sensibilium specierum ((vel)) qualitatum [[vel]] cor-
porum; quae omnia sine deo vegetari non possunt. Omnia
enim deus, et ab eo omnia, et eius omnia voluntatis ((et prudenéiae 15
inimitabilés)). Quod totum est bonum (et) decens, {[et prudens
inimitabile]] et ipsi soli sensibile atque intellegibile: et sine hoc
nec fuit aliquid nec est nec erit. Omnia enim ab eo et in ipso et
per ipsum, et variae et multiformes qualitates, et magnae quanti-
tates et omnes mensuras excedentes magnitudinés, et omniformes 20
species. Quae si intellexeris, o Asclepi, gratias acturus es deo.
Sin totum animadvertes, vera ratione perdisces mundum ipsum
sensibilem et quae in eo sunt omnia a superiore illo mundo quasi
17 b [ex] vestimentwm esse contexta.)) ((Est enim (ody)
cava mundi rotunditas in modum spherae 25
20b Hic ergo, solus [ut] omnia] utrizsque sexus fecunditate plenis-
simus, semper Jonitatis praegnans suae, parit semper quicquid
voluerit procreare. Voluntas eius ((eadem)) est bonitas omnis.
Haec [[eadem]] bonitas omnium rerum est ex divinitate eius nata
{natura}, uti sint omnia (fecunda) |[sicuti sunt et fuerunt]], et Cal5
futuris omnibus dehinc ((sicuti sunt et fuerunt)) natura[m] ex se
nascendi sufficiat, Haec ergo ratio, o Asclepi, tibi sit reddita,
a1 quare et quomodo fiant omnia (utriusque sexus)—As¢/. Utriusque
sexus ergo deum dicis, o Trismegiste ?—Z7ism. Non deum solum,
Asclepi, sed omnia animalia et inanimalia. Inpossibile est enim 20
aliquid eorum quae sunt infecundum esse: fecunditate enim
dempta ex omnibus quae sunt, inpossibile erit semper esse quae
sunt. Ego enim et ‘in naturam et sensum et naturam], et
mundum dico in se continere naturam et nata omnia conservare.
Procreatione enim uterque plenus est sexus, et eius utriusque 25
conexio aut, quod est verius, unitas inconprehensibilis est ;quem.
sive Cupidinem sive Venerem sive utrumque recte poteris nuncu-
4 omnia serifsi: omnium w 5 aut de his Thomas: autem his 2: his
autem WG: aut cum his 8: fortasse aut ex his 8 innominem Hildebrand:
innomine BMF: in nomine GP: uno nomine LZ | omninominem /ilde-
brand: omnomine BPF: soninomine Jf: omni nomine G: omnium nomine ut L
|esse Aatc transposuit Thomas 11 solus omni utriusque scripsé : solus
omnia utraque » 12 bonitatis seripsi: voluntatis » 16 natura
Reitzenstein : naturam 18-19 (Trism. :) ‘... quomodo fiant omnia.’—
(Ascl.:) ‘Utriusque sexus ergo. . .” Kroll e¢ Thomas: (Trism.:) ‘. . » quo-
modo fiant omnia utriusque sexus.’—(Ascl.:) ‘Ergo. + .’ edd. priores
20 enim ut BALP (sed ut eras, AZ): enim cett, 23 in (ane naturam) & :
out, cell, | Fartasse Ego cnim et (eum). ..
ASCLEPIUS III 333
entered his mind through his senses, whenever he wills to do so 1
|
and if a name is nothing more than a few syllables, and is
|
restricted in length, so as to render possible the indispensable
intercourse of man with man by speech and hearing ;—if this is
so, the full name of God must include the names of sense, and
breath, and air, and all names that are contained in sense and
breath and air,’ or are uttered by means of them, or are compose
|
d
of them. For I deem it impossible that he who is the maker of
the universe in all its greatness, the Father or Master of all things,
can be named by a single name, though it be made up of ever so
many others ; I hold that he is nameless, or rather, that all names
are names of him.’ For he in his unity is all things ; so that we
must either call all things by his name, or call him by the names
of all things,
He, filled with all the fecundity of both sexes in one,
and ever gob
teeming with his own goodness,' unceasingly brings into being all
that he has willed to generate ; and all that he wills is good.
4 From his divine being has sprung the goodness of all things in
this world below ; and hence it is that all things are productive,
and that their procreative power is adequate to ensure that all
shall hereafter be as it is now, and as it has been in the past.
Take this, Asclepius, as my answer to the question why and how
it comes to pass that all kinds of beings are male and female.s—
Ascl. You say then, Trismegistus, that God is bisexual?—
QI
Trism. Yes, Asclepius; and not God alone, but all kinds
of
beings, whether endowed with soul or soulless,* Nothing that
exists can be barren ; for if all things that now exist are deprive
d
of fertility, it will be impossible for the now existing races
to
endure for ever. I tell you (that God eternally generates
the
Kosmos,) and that the Kosmos possesses generative power, and
thereby maintains all races that have come into being. For
either sex is filled with procreative force ; and in that conjunction
of the two sexes, or, to speak more truly, that fusion of them
into
one,” which may be rightly named Eros, or Aphrodite, or both at
qui in
effector est deorum caelestium, ita homo fictor est deorum
inlumi-
templis sunt humana proximitate contenti; et non solum
proficit,
na{njtur, verum etiam inlumina{n]t, nec solum ad deum
an numquid et
verum etiam conformat deos. Miraris, o Asclepi,
sed tuis to
tu diffidis, ut multi?—Asc/. Confundor, o Trismegiste:
qui sit
verbis libenter adsensus, felicissimum hominem iudico,
to miraculo
tantam felicitatem consecutus.—Z7ism. Nec inmeri
stium)
dignus est, qui est omnium maximus. Deorum genus (caele
parte
omnium confes(s)ione manifestum est de mundissima
capita pro
mater(iyae esse prognatum, signaque eorum sola quasi
omnibus esse. Species vero deorum quas conformat humanitas
ex utraque natura conformatae sunt, ex divina, quae est purior
multoque 'divinior’, et ex ea quae infra homines est, id est ex
sed
materia qua fuerint fabricatae ;et non solum capitibus solis,
membris omnibus totoque corpore figurantur. Ita humanitas,
semper memor naturae et originis suae, in illa divinitatis imitatione
perseverat, ut, sicuti pater ac dominus, ut sui similes essent, deos
fecit aeternos, ita humanitas deos suos ex sui vultus similitudine
Statuas,
24a figuraret—Asc/. Statuas dicis, o Trismegiste >— 77ism.
o Asclepi. Videsne quatenus tu ipse diffidas? Statuas animat as
23
3-7 Et quoniam . . proximitate contenti cifat Augustinus De civ. det 8,
4 inducitur seripsi : indicitur w e¢ Augustinus 7-8 inluminatur Thomas
8 inluminat 7homas 9 conformat Goldbacher : confirmat w (sed o <<
script. B) |deos 5 e¢ M ex corr.: deus BG 14 confessione Rohde:
confusione w 15 materiae scripsi: naturae w 17 conformatae sunt
man. 2 B; conformata est ceé?. | purior 2: prior ceé?. 18 divinior
w ; fortasse superior |infra serzpsé: intra » 20-10 infra: Ita
coy ay . . (cap, 24b) sedula religione servasse ci/at August. De civ.
det 8, 23
ASCLEPIUS III 339
say nothing, lest by turning our thoughts on them we should
profane the high sanctity of our discourse.!
And now that the topic of men’s kinship and association with 23 b
the gods has been introduced,’ let me tell you, Asclepius, how
great is the power and might of man, Even as the Master and
Father, or, to call him by his highest name, even as God is the
maker of the gods of heaven, so man is the fashioner of the gods
who dwell in temples and are content to have men for their
neighbours. Thus man not only receives the light of divine life,
but gives it also ;* he not only makes his way upward to God,‘
but he even fashions gods. Do you wonder at this, Asclepius ?
Or do you too doubt it, as many do?—Asc/, I am amazed,
Trismegistus ; but I gladly give assent to what you say, and
deem man most highly blest, in that he has attained to such
felicity.\— Trism, Yes, you may well hold man to be a marvel ;
he surpasses all other creatures. As to the celestial gods, it is
admitted by all men that they are manifestly generated from
the purest part of matter, and that their astral forms® are heads,
as it were, and heads alone, in place of bodily frames. But the
gods whose shapes” are fashioned by mankind are made of both
substances, that is, of the divine substance, which is purer and
far nobler, and the substance which is lower than man, namely,
the material of which they are wrought ;and they are fashioned®
not in the shape of a head alone, but in the shape of a body
with all its members. Mankind is ever mindful of its own
parentage °and the source whence it has sprung, and steadfastly
persists in following God’s example; and consequently, just as
the Father and Master made the gods of heaven eternal, that
they might resemble him who made them, even so do men also
fashion their gods in the likeness of their own aspect.—Asc/. Do 24a
you mean statues, Trismegistus?—Z7ism. Yes, Asclepius. See
how even you give way to doubt! I mean statues, but statues
living and conscious,” filled with the breath of life," and doing
many” mighty works; statues which have foreknowledge, and
Cap. 26a: ‘Cum haec . . . revocabit.’ Lactantius Div. Just. 7. 18. 384,
(Brandt): ‘Sed et illut non sine daemonum fraude subtractum *, missuiri
a patre tunc filium dei, qui deletis omnibus malis pios liberet. Quod Hermes
tamen non dissimulavit ;in eo enim libro qui Aros rédevos inscribitur, post
enumerationem malorum de quibus diximus subiecit haec :—
éray O) radra yévnrat, & Aokdrnmeé, Tore 6 KUptos Kai
marhp kai beds kai "rod mpdrov Kal évds> Oeod' Snyuoupyéds,
émPréyras Trois yevouévors, kal tiv éavrod Bovdnoww, Toor’
tori 7d dyabdy, dvrepetoas TH aragig, Kal dvaxadeodpevos
Thy wAdvny, Kal Thy kaxlav éxxabdpas, 7} pev Udart TOAAG
kataxdboas, mi) dé mupt dgurdr@ diaxadoas, éviore Se mrodé-
pots Kal Aoipois éxmaicas, yayev emt rd dpxaiov Kal
dmokaréornoev Tov éavTod Kécpov.’
~
ee —
fruits of the earth, and the like. For you must deem the Kosmos 29c
a second god, Asclepius, a god who governs all living things,
both those which have souls and those which are soulless.
For if the Kosmos has been and is and will be a living and
ever-living being,? nothing in the Kosmos is mortal. It is the
everlasting life of each of its several parts* that makes the
Kosmos what it is; and seeing that the Kosmos is ever one,
and is a living and ever-living being, mortality can have no place
in it, It must therefore be filled with life, and with eternal life,
if it needs must live for ever.
It is God then that everlastingly® governs all the sources of
life® in the Kosmos; he is the eternal dispenser’ of life itself.
But when life has once been dispensed to all the (intracosmic)
sources of life, the supply of it is maintained in accordance with
eternal law ; and the manner of its maintenance I will proceed
to explain. The Kosmos moves ® within the very life of eternity, 30
and is contained in that very eternity whence all life issues ;'
and for this reason it is impossible that it should at any time
come to a stand, or be destroyed, since it is walled in and bound
together, so to speak, by eternal life." And the Kosmos is itself
the dispenser of life to all things in it!* here below, and the place
in which are contained all things which are subject to control
beneath the sun. The movement™ of the Kosmos itself consists
of a twofold working ;™“ life is infused into the Kosmos from
without by eternity ; and the Kosmos infuses life into all things
that are within it, distributing all things according to fixed and
determined relations of number and time, by the operation
of the sun and the movements of the stars. The process of time
is wholly determined by God’s law; but the lapse of terrestrial
time is marked by the changing states of the atmosphere, and
the variations of heat and cold; while that of celestial time
quidem sola, ((videatur agitari)) per tempus, in quo ipsa est, et est
in eo omnis agitatio ([videatur agitari]]. Sic efficitur ut et aeter-
nitatis stabilitas moveatur, et temporis mobilitas stabilis fiat fixa
lege currendi. Sic et deum agitari credibile est in se ipsum
eadem inmobilitate. Stabilita{s] etenim ipsius [in] magnitudine ue
vertitur.))
1 Intellegentia sensus humani, gualis aut quanta sit =% ywaas } kata 73 70d
avOpwmetou vod rowdy Kai rogdy 2
* Intellectus naturae et qualitatis sensus mundi = 4 wou } ward. 7d Toby
TOD KoguLKOD YoU?
8 Provideri = ropifeca:?
* Le. ‘can be acquired by observation or investigation of all things per-
ceptible by sense’ (?),
Intellectus qualitatis sensus summi dei = % yviots 4} xara 7d Toy Tod vod
Tod iwiorov Geot t
® Veritas = adjea. 1 Geniturae = yevéous,
8 Intellectus = didvora?
® Or ‘intellect’, Sersus = voids.
10 Mentis intentione =H tijs vonotews émrdce?
N dd qualitatem sensus mundi intellegendam et dinoscendum pervenit =
POdver mexpeTHs yumoews THs Kata 7d rowdy Tod KogpuKOD vod?
32 Deos gui supra se sunt = rovs inp abrov Oeous.
18 Quae in caelo sunt = Td énovparra?
M Luminasti = épwrisas,
358 ASCLEPIUS
lumine. [Et vos, o Tat et Asclepi et Hammon, intra secreta
pectoris divina mysteria silentio tegite et taciturnitate celate.]))
33a-34a [[De inani vero . . . corporibus hominum signa.|| Vide post
cap. 18 a (pp. 316-320).
34b - |[His ergo sic se habentibus ... in ipso enim nihil tale5
consistit.]) Vide post cap. t9 a (p. 322).
34c_ [Hic ergo sensibilis qui dicitur mundus . . . quasi ex vesti-
mento esse contecta.|| Vide post cap. 19 c (p. 326).
35,36 ([Unumquodque enim genus animalium . . . imaginum simili-
tudines aemulo splendore reddentium.') Vide post cap. 17b 10
(pp. 328-330).
37 Sed iam de talibus sint satis dicta talia. Iterum ad hominem
rationemque redeamus, ex quo divino dono homo animal dictus
est rationale. Minus enim miranda, etsi miranda sunt, quae de
homine dicta sunt (cetera); omnium enim mirabilium vincit 15
admirationem, quod homo divinam potuit invenire naturam,
eamque efficere. Quoniam ergo proavi nostri multum errabant
circa deorum naturam, increduli et non animadvertentes ad
cultum religionemque divinam, invenerunt artem qua efficerent
deos ((de mundi natura conyeniente|m))); cui inventae adiunxe- 20
runt virtutem ([de mundi natura convenientem!|! ((per quaz idola et
bene faciendi et male vires habere potuissent)), eamque miscwerunt :
quoniam (enim) animas facere non poterant, evocantes animas
daemonum vel angelorum, eas indiderunt imaginibus sanctis
divinisque mysteriis [‘per quas idola et bene faciendi et male 2;
vires habere potuissent!|. Avus enim tuus, Asclepi, medicinae
primus inventor, cui templum consecratum est in monte Libyae
circa litus crocodillorum, in quo eius iacet mundanus homo, id
est corpus,—reliquus enim, vel potius totus, si est homo totus in
sensu vitae, [melior] remeavit in caelum,—omnia etiamnunc 30
hominibus adiumenta praesta¢ infirmis numine nunc suo, quae
ante solebat medicinae arte praebere. Hermes, cuius avitum
mihi nomen est, nonne in sibi cognomine patria consistens omnes
25-6 infra ‘de inmortali ... . sensus interitus’ = Stob. 4. 52.47, Vol. V,
p. 1087 Hense:
‘Epyod x ray mpds “AgKAnmédr.
mept d& rod (OvnTod Kal Tob a)bavdrou viv Aexréov" Tods
yap Toddods 6 Odvaros poBet as Kakdv péylorov, dyvoig
rob mpéyparos. Odvaros yap ylyverat Staddoei ® KkapovTos
cdparos, Kal tod dpiOpod mAnpwdértos "cév appdv Tob
cdpatos: apOpss ydp eorw 1 appoyh Tod céparos'.»
Gmobvicce: 8 73 cpa bray pyxére SvvnTare pépew "roy
dvOperov'.4 Kal rodro ~ott Odvaros, diddvors odpartos
kai dpavtopos aicOjocws copariKns.
ASCLEPIUS III 365
Of these three, the first is Destiny, which sows the seed, as it
were, and thereby gives rise to all that is to issue from the seed
But enough of this. I must now speak of the mortal and 27e
immortal parts of man. The many are afraid of death, thinking
1 Nutus = vedya,
2 Lex = vopos: ratio = dMdbyos. 8 Gratia = xdpis.
4 Eventus vel fors = rixn? or Td cvpBeBnnds Kat 4 tdxn?
® Mundana = ira?
firstly, all those parts of him which are of earthy substance, and
secondly, those parts of him also which live their life after the
manner of the body,‘ and likewise cease from life after the manner
of the body. All these parts are liable to punishment in this life,
so far as the man has deserved punishment by his offences.
But man’s immortal part is subject to punishment after death;
and that punishment is all the more severe, if his offences chance
to have escaped detection ®during his life on earth.—Asc/, But 29a
why, Trismegistus, do such men deserve severer punishment ?—
Trism. Because those who are condemned by human laws are
forcibly* deprived of life, and so it is held that they have not
yielded up their life* as a debt due to nature, but have paid
by its loss the penalty which they deserved. But to the righteous
man, on the other hand,.. .
* * * * *
I say that there are daemons who dwell with us here on earth, 33b
and others who dwell above us in the lower air, and others
1 Perhaps, @vnra éoriv, & ‘Ackhymé, mpOrov piv boa yhwa, efra 52 Kai ra
KaTa Tov Tod gwparos Adyov (or Tpérov) Cavra,
2 Quanto forsitan ne celata = tay tbyxn Keppra.
8 Violenter = Braiws. * Animam = Conv, or mebya?
4-5 ‘in dei religione . . . tutatur malis.’ Lactantius Div. inst. 2. 15. 6:
‘ adfirmat Hermes eos qui cognoverint deum non tantum ab incursibus daemo-
num tutos esse, yerum etiam ne fato quidem teneri.
pla inquit dvdaki) eioéBea. evocBods yap advOpmmov
otre daluwv Kaxds ore efuappévn xparel Oeds yap pierax
rov eboeBR ex mavtds Kaxod, Td yap ev Kal pévoy év
avOparois éoriv dyabdv
> 4 > s >
eboéBeca.
3 4 ’
Cyrillus ¢. Zzdian. iv. 130 E, Migne vol. 76, col. 7orA: ‘ypde Se dd Kal
abrds (sc. 6 tpopéyoros “Epyijs) év 7" mpds *"AckAnmdy, wept Tav dvociay
Sarpdvar, ods Sef puddrreabai re Kal pev-yerv mporpowddyy”
pla d& gvdraxh éort, kat abrn dvayKala, 4 evoéBeca*
evocBods yap dvOpdmov kal dyvod kal cepvod ob'r' dv daipwr
ris kaxds ore eluappevn Kpatioat wore 7 apgeev. 6 Oeds
yap pterat tov Todrov, dvTa dvTws eboeBi, eK mavros
KaKod.
ASCLEPIUS III 371
again,' whose abode is in the purest part of the air, where no
mist or cloud can be, and where no disturbance is caused by the
motion of any of the heavenly bodies.
* * * * *
(Lydus De mens. 4. 148:)* And the souls which have trans-
gressed the rule of piety, when they depart from the body, are
handed over to these daemons,’ and are swept and hurled to and
fro in those strata of the air which teem with fire and hail.
* * * * *
The one safeguard is piety.’ Over the pious man neither evil 29 b
daemon nor destiny has dominion ; for God saves the pious from
every ill. Piety is the one and only good among men. The
Father and Master of all, he who alone is all things, willingly
reveals himself to all men. He does not indeed enable them
to perceive him as situated in a certain place, or as having certain
(sensible) qualities,’ or a certain magnitude; but he illuminates*®
man with that knowledge alone which is the property of mind i
whereby the darkness of error is dispelled from the soul,* and
truth* is seen in all its brightness, and so man’s consciousness ”
is wholly absorbed in the knowledge of God ;" and being freed,
by his ardent love of God," from that part of his being which
makes him mortal,’* he is assured of his immortality in time
to come. In this consists the difference between the good man
and the bad. For in so far as a man is illumined™ by piety
and devotion, by knowledge ™ of God, and worship and adoration
of him, . . ."° he surpasses other men as much as the sun
outshines the other lights of heaven,
* * * * *
} Dico nunc daemouas &e.: perhaps, A<yw 8% dalpovas ods piv ped Hydyv
olnety Ent yijs, (ods be) imep hui (ev TO mepvycig dépr), ods BE «7A,
? Absent in the Latin text of the Asc/epins, but quoted from the Greek
cnigion! by Lydus,
Viz. the daemons who dwell in the lower air.
* Det religio et pietas = eboéBera. 5 Qualitas = motdy.
® Inluminans = pwrifav. 1 Intellegentia = yaois: mens = voos?
8 Animus = ~uoxn? ® Veritas = adjOea.
10 Or, ‘man’s thought’. Sensus = aia@nois? or vods?
MN [ntellegentia divina = Oela yvaors, or } Tod Geo wars.
* Or, ‘by his ardent desire for that knowledge (gnos7s)’. Amor = épws.
*® Or, ‘from the mortal part of the universe’.
M4 Clarescit = pwrifera? Prudentia = ywaas?
‘6 Perhaps, ‘and, in the assurance of his faith, beholds reality as though
with bodily eyes’.
Bba
372 ASCLEPIUS
(Epilogus-)
40d rism. ‘Dictum est vobis de singulis, ut humanitas potuit, ut
voluit permisitque divinitas. Restat hoc solum nobis, ut bene-
dicentes deum orantesque ad curam corporis redeamus: satis
enim nos de divinis rebus tractantes velut animi pabulis satura-
vimus.’
41a De adyto vero egressi cum deum orare coepissent, in austrum
respicientes,—sole etenim occidente cum quis deum rogare
voluerit, illuc debet intendere, sicuti et sole oriente in eum qui
subsolanus dicitur,—iam ergo dicentibus precationem Asclepius
ait voce submissa: ‘O Tat, vis suggeramus patri /ua, e rit) ut
ture addito et pigmentis precem dicamus deo?’ Quem Trisme-
gistus audiens atque commotus ait: ‘Melius, melius ominare,
Asclepi: hoc enim sacrilegiz simile est, cum deum roges, tus
ceteraque incendere, Nihil enim deest ei, qui ipse est omnia, aut
in eo sunt omnia. Sed nos agentes gratias adoremus; hae{c]
sunt enim summié incensiones dei, gratiae cum aguntur a mor-
talibus.
10 o Tat, vis Zhomas: o tatuis man. pr. Bs o tati man. post. B et cett,
| patri tuo, e ritu ut scréfs¢: patri iusserit ut»: patri tus e ritn, ut Reitsenstein
13 sacrilegii wus 7, Kroll: sacrilegis cod, cett. 15 hae e/. Rom. : haec w
16 summi scvifs7 : summae w
L pitogue.
Yrism. ‘T have explained each of these matters to you,' as far god
as my human powers availed, and as far as God willed and
allowed. This only remains for us to do, that we should praise
God and pray to him, and then turn our attention to the needs
of the body; for our minds have been fed full with discourse 4la
father that we should add to our prayer, as men are wont to do,
an offering of incense and perfumes??? Trismegistus heard ;
and much disturbed, he said, ‘Hush, hush,‘ Asclepius ; it is the
Cap. 41b (‘Gratias tibi' etc.) :—Papyrus magicus Mimaut (Louvre 2391)
vv, 284-302; transcripsit Reitzenstein, Archiv f. Religionswissenschaft vii
(7904s . 3938q- Prius ediderant Wessely, Denhschr. der k, Akad. der
tssensch., Philol.-hist. Classe xxxyi, Wien, 1888, Abt. 2, p. 145 5q.:
Reitzenstein, oimandres, 1904, pp. 151-157. Denuo edidit Reitzenstein, Die
hellenist. Mysterienrel., 1910, p. 113 sq. Nuper recognovit S, Eitrem, Les
Papyrus magiques grecs de Paris (Videnshapsselshapets Skrifter Il. Hist.-filos.
Klasse, 1923, No. 1), Kristiania, p. 34 sq-
1 ydpw Wessely |? tore add. Retts. [> puxg macy Kai Kapdia
mpds oe avarerapévy Sceipst : Yuxy wage Kat Kapdiav mpos . . avarerapevny Pap. :
on, Reitz. 1910 fi(75 vee of pdvov - - - cinyaper.) addidi: (of yap
x4pirt robro Td pis THs ywuwoews EAaBopev) add. Reits, [5 +9 Retz.
| © rH 70d marpds, Bre mpds scripsi: TH ToD warpds (npookAhcet), bre pds
Reits.: tm To ..ovog.w..s Pap, teste Reitz. tn tov... ov og. mp.
Pap., teste Hitrem. (Nescio an magus perperam scripserit Oeod pro marpés, et
bow (?) pro bri) 7 wat mept wavra scripst: kat mpos wavras Pap.: nat pds
adaas Reitz. |8 ebvorav Wessely | * wad ef tis -yAuxvrépa, evepyeia evedelgw
scripst: Kas emvyAuwuTa,.y evepy ... evditw Pap, teste Kitrem : wat énvyrunv-
Tarny evepyeay evedei~w Keits. | 2° jpiv Retts.: iptv Pap. | # Aé-yor
Reitz. | 2 per Rests. |18 §€, iva Reits. | 14 8é add. Retts.
| 18 émeyvdvres Kal TH pori cov cwevres xalpmper. yalpouey bru scripsi: éme
WOTWPEV XA... 4. v ort Pap., tesle Kitrem: émyvivres xaipwpev, (cwbévres ind
god) xaipopev rt Reitz. | 18 eSegas (GAov) Reits,
376 ASCLEPIUS
gaudemus quod nos in corporibus sitos aeternitate (tua)
fueris consecrare dignatus. ; + : ;
Haec est enim humana sola gratulatio, cognitio maiestatis
€.
Cognovimus te, [et] (o) lumen maximum solo intellectu sensi- ou
ili(um) ;
cognovimus te, o vitae (humanae) vera vita.
((Cognovimus te)), o (matrix) [naturarum] (rerum) omnium
fecunda, (. . .) praegnatio;
cognovimus te, (0) totius naturae |tuo] conceptu plenissim(a)e -°
EPILOGUE 377
we are glad because, while we are yet in the body, thou
hast deigned to make us gods by the gift of thine own
eternal life.
Man can thank thee only by learning to know thy greatne
ss.
We have learnt to know thee, O thou most brightly shining
light of the world of mind ;1
we have learnt to know thee, O thou true life of the life
of man.?
We have learnt to know thee, O thou all-prolific Womb,
made pregnant by the Father’s begetting *;
we have learnt to know thee, O thou eternal constancy of
that
which stands unmoved, yet makes the universe‘ revolve.
With such words of praise do we adore thee, who alone
art
good ; and let us crave from thy goodness no boon save
this: be it thy will that we be kept still knowing and
loving thee, and that we may never fall away from this
blest way of life.
‘Having prayed thus,® let us betake ourselves to a
meal un-
polluted by flesh of living things,’
1 Solo intellectu sensibilium = rav vonTayv,
® ‘This and the preceding clause are interchanged in the
Greek as given in the
Papyrus.
8 Praeguatio (or imipraegnatio) = pureia, 4 Totins naturae = rob wavs ?
5 Le. the bliss which is enjoyed by those who know and
love God, and which ae
E
Hermes and his pupils are now enjoying,
~§ Probably an aorist participle in the Greek, ” Aninalia = éupuya,
a ee
| 1" bre & wAdopaow Litrem (0..... Aaopoow Pap., teste Hilrem): or
év odpaow Neitz, | 8 dwodedoa Hglwoas scripsé: dreOéwoas Retts, :
an .Gew.as Pap., teste Reits.: awobew . as Lap., teste Eitrem
G€q Reitz: ceavtod duvdplee vel Gedjote) Eitrem. An ceavrod |! ceavrou
vel alawi(y (wp? aim dryre)
| %° mpds é, cod 7d pé-yeBos yopioa Reits.: mpos ce
Herd ywopoa Pap., teste Reits.: mpos ce H.-7T9.vepom
|4 eyvapioapéy ce, & pas pdvy rh vohae aig@nrév (= Pap., teste Eitrem
solo intellectu sensibile)
Reits,: . yopiape’.....anaans ywoocws Pap., teste Eitren,
Num scribendum
éyopioapée(y ae, & NaC wads (Héylorn r)hs ywhoews
(wel tov vonTayv) ?
eyropioapev oe, & Reits.: eyvapiopevov Lap. |*
Scripst : pitpa kvopépe (ndvrav) Reits.. : HyTpa....., ope phrpa mavropdpe
|** éy marpos gurela scripsit Reits., sed ad sequentia Pap., teste Eitrem
transposuit: ep 1. Tpus
pura Pap,, teste Reitz. : € pntpos puria Pap., teste Ettrem
a | ° & rod 7d
4 Post dredet add. cnvisibile a visibilié (i.e. nal 1d déparov ro éparé) Lact.
| karadaBéoGa codd, Stob.: «aradrapBdvecda Cyril.: conprehendi (ie. wara-
AapBavecGat?) Lact. : fortasse naradaBeiv | ob duvardv codd. Stob. et Cyril.:
non potest (i.e. ov Sivarat) Lact.: fortasse obi edyepés 5 ovyyevéotar codd
Stob., Cyr (Aub.): sempiternum conferre (i,e. cwvevéynacOat %) creme momen-
taneo Cyril. (Oeccol.) 70 pév Stob, B, Cyril.: 6 piv Stob, SMA
6 ddnbés Cyril. : dAndera Stob. A: dAnGela Stob. codd, cett. 7 oxdlera
codd. Stob., Cyril. (Aub.): adumbratur Cyril. (Oecol.): fortasse oK.aypapetrat
| bow obv 7d Cyril. (Aub.): quantum igitur (i.e. bcov oby 70) Cyril. (Oecol.) :
70 8 codd. Stob. 9 rogotrov Cyril. (Aub.): ¢asdtum etiam (i.e. rooodrov
xat) Cyril. (Oecol.): rogotrov Saev codd. Stob. | 70 @vnrév rod Gelov codd.
Stob.: 7d @vyyrdv rob Pelov wat ddavdrou Cyril, (Aub.): @ adivino et immortali
moriale (i.e, ToU Geiou nat dBavdrou 7d bynrdv) Cyril. (Oecol.) | Post Gelov xat
a@avarov addit Cyrillus «i ris ody dodparos bpOaduds. . . pajre €avTd dydporoy
(vide Zestim.); quod videtur aliunde sumptum esse 10 péon codd.:
peony) Usener: fortasse dd pécou 13 p7) B: phre SA: pnd? Meineke,
Wachsm. |ovyweipevov Meineke, Fortasse pi) é¢ Gdns bo eards wnde ex
atotxeiwy ouryKelpevov |Ante éwd add. wat A 14-15 &vootpa. ..
6 Oeds om. B. Fortasse (rod70) évvootipe(vos), @ Tar, evvoodua d egerneiv
adivarov' r(o1)odro(s 5é) ory 6 Beds 15 ddvvaroy A: ob dwvardy S
382 STOBAFI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM IIA
EXCERPT JIA
nostra corpora ex his quattuor elementis constituta esse dixit a deo: habere
namque in se aliquid ignis, aliquid aeris, aliquid aquae, aliquid terrae, et neque
ignem esse neque aerem neque aquam neque terram.' 12 «al dépos S: xe
wat dépos LABr 15 dvvawro SA. Fortasse duvatueba 17 & Tar om,
LABr | GAn0@ scripsi: dn8ea codd, 17-18 rd 5% dAnOR A: ris 8
GAnOelas cett. 19 kai éfu codd. : fortasse xard Sdgay 20 Fortasse
brav pev yap 23 4 év 7H ypapj scripsi : rhs ypagphscodd. 26-6 infra:
kat dpOadrpors , .. ore vongoper or’ cigdpeba (§ 5 fiz.) om. Br 27 Kal dra
add. Flussas
384 STOBAEI HERMETICA
vow xai Adyw Turnebus 8 clot LSMA: 8 clot Br | Gan6% vo wal Aéyw
|
om. LBr | vd xal Ady@ Turn. 10 rida SM: 76 5éLABr = | éorw
; 11 «at ovx doxdnas hinc ad § 8
ovy om, Br | & addidit Wachsm.
transposui 14 rhv Bconruciy Swphocrar L: Bophonta Ti Beommiyy A
15-18'§ 7 (otrws ... Ti 5a’) {hinc transposui: vide post § § 19 xat ob
doxénas hucia § 6, transposui 20 7d pev L: 70 pr cett. |elvan
Buecheler: efSévar codd. 22 Fortasse } ydp GAqGeia TeAcwrary aperi’
EXCERPT IIA. HERMES TO TAT 385
at it; they think that what they see is real, but it is really an
illusion.
Those then who. . .see illusion ; but those who. . . see reality.’ 5
If then we think or see each of these things as it is, we think
and see truly ;? if we think and see them otherwise than they are,
we shall neither think nor see truly. And so, when I think and 7
say that nothing on earth is real, I am thinking and speaking
truly.— Zaz. Well then, when a man thinks and speaks truly,
is it not right to call that ‘truth’ (or ‘reality’)?—Hermes. What 6
do you infer from that ?— Zaz. If that is so, father, it follows that
there is some reality even on earth.— Hermes. You are mistaken,
my son. There is no reality on earth ; it cannot come into being
here below; but none the less it is possible for some men
to think truly about reality ; and I was not speaking unadvisedly, 8
when I said that it is true that there is nothing real here below.
How is it possible, my son, that anything real should come 9
into being on earth? For reality is the absolute and unmixed
Good ;° it is that which is not fouled by matter, nor muffled
in body ; it is bare of coverings, and shines with light undimmed ;
it is immutable and unalterable. But the things on earth, my
son,—what ‘hey are, you can see. They are not capable of
receiving the Good; they are subject to destruction and to per-
turbation ; they are dissoluble and mutable, ever altering, and
changing from one thing into another, And seeing that they 10
are not even true to themselves,‘ how could they possibly be
real? Everything that changes is illusory, because it does not }
stay in the state in which it is, but presents appearances that vary. |
1 Perhaps, ‘ Those then who see mere appearances see an illusion; but those
who see things as they are see reality’.
2 The word dA764s may mean either ‘real’ or ‘true’. I translate this word I
and its derivatives ‘ true’, ‘truly’, ‘truth’ in some phrases of this paragraph,
but ‘real’, ‘really’, ‘reality’ in the rest of the document. It is the double
meaning of the word that gives occasion for Tat’s argument.
3 Perhaps, ‘reality is the most perfect excellence; and the real is the
absolute and unmixed Good’.
4 Or ‘not real even in relation to themselves’, A thing is ‘ untrue to itself’,
or ‘unreal in relation to itself’, when it does not continue to be what it is at a
given moment.
(wat 7d dAndés) eorw x.7.A. | dxparov codd.: dxpérarov Turnebus
23-24 ind cwparos wepraryadAdperov L 25 dyadv secludi vult Meineke
25-26 épas ddexra LMBr : épacda Sexra SA Turnebus 26 rodde S: rodrov
cett. 27 pdt Meineke: pre codd. 28 was dy buvarro Meineke
29 pérov Turnebus: pévoy codd. 30 éméeevdpevov scripsi: émdetervrar
ji codd,
2806 Cc
386 STOBAEI HERMETICA
(ante Wevderar) codd, : fortasse 5) 14-15 rovrov 52... rijs dAnOelas om.
M 16 582 A: ov8e cett. 16-17 dAnéys (bis) codd.: dAnOés (bis) Hense
18 76 é Turnebus : wal éé LSMABr | pévov LBr: pévov SMA 18-19 For-
tasse pevov olév éote «ad? aird 19 6d¢ 6 dvpwnos S 20 Fortasse of
péver Colds éart) Kab’ abtdy | wad EnBarrAcTa L 23 yeyernuévov L
26 ywopévey scripsi: -ywdpevoy codd. | ob 4) scripsi: ob 5& codd,
27 elvar pivor 76 dei dv scripsi: efvar Td povoy didiov LMBr: efvat 70 pévov xat
Sixaov SA: civar, 7d pévov nai Sicacoy Turnebus 29-4 infra: § 17 (pay-
Tagias otv .. . yépov “yépwv) huc transposui 29 Kadeiy de LSM: Sei wadciv
ABr | rajra LSMBr: ra roatra A 32-1 infra; pavraciav (post
veavicxou et post dvdpds) om LBr
Cc2
388 STOBAEI HERMETICA
1 88 (ante yépovra) om. SMA —_3-4 _veaviaxos, obre 5 yépwy “yépar, oiite 6
dvip dvnp S Turnebus 6-26 obd? radra... det dvra (§§ 13-15) et 70 Be
peddos . .. evépynua eivat (§§ 16-18) inverso ordine habent LBr 8 yerrvn-
tov wat LSM: yevnrdv eat ABr | Fortasse Mav pev oby 70 yeryyrov Kai
(peraBryrtdy, wav 38 70) peraBAntov ob« dAndés ll ég' aire L: eg’ abrd
MABr: 颒 airé corr. ex 颒 abra S 12 HAnv codd,: fortasse obaiav vel
Swap GAnOas L: dAn6A cett, 16 dAndeay ciecit Buecheler
17-19 dv wat. . . Snmovpydy yrapito om. LMABr 18 ddjOear, Kat
pera Turnebus 19 yropifw scripsi : yvwpi{w S Turnebus 20 etror
mis dAnOes thy scripsi: lwo tis Thy vult Hense: elvac rv LSMABr Turn.:
elveu A€yets THY Flussas
ein
EXCERPT IIA. HERMES TO TAT 389
appearance of a youth’, and an adult man ‘the appearance of an
adult man’, and an old man ‘the appearance of an old man’;
for the child does not remain a child, nor the youth a youth,
nor the adult man an adult man, nor the old man an old man.
And appearance must be illusion.—
Yat. And what of these everlasting bodies;' father? Are they 13
too unreal? For they too suffer change.—Hermes. Everything
that is subject to change is unreal ; and the everlasting bodies also
have in them something that is illusory, inasmuch as they suffer
change; for nothing is real, which does not continue to be as
it is. But seeing that they have been made indestructible by the
Forefather, it may well be that the existence which they have
received from him is real._—
Tat? What then can we call real, father!—Hermes. The Sun alone; 14
because the Sun, unlike all other things, does not suffer change, but continues
to be as he is, Wherefore the Sun alone has been entrusted with the task of
making all things in the universe ; he rules over all things, and makes all things.
Him do I worship, and I adore his reality, acknowledging him, next after the
one supreme God, as the Maker.—
Tat, What then, father, can be called real in the supreme 15
degree ?>—Hermes. He alone, my son, and none but He, who
is not made of matter, nor embodied; who is colourless and
formless ; who is changeless and unalterable; who ever is.—
1 The ‘everlasting bodies’ are the heavenly bodies and the cosmic elements.
In § 2, the term is used to denote the elements.
? § 14 is inconsistent with the context; it must have been inserted by a sun-
worshipper.
390° STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM ITB
EXCERPT IIB
EXCERPTUM fil
Stobaeus 1. 41. 6b, vol. i, pp. 285-289 Wachsmuth (Z¢/. I.
728-740 Heeren).
‘Eppod éx trav mpos Tar.)
1 [[évépyerae ydp, & Tér, dodpator aitai boa, ev od-
paoty clot, kal did Tov copdrov évepyobot. Sdidrep, & Tar, 20
xabbrt dodparol «ict, Kal dbavdrovs avras gis elvac
kadéri dt xepls copdrorv évepyeiv od dtvavrat, nui airas
4 4 2 _ > cA 4 3
dvéyxn brorentaxéra.| 25
1 Acia codd.: fortasse Ocia 3 éaurijs P! | ordow scripsi: &doracw
codd, 4 7d wide vixnOfva scripsi: mAcovexrnO7jvar codd. 5 ordos
Heeren ex cod. Vat.: ovaracis FP tivw onevdorros scripsi: puydvros FP
5-7 trav dt. . . puvyciv BovAopévov om, 10 70 8 ri P 11-12 颒
éavrav jpenaia scripsi (év rabrG jpeua Usener): éavrdy épyya P?: éaur& Eppa
FP! 13 ripmpovpevoy P* ;tipwpoupévn FP? 15 dydv Usener ; d-yaryés
FP 16 dv évaydémov Biov codd.: fortasse Tov dyGva rovroy 17 Post
otros dvedOeiv addunt codd. viv 5é, & réxvov, eepadalos Ta dvra ireferetoopat
«7.2, (vide Zxc. XT)
19-23 § 1 (évépyea ... &v owparr) hine transposui: vide post § 11
24-25 Fortasse ta yap [ ] yivdpeva mpovolg Kal dvayen iwonénrxen’ Cabra 62
bd ray Ociwy cwpdtav évepyoiat.) 24 yvdueva Usener
EXCERPT IIB. HERMES TO TAT — 393
to the Good. It is a holy and divine road; but it is hard for
the soul to travel on that road while it is in the body. For the 6
soul must begin by warring against itself, and stirring up within
itself a mighty feud; and the one part of the soul must win
victory over the others, which are more in number. It is a feud
of one against two,' the one part struggling to mount upward,
and the two dragging it down; and there is much strife and
fighting between them. And it makes no small difference 7
whether the one side or the other wins; for the one part strives
towards the Good, the others make their home among evils;
the one yearns for freedom, the others are content with slavery.
And if the two parts are vanquished, they stay quiet in them-
selves, and submissive to the ruling part; but if the one part
is defeated, it is carried off as a captive by the two, and the life
it lives on earth is a life of penal torment. Such is the contest g
about the journey to the world above. You must begin, my son,
by winning victory in this contest, and then, having won, mount
upward. Y
. The ‘one’is mind or reason; the ‘two’ are Ouyds and émOuyia,
i.e. ‘repugnance’ (or self-assertion against opponents) and ‘desire’, which
are the two forms of passion.
e
ee
ee
ae
Se
Le
B
i
394 STOBAEI HERMETICA
1d yap
3 [dddvarov dpyd more peivar Tijs iStas évepyelas.
éoTt.|
dy del fora: Todro yap abrod Kal capa Kal (or
civat. 1d
4 [[rodr@ 7G Aby@ Emerat 7d kal del Ta odpara
eay elvat.
kal avthy thy copdrociy pnt didtay évépy
rérrous 5
cls yap cdpara éniyea Siadutd, cdpara. 8t def elvai,
dOdvaror,
kal dpyava trav évepyeav Taira, al 8 évépyerat
s,
| 7d 8& abdvarov del kori, evépyeia Kal f c@paroroinot
ef ye del Eort.]]
ryvopevat
5 [[wapérovrae 5& 7H Wuxsi ovk abpws mapay
adda Tors pv atrav dpa 7o yevéo bat tov dvOparov 10
, ai d
évepyodow, suod th Wuxi mepl ra Gdoya ovoat
peraB orry Tis jovxl as TO
kabapérepar evépyeat Kara
Aoyik@ péper THs puxis ouvepyovcat. ||
6 [[adra d& af evépyera Trav copdrov eoly hprnpévat.
kal dwd piv tov Oclov cwpdr ov Epxov Tat eis Ta OvnTa 15
abrat ai cwparoroodcat, éxdor n d€ avray évepye t i) mepi
Td cGpa 4 Thy Wuyi. kal abr pévtot TH Wuxi Tvy-
ov« del
ylyvovrat xwpis cdparas: del 8& evépyeal iow,
Stvar ar yap xwpis Tob
& h Wy) & cdpare Ov tore
xopls Tév copdr av ov 20
cdparos clvar ai dt evépyeat
Sivavrat €ivat.)]
EXCERPT Ill —
a The writer ought rather to have said ‘in bodies that have had souls in
them’.
2 Te. the heavenly bodies.
Wuxijs suvepyoicat.))
12 av d€ evepyedv ai pév lor rdv Delo copdror (évepynrexat),
al 8 rav pOaprav’ xa (rav eis ra POapra evepyourav) ai pev
xaOoXxal, (ai be yevixal,) ai d¢€ (c)idcxai. [rat ai ev rev yevor, ai de
[rév pepdr] évds éxdorov.| cia pév odv clow ai cis ra (aida 15
copara evepyovoat’ abrar dé Kai réAetai elow, as cis TeAcLa oodpara.
(kadodtxat b€ ai eis ra POapra cipmavra’) rental dé ai 3’ évds éxdorov
yévous tov Cov" (e)iStxal bé ai eis Exaordy ((rt)) rév dvrev {[r4]].
13 obros 6 Nbyos, & Téxvov, cuvdye mdvTa peoTa elvat
évepyeav. «i yap [dvdyxn Tas évepyelas ev odpacww elvat] 20
Torre [dt] odpara ev Kbopw, wrelous pnpi dvar ras
évepyelas tov copdrav. ev évl yap moddAdkis odpari éore
pla kat Sevrépa xal rpirn ( . .), Xxepis Tay (TH yevéoet)
éropévev Kaboduxav: Kabodixas yap évepyeias pnp ras
(rav) bvToN copar(ar\iKd s [[did 8 tov alcOjoewr Kal ray 35
kwihoewv ytvouévas]|' xwpis yap tobrav tay évepyeav TO
capa ovorivat ob dvvarév. erepar S€ ciow (€)idtkal
évépyera ‘rais wuyais trav dvOpdmav Sa texvav Kal
emiotnpav Kal émirndevpdror Kal evepynpdrov" (. ..
14...) (did 88 rv aicbjcewr [kal rdv Kivijoewr] (Pavepas) 30
ywopévas’)) mapérovra yap tais évepyelais [k]ai aicbjoes,
padrov 8 droredopata rev évepyedy (al) aicOjoes eiot.
15 vénoor odv, & Tékvov, Stahopay evepyetas (kai aicdjoews.
) pdv yap évépyea) dvabev méumerarr 4 d& aicOnors, ev TO
cépart otoa, kal amd tovrov Thy ovoiay Exovoa, deEapevn 35
' § 12 seems inconsistent with the context, and was probably written by
another person.
EXCERPTUM IVA
EXCERPT IVA
1 Perhaps, ‘ Does sense belong both to the body and to the soul, father?’
? Perhaps, ‘ Why should not sense itself be incorporeal, father, though it is
in a body?’
3 (§ 2. ‘But I say that the soul, being incorporeal, has been made of some
substance which is itself incorporeal, For everything that has been made must
necessarily have been made of something.’ ]
8-9 Fortasse (Ti ydp ob« dodparos abi) av cin, & marep, H aicOyars, €i (ual) ev
cwpart ovaa TUyXavE ; 8 % (ante ev) del, P? | dow@paroy scripsi: év
owpart codd, 10 dropawotpev F 12 otre Wachsmuth: od? FP
15 def Canter: det FP
19 épaper scripsi: &yyev Wachsmuth (codd, ?) 21 Wuxav yiverba
addidi; vide § 3 23 dodwparov ovea «ai P? 26 dco P*: bcov FP
|otv F: civ P = 27 wapaxodovbeiv FP: fortasse wapérecdar 27-28 -ywo-
pévnv ind ris addidi (rfjs add. P? marg.) 28 wWuyijs P?: puxny FPI
Dd2
404 STOBAEI HERMETICA
1 Perhaps, ‘(But the everlasting bodies (i.e. the heavenly bodies) have one
movement only, namely, that which is worked by soul... .)’.
2 © The divine body” probably means the sphere of heaven.
3 Perhaps, ‘ Its motive force acts in two ways’.
EXCERPTUM IVB
|
1 "Opa; ratra dnéSagas, & mdrep éxcivo dé Ere pe
Sidagov. epns ydép mou Thy emoripnv kal thy réxvnv
évepyetac evar rod doyikod. viv St gis Ta droya (Oa
orephoe TOD NoytKod ddoya elvar Kal KexAjjobar didov (8) 5
bri dvdykn Kata TobTov Tov Abyov Ta Goya (Ga pi) peréxewv
émorihuns pnd? réxvns, da 7d eorepjoba ToD AoyiKod.—
2 'Avéykn yap, & réxvov.—lds oby épipev, & marep, Twa TOV
adéyov émioripn Kal Téxvp xpopeva, olov Tovs pUpynKkas
ras tpopas droOncavpi{opévous [rod xetpavos], kal Te dépia - °
(Ga spolws Kadids éavrois ovyTiBevra, Ta && retpdéroda
3 yraplfovra tos padeods rods idiovs ;—Tabra, @ Tékvor,
obk emorhun od(dt) réxvn motel, GAG Gioe. yap
émorhpn Kal 4 Téxvn Sidaxr[ix]d clot radra d& rév adoyov
[oddels] obdty Suddoxerat. (Kal) r& ((uer)) [88] poorer ytyve- ~ uo
EXCERPT IVB
rovow add. codd. évépyer yap, & Tat, dotpara adirat odsat, x.7.d.: vide
Exe, IIT
408 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM V
EXCERPT V
From the Discourses of Hermes to Tat.
And the Maker of the everlasting bodies, my son, having once r
made them, did not thereafter make them, nor does he make
them now ; he gave them over into their own keeping, and having
united them to one another, left them to go their way, as things
that are in need of nothing. If they need anything, they need
one another ; but they have no need of the addition of anything
from without. .. . immortal ;! for the bodies which were made
by Him could not but be of such nature.
But the Maker by whom we men were made,* being himself 2
embodied, made us, and ever is and will be making us, as beings
whose bodies are dissoluble and mortal. For it was not per-
mitted to him to imitate his own Maker, especially as (... .
Moreover, . . . was) impossible ; for the Maker of the everlasting
bodies made them of the first substance, which is incorporeal,
but our Maker made us of the corporeal things that had been
made.
It is with good reason then that the everlasting bodies are3
immortal, inasmuch as they have been made of incorporeal
substance ; but our bodies are dissoluble and mortal, inasmuch
as our fabric is composed of bodies. And for this reason our4
bodies are weak, and need much help. How could the bond
that holds our bodies together have endured even for a little
time, were it not that they receive into them nutriment which
comes from the elements, and that this nutriment renews our
bodies day by day? For we receive an influx of earth and water,
fire and air, which renovates our bodies, and holds our mortal
frame together. :
- so that we are too weak to endure the strain of our5
movements, and cannot bear them for one day. Be assured,
my son, that, were it not that our bodies rest at night, we could
not hold out for a single day. And so the Maker,—being good,
and foreknowing all things,—to the end that the living being
might last on, made sleep, a potent remedy for the weariness
1 Perhaps, ‘ A hoe bodies then are) immortal’.
? This second ‘ Maker’ must be either the Kosmos or the Sun.
OL
IO
ELE
OO
EIA
IO
LO
a
a
On
a
i
ee
410 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM V1
EXCERPT VI
S
412 STOBAEI HERMETICA
capa. évvdncov odv [kal] adtd daomwep xKukdoedés (7d)
oxhpa: Kal yap otras éxet Td mév.—Touodrov (7d) oxnpa
vod obras as déyels, & maérep.— Td St tov KiKdov Tob
céparos rovrou[s] Terdx Oar rods tpidkovra e~ dexavods,
pécovs Tod (rot) mavrés KiKdou (Kal) Tod (@diaxod, diopi- 5
| (ovras dporépous rods KvKAous, Kai domep éxeivoy piv
kougifovras, tov (dt) (odiaxdy Kabop[if{jdvras.
4 (...) “oupdhepopévovs trois mAdvnot Kai ioodvvapeiy tH
Tod mavrds popd Kara Td évahdrdg trois émrd’ Kal 7d pev
meptextixoy éréyew oGpa,—eoxarov yap dv jv [ér] (7B 10
rdxet) Thc popac avrd Kab’ abrd dv [7O méoxev),—em-
omevdew dé Tods etd GAdovs KvKAous, id 7d Bpaddrepay
kivynow (abrods) xweicOat rod (rod) mavrés KiKdou [domep
ovv avdyxn] [avrods kwveicbat kai Tod mavrés|.
13 ((umd dé rodbrovs éoriv 1) Kadoupévn apxtos, kaTa& pécov 15
Tod (diaxod, é& dorépwr ovyKeipévn éemrd, Exovea dvti~vyov
érépav trip kepadis. tadrns [uty] } évépyerd éort Kabdrep
d£ovos, pndapod piv dvvovons pndt avareddrAgovons, pevovons
dt ev 7G a’t@ rome, [ris] mwepi (7d) adrd orpedopévns,
évepyovons d& tiv (rod) (w(0)pépou Kukdov (mepipopar. . . .) 20
mapadiWodca 7d wav TobTo dd perv [THs] vuKTos Hpépg, aad
(8) hpépas vuxri.))
5 vonowper ovv Kal tas tav érrad (...) kal ‘mdvra tov
ktxdov' (...), p@dAdov bt trav ey Kbopwo amdvrav dorepel
pddrakas aitods wepiictacba, [wdvta] cvvéxovras [kai] Ta 25
mdvrTa, kal Tnpodvras Thy Tav TévTov ciTagiav.—Obros yap
vod, warep, €& dv éyers.—
6 “En 8 vénoov, (®) Tér, drt Kal dmabeis clow dv of
&ddot dorépes mdaxovow. ove yap émexduevor tov Spépov
ornpifovow obre kwAvépevor dvarrodifovaty, (. . .") AN ovdE 30
piv "bd tod pwrds Tod jAlov oxérovrat', drep méayXovow
of ddAXa dorépes: EdevOepor Se dvres, bmEepdva TdvT@Y dowep
Tav énrad Cevgnoes) (vel rods ray Enrd xbicAovs) kat (7d) mavra (rois Sexavois
inoreTaxOat) 25-26 avvéxovras rd wévra scripsi (wal cuvéxovras 7a ndvra
Wachsm.): mavra ovvéyovras cal 7a mavra F 30 Fortasse dvarodifovaw,
(amep nacxovow of mAdvnres)
414 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM VII
EXCERPT VII
Hermes.
Hermes. For there is a mighty deity, my son, who is posted 1
in the midst of the universe, and watches over all things done
on earth by men. For as Necessity has been set over the divine
1 «The circle of the sun ’ seems here to mean the sun-disk, i. e, the sun itself,
and not the orbit or sphere of the sun.
* [§ 17. ‘ But asteres (stars) differ from astra (constellations). Asteres are
those which float in heaven; but astra are those which are fixed in the body
of heaven, and are borne along together with heaven ; and twelve of the astra
we have named Signs of the Zodiac ’.]
3 Te. of the incorporeal.
EXCERPTUM VIIT
order,’ even so has Penal Justice been set over men. For 2
Necessity holds in her grasp the order of those above,’ inasmuch
as they are divine, and do not wish to err, and cannot err ;—for
it is impossible that that which is divine should go astray ;—but
Penal Justice has been appointed to punish those who err on earth. 8
For the human race is apt to err, because it is mortal, and is com-
posed of evil matter; [ |* and men are subject to Destiny by
reason of the forces at work in their birth, but are subject to
Penal Justice by reason of their errors in the conduct of life.
EXCERPT Vill
1 J.e, has been appointed to rule over the ordered system of the heavenly
bodies. The stars must move as they do; they ‘cannot err’.
2 T.e. the heavenly bodies.
* [and the men most liable to slip are those who do not possess the power
cf seeing God; and on those men above all does Penal Justice lay her hold’).
4 Excerpt VIII, as given in the manuscripts, is entirely meaningless. I have
tried to make sense of it by freely altering the text. BaP
A
ne
=
S
e
M
a
Se
E
e
2 g
5 Viz, the mind,—that part of the soul in which reason resides.
© T.e, from God, or the divine Mind.
7 Viz. that part of the soul in which the passions reside.
® Perhaps, ‘which is in itself irrational, but is capable of being moved
rationally ’. ® Le. by the mind.
10 Literally, ‘(it is moved) according to some reason’. nd so again in § 6.
So
422 STOBAEI HERMETICA
4 tpitov dé éorw (ev tpiv) cddos dowpdrov, 6 Tepl re
cdpard éort ovpBeBnxds. [réros, xpovos, kivnots, oxApa,
éemipdveia, péyebos, «dos.] Kal rotrwr eioi Stapopa(?) dior
& pev ydp éorw abraov iSios roid, & bt ToD cépatos (. . A
7a pev Dios mod ‘td oxApa, ) Xpba, Td Eidos, 6 Tém0s, -
6 xpovos, ) Kivnos': r& 8 Tod odparos ‘idid eor 7d
eoxXnpariopévoy oxfpa kal Td Kexpwopevoy xpGpa, tore d&
kal 4 pepoppopévn popgi kal 1 emipdvera Kal 7d péyebos,
taird €or TovT@y dpéroya.|
5 1) Bev oby vont ovoia, mpds (ev) TH OB yevouéevn,
caurns e€ovalav éxet, Kal [rod] odgev] (rd) Erepov adr
cdgovea: ‘éreO adri) [4] (kad? abtiv) oboa dd dvdy,
ovk Eori{y], (Kal 4) aipeois adris Kara mpédvoavy) ((ytverat
brohepOcioa dé [dd] Tod Oeod, alpe(i)rat rv copar
pow, |[kal } aipeots adrijs kara mpévo.av)] [rote de (
Tob Kéopou (avdyKn bronimret) ([yiverai]]. ;
6 7d 8 ddoyor "wav" (. . .) Kivetrar mpés tive Nbyor ae
7 (++) Kal 6 pév Adbyos Kkar& mpdvoray, 7d dt ddroyor K
dvdykny, Ta St mepl 7d cGpa cvpBeBnkbra Kal’ eipappévn,
[kai] odrés éorw 5 Adbyos Tv KaT& mpbvotay Kal (kar’)
avdyknv Kal Kad’ elnappévnv.
EXCERPTUM 1X
EXCERPT 1X
EXCERPTUM X
EXCERPT X
' Or, ‘the germ from which spring all things that come into being’.
? Te. past time, present time, and future time.
® Perhaps, ‘For they are not independent, but are united with one another;
and again (in another sense) they are not united, but are independent’.
* Here must have followed a passage, now lost, in which reasons were given
for saying that the three times are not ‘united’,
EXCERPTUM XI
EXCERPT XI
1 Perhaps, ‘ That the past time is not in existence, is shown by the fact that
it has departed and is no longer here ; and that the future is not in existence, is
shown by the fact that it has not yet arrived’.
2 Perhaps, ‘is not exactly in existence’, i.e. cannot, strictly speaking, be said
to be in existence.
3 Literally, ‘ how isit said to be “ standing in”, when it cannot stand even for
a moment?’
Perhaps, ‘ Every living being has come into being; but not every living
being is mortal’.
5 Perhaps, ‘The Kosmos has been made by God, and Man has been made
by means of the Kosmos’.
> Te, every material thing, or body.
BAyroy add, 70 dperaBAnroy P* 17-18 yevdpevoy scripsi : yvdpevor codd.
20-21 Fortasse 5 xécpos ind rod Oecd, 0 5& dvOpwmos bd Tod Kdopov
22-23 Sententiam (8) hine transposui: vide post sententiam (11)
428 STOBAEI HERMETICA
(10) wav 7d dy Kinnrév: obd&(v) rév dvTay Larner.
(11) od mdvra [Wuyf] Kweirat, wav dt (7d Kiwvotper)ov
Wuyxg Keveilra).
(8) Wuxiis 73 pev aicOnr(ex)dv Ovgrév, 7d dé doyiKdv
a0dévarov.))
(12) [wav 7d méoxov atoberat| wav 7d aicO(avdpevor
maoxet’ (pévos) ((6 vobs dmabys.))
(13) wav 7d Avmodpevor Kai ASerat [(@ov Ovnrév} ov mav
70 Hd6pevov AuTE?rat [{Gov didior).
(14) ob wav cGpa vooet wav cpa vocoby Siadurov. 10.
(15) 6 vos &v 76 OeG- [6 doyiopds &v 7G avOpdro|
6 Abyos év 7G vol. [[6 vods drabis.]|
(16) odd[eltv copari(kdv) ddnOés: (n6vov ((70)) dodparon
[[79]] [wav] awevdés,
(17) wav 7d yevopevov peraBdnrov: ob wav rd yevdpevor 15
poaprov. q
18) oddey dyabdy émi rijs ys obdtv Kaxdv ev 7G ovpard.
19) 6 Oeds dyads: 5 dvOpwros Kaxés.
20) 76 dyabdv éxotatov: 7d Kakdy dkovctov.
21) of Oeot 7a dyabd aipodvrat (of dvOpwrot Ta Kak 20
aipobvrar) ws dyabd.
(22) '} ebvoula peyédn edvopta t edvopta 6 vépos.'
(23) ‘Oetos xpdvos vipos dvOpadmwwos."
(24) 'kaxia xbopov rpudi) xpévos dvOpdrov pbopa'.
(25) may (70) ev odpav@ dperdOerov' wav 7d éml yas
peraderéy.
(26) ovdey év ovparg dobdov: oddtv emi yiis edevO«pov.
1 70 dy... ray bvrww codd,: fortasse c@pa .. . Trav cwpdrow |m
scripsi: d&rrdv codd. —|obdév P2: 085% FP? 2 Yuxf Canter :
70 «votpevoy scripsi: dv codd. 2-3 Fortasse: [od. . . weira
5] 70 xevovpevov Yuyp xuwvetra 3 vuxn «xweira Canter: yu
«wet codd, 4 alc®yridv Meineke: aladynrdv codd. 6 al
Hevoy scripsi: aic@dpevoy codd. 76 vovs drabjs huc a s
(15) transposui 8-9 (Gov Ovnrév et (Gov didioy seclusit Wach
| Fortasse [od] wav 7d #8dpevoy (nat) Aumetra 8-10 Sententiae (13)
(14): fortasse wav 7d Avmodpevov [ ] voce wav cpa (vel nav 70)
diadurév 13 abby cwparindy scripsi: ob5% ty o@par: FP}: ovddey év a
bs | Hévov 7d domparor scripsi: év dowpdtw 7d wav codd. 15 pw
Banrév. .. yevdpevov om, P 18 6 5 Oeds F 19 éxovoror (
xardy)) Pt 20-21 ‘ post és dya0d Meinekio addendum videtur of é
74 Kaka alpotvra ds dyadd’, Wachsm. 22-24 Fortasse (22) # ebvopia
Geo dudvaa’ 7» dvopia (mpds bedy sit (23) vépos Oetos dperh: vdpos
muvos aria (vel vépos Betos edvoplar vépos avOpamwos dvopia). (24) 6
néonou atpopy’ b xpivos dvOpdamov pOopa 22 peydan F : peyddou P
@eov Meineke ebvopia (post peydAy) codd, ; dudvora Usener | 4 ebv
EXCERPT XI. HERMES TO TAT 429
(10) Everything that is, is movable ; nothing that is stands fast.’
(11) Not all things are moved ; but? everything that is moved
is moved by soul.
(8) The sensitive part of the soul is mortal; but the rational
part of the soul is immortal.
(12) Everything that has sensation is passively affected ;* mind
alone is free from passive affections.*
(13) Everything that feels pain feels pleasure also; but not
everything that feels pleasure feels pain.*
(14) Not all bodies are diseased; but all bodies that are
diseased are dissoluble.*
(15) Mind is in God; and reason? is in mind.
(16) Nothing that is corporeal is real; only that which is
incorporeal is devoid of illusion.
(17) Everything that has come into being is subject to change;
but not everything that has come into being is destructible.
(18) There is nothing good on earth; there is nothing bad in
heaven, .
(19) God is good ; man is bad.
(20) The good is voluntary ; the bad is involuntary.
(21) The gods choose the things that are good; men choose
the things that are bad, thinking them to be good.
(22) 001s
(23)...
(2H )irel asia
(25) Everything in heaven is unalterable ; everything on earth
is alterable.
(26) Nothing in heaven is in bondage; nothing on earth is
free.
1 Or ‘unknowable’.
2 Or ‘ knowable’,
* Perhaps, ‘That which is immortal is not subject to passive affections (or
disturbing passions); only that which is mortal is passively affected (or is
disturbed by passion) ’,
* Perhaps, (33) ‘ Dissoluble bodies increase and diminish ; everlasting bodies
neither increase nor diminish’, (32) ‘A dissoluble body has two times,
namely, the time during which it is increasing, and the time during which it is
diminishing ; an everlasting body has only one time, namely, the time of its
uniform existence’.
® Possibly, ‘ Dissoluble things are changed into their opposites’ (i.e. into
indissoluble things, viz. the elements); ‘everlasting things are changed into
things like themselves’ (i.e. into other everlasting things), The latter state-
ment might be taken to mean that each of the elements is, part by part, trans-
muted into other elements,
432 STOBAEI HERMETICA
If you keep in mind these aphorisms, you will easily recall the g
fuller explanations I have given you in numerous discourses;
for my previous teaching is summed up in these brief sentences.
But avoid converse with the many. Not that I wish you to 4
grudge a benefit to others; my reason for this warning is rather
that the many will think you one to be laughed at (if you speak
to them as I have spoken to you). Like welcomes like ; but men
that are unlike are never friends, And these discourses* will find
few indeed that are worthy to hear them; nay, perhaps not even
the few will be worthy. Moreover, my teaching has a certain 5
property which is peculiar to it; it urges on bad men to worse
wickedness.— Za¢. What do you mean, father ?—Hermes. This
is what I mean, my son. The living being called man is inclined
, to evil; he is brought up amidst evil, and therefore he takes
pleasure in it. If then this being is told that the Kosmos has
had a beginning, and that all things take place by necessity,
1 Ie, the cosmic forces by which all things (or at least all things on earth)
are moved and vivified.
2 Perhaps, ‘ The things in heaven are subject {to Providence) ; the things on
earth are subject (to Necessity)’.
8 Perhaps, ‘(skill is a force which works in good order)’.
‘4 Le. the ‘ Discourses of Hermes to Tat’.
EXCERPTUM XII
EXCERPTUM XIIT
EXCERPT XII
EXCERPT X1TIT
1 Perhaps, ‘all things that come to pass by nature (that is, all events in the
physical world) come to pass according to Providence’,
2 Perhaps, ‘(Necessity is a firm and unalterable decision of Providence) ‘
8 Perhaps, ‘in accordance with Necessity ’.
4 [* For no man can either escape from Destiny, or guard himself from the
terribleness of the stars.”] 4
16 Nullum hic lemma est in codd. Stob.: sed ante eclogam praecedentem
7 a (@aAfs épwrnOets x.7.A.) habent codices in unum locum congregata quinque
lemmata, quae videntur pertinere ad eclogas 4,5, 6, 7b, 7c, Ex his quartum
est Epyov éx rav mAdrovos (add. marg. dicpwvva) F : épuod ex rod mAdtavos.
dxpova P, Inde colligit Wachsmuth eclogae 7b (avéywn éori «.7.A.) lemma
fuisse ‘Eppod é« ray mpds "Anpora
Ffa
436 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM XIV
EXCERPTUM XV
EXCERPT XIV
From the teachings of Hermes to Amun.
And the power which holds the whole Kosmos in its grasp!
is Providence ; but that which . . . is Necessity.'’ And Destiny
makes all things move with a cyclic movement, working in
accordance with Necessity; for it is the nature of Destiny to
compel.”
. . .(The working of) Providence is spread out*® in heaven ;2
. . the star-gods circle in heaven with a movement which
continues without failing and without cease. But Destiny. ..
And Providence takes thought for. . .; but Destiny is the cause
Of see ae
(Providence is the) inevitable law according to which all things
have been ordered.°
EXCERPT XV
From the teachings of Hermes to Ammon.
And that which is moved is moved in accordance with the 1
force exerted by Nature, which moves the universe, and permeates
all things. For Nature gives movements to the universe; (but
the Mental Substance*. . .). And Nature pervades the whole
1 Perhaps, ‘the power which grasps the Kosmos as a whole is Providence ;
but that which puts constraint on (particular things within the Kosmos) is
Necessity *.
2 Or ‘ to subject things to necessity’.
3 J.e, is extended in time and space. Providence, regarded as a function of
the incorporeal and eternal God, is one and indivisible; but its effects in the
Kosmos are ‘ spread out ’.
‘ The author’s meaning might perhaps be expressed by rewriting this para-
graph as follows : ‘The Kosmos as a whole, then, is dependent on Ryavidence ;
but the working of Providence is first spread out in heaven, for heayen is the
first thing that encounters it (¢.e. God’s Providence acts on heaven more imme-
diately than on the rest of the universe); and hence it is that the circling
moyement of the star-gods in heaven continues without failing and without
cease.... Providence takes thought for (all things together); but Destiny,
(operating in subservience to Providence, works the unvarying movement of the
stars, and) causes (the birth and destruction of things on earth by means of)
the arrangement of the stars.’
5 This sentence appears to be wrongly placed.
§ The ‘ Mental Substance’ (or ‘Mental Being *) means the divine and supra-
cosmic Mind, Perhaps, *¢but the Mental Substance supplies to Nature the
force which Nature exerts)’.
scripsi : meporrnKact kow} codd, 20 Fortasse (% 5¢ voepa obaia TH pio
Xopnyet Thy évépyeav) vel simile aliquid
438 STOBAEI HERMETICA
|S
aos
a
A
EXCERPTUM XVI
ary
eS
“i:
Stobaeus 1. 41. 4, vol. i, p. 281 Wachsmuth (Zc/. I. 718
Heeren).
1 rijs (wrunhs evepyeias scripsi: ris dcavonruxhs Cwhs codd. 1-2 rape
oépme .. « (arinds hae a § 7fin. transposui 1 ydp P: BF 2-4
+ +. dweraBAngias hinc ad § 7 transposui 5-6 rapoica Yux) mpocouer
scripsi : Yuyx7 obea olxeodra codd. 6 ma scripsi : ry codd. 7 6,
TyTa scripsi: obeidrnra F: idéryra P: olxedrnra Meineke e cod.
8 ara eke pA sincior “potted torw ype a 10 Fortasse
uot (wrinds H5n kvouvpévy) napéxer yevouévm scripsi: yeyvoperg ci
11 Fortasse (6 88 Beds dAbyous fy:gS vel eiusmodi ailynia ri2-13
tasse Tis (Tov B00) dueraBAnoias
EXCERPT XV. HERMES TO AMMON 441
in animal life ;for (the soul) insinuates itself into the life-breath,
and makes it move with the movement of animal life. And 6
it is the soul which is nearest at hand that is assigned to! the
organism ; and this soul comes to it, not because of any congenital
likeness, but according to destiny; for the soul is not impelled
by a desire to be combined with a body. For this reason, it is
according to destiny that...
. .. gives the man that has been born the movement of 7
rational thought.’
. . + also Mental Substance. And Mental Substance is in-
divisible and changeless, never departing from its changelessness.*
EXCERPT XVI
From the teachings of Hermes to Ammon.
The soul then is an incorporeal substance ; and even when 1
it is in a body, it does not depart from its own substantiality.®
For it is found to be. . . self-moved,’ not in something, nor in
relation to something, nor for the sake of something. For it is
prior’ in its power, and that which is prior is not in need of the
things which are posterior.
! Or ‘is appropriated by’,
? Perhaps, ‘ And after a man has been born, (and when he already possesses
the movement of animal life, Nature) gives him (in addition) the movement
of rational thought’.
5 Perhaps, ‘{And to some men God gives) Mental Substance also’. The
‘mind’ which enters into the elect among men is consubstantial with the divine
Mind, or with God himself.
Perhaps, ‘ from the changelessness (of God)’.
* This means that the soul, when embodied, is still a ‘substance’ (i.e. an
a existing thing), not a mere attribute of the body.
6 Perhaps, ‘For it is self-moved, being moved in the manner of an.
intelligible substance’ (i.e. of an Sncecceseal thing), That is, the movement
of the soul is of a different kind from that of bodies. The movement of bodies
is called by this writer ‘ physical movement’,
7 Le. prior to body and attributes of body.
2 ‘rd & rim Toivw early’ 6 rémos Kal (6) xpévos "kal
géors). "7d 8 mpés te éoriv dppovia kal edos Kal oynpas!
37d d& ob &vexa (rabra), 7) o@pa, veka yap cdparos Kai
xpévos kai rémos Kal puork() kivnots): [ratra 6& Kare
ouyyerexny olxerérnra. kolvovet addjrots.] [eel rotvuv 735
capa édeiro Térov] dunyavoy yap [hv] cvotivat cpa dvev
Tomov, [kai peraBdddX\{cTar duo (kwice),) dddvarov dé
peraBodjy (odparos) elvar dvev xpbvou kal ris Kara pbow
kwhoews. [otre odparos olév te ototacw evar dvev
appovias. 10
4 &vexa ‘roivuy' rob odparés eat 6 Témos: mapadexdpevos”
yap ras Tod oéparos peraBodds ovK eG dwbrdrAVTOa 7d
petaBdddopevov. peraBaddébpevoy & (7rd oapa) and érépou
els Erepov peraninre, kal Tis pev E~ews oreploxerat, Tod de
elvat cGpa odxf [ovorardy): peraBhn bev d& elsErepov, Thy15
Tob érépov eéw exet. (7d o@pa tolvuy Kara Sudbeay
peraBddrera)) 7d yap capa, f cdpa, péver [odpal, ) de
mod didbeots od péver. [[7d capa toivyy card didbeow
petaBddrerau.]| |
* * *
5 (vex) odparos roivuy 6 rémos Kal 6 xpévos Kal } duotKi)20
kivnots.
6 rvyxdve dt Exacrov rovrwy ris idias iesrures! idtérns-
de [rod] térov mapadoxy, xpdvou dé didornpa kal dpOpds,
"picews dé Kivynots, [dppovias dt piria,] odparos St mera-—
Bory.’ idtérns 8& wuxns 4 Kar’ ovolav rene kivyn)ots. 35
EXCERPTUM XVIT
EXCERPT XVI
From the teachings of Hermes.
Soul then, Ammon, is a substance which is self-determining 1
in the beginning; but when it has chosen that course of life
which is dependent on Destiny, ... and it takes on’ as an
appendage something irrational, which is similar to matter.
1 Perhaps, ‘ That in which things are is place and time; (for it is in place
and time that) physical movement goes on’,
2 Or * because of’,
8 We may suppose that here followed two paragraphs, similar to § 4, in one
of which it was shown that ¢éme ‘exists for the sake of body’, and in the other,
that physical movement ‘ exists for the sake of body’.
* Perhaps, ‘ that of time is numbered (i.e. measured) interval’.
5 Perhaps, ‘ (it is embodied), and it then takes on’, &c.
EXCERPT XVII
From the teachings of Hermes.
* x Be th * «6
1 Perhaps, ‘according to the reasoning’.
2 Perhaps, “by fear’, or ‘ by dangers’. ® Perhaps, ‘ their unanimity’.
4 ©The intelligent substance’ means the *Mind’, i.e. the highest and divine
part of the pal: The ‘reason’ here spoken of is the faculty of discursive
reasoning, which this writer regards as a thing distinct from and subordinate to
the ‘ Mind’. :
5 Perhaps, ‘(and opinion is) a copy’, &c.
® § 1, as given in the manuscripts, is meaningless. It may be conjectured
that the author wrote something to this effect: ‘There are in the soul then
intelligent substance (= mind) and reason. Thought is the fnnction of the
intelligent substance ;discursive-thought is the function of the reason. With
thought and discursive-thought are intertwined opinion and sensation (which
are functions of the irrational part of the soul). These things intermingle, and
together make up a single whole. Thus is the soul composed.’
EXCERPTUM XIX
Stobaeus 1. 49. 6, vol. i, p. 324 Wachsmuth (Zc/. I. 808 |
Heeren).
Tod avrod (sc. “Eppov)
Ih) Wux? tolvey éoriv "aidios vonrixi odoa vénpa Exovra20
tov éavTis Aébyov. avvvoodca dé Sidvoiay ths appovias
émiomarat.' dmaddayeioa St Tod dvotko} cdparos, adri
Kal’ adriy péver [adi éavths odca] ev 7@ vont@ Kéouo.
"dpxet S& rod auras N6you dépovoa spolay kivnow ev TO
1 éAAeines Meineke: éxAcines FP 8-4 Fortasse kowwve? TO AdyQ
Tav Savonpator 3 vonparin@ F: vonrin@ P 6 ‘Num GA"
dxovalws?' Wachsm,: fortasse (7d 5% xaxdy) daxovooy 8 bd 2
toro Usener 10-11 Fortasse [énel] (udvn) roivuy [[9]] (rev) ey jay
(Qh) Nout otcia abrefovaids éorw 10 vonruc scripsi (vonparu)
Patrit.) : owpariay FP 11 Fortasse (...) 5 wept Cabri) (Siavonrinds?)
Adyos 12-13 dpuéroxos. . . dicews huc a § 5 transposui 13 .
Wachsm.: tovrov codd. 14-15 Fortasse mpoeeiva 88 (sc. i) vontuc) odaia)
70 mp@rov dxd rod mpwrou Sed, mpoinoe Kai tiv Ad-yov 15 dy cod
fortasse {7d 52 ddoy)ov (sc. THs Yuxis pépos) vel (7d be aloOyrex
17 Kowvover kai ris TovTav eipappérns scripsi (posset scribi «. x. THs Tobri
(xparotans) eiuappévns): xowevetrat rats ToUTwy eluappévais codd.
20-22 Fortasse (7) Wux2) Toivuy dd <#aé’) éavrin odca)) early ob
aes vontuxn, vonwa (an KiNnwa t) Cidiov) Exovca Tov EauTis Ad-yor, GuvVOO
5e (7H) Belg (mpo)voia (2). (nai cmpart pev cvvodaa, ddoydv Tt an 7
Gpyovias émonarat dnaddayeica 88 KT. 20 otca FP‘: ovcia
EXCERPT XVIII. HERMES 447
£xc. X1X init. iteratur Stob. 1. 49. 1c, vol. i, p. 320 Wachsmuth (Ze/. I.
798 Heeren), ubi legitur:
‘Eppod. uxt) tolvev éorly oboia didios vontixh vénpa
Exouca Tov éavTis Adyor.
448 STOBAEI HERMETICA
2898 Gg
450 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM XX
“Eppood.
I art Toivev 4 Wuxi dodparos ovoia: (...). ef yap (ui
Wuxi) Exet (7d) cGpua, ovxért Eora: [éavriis oworikh). mav
yap oGpa [detrat] (rpis) rofv] efvar detrat [kai] (oms, TAS év
[rd fer] (ruxh) Ketpéevns.
2 arti yap To yeveow exovte Kai [peraBodjr] (POopav) det emaxodov-
Ociv, rd yap ywopevov "yiverar ev peyéber, ywopevov' abfny exe"
marti [yap] (8) 7G adgavopev éraxodovbei pelwots, pero (8e) pOopa.
3 pereiAndos Se [eidous] [Kwfs] (uxis), Cf, Kal Kowovel Tod
clvat TH Woxti. 1) 88 airla érépw rod dvar abr) mpdrac x
[dr] Eore. 76 88 elves viv Aéyw 7d [év Abyo yevécOat Kal]
peréxey (ais [voepas}. [[mapéxer dé 1) ux?) Cory voepdy,]]
4 kadeirat dé (5 dvOpmrros) (gov piv did thy Cwhv, Noy —
8 dtd 7d voepév, Ovnrdv d& Sid 7d cdma. (}) Woy} dpa
[dodparos], duerdmrwrov exovoa tiv Siva (rod Copp1;
mapéxe, TO avOpdmo) ((mapéxer [Se 1) uyx?)] Cony voepdv.))
mas yap oliv ré gor Aéyetv (Gov [voepdy] (riv dvOpwrov),
Bi) ovens ovolas ris Kal mapexotons Cov; ddrrd ovdde
Aoyixdy olév ré eorw eimeiv, pi ovens [THs dtavontixAs]
ovatas Tis Kal mapexovans vocpay Lory. a
5 ((ov)) év maar d% [[ovx]] (él rd rédos) agixvetrar 7d
voepov, did (rd Ev riot pi) KaT& Td péoor hpydcbat) Thy Tod
céparos ctaracw [mpds tiv dppoviay|. édv yap drrepéxn
& th ovordcea rd Oeppév, Kodpos Kai évOeppos yiverau
(6 dvOpwros) dv 88 rd Wuyxpér, Bapds kal voyedis yiverat.
(h per) ((yap)) pars [[yap] dppdger thy 70d cdparos cbora-
2 éort ... odaia codd.: fortasse gor: roivey tv 7H WuxG H Tod chparos odala
| } om..F 3 éavrijs cworey F: per’ abrijs cwyarict P 4 ‘Sefrar
ante Tod ighdeleverim ’ Wachsm, | mpos 70 elvac scripsi: Tod elva
7 Fortasse vyiverae év peyéOe (ri), yevduevoy (52) abfny Exe 8 _wav7l
FP: nav7t 6 Heeren 9 pe Tt F ‘ ib Th Yuxn scripsi ((dia) bi
yuxqv Wachsm,): iv yuxqv codd. | mp@rws scripsi (mporod Wachsm.):
upiorn FP 11 & Adyw codd.: fortasse ZA\Aoyor 12 mapéxe... 4
hinc ad § 4 transposui 17 voepdv seclusit Wachsm, 22 70 & Teh
EXCERPT XX. HERMES 451
EXCERPT XX
EXCERPTUM XX1
EXCERPT XXI
From the teachings of Hermes.
The Pre-existent ®then is beyond all existent things, being prior 1
even to the things which rea//y exist.’ For . . . the term ‘sub-
stantive existence’,’ employed as all-inclusive, is applicable both
to the objects of thought and to the objects of sense. . . . the
things which really exist, and which are regarded by thought
as existing of themselves. But the objects of sense are contrary
to the objects of thought, and exist in the other way ; for they
are not existent of themselves. . . . The world of nature®* is an
existent object of sense, and contains within itself all objects
of sense.
Intermediate between the objects of thought and the objects
of sense are the objects of opinion ;* and of these, some partake
of the objects of thought, but others do not.”
1 Perhaps, ‘according to the influence of the stars %, 2 Or ‘ planet’.
3 Perhaps, ‘for the things on earth are united to the (system ?) of the stars,
so that the things on earth and the movements of the stars are mutually
affected’.
4 Perhaps, ‘For it is the function of the stars to generate bodies in
accordance with Destiny’.
3 ‘The restoration of § 1 that is here proposed is very doubtful; but it
probably does not differ widely in meaning from what the author wrote,
®¢The things which vea/ly exist’ are ‘the objects of thought’, i.e. the
things apprehensible by thought alone, and not by sense.
the
7 Perhaps, ‘ For the word “ exist ” is used in two different ways, and
term “substantive existence ”’, &c.
5 Perhaps, ‘(The higher world is an existent object of thought, and contains
within itselfall the objects of thought ; but the world of nature (i, e.the corporeal
or material world)’, &c.
® More literally, ‘the things opined’.
10 Opinions may be true or false. When an opinion is true, then, and then
only, the ‘thing opined’ partakes of the reality which belongs primarily
to the ‘objects of thought’.
454 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM XXII
EXCERPT XXII
EXCERPTUM XX/1T
Stobaeus 1. 49. 44, vol. i, p. 385 Wachsmuth (Zc. I. 926
Heeren).
EXCERPT XXIII
1 Fortasse ((xal dyvoora [piv] fv kar’ dpxds mdvra naar (rots dvOpéomo
eS évOev éarévalov #.7.A. (vide § 53 zit.) | éorévatoy . .. péBov
scripsi : éorévage . . . pdBov éxovra codd. 1-3 Fortasse (aya 5’ tap
Thy mepiearrAn Cragw ive! dppoviav)) [ ] Trav émnepévav,—iv yap
Oewpias [ ],—édp@v res ovpavod KddAos K.T.r. 8-4 Oe et 7H er
hinc ad § 4 transposui 8 xarapwriCopévov scripsi: KarapavtaCépevor
4 napanAnolay scripsi: mAovaiay codd. 5 muppopoupérns scripsi :mpoag
pévny codd. 7 dropav P | koopoivrav P 8 otirws éyévovTo
pev énaddndor scripsi: ovros péBos wiv endddAndos codd. |82 seri
codd. 9 dAnerot P?; ddexror FP" 12 épwra seripsi :épwras
Fortasse Epwra o(oplas | é&vepdonce scripsi (posset scribi etiam évény
évefovgiace codd. cis Tio dvOp@mas scripsi: Pots codd, y
Canter: adriy FP 13 fs exov scripsi: 7 exev codd. 14 Gedy tov
dyvworov addidi (vide § 3) 16 dy (ante &) om. Patrit. 16-17 od
emi Ovnrh omopa, et pi) eyeydvet scripsi : ob dv ém Oynris omopas éyeyévet Co
17 ux’) cupnddeay éxovoa scripsi: yuxis be THY gupnddaay Exovons c
EXC. XXIII (Kore Kosmu). ISIS TO HORUS 459
Thereupon! men moaned, being afraid,. . . the beautiful. . . and everlasting 3
duration of the things above. For it was. . . to see the beauty of the sky
?when
it was flooded with light by the Sun, and the well-nigh equal majesty of the
night, torch-lit with light less than the Sun’s, yet bright, when in their turn
the other holy Powers* moved along their paths in heaven with ordered
movements in fixed periods of time, and by certain secret effluences wrought
order and growth in the things below. And thus arose fears upon fears, and
ceaseless questionings.
And as long as the Craftsman who made the universe willed not to be 4
known, all was wrapped in ignorance, But when he determined to reveal
himself, he breathed into certain godlike men a passionate desire to know
him, and bestowed on their minds a radiance ampler than that which they
already had within their breasts, that so they might first will to seek the yet
unknown God, and then have power to find him, But this, Horus my 5
wondrous son, it would not have been possible for men of mortal breed to do,
if there had not arisen one whose soul was responsive to the influence of the
holy Powers of heaven, And such a man was Hermes, he who won knowledge
of all. Hermes saw all things, and understood what he saw, and had power
to explain to others what he understood. . . .4 for what he had discovered
he inscribed on tablets, and hid securely what he had inscribed, leaving the
larger part untold, that all later ages of the world might seck it.
And Hermes, having been bidden to attend on the gods to whom he was 6
akin,® was about to ascend to the stars; but to him succeeded Tat, who was
his son, and therewith inheritor of the knowledge which Hermes had acquired;
and not long after, Asclepius, also named Imuthes, the son of Ptah, who is
also named Hephaistos, and all those other men who, by the will of that
Providence which reigns over all, were destined to search out with the utmost
1 This passage (§§ 3-8) is inconsistent both with the introductory passage
which precedes it (§§ 32, I, 2) and with the narrative which follows (§§ 9-70),
and must have originally belonged to a different document,
There is reason to suspect that the preceding passage also (§§ 32, 1, 2) did
not form part of the /éde//us which contained §§ 9-70, but was the beginning
of another /ébe//us, all the rest of which is lost.
2 Perhaps, ‘(In the beginning, all was unknown to all men ;) wherefore they
moaned in fear. But at the same time they marvelled at the beauteous order
of the things above (for it was a sight well worth their contemplation), when
they saw the beauty of the sky’, &c.
> T.e, the moon and stars.
* Perhaps, ‘(Yet he did not make the truth known without reserve)’.
‘ 5 I.e. having been told by the gods that he must now die and go to
eayen.
14 navras aldvas scripsi: mavrds aldyos codd. 15 yijs Meineke: tis codd.
| mepodevev scripsi: mapodedery codd, 16 Fortasse -yépar (yevoperos)
| rexv@onra FP: rexvwoera Meineke et Wachsm. 18 katefapevos P | rais
Gudiows évrepeviCerat scripsi: lias re peviterar FP 19-8 tufra: § 50 (nddw
6 povapxos ... agracis éyéve-o wat) huctransposui §21-22 Fortasse éco ris
(ndvrev) xopupas (émBe".nare), [Goo] nat 23-24 of éavrois dvrimapads:ddvres
ovdénore xomdcere scripsi: ols avra éavrois dvrimapadidév7a obbémore Komadcet
codd, 24-25 dvenlyvworo scripsi: dvemryvmorou codd. _|rs transposuit
Usener 27 xaradetpopev scripsi: dmadcipapev codd, 28 én FP?*;
aitiay P! 29 5) Wachsm,; 6 FP
—
462 STOBAEI HERMETICA
Heyddov. ((Exacros fpuav éd’ éavt@ (rt) yervdra)) yd &
avros dptouat mpa@ros.” lie, kal edOéws [kooptxas] THs ert
"pedralyns' évdcews didoracis eyévero: Kai)) (. « ..)
1 ((xal (era) rafra ere eis Td meptéxov arevicas (2)bd-
vncevs “"Eorw memdnpdpevos 6 obpavis d(c)rpacw (. . ‘)5
[ap Te kai alOip).” elmer 6 Beds, kal Hr.)) (, . .)
9 ikavon 8€ TON pécon Hpyet xpévon [éxéxpurro] [[Kai]] ) (rev
broketpévov) ddats, @ Téxvor, ((kal)) érdyyxave oTeipa, ews
adroit of 48n mepirodeiv Tov ovpavoy Kedrevabértes (eo! )),
TH mdvrov [[Oe@]] Bacire? mpocedOdvres, Thy TOV (KéTw) 19
dvTwy hovxlay dmjyyedav, kal dre Sov éort cvyxoopunOAvac
(kai rad)ra [ovpravra] |[xal rodro ovy érépov rwds éorw
épyov 7) avrod)| Kal “ AedpeOd cov” edeyov “ rd viv bvta
kai [bv] borepoy (erdpeva rivos) Exe xpelav diacKéyac(Bat),
(kai (yap) robro obx érépov tivés éorw Epyov 4 adbrod)) 15
(aob).”
10 Tabra elmovtwv epediacer 6 Beds, kal ere Diow dvat,
kal Ofjdv méyKadov xpihiya ex Tijs dovijs adbtod mpo7ndOev,
8 Kai Oewpioavres of Deol katenAdynoav: Kal rabrny Picews
(a)népart ériunoey 6 Ocds 6 mpomdrwp. ((xal rf [Edpé
(Dice) rv] trav [7d] kéroy MANTov éxapioaro Hyepovixéy.
kai ratrnn mpocérager elvat (. . . omeppdrov) yevynrixiy.
1 [kal radra er els rd meptéxov drevioas gadvncer “"Eotw
memdnpopévos 6 ovpavds dracw dip te Kal aldip,” me
6 eds Kai jv.))
12 4) & Dios éavT# AadAjoaca eyvo ds pi Séov adriy éore
Twapakodoat THs Tob marpods évro\ns: Kal (...).
1g [kadjy IIévm cvvedOoicaly] Ovyarépa énofnoer,
Evpeow éxddece.]
[7H dé 6 Beds éxapioaro ‘vat’, cat yapirdpevos.]
[Stéxpive ra Hdn yeyovéra, Kal émArpocer atta pe
plov.]
[kal tH Evdpéoa rotrov 7d Kati tovroy éxapicato
Hy epovixér,|)
52 ((wAnpdoas St ras [i] ce(Ba)oras [vas] xeipas 76 "wept;
éxovte! rev éx ris Sicews drapydvrov (omepudror), Kal 7a
1 bya Patr.: qudy codd, 3 pedaivys om. P: fortasse dxocpyr!
EXC. XXIII (KorE Kosmu). ISIS TO HORUS 463
his own part bring something into being; and I myself will be
the first to begin.’ He spoke, and forthwith the hitherto .
homogeneous mass" was separated into two parts®; and. . .
And thereafter, He gazed into the space around, and spoke 11
again, saying ‘Let heaven be filled with stars...’. God spoke,
and it was so....
But during no small interval of time the world below, my son, 9
was inert, and remained barren; until those very gods who had
already been bidden to go their rounds in heaven *approached
him who is King of all, and told him of the stillness of the things
below, and said that these things also ought to be set in order.
‘We pray thee then’, said they, ‘to look into this, and find out
what is lacking to the things that now are and shall be hereafter;
for this is no one’s task save thine alone.’
When they had thus spoken, God smiled, and bade Nature‘ 10
be ;and there came forth from his voice a Being in woman's
form, right lovely, at the sight of whom the gods were smitten
with amazement ; and God the Forefather bestowed on her the
name of Nature. And he conferred on Nature the government
of all things in the world below, and bade her be productive
of all manner of seeds. And Nature communed with herself, 12
and saw that she must not disobey her Father’s bidding; and. . .°
And God filled his august hands with the abundance of seeds 52
which Nature supplied, and gripping the handfuls firmly, said
7 ixavoy 8 rdv péaov hpyet xpévoy scripsi: ixavds 82 5 péoos Hpyer xpdvos-codd.
9 of Han F | KeAevobévtas F |eo) (post «eAevadévres) add. Wachsm.
10 76 (ante ndvrwy) Patrit.: trav FP 12 xat ratra scripsi: ra codd.
| rodro ody P: rovro br obx F 14 agxéaoGa: scripsi (3idoxear Meineke) :
deacképas FP 19 ravrny om. P 20 dvépat: Meineke: mépart FP
20-21 Kal... iyyenovixdy huc a § 13 transposui 21 dice scripsi: cipéce
codd, | 70 Tay Kate maytov scripsi: to’rav 7d Kata rotray codd.
22 nal ravtp .. . yevyntimy Meineke |ravrny Patrit.: ravrns FP
| Fortasse (mavroiwy omeppatov) 23-25 § 11 (wal rata, . . nal jv): vide
ante§9 28 avvedGoioa Patrit.: cuvedOodoav FP 83-84 nal rH... Hye-
povixdv hinc ad § 10 transposui 35-5 infra: § 52 (wAnpwoas... cvordoe)
huc_ transposui 35 oeBaords scripsi: isocracias FP: doias Usener
35-36 mepiéxovri codd.; fortasse meprovaia vel AHGE
Se
464 STOBAEI HERMETICA
dpdxas kaprepas odiyéas, “AdBe” erev, “ & lepd yi, AdBe, ‘
mavrime, [kai] (4) evar yervijrepa péddovea mdvrov, Ka} _
pndevd(s) evredOev refer Oat Séxet.” eimev 6 Beds, kal Tag
xelpas [otas dH Oedv (eikds) exe] dwhdoas révra adbqner
[€v tH Tv dvT@v cvoTdoell.)) (. . .) F
SI (otirw 3}) ((Epdvn piv ovpavds dvw ovyKexoopnpévos Trois
éavtod pvornpios maot, [kpadawopévn er yh HAlov Adp-
Wavros emdyn Kai] épdvn (6% Kal yi) maor rots epi avriy
ovyKekoopunuevi|s] Kadois. Kala yap TO OG Kal Td
Ovyrois elvat voptfspeva padha, bri 5} Tois Tod O<od vonous r
Sovdrederv émoijOn. exaipe 8& 6 Beds dpdv HSn éavrod Te
épya Kwovpeva.)) :
14 (. + +) adrés & ovxéri BovdASpevos apydy Tov b7ro(v)pavio(y)
Kéopov elvat, dAX& ‘rvevpdror' mrAnpooat Soxiudoas (kal)
ToOrov, ds pi) 7a KaTa pécon axivynra [kal dpyd| pévy, obras1
eis tadra ipgaro rexvirelalt|s, ovo(i)ais mpds tiv Tod [dtov} |
Epyou (dmo)rércow xpnodpevos (émirnyaciats. mvedpa yap
dcov apkerdy amd Tod idiov haBdy, Kal voepiy rodro Tupi
pigas, dyvdorois tioly érépais bras éxépace: Kal radra
[éxdrepoy éxarépo] perd Tiver éemipovioewv KpuTTav évécas, :
TO wav obrws eb pddra dtexl(p)ynoe(v) [kpapal, ews éreyéace
tis UAn TH plypart emrorépa Te Kai Kabapwrépa paddov
[kal diagaveorépa] 1) é€ dv eyiveror dierdjs Se Hv abrn, iv
15 3} kal povos 6 rexvirns édpa. emetdiy dé ((reheoroupynOeioa))
~ obre [ds €« mupds] Katopévn Sterhxero, ote piv [os &x
mvevparos| [[redeovoupynOeioa]] [e] Woyer (erryvuro), dANé
twa idtoyerA [Kai oixelay] ele [tiv Tod Kpauaros] ovoracw
[Stérumév re Kal iStocvyKpitor], (rabr)ny Sh [kal dd Tod
edpnpotépov dvoparos Kai ths Kad’ dpoibrnra evepyelas]
Pixoow 6 Oeds exddrece(v) [tiv otoracw). e ob dh
emmdyou pupiddas wuyav ixavas éyeveoiodpynoe, 7d [rap
abrob] Tob kpdparos émdvOovv mpods d Oédet rAdo ow ebrdxtos
1 tan ne ‘to lag behind any of the contents of the composite universe’,
i.e, any other part or region of the universe.
2 Here probably followed a sentence in which it was said that plants sprang
up on the earth,
8 T.e., filled with stars, or peopled with star-gods,
* Ie. heaven and earth and all things in them.
5 Or ‘in action’; i.e, that they were no longer inert and lifeless,
® T.e. the atmosphere,
7 T.e. the space between heayen and earth.
animal to be a sort of
1 ‘The writer assumes the ‘vital spirit? of an to the gross and visible ‘
pesos and invisible body, like in size and shape ,
body.
2 T.e, to the highest of the atmospheric strata,
3 Le. the body of some kind of animal,
* Viz. the ‘ vital spirits’ of the animals.
the animals, which were by
5 Perhaps, ‘ And he took (the vital spirits of before
(finishe d, and set them the souls ;) and then
this time) well and fairly
he withdrew’.
6 I. e, the gross bodies of the animals.
to the intent that in it the race of souls might through all time
suffer punishment. ‘And thereon’, said Hermes, ‘he sent for 26
me, and said, “Thou soul of my soul, and mind of my holy
mind,,..!”
. . And God said,? ‘ How long shall the world below be gloomy to look 27
on? How long shall the things that have been made remain with none
to praise them? Come now, summon to me forthwith all the gods in heaven,’
And when they had come in obedience to his command, ‘Look down *, said
God, ‘on the earth and all things there below, {and see how . . -)’. And
the gods quickly understood what their Sovereign wished to do ; and when
he spoke of the making of man, they agreed. And God asked each of them 28
in turn, ‘What can you provide for the men that are about to be made?’
Then the Sun said, ‘I will shine . ..’* The Moon promised to give light
after the Sun had run his diurnal course; and she said also that she had
already given birth to Silence and Sleep. Kronos’ announced that he had
already become father of Penal Justice and Necessity. Zeus® said, ‘In order
that the tribe that is about to be may not be utterly destroyed by wars, I have
already begotten Peace for them’, Ares? said he was already father of
Struggle, Anger, and Strife. Aphrodite® delayed not, but said, ‘And I,
Master, will attach to them Love and Pleasure and Laughter’, And the
Father was glad, my son, at what Aphrodite said. ‘And 1’, said Hermes,* 29
‘will make mankind intelligent; I will confer wisdom on them, and make
known to them the truth, I will never cease to benefit thereby the life ot
mortal men; and then above all will I benefit each one of them, when the
force of nature working in him is in accord with the movement of the stars
‘above.’ And the Master was glad! when he heard these words; and he gave
command that mankind should come into being.
... ‘And I’, said Hermes, ‘sought to find out what material go
be imprisoned. |
1 Sc, in making the bodies in which the souls were to the mixture should be |
2 Perhaps, ‘he gave command that the residue of ;
handed over to me’. (It is the second mixture that is meant.)writhed like asps * |
8 E. g. lions or elephants. 4 Perhaps, ‘ And others
* T.e. looking at heaven and earth by turns.
6 God's ‘life-breath’ is the atmosphere.
1-2 rais Yuxais secludendum? 4 eis wardyugw scripsi: xara pif (ward
|orws dt scripsi: &s codd. 5 veaporojoas scrips :
pigas P?) codd.
veaporonsacbas codd, 7 mpds 7d P 15-19 § 32 (mpdcexe . . . énov)
16 Kapnpis F : xaphpys P 22 ai be
hinc ad initium excerpti transposui
nat dvrerddaiov huc a v. 28 transposui —_|kal dvrenddarov scripsi : nadaidy F :
23 trevdépia scripsi; EAetepa codd. 23-24 SdAcs rovnpav
mdéov P FP}: dovAcs wovnpots Pe
scripsi_ (an 3dAas movnpoist): BovAcis wovnpar re Kai pidns P 26 Kat
24 pedajoa F: peddjoe P | wad gidrns Fs
oranatevy FP: om, edd. 27 napadidwor scripsi: napadicovcr codd.
28-29 érpiCov dieny donidov seclusi (an scribendum
28 robs P?: rots FP! 831 épovca
al 58 &AvytCov Sieny donidwv *) 80 vious scripsi : ws codd.
| ds scripsi : dy codd. 38 do-
P 37 dpxjjs codd.: fortasse picews
ondpeva P?; droonmpeva FP 88-39 rAgov obd' Sr Fs mAgov 5 bre P=
num waco 8° gre?’ Wachsm,: an mAjjy of5' bre?
476 STOBAEI HERMETICA
—
EXC. XXIII (KorE Kosmu). ISIS TO HORUS 477
and from the blissful life we lived there, and to be imprisoned
in habitations mean and base as these.’ Poor wretches that we 35
are, what hard necessities await us! What hateful things we shall
have to do, in order to supply the needs of this body that must
so soon perish! Our eyes will have little room to take things 36
in ;we shall see things only by means of the fluid which these
orbs contain; and when we see Heayen, our own forefather,
contracted to small compass,? we shall never cease to moan.
And even if we see, we shall not see outright ; for alas, we have
been condemned to darkness. And when we hear the winds,
our kinsmen, blowing in the air, deeply shall we grieve that we
are not breathing in union with them. For dwelling-place, instead
of this world on high, there awaits us a man’s heart, a thing of
little bulk. Unhappy we! What have we done to deserve such 37
punishments as these? O Master, thou that art our Father and
our Maker, why hast thou so soon ceased to care for the works
of thy hands? Even yet hold us of some account,’ though it be
but little. Ordain some limits to our punishment ; and if.. .,*
make us forget what bliss we have lost, and into what an evil
world we have come down, and so release us from our sorrow.’
Thus spoke the souls, my son Horus ; and they obtained that 38
which they sought. For the Sole Ruler came, and took his seat
on the throne of truth, and spoke in answer to their prayer,
saying: ‘Ye souls, all ye that do obeisance to my unageing
1 T.e. in earthly bodies.
2 An object cannot be seen by bodily eyes unless an image of the object
enters the eye or is formed it it; the image (of the sky, for instance) which
presents itself to our sight must therefore be small enough to be contained
within the eye.
8 Or, ‘ permit us to plead with thee’.
4 Perhaps, ‘and if the sentence is irrevocable’.
will regard the punishment ' as a boon, and the change to a better
state * as a degradation and an outrage. But the more righteous ®
among you, those who look forward to the change .. - u
(Souls of the noblest kind,)' when they enter human bodies, become 42
righteous kings, founders of cities, and lawgivers, genuine philosophers, true
diviners, trustworthy prophets, skilled musicians,” sage astronomers,” men that
find sure omens in the flight of birds, priests exact in the rites of sacrifice,?
and all kinds of men that are of high worth in any sort of work. When such
souls enter the bodies of birds, they become eagles; because eagles neither
drive away other creatures of their kind® nor devour them, and do not seek
to wrong any other sort of animal that is weaker than themselves ; for eagles
are most righteous by nature. When they enter the bodies of quadrupeds,
they become lions; for the lion is a strong beast, and one that trains itself
to imitate with its mortal body the immortal nature of the gods, inasmuch
as lions are never tired, and never sleep. When they enter the bodies of
reptiles, they become dragons; for the dragon is a powerful animal, and long-
lived; and it is harmless, and so friendly to man, that some dragons are even
tamed by men; it has no venom; and it renews its youth when it has grown
old, resembling the gods in this. And among the fishes,? such souls are
dolphins; for dolphins take pity on men who fall into the sea; they convey
the man to land if he is still alive, and they never even touch him if he is
- dead, though the race of fishes is voracious beyond all others.
And having thus spoken, God vanished from their sight.
When” these things had come to pass as I have told you, my son Horus, 43
there arose from the earth a mighty spirit, named Momus, who had a body
of enormous bulk, and a mind of surpassing power. This spirit was clothed
in a body of manly form; he was comely and stately to look on, but exceeding
ovpnabqcovar codd. 17-18 rods piv éunvois scripsi: 7a pév Eunvoa codd.
18 daxopiCovow scripsi: daxopodow codd. 19 awrovra scripsi: apovrar
codd. | giAoBopwrarov Meineke: qidoBpwrarov P: proBpwrarov (sed w
corr. in 0) F: qiAoBopwrorarov FP? | dvros scripsi: égopuévov codd.
20 déparos scripsi: dpOapros vods codd. Q1indrdF:tedrd P 22 For-
tasse mvedpa (p dvoya M@pos) |weptoxp P?: meproxiis FP | dwepéxov
Meineke: indpxov codd. 23 ddbsWachsm, : eldos FP | #év (post
o@pa) om, Patrit. | xara rUrov Meineke: xal rUnov FP
2806 li
a
482 STOBAEI HERMETICA
fierce and terrible. And as soon as he saw the souls entering into their bodily
frames, he asked (though he well knew the answer to his question), ‘ What
are these creatures called, Hermes, you record-writer of the gods?’ ‘ They 44
are called mem,’ said Hermes. Then Momus said, ‘Hermes, you are doing
a rash thing in making man; for he is like to be a creature that sees with
inquisitive eyes, and hears things he has no right to hear, and indulges greedily
his sense of taste, and makes voluptuous use of his sense of smell, and misuses
to all extremes his sense of touch, Tell me, you that are the author of his
being, is it your settled purpose to leave him free from care, this being that
is going to look with audacious gaze upon the beauteous mysteries of nature?
Is it your will to let him be exempt from sorrow, this man that is going
to send forth his designing thoughts to the very ends of the earth? And if so, 45
will not men put forth audacious hands against the elements? They will dig
up roots of plants, and investigate the properties of stones. They will dissect
the lower animals,—yes, and one another also,—seeking to find out how they
have come to be alive, and what manner of thing is hidden within . ...? They
will cut down the woods of their native land,’ and sail across the sea to seek
what lies beyond it. They will dig mines, and search into the uttermost
darkness of the depths of the earth, And all this might be borne, but they
will do yet more: they will press on to the world above, seeking to discover
by observation the laws of movement of the heavens, Are they then to meet 46
with no impediment? Shall they never be overpowered by the cruel stings
of fear, and shall they luxuriate in a life exempt from cares? Teach them
henceforth to....4 (Make them . . .,) that they may fail to get the things
they hoped for, and be subdued by the pangs of grief. Let their presumptuous
eagerness be disappointed of its expectations. Let their souls be a prey
a bait to lure
frustrated, so that even the sweetness of attainment may be but
to him? ‘Momus,’ said he, ‘. . . and I will devise a secret engine,’ linked
their
to unerring and inevitable fate, by which all things in men’s lives, from
;
birth to their final destruction, shall of necessity be brought into subjection
and all other things on earth likewise shall be controlled by the working
of this engine’ So said Hermes to Momus; and he did even as he had said.
And when the engine began to work, the keen-eyed goddess Adrasteia took
her stand above to supervise the whole, having in her hands the confirmation
And when these things had come to pass, and the souls had 49
been embodied, . . . *
1 Perhaps, ‘Let them be scorched by the flame of desire, that so they may
lose heart, and be (the more severely ?) punished’.
2 Perhaps, ‘ for he thought there was good reason in it’.
3 Viz, the system of the stars,
4 Between § 49 and § 53 might perhaps be placed § 47: ‘Are you grieved,
my son Horus, when you hear this? Are you dismayed, when your mother
describes to you the miseries by which unhappy man was oppressed? You
must hear something yet more terrible.’
avtap P 15 ris éx addidi (ris dwd add, Usener) 16 ofa scripsi: ica
codd, 17 pi) Heeren: pe FP?: od P? marg. 20 airéyove Meineke:
abréyeve FP}: abroyevés P? | Sazpov om, Patrit. wat tiv da FP"
| da oe secludendum? 25-26 Fortasse dfioupévyn (vel dfiwOeica) kal
Trav
abr) Adyou (‘num dgtovpévy THs dmodoyias?’ Wachsm.): tdéglopa
éAww (‘desiderium omnium elementorum *) coni. Usener 28 juav ayyeudv
codd. : fortasse ju@y déonora 30 xaradnyovra codd.: fortasse diadvdpeva
?)
|dvayxaiws codd.: fortasse dvayxy (an secludendum dvayxaiws dpeAdpevor
31-82 dm’ dvOpumov . . . éneor hinc ad § 60 transposui 32 nal piow
névrav codd,: fortasse 74 toe (yryvdpeva) mavra 32-33 croixelov
.. . émoincas huc a § 61 transposui 33 érolyaas scripsi (an scribendum
zur ewoingas?): perenoincay codd. 84 Fortasse od ((6 én mdvtoav))
mpogéragas | ra povevdévra seclusi (an scribendum [rd] dadvbévra?)
35-1 infra: 5 émxOdnids . . .ov* Exe hine ad § 61 transposui
490 STOBAEI HERMETICA
25-26 Fortasse
additum videtur 23 airy scripsi: dypiov codd. ((Acmobupia)), (éav Be
b 6 dvOpa mos, waréx erat)
tay (pev) borephon nore (avTo aliquid
ovK zxov (arobvioner) vel eiusmodi27 émAn-
mavrinacw dmoorepney,) dvacrnat scrips i : Aemod upias codd,
36 éxoucay FP: éxov P | Arro@ upias ém-
27-28 Fortasse (ra dvdyara (vel Tas
pwn codd.: fortasse memAnpwrat
KAnoes) aay év) Kk. éxapa gay
494 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM XXIV
EXCERPT XXIV
1 Perhaps, ‘the cause of the fact that the souls of males are more robust,
and those of females delicate, is (not) the air, my son, in which (the soul
dwelt before it was embodied, but) simply the body in which the soul is
enwrapped’ (that is to say, this difference in incarnate souls results, not from
any difference in the air in which the souls resided before their incarnation,
but from @ difference in the bodies in which they are incarnated).
2 T.e. of water and air.
* T.e. of earth and fire.
* Or ‘soft’; more literally, ‘ diluted’.
5 Or ‘how do souls become intelligent ?’
® Or ‘ layers of the air that is within us’.
7 Le. Egypt.
502 STOBAEI HERMETICA
Slarrav, [ov piv dddA& Kai tTiva tdv (dddov) (dor Piret 7d
mip, olov ai cadapdvdpar ev yap TO trupi Kai Pwodevovor.| 5
19(. . .) ‘&eaorov yap trav orotxelwy mepiBory éort Tar
copdrav.' maoa obv Wuyh, vy 7TH odpaTt ovoa, Bapeirat
kai OdiBerat Tois Térrapot Tovras. [Kal yap eikés éort Kal
tavtny Tol pev Tobrwy tépmecbat, Tiai b% dyOerOai.| did
Todro ody> ovK> exe
”
(évT)abea
2 ~
Thy
‘\
akpordrny
3 a
evdatpoviar,
? 4
~°
EXCERPTUM XXV
EXCERPT XXV
1 Eg. by eagles.
2 Here must have stood a sentence in which it was said that the human soul
is in like manner alien, not to one or more of the elements only, but to all the
four elements.
$ Or perhaps, ‘as it was when it was not bound up’.
and have journeyed through the Plain of Truth, will describe to you
in all particulars the things that are. I begin by saying that. . .?
But perhaps some one will say that when the souls go forth 3
from their bodies, they are indistinguishably diffused in the air,
and are dispersed throughout the boundless atmosphere, and that
they cannot thereafter retain their identity and come back again
to dwell in other bodies, nor yet return to the place from which
they came before; just as it is impossible that the water. . .?
should return to the same place from which it was taken, but it is
mingled with all the mass of flowing water.
But in the case of the soul, high-minded Horus, it is not so. 4
Water is a body, an irrational thing, composed of many in-
gredients crushed into fluidity; but the soul, my son, is a thing
of peculiar nature, a thing that has been made by the hands
and mind of God, and is guided...* on the way that leads
to Mind. And that which consists of one thing only and not
of many‘ cannot be mingled with anything else. Hence it
follows that the union of the soul with the body must have
been effected by compulsion.
Souls, when they quit the body, are not all sent promiscuously 5
to one and the same place; nor is each of them sent to some
place at random and by chance ; but each soul is sent to its own
proper place. This you may clearly see from what befalls the
soul even when it is still in the body, and is...° against its
proper nature. Give heed, well-beloved Horus, to the similitude 6
which I am about to set forth. Suppose that in one and the
same enclosure there are shut up men, and eagles and doves
1 Perhaps, ‘that which is composite is broken up and destroyed, but that
which is not composite (is not destroyed, but) has a place to which it goes
when it disappears from our sight’. (The body is composite ; the soul is not
composite. )
2 Perhaps, ‘which is poured out from a vessel’.
3 Perhaps, ‘ by God himself’. * Viz. the soul.
5 Perhaps, ‘ weighed down’, or ‘ fast bound’.
to the moon is reserved for gods and stars, and for Providence!
in general; but the space from the moon down to us on earth,
my son, is the dwelling-place of souls,
Howbeit,? the air has a movement of its own, which we are wont to call 10
wind, a movement which serves for the refreshment of things on earth; about
that I will speak later on. But the air in no way impedes the souls by its own
movements ; for while the air is in motion, souls are free to dart through
it upward and downward, as it may chance, without any hindrance; they
flow through it without mixing with it or adhering to it, just as water flows
through oil.
And this space,* my son, consists of four main regions, and ir
sixty subdivisions. Of the four regions, the first extends upward
from the earth, and contains four subdivisions; and so far up
does the earth reach in some hilly and mountainous places ; for
such is the nature of the earth, that it cannot rise above the first
region. The second region contains eight subdivisions ; and in
these eight subdivisions take place movements of winds. And
where there is movement of wind, there birds can fly ;but above
this region, the air is not in motion, and does not bear the weight
of any living creature. Howbeit, such is the power given by
nature to the air of this second region,* that it goes to and fro,
together with the living creatures contained in it,® not only in the
eight subdivisions which properly belong to it, but also in the four
which are adjacent to the earth; but the earth cannot rise into
the eight subdivisions which belong to that windy air. The third 12
region contains sixteen subdivisions, and is full of fine pure air.
The fourth region contains thirty-two subdivisions ;and in them
is air which is fine and pure in the highest degree, and perfectly
translucent. (... the sphere of the moon,) the boundary between
the air and the heavens, which are fiery by nature,
This arrangement extends in a straight line from the top 13
to the bottom® of the atmosphere; there are four regions, and
sixty subdivisions. And in these subdivisions, which are sixty
in number, dwell the souls, each in that subdivision for which
1 T. e. the divine powers by which the world is governed.
? § 10 appears to be an extract from another document.
5 Viz, the space between the lunar sphere and the earth,
* Te. the windy air, or the wind.
* Tle, the birds,
® Or rather, ‘from the bottom to the top’.
ai Woxai, exdorn mpds iv exer pvouv, plas pev Kal THs abris
avotdcews ovoat, overs dé Tihs: bo@ yap éxdorn Toy
| Xepav ard ys drepBEBnxely) [Tis} érépas, Tooodr@ Kal (ai)
év abrais uxal ()) érépa tiv érépav Kab? brepoxiy Xel-
meily], @ Téexvoy. [xépa kal yuyx7.] 5
144 Thves pev 4
ovv
>
elsA éxdcTHN
ia
TovT@y
4
avadvovat
3 4
yuxai,a
y evred0éy cor wad, & peyadrddofe “Ape, kararéyev &p£opan,
dvobev éni Ta mpboyea Thy TaéEw Trovovpérn.
EXCERPTUM XXVI
EXCERPT XXVI
seclusit Wachsm. 19-23 xat rats pev dtéor .. . kard rd eluds secludendum?
21 évepyh P?: évapyn FP! 24 doxédnws FP?: doxénrws Pt 26 &
(post retparddav) P?: pev FP! 27 dwaais P?; dwAa@s F: omdas Pt
| éxarépace P | preva Heeren: éprovra FP | ebxatrous codd, : ebeap-
nros Meineke: ‘ fort. doxérois’ Wachsm, : fortasse éArcrots vel elurixots
—
and yielding ; and that their pliancy may not make them utterly
helpless, she has placed in the mouths of some of them a palisade
of teeth, and has given strength to others by increasing their
bulk, And the fishes, which are timid creatures, she has made
to live in that element in which fire cannot put in action either
of its two powers; for in water fire neither shines nor burns;
and every fish, swimming in water, flees whither it will, protected
by its own timidity, and having the water for a shelter to hide
it from sight. But rational animals' Nature has equipped with
senses more perfect and more accurate than those which she has
given to other creatures, . ..
For the souls are shut up in bodies of this kind or that, each 6
soul in a body that is like it; so that those souls which possess
the faculty of discernment enter human bodies; those which are
flighty enter bird-bodies ;those which are. . .* enter quadruped
bodies, for quadrupeds obey no law but that of force; those
which are crafty enter reptile bodies, for reptiles never attack
men face to face, but lie in ambush, and so strike them down;
and those which are timid, and all souls that are unworthy to
enjoy the other elements,’ enter fish-bodies.
But in each kind of living creatures may be found some that 7
do not act according to their natural dispositions.’—‘Tell me,
mother,’ said Horus, ‘what do you mean by that ?’—Isis replied,
“A man, my son, may transgress the law laid down by his power
of discernment ; (a bird may... ;) a quadruped may avoid com-
pulsion ; a reptile may lose its craftiness ; and a fish may rise
above its timidity.
And it comes to pass, my son, that in every class of men there 8
4 clot Patrit. : cis FP | ets Wux@v al 5& cwpdrey codd. : fortasse eow
loxvos Kai pons 5 xai (post réxvns) scripsi: af 6 codd. |al 88 ad ray
nai rv Usener: af Stadray FP 6 xai éauréy (post “AQpos) FP: del. Usener
7 “Ope Meineke: as FP | droyeyovéray Meineke : émvyeyovdrwy FP
| £6 om. P’ Wachsm, (sed utrum 6 ante marjp an 6 ante éxdorov, non liquet)
9 Kabnynri«is scripsi: kadnynris codd. 13 6 «ai (ante 'InovOns) addidi (4 add.
Patrit.) 14 éferdons Canter: éferatns codd. 14-15 dpyovras cal roAAods
noAAGy secludendum? 16 irepdve {ndvrov)? —_|of Be scripsi : 6 88 codd,
| Tov Karw pépos F 17 Fortasse (é témaw xarwrépav) post pé
18-25 ovpBalve,.. Baordevovaw puyjs huc a § 8 transposui 18 cupBaive
EXCERPT XXVI. ISIS TO HORUS 521
are found some souls that are kingly. For there are many kinds 9
of kingship; there are kingships of ...,' and kingships of art
and science, and of divers other things also.’—‘ Again I ask,’
said Horus, ‘what you mean?’—ZJsis. ‘For instance, my son,
your father Osiris is king of men that have passed away, and the
ruler of each nation is a king of living men; and thrice-greatest
Hermes is king of the art of teaching ;and Asclepius the son of
Hephaestus is king of the art of medicine? For, to speak
generally, you will find, my son, if you look into the matter,
that there are many who rule as kings, and many departments
over which they rule. But he who has mastery over all,* my son, 10
comes from the highest division of the atmosphere, and those
who have mastery over this or that department...‘ And it
comes to pass that other souls also" are found to differ in quality ;
some are fiery and some cold, some haughty and some meek,
some skilful and some unskilful, some active and some inactive,
and others differ in other ways. And these differences also result
from the positions of the places whence the souls plunge down
to be embodied. For those who have leapt down from a kingly
zone reign upon earth as kings; those who have come from 11
a zone of science and art are occupied with sciences and arts ;
those who have come from a zone of industry become workers,
and provide food by their labour; and those who have come
from a zone of inactivity live idle and desultory lives. For the
yap ...70 mop) huc transposui | 70 pév yap scripsi : adrd pev yap rd codd.
23 8 (ante depadés) Meineke :
22 ovunayiay codd.: fortasse ovvapiy Fortas se (7d mdéov) byévero
yap FP 24 dievep yntusd y P 27
526 STOBAEI HERMETICA
that as long as 25
‘And this also I tell you, my well-beloved son,
its own qualit y unchanged,—
the mingled mass of the body keeps Sa g
d
ae
a
no access of heat, the air no
as long as the fire in it receives
, the water no access of fluid,
access of anything of airy nature
access of densi ty —so long the
and the earthy element no
when it does not keep uncha nged
creature is in health; but
but one of them
the original proportions of its several elements,
is either increased or diminished,—I do not mean an increase
2806 Mm
530 STOBAEI HERMETICA
EXCERPTUM XXVII
e).
p- 467 Hense (13. 5° Meinek
Stobaeus 3. 13- 65, Vol. ili,
ov.
‘Eppod €x rod “lovdos apos “Qp
LoTe Bacired, els ‘emiOu-
édeyxos yap émryvacbeis, & péey
mporepov ovK HOEt.
pilav’ péper Tov adeyySévra dv
EXCERPTUM XXVIII
Wachsmuth.
Stobaeus 1. 1. 29a, vol. i, Pp. 34
rav dvtwv, amexpivaro:
Oarjis, pwrnbels ri mpecBirarov 5
Océbs, dyévyntov yap. abdv atov kal
cme Td
Soxpdrns, epwornbels ri Oebs,
aidiov.
Trav Sdov Snprovpyos,
‘Epis, _pwrnbels ri beds, lev: ‘O
copdratos vods kal aidios.
EXCERPTUM XXIX
EXCERPT XXVIII
EXCERPT XXVII1
e
him what God is, said: ‘Th
Hermes, when some one asked
most wise, and everlasting ’.
Maker of the universe, Mind
EXCERPT XXIX
[Written by Hermes.|
d
s which circle at the threshol
There are seven wandering star ng Tim e.
them ever revolves unendi
of Olympus, and among n, and sull en Kronos,’
ining Moo
The seven are these ; night-sh Ares,°
Lady of Paphos,* and bold
and glad Sun, and the. ..* all birt hs,
and Zeus,’ first author of
and swift-winged Hermes,"
he that
Father.—God is one. And
3. God is called Master and e he is alone.
does not need a name; sinc
is one is nameless ; for he
he has been
and without mother ; for
4. God is without father
f.
generated by none but himsel
perfect know-
y few men that have had
5. There have been ver nos , Kronos, and
few are my kinsmen Ura
ledge.’ Among those ,
Hermes.®
notes on Testimonia in vol, iv.
will be found among the pio
1 Notes on the Fragments 3 dpw nevn.
2 Je, is not rea bso rbe d into . of God must be meant.
5 aos! Knowledge gis the teacher speak of
4 dxarddnmros t es Hermes Trisme tus
6 The Hermet ic writ er here mak
e been the teacher's grandfather,
he perhaps assumes to hav
another Hermes, whom
as in Ascl, Lat. IIL. 37+
536 FRAGMENTA
6. Lact. Div, inst. 2, 8, 48,
(Trismegistus praedicat) divina providen
tia effectum esse mundum,
7- Lact. Div. inst. 2. 8. 68.
Ut Hermes ait, mortale inmortali, temp
orale perpetuo, corruptibile
incorrupto propinquare non potest.!
8. Man has been made by God in the image of God. God has
fashioned with consummate skill each member of man’s body;
every one of the members is perfectly adapted both for use and
for beauty.
11. And the cause of this is the will of Him who is without
beginning, whose name cannot be spoken by human lips.
t2, For there is, my son, a secret doctrine, full of holy wisdom,
concerning Him who alone is lord of all and. . .,! whom to declare
is beyond the power of man.
substantiality.°
18. Materiality is brought into existence out of
21. Zosimus i. 7.
6 pévror ‘Epps ev 7 mepi aidlas diaBddde [kai] Thy
payelav, N€yov Sri ov det [rdv mveupatikoy dvOpwrov| Tov
emiyvovra éavrov [ovre] Si& payelas xaropboby 7, éav Kab
kakov voul(nrat, pnde BidgecOar tiv avdyKny, adr’ dv os
exer gtoews [kal Kploews] mopeverOat. $e did povov rod!
(nreiv® éavriv Kal Oedy ervyvovta Kpareiv (. « .)* [Thy dkatove-
pacrov rpiddal, kai cav thy cipappéevny d Oérelv] mroveiv TO
€avriis 1nd, TovTéott TE cHpatt. Kal ores, pyol, vojoas
kal modtrevodpevos (. « «).
21. He who has learnt to know himself ought not to set right
by means of magic anything that is thought to be amiss, nor
to use force to overcome necessity,! but rather to let necessity
go its own way according to its nature. A man ought to seek to
know himself and God and hold his passions in subjection, and
to let Destiny deal as she wills with the clay which belongs to her,
that is, with his body. And if a man thinks thus and behaves
thus,...
employ magic is
1 «Necessity ’ is the working of Destiny or natural law ; and to :
“to use force to overcome necessity ’.
542 FRAGMENTA
Saipov, ovK obota tis dAXn: mévrov
ydp éort Kbpios Kad ;
[kat Beds] "kat any? Kal (o?) Kai Stvapis
Kat as Kal
mvebpa", kal mévra ev abd Kal bn’ adbrov
ear,
24. Didym. 7%. 756 B: Cyril. 7, 556 Bt
ef pi) mpbvord tis Fv Too wévrey kupiou
dare He 73
Todrov arrokaddwat, obdt buds ToLodros épws
kareixey (,
mepi robrou ¢nrhonte: viv dt Gee Ge) rh
Aéyou dkovere. rovrov rod mvetparos, ob
mohAdxis
wdvra xpycer Ta mdvra yap ©Baord{ov kar’
défay
(womoet Kal rpépe, Kal ded ris dyias mnyi
s
‘emixovpov mvetpact’ (. . .)? Kai fas dracw de}
yovipov ev bv,
en cee
FRAGMENTS 543
of Him;
angel, nor daemon, nor any other being, that is outside
of all.. .,) and all things are in Him
for He is Lord and Father
and subject to Him.
us.
24. From the third of the Discourses of Hermes to Asclepi
been ordaine d by the provid ence of Him who is
If it had not
not have
Lord of all that I should reveal this doctrine, ye would
the truth con-
been possessed by such passionate desire to seek
which I have
cerning this ; but as it is, (. . - ),—Hearken ye to that
many times
yet to tell. Of this spirit, concerning which I have
it gives life and
spoken before, all things have need; for...
holy source, . . .
sustenance to all things. It is dependent on? the
things, inasmu ch
being ever (the cause of light (?)) and life to all
as it is the one thing that is fecund.
25. If any man then has an incorporeal eye, let him go forth from
aloft,
the body to behold the Beautiful, let him fly up and float
colour, but rather that by which these
not seeking to see shape or
is quiet and calm, stable and change-
things® are made, that which
a.
and is
less,... that which is one,‘ that which issues from itself
contained in itself, that which is like nothing but itself.
who alone
26. Say not then, in your thought concerning Him
belong s all power.
is good, that anything is impossible ; for to Him
that He is outside
And think not that He is in anything, nor again
is the limit of all
of anything ; for He is limitless himself, and
encomp asses all things.
things ;He is encompassed by nothing, and
is incorporeal,
... For in what do bodies differ from that which
from that which is without
and things which have come into being
28. ... 3° for it® has over it as ruler the creative Word of the
Master of all. That Word is, next after Him, the supreme Power,
a Power ungenerated, boundless, that has stooped forth from
Him;7 and the Word presides over and governs the things that
have been made through him.*
29. But tell me, great Agathodaimon, why was he® called by
this name ” by the Lord of all? "—I have already told you; did you
not understand? The nature of His intellectual Word is generative.”
You may call him what you will, provided that you understand
this, that he is perfect and issues from one that is perfect, and that
he works perfect goods, and makes and vivifies all things. Since
then he is of * such a nature, he is rightly called by this name.
ius.*
31. From one of the Discourses of Hermes to Asclep
‘Tell me next, most great Agath odaimon, how
And Osiris said,
great Agathodaimon said,
did all the land come forth?’ And the
as I told you. For when
‘It came forth by... and drying up,
of all) to go back into
the many waters were bidden by the (Lord
first it was muddy and
themselves, then the land came forth. At scorched
quivering ; but afterwards, when the sun shone forth, and
firmly fixed amid the waters,
and dried it without cease, the land was
And Osiris said, ‘ Tell me,
being encompassed by the water.— — —
this great sun come forth ?’
most great Agathodaimon, (whence did
‘Osiris ,)’ do you wish me to
And the great Agathodaimon said,
The sun came forth by the
describe the origin of the sun?
is Maste r of all’.
providence of Him who
of Hermes to Tat.
33. From the first of the Explanatory Discourses
spoke with his own holy and
And straightway the Lord of all
the sun be’; and even as He spoke,
creative speech,’ and said, ‘ Let
breath! the fire, which is of
‘Nature drew to herself with her own
which is unmixed and
upward-tending nature,—that fire, I mean,
37. Shahrastani.
most luminous and most active and most fecund,—and raised it up*
aloft from the water.
you
34. God said to the beings that He had made: ‘And on
ble constrai nt
that are subject to me I will impose as an irresisti
you by my speech ; this
this commandment that has been given
you shall have as your law.’
on
35. For God, as being Tperfect?* and wise, imposed order
being prior and
disorder,...* that so the things of mind, as
the things
mightier, might preside and hold the first place, and
be placed under
perceptible by sense, as being secondary, might
and heavy has in it
them. And so that which is downward-tending
e nature, being fecund
a wise Word; and this Word is of creativ
and life-giving.
(?),* and
36. We shall know both the God who is preconceived
is like him
the second God,’ who, by the will of the first God,
s, namely , in that
in all else, but fall short of him in two respect
he is in a body, and in that he is visible.
EN ee Le eg
T=a= -