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30
Translation and culture
in mainstream media
and journalism
Roberto A. Valdeón

Introduction
Media translation is no longer a marginalised area of research within translation studies.
Although the main theoretical approaches in our discipline have traditionally focused on
literary translation (Even-Zohar 1979; Bassnett 1980; Toury 1995; Venuti 1995), many
of their tenets have been successfully applied to media translation and have contributed
to consolidating it. For instance, Even-Zohar (1979) considered a culture as a polysystem
with interconnected systems, focusing on ‘high culture’, but in the late twentieth and early
twenty-first centuries the significance of media such as the cinema, television and the inter-
net could no longer be overlooked, and researchers turned to investigate the value of popular
culture and the role that translation played in its expansion. It was argued that no specific
theory of audiovisual translation was needed (Chaume 1997, 316) and, thus, previous mod-
els, such as polysystem theory, have been used for the analysis of mass media products (see
Díaz Cintas 2004).
Undoubtedly, in the first half of the twentieth century, the United States led the way
with the creation of influential cinema and television industries, while, in the last decades
of the twentieth century, international news companies expanded globally. In all of these,
translation has been present, very often in a much more invisible manner than in the case
of literary translation. Since the advent of talking movies, which soon became extremely
popular outside the United States (Cronin 2009, 9), Hollywood has needed to secure the
export of its products via translation (Remael 2010, 12). For example, in the early years of
the movie industry, Hollywood studios dubbed their own films into Spanish to cater for the
large Latin-American audiences, although cultural and linguistic problems would later lead
to the cancellation of this practice (Vincendeau 2012, 140–141). Additionally, in the second
half of the twentieth century and in the initial years of the new millennium, the localisation
of films and other media products has become an integral part of the global expansion of the
industries involved in their production and distribution (Pérez-González 2014).
This chapter will examine the importance of translation in global mass media networks and
products, paying particular attention to the sub-area known as screen translation (Gambier
2003) or audiovisual translation (Orero 2004; Chaume 2013a) on the one hand, and to the

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practice known as journalistic translation (van Doorslaer 2010a; Valdeón 2015) on the other.
As this handbook aims to discuss the connections between culture and translation, this chap-
ter will merely touch upon technical issues, particularly in the case of audiovisual translation
(hence AVT), and will focus on the cultural and pragma-linguistic aspects of translation, as
they serve to introduce, manipulate and present texts that shape both the source and target
cultures, albeit in different ways and, often, for different purposes. In the late 1980s and early
1990s, when the study of AVT began, much emphasis was put on the technical peculiarities
of film and television programmes rather than on their linguistic and cultural components.
For instance, Mayoral, Kelly and Gallardo (1988) applied the concept of constrained transla-
tion to various multimodal texts in order to analyse elements such as music, image and so
on. However, they also stressed that the ‘noise’ produced in translation is also caused by
different cultural systems (360–361). In their view, this facet also needed to be taken into
account. This chapter will examine the cultural elements of these texts as opposed to other
features of AVT (for good discussions of the latter, see Chaume 2013a and 2013b). The
importance of culture in the translation of media products was soon highlighted by many a
writer (Santamaría 2001), but in 2004, Díaz Cintas pointed out that the combination of lin-
guistic models and a number of cultural approaches had yet to produce results, even though
the prospects were promising (2004, 32). The years to follow would prove very productive.
At this point, it should be mentioned that the terminological conundrum that has char-
acterised translation studies as an academic discipline applies to the sub-areas that will be
discussed here. In 2003, in a special issue of The Translator devoted to screen translation,
Gambier listed a number of different AVT modes, including dubbing and subtitling, but also
surtitling, audio description, intralingual dubbing, etc. (2003, 172–176). All these modes,
he noted, ‘have blurred the traditional borders between translation and interpreting, and
between written and oral codes’ (178). To account for the peculiarities of screen translation
and in order to avoid the old dichotomies of literal/free translation and translation/adapta-
tion, Gambier suggested the term transadaptation (178). A few years before, Karen Stetting
(1989) had coined a similar word, transediting, to refer to the linguistic and cultural trans-
formations present in news translation. While the latter has lingered on until the present day,
transadaptation has been less successful, as audiovisual translation is now widely used as an
umbrella term.
To conclude this introduction, two seminal papers for audiovisual and journalistic trans-
lation respectively, both published in 1989, should be mentioned. The first one was written
by Dirk Delabastita, who wrote that popular culture had scarcely caught the attention of
scholars (1989, 193) in spite of its economic, social, cultural and political importance due to
the fact that the object of study is chosen on the ‘basis of cultural prestige rather than intrin-
sic interest’ (Delabastita 1990, 97). Arguably, in the following two decades, the situation
evolved rapidly. Academic interest in AVT burgeoned in the 1990s, and has now clearly
consolidated its position within translation studies, whereas journalistic translation research
(hence JTR) started as a sub-area in the early years of the new millennium and has now
attracted the interest of researchers across the globe, notably in Europe, North America and
the Asia-Pacific region. This interest was partly sparked off by Karen Stetting (1989), who
proposed the use of transediting to encapsulate the various intra and interlinguistic processes
that affected international news production.
These two papers will be the starting point of the two sections into which this chapter is
divided. The first one is devoted to the translation of audiovisual material and will discuss
the development of the research involving language and culture, focusing on aspects that
have attracted the interest of international scholars, i.e. the use of multilingualism in the

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portrayal of characters, the translation of culture specifics, and the importance of ideology
and censorship. The final subsection will consider the role of amateur translation. The sec-
ond and shorter section will cover the major publications delving into JTR, starting with
Stetting’s seminal article on transediting, moving on to discuss the entries on news transla-
tion in major reference works and the books by Bielsa and Bassnett (2009) and Hernández
Guerrero (2009). It will also present the main topics analysed by researchers during this
period, with an emphasis on ideological issues.

Translating audiovisual texts

In his 1989 article, Delabastita argued that studying film translation ‘is necessarily part of
the larger project of the analysis of the “polysystem” of culture as a whole’ (210–211). He
used the labels of ancient rhetoricians partly to avoid what he considered the terminologi-
cal difficulties of the discipline (199–200), and categorised the transformation procedures
necessary to change a source-culture product into a target-culture one as follows: repetitio
(formal reproduction), adiectio (addition), detractio (reduction), transmutatio (change of
order), substitutio (replacement) and deletio (omission) (199–200).
Delabastita built on these ideas in a later article, ‘Translation and the Mass Media’ (1990),
published in the collection edited by Susan Bassnett and André Lefevere that marked the
shift from the more descriptive approaches to translation processes to the emphasis on the
study of culture and ideology in translation. Delabastita relied on Toury’s model to propose
a series of questions that could serve to study dubbing and subtitling. This set of questions
is particularly relevant to exploring a corpus of translations and establishing the relation-
ship between the source and target cultures involved in a given cultural exchange, as he
enquired about the central or peripheral positions of the source and the target cultures and,
consequently, their media products and the way in which translation norms might affect the
mediation process (1990, 103). On the other hand, the distinction between fictional products
and products dealing with facts (1989, 209) led him to propose a second set of questions
concerning the most common genres in the source and target cultures, and, ultimately, to
emphasise the need to establish a dialogue with other disciplines, as translation studies could
not account for all the features of translated media products (1990, 105).
This call for interdisciplinarity was to be answered in the following years, as transla-
tion scholars engaged with fields such as pragmatics, sociology, discourse analysis and,
of course, film studies (Chaume 2004; Abend-David 2014). For instance, Chaume (2004)
called for an integration of film studies, discourse analysis, communication studies and
translation studies in AVT. Chaume added that the various codes present in multimodal
texts could have different implications in the various cultures, and, therefore, need to be
considered during the translation process. Although many of the publications to come out in
the following years were primarily concerned with technical aspects (e.g. Whitman 1992),
which were, of course, extremely valuable to understanding the process of translation, and
have contributed to shape training programmes across Europe, this chapter, as mentioned,
focuses on the cultural components of media products.

The portrayal of multilingualism and ethnicity in AV products

and its translation
Linguistic approaches to AVT have been valuable in that they provide us with information
on the differences, similarities and peculiarities of source and target texts. For instance,

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speaking about the discursive peculiarities of dubbed language, Chaume uses the term
dubbese to refer to the ‘linguistic model a certain culture prefers to apply to its dubbings,
[which] is strongly influenced by the culture’s language policy’ (2013b, 293), while
Mubenga proposes a multimodal pragmatic analysis of AVT incorporating elements from
functional linguistics in an attempt to describe the language and situate it within a given
culture, foregrounding examples of cultural borrowings (2009, 481). Although useful to
underpin the ideational, interpersonal and textual levels of audiovisual texts, the basically
descriptive nature of the model fails to hypothesise on the reasons for those borrowings, or
for any other linguistic features that may be indicative of a cultural struggle between the
source and target cultures.
Other researchers have studied the cultural implications of, for instance, using more than
one language in the source texts and on the translated versions. Multilingualism, understood
as the co-presence of two or more languages in society or in a text (Meylaerts 2010, 227),
poses a difficult problem for audiovisual translators that researchers have begun to interro-
gate only recently (Chaume 2013b, 295). As several film scholars have become interested in
this aspect, Cronin (2009) emphasises that translation scholars are poised to provide relevant
insights into the ideological and cultural value of language in these media products. In fact,
as Cronin indicates (2009, 31–35), the choice of languages is rarely inconsequential. In clas-
sic westerns, for instance, Native Americans often remained untranslated or, alternatively,
they used broken English. The release of Kevin Costner’s Dances With Wolves in the 1990s
is considered a turning point in the representation of and the significance given to Native
American languages in the movie industry (O’Sullivan 2007, 86), with Lakota Sioux used
in a number of long subtitled sequences. Although the use of partly subtitled speech was not
new, O’Sullivan argues that it was the commercial success of the movie that opened the way
to the use of this type of subtitles in other Hollywood films, thus allowing Native American
languages to occupy a more central and balanced position in the source culture than ever
before. As Cronin puts it, the ‘film is a striking illustration of the thesis that translation issues
are at the heart of any serious interrogation of stereotype’ (2009, 46).
In her analysis of a corpus of multilingual films, Heiss underlines that, in the translated
versions, it is ‘particularly important not to unify the language in cases of bilingualism’
(2004, 212). And yet, the dubbed versions of these movies, while attempting to retain some
of the peculiarities of the original scripts, often omit many others, which ultimately makes a
considerable impact on the perception that the audience may have of speakers of other lan-
guages. The case of Spanish in Hollywood movies is worth mentioning, as Spanish-speaking
characters have featured in films from the very early years of the industry (Rodríguez 2004).
Cronin mentions John Ford’s classical western Stagecoach, where English, Spanish and
native languages are used. At one point, the use of Spanish seems to imply a ‘kind of paral-
lelism between language otherness and political unreliability’ (Cronin 2009, 35). On the
other hand, codeswitching (i.e. the use of two languages by the same speaker in the same
utterance) has been widely used in US cinema and television. In fact, its prominence has
only increased over the past decades, as the Hispanic population has become the largest
minority in the country. Accordingly, Spanish needs to be incorporated into media products,
but, as Jiménez Carra (2009) has demonstrated, the Spanish used by Hollywood actors is
often imperfect, to say the least: they tend to speak Spanish with an English accent, which
can be irrelevant for US audiences, as the use of Spanish aims to highlight linguistic and
cultural differences between the characters rather than introduce realistic features of the
languages in these films (and, additionally, the audiences might not even be aware of the
unnatural accents used by the Hispanic characters). Dubbing these dialogues can further

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become problematic, and very often the solution is the elimination of any traces of otherness.
Target versions do not merely omit the original features of Latin American Spanish, but
even carry out (sometimes unnecessary) intralinguistic translations, e.g. la visita mensual in
the US original movie (that is, ‘the monthly visit’) becomes menstruación in the European
Spanish dubbed version (Jiménez Carra 2009, 58–59).
Finally, it is worth mentioning the case of various language varieties, which also pose
serious problems for the translator. Generally speaking, Hall suggests that stereotyping is
a key element in portraying ethnic and racial difference (1997, 258). In films, stereotyp-
ing may result from using certain language forms considered less prestigious, related to
what Lippi-Green has called ‘the language subordination principle’. This implies that certain
social groups impose the use of certain language varieties as standard while other forms are
stigmatised (1997, 66-68), that is, some language varieties or accents have a higher status in
a given society. Thus, Hollywood films often use ethnic accents to perpetuate stereotypes
or to signal the foreign origin of the protagonists. These can range from positive portray-
als, as in Walt Disney’s The Aristocats, where a French-accented English signifies style
and sophistication (Lippi-Green 1997, 99–100), to the negative representations of Native
Americans mentioned above. Mereu Keating, on the other hand, has analysed the features
of black English in Hollywood films, where she found that scriptwriters aim to portray char-
acters that are ethnically and linguistically diverse. However, both the dubbed and subtitled
versions tend to eliminate these features (Mereu Keating 2014).

Culture specifics
Another relevant and salient aspect in AVT is the translation of culture specifics, that is,
elements that can be considered unique to the source culture. The concept itself is unstable
and there have been several attempts to define it (Mailhac 1996; Leppihalme 1997; Díaz
Cintas and Remael 2007; Chiaro 2009; Ranzato 2016). Chiaro provides the most inclusive
definition, as she stresses that culture specifics can be ‘either exclusively or predominantly
visual . . . exclusively verbal or else both visual and verbal’ (2009, 156). The translation of
these elements often implies the ‘domestication’ or ‘neutralisation’ of the original text (Dore
2008; Pavesi 2005, 26). Pavesi points out that translators might replace the lexical items pre-
sent in the original text by different ones capable of producing a similar effect in the target
culture (2005, 23). For example, in the Italian version of Notting Hill, the translators decided
to change the drink ordered by one of the characters, as it was assumed that mineral water
would not be extravagant enough for an Italian audience (Pavesi 2005, 24).
Perhaps one of the most extreme cases of domestication is the Spanish version of the
eight seasons of the American sitcom Will & Grace (Valdeón 2008b). The many transla-
tion solutions used in this programme include the preservation of the original references,
the substitution of the original with another target culture specific, the substitution of the
original with an international reference and, most remarkably, the substitution of the original
with a target-culture item. As a consequence, in the target version, upper and upper-middle
class Manhattan characters mention Spanish vaudeville celebrities such as Marujita Díaz
and Lina Morgan, and speak about Spanish products such as Cabrales cheese and black pud-
ding from the Spanish province of Burgos (Valdeón 2008b, 224). On the other hand, Spanish
films translated into English are also likely to be domesticated, even in highly acclaimed
films such as those of Pedro Almodovar, where cultural references are regularly omitted or
replaced by others more familiar for the target audience. Thus, the names of Spanish singers
(as the above-mentioned Marujita Díaz) give way to international ones (e.g. Julie Andrews)

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or omitted altogether (Rox Barasoain 2008, 359–360). Although Rox Barasoain claims that
these strategies contribute to the loss of the film’s cultural identity (2008, 360), it could also
be argued, using Delabastita’s terms, that the perceived peripheral status of Spain’s cinema
culture does affect the choices made by the translators (and other agents involved in the
process such as the adapter, the dubbing director and so on, Ranzato 2016, 20), who might
consider these references too specific to be understood by a US target audience.
Finally, from the final years of the twentieth century, translation has also been instru-
mental in the localisation of other media products, particularly video games. Although
this process started in the 1980s, it developed into an industry in its own right from the
mid-1990s (O’Hagan and Mangiron 2013, 55). In fact, its revenue now exceeds that of the
music industry and the cinema (Bernal-Merino 2015, 157). Typically, game localisation
involves the neutralisation of source culture items (for instance, by means of name substitu-
tion, O’Hagan and Mangiron 2013, 176), as the emphasis is on selling a product. However,
as O’Hagan and Mangiron claim (2013, 210), it is difficult to modify a video game to the
extent that the original culture is completely erased from the final product, even if the aim
is to adapt it for a broad international audience. Thus, the resulting products usually provide
examples of cultural hybridisation (Di Marco 2007), which may contribute to encouraging
curiosity in the Other (Bernal-Merino 2015, 86).

Ideology, censorship and AVT

Ideological issues are a primary concern in AVT (Díaz Cintas 2012; Díaz Cintas and Remael
2007, 229). Dominant ideologies can affect anything from the choice of AVT mode (Kruger
2012; De Marco 2012, 58, 110) to the choice of lexical items. One example of the latter is the
Spanish version of the American sitcom Will & Grace, where the tendency was to replace
the neutral and positivised references to the gay community used in the original series (such
as gay and homosexual) by more dysphemic choices (marica, maricón) in the Spanish ver-
sion (Valdeón 2010).
However, the connection between censorship and ideology is perhaps the issue that has
received the most attention in AVT. Censorship aims to reinforce the norms of the target
culture by ‘eliminating or replacing subversive material, thereby fulfilling certain intended
ideological goals’ (Gutiérrez Lanza 2002, 141). In this sense, dubbing can undoubtedly
and significantly alter the original text leaving few or no traces of the ideological changes,
unless specifically compared with the original. Thus, as Danan has stressed, dubbing began
not only as a consequence of the commercial interests of movie companies, but also as a
useful way to promote the nationalistic obsessions of the French political elite (1991, 612).
Fascist regimes like those of Italy, Germany and Spain soon realised the full potential of
dubbing in their efforts to impose political uniformity and prevent ideological discrepancy
(Ávila 1997, 73; Vandaele 2010, 99; Mereu Keating 2012; Schlegel 2015, 8; Ranzato 2016,
36), while, in Communist China, censorship has affected the way topics like politics and
sex are rendered into Mandarin (Yu 2015, 159). Even in democratic countries, dubbing can
be used to avoid political controversies. For example, in post-war Germany, dubbed films
usually avoided references to its painful Nazi past (Delabastita 1989, 208), while in England
translators used to remove ‘troubling moral material’ from the classical plays they translated
(Woods 2012, 21).
Franco’s Spain is a long enough period to attract the attention of translation scholars,
as censorship affected all spheres of public life. Political uniformity in Spain was achieved
through the imposition of official guidelines and the intervention of the Catholic Church.

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In the 1950s, the latter established a rating system that was widely used until the end of the
dictatorship in 1975. This system was combined with the manipulation of the films approved
for release. Censorship was shaped by cutting scenes considered morally reprehensible and
by altering original dialogues so that the target version would not pose a threat to the estab-
lished order. Thus, references to fascist Spain were always replaced by references to other
nations and political regimes (Ávila 1997), very often contradicting the multimodal text. For
instance, in Frank Capra’s Pocketful of Miracles (1961), Bette Davis’s daughter is engaged
to a Spanish aristocrat, who was turned into an Italian nobleman in the Spanish version, even
though on screen the official car carried the flag of the Spanish Republic.
Censorship in Franco’s Spain has been the focus of much of the research produced by
the TRACE project, based at the Universities of the Basque Country and León. The project
has shown that the Catholic Church exerted a great influence as regards the foreign films the
Ministry of Education selected for release. As the Church was regarded as the expert in moral
issues, an ecclesiastical representative was compulsory in the official body that made the
selection (Gutiérrez Lanza 2011, 307) Following the recommendations of the Vatican, regu-
lations were approved in 1947 and applied during the 1940s and 1950s. Censorship became
more relaxed in the 1960s, after the appointment of Manuel Fraga Iribarne as Minister of
Information and Tourism (1962–1969) and the passing of a new code in 1963. The code
aimed to preserve Catholic orthodoxy, but it also paved the way for the release of a greater
number of foreign films, which were approved in order to show the vices characteristic of
Protestant nations, such as divorce and adultery (Gutiérrez Lanza 2002, 154). In fact, even
though Article 8 of the 1963 code specifically prohibited any movies that justified divorce
and any other activities that undermined marriage and family as the pillars of the Francoist
society (Vandaele 2015, 172), films like Some Like It Hot and The Apartment, which were
initially banned, were eventually released, albeit resituated to make them conform to the
moral standards of the time (286). Ingmar Bergman’s films were also of great concern for
Spanish censors, who put emphasis on the religious terminology used in the original films
and downplayed their agnostic elements (Barbal 2008).
The ideological manipulations imposed by censors in other cultures have also received
scholarly attention, although the focus tends to be on high rather than mainstream culture
(see, for instance, the contributions to the collection edited by Seruya and Lin Moniz 2008).
In Portugal, like in neighbouring Spain, political, religious and moral issues were at the core
of what was permissible, and, thus, any movie that challenged public morality was subject to
scrutiny (Vieira 2013, 8). However, apart from the work by cinema critic and director Lauro
António (2001) and film specialist Vieira (2013), few translation scholars have delved into
the impact of censorship upon the Portuguese movie industry during the Salazar dictator-
ship. Particularly relevant here is the fact that the Portuguese film industry has traditionally
favoured subtitling, while in Spain films are dubbed. A comparative study of the differences
and similarities of how the two dictatorial regimes manipulated foreign films through these
two modes would certainly be of great interest.
Finally, the role of censorship in present-day societies, e.g. in some Islamic countries, can
also be a fruitful area of research. Censorship tends to be acceptable in many Arab countries,
where sex scenes and profanity are often deleted for the benefit of their audiences.

AV products and amateur translation

Amateur translation has become a feature of many contemporary media products. One such
practice is fansubbing, or unsolicited translations normally in the form of subtitles produced

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by fans (O’Hagan 2006, 245). Originally they were ‘articulated by fans of Japanese animated
films or anime worldwide’ (Pérez-González 2007, 68), but the term can now be applied
to the subtitling of other television series and films by fan communities (Pérez-González
2014, 17). Translation has, thus, contributed to move a perceived peripheral culture to the
centre of the international market to the extent that other cultures have been influenced
and have begun producing their own anime (O’Hagan 2006, 244; Jüngst 2006). Although
fansubbing may appear more democratic than the translation practices of the various media
industries, as it somehow escapes the power of media corporations, it should also be noted
that most fansubbing communities belong to the young and educated sectors of wealthier
societies (Dwyer 2012, 210), that is, groups with their own interests and objectives, and time
and money to spare. Fansubbing has also been linked to piracy, as fan localisation groups are
very active in translating other media products such as video games. However, the industry
seems to be able to tolerate this practice, as the enthusiasm of these non-professionals may
ultimately contribute to the popularity of the games themselves (Bernal-Merino 2015, 213).
Another interesting example of ‘volunteer translation’ (Pym 2014, 128) is the col-
laborative work of amateur translators or localisers in websites like Wikipedia, TED,
Facebook and so on. In Wikipedia, for instance, ‘article translation, like article creation
and editing, is user-driven. Articles are not chosen for translation by the organisation, but
rather at the initiative of any internet user’ (McDonough Dolmaya 2015, 18). The case
of Wikipedia is particularly relevant because it has become the largest reference site on
the internet and has sparked many controversies concerning the accuracy of its content
(for a full discussion see Jemielniak 2014). Although Wikipedia claims that ‘[t]ranslated
articles represent only a small portion of articles in most editions, in part because fully
automated translation of articles is disallowed’ (Wikipedia 2015), translation remains a
key part of the project (McDonough Dolmaya 2012; 2015). The translation and editing
of a text usually relies on individual users, who, again, come primarily from wealthier
countries (the largest number of articles are in English, German, Spanish, French, Italian
and Dutch, Wikipedia 2015).
As regards other companies such as TED and Facebook, crowdsourcing has also been
used to translate part of their content, although the latter seems to attract fewer individu-
als willing to work for a big multinational (McDonough Dolmaya 2012, 187–188) whose
translations may not be considered in a positive light, even though the quality of its texts
has improved over the years (McDonough Dolmaya 2012; Jiménez-Crespo 2013). It can
also be explained by the fact that an endeavour such as the TED Open Translation Project,
which aims to translate the speeches given by relevant figures at TED events, is considered
an initiative with a greater symbolic value (McDonough Dolmaya 2012, 188) than the work
done for Facebook.
Final mention should be made of activist subtitling, which involves both professionals
and non-professionals. Activist subtitling is part of the larger movement of activist trans-
lation that plays a significant role in many major protests movements (Baker 2016, 10),
and which, despite its importance, remains largely invisible. Only recently have researchers
begun to explore this role as well as the tensions between volunteer translators and the activ-
ists themselves, who tend to regard the former as service providers (11). While most of the
publications on activist translation deal with interpreting in various situations of conflict,
activist translators also work with audiovisual products. In fact, it has been argued that the
intervention of some fansubbers is a form of activism, as it aims to undermine the commer-
cial versions of media products, such as Japanese anime (Pérez-González 2014, 242), and it
allows the audience to express their views (257).

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Journalistic translation
News translation is a controversial activity. News writers, who routinely translate from other
languages (Gambier 2010, 16), do not regard their work as the result of translational activity
(Holland 2013, 337–338), and when journalists talk about translation, ‘they tend to be think-
ing of what others might term “literal translation”’ (Bielsa and Bassnett 2009, 1). In fact, for
many modern-day journalists, translation is a second-rate activity, carried out by journalists
as part of the news writing process (Gambier 2010, 16). This basically means that their aim
is to ‘domesticate’ the source material for the target readership, as the ultimate goal of news
producers is to write texts that appeal to their audience. Despite this, research into the role
of translation in news production is a very recent topic within translation studies, and, as
with AVT, JTR can benefit from an interdisciplinary approach. Communication studies, dis-
course analysis, sociology and history among others can inform JTR. Although little work
has been carried out into the role of translation in the history of journalism (Barker 2013),
translation was closely associated with the appearance of the first newspapers (for a discus-
sion, see Valdeón 2012 and 2015), helping to shape national rivalries in the early modern
period, at a time when Europe was riddled by wars.
The first studies on the role of translation in news production were published in the late
1980s and the 1990s. The publications by Fujii (1988), Stetting (1989), Schäffner (1991)
and Sidiropoulou (1995) signalled a growing interest in JTR. As mentioned in the intro-
duction, in 1989, Karen Stetting proposed the term ‘transediting’ to refer to the various
processes involved in news translation. Stetting talked about adaptation to a standard of
efficiency in expression, about adaptation of the text to the new social context and adapta-
tion to the needs and conventions of the target culture (1989, 377). Although challenged
by some authors (Bielsa and Bassnett 2009, 63; Schäffner 2012a), the term remains in use
(Hernández Guerrero 2009; Chen 2009; Gambier 2010; Conway 2014). On the other hand,
the function of the translator/journalist as a gatekeeper has also been highlighted by some
authors (Vuorinen 1997; Pan 2014). In communication studies, gatekeeping is a concept
linked to news production and dissemination, as news producers carry out the selection,
rewriting and resituation of the texts that will be eventually published, and, in this sense,
their role may resemble that of the translator (see also Hernández Guerrero 2009, 55).
However, it is not until the twenty-first century that JTR has begun to feature prominently
in most international journals and reference books, and can be said to have gained a place
within the discipline. While in the first edition of the Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation
Studies (1998), there were passing remarks to translation and the news (Gottlieb 1998, 246),
the second edition included an entry by Jerry Palmer entitled ‘News gathering and dissemi-
nation’ (2009, 186–189). More recently, in a chapter devoted to the topic in The Routledge
Handbook of Translation Studies, Holland has pointed out that news translation is affected
by a number of constraints (2013, 336–341), including time pressure and the pervasiveness
of English as a world language. Indeed news wires are increasingly produced in English,
which means that the adaptation for local audiences tends to be shaped by the features of
source texts.
This emergence of JTR as a significant sub-area within TS is partly a result of a number
of small conferences, including the one that served for the basis of Translation in Global
News: Proceedings of the Conference Held at the University of Warwick (2006), edited by
Kyle Conway and Susan Bassnett. Although the collection has circulated widely, most of
the articles retain to a large extent their written-to-be-spoken features and are very much pre-
liminary reflections on the topic. On the other hand, a special issue of the journal Language

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and Intercultural Communication, published in 2005, covered the specifics of news transla-
tion in a global context. Many of the contributions had a strong sociological component.
Orengo, for instance, suggested that the concept of localisation can be used to account for
the transformation processes in news translation on the basis that ‘news is a product which
is disseminated from a global network of institutions (namely, news agencies) to an infinite
number of local contexts’ (2005, 170). More recently, van Doorslaer has found that the
adaptation of informative texts in Belgian newsrooms carried out by news writers was very
similar to localisation processes in other situations (van Doorslaer 2010b, 182).
It could be argued that 2009 is an important year for JTR, as the first monograph-length
publications came out just about the same time: Translation and Global News by Esperança
Bielsa and Susan Bassnett, and Traducción y periodismo by María José Hernández Guerrero.
Bielsa and Bassnett, whose book is the result of extensive field work in Reuters, AFP and
other news agencies, show that news agencies do not normally employ translators as journal-
ists carry out the translation work necessary to adapt the texts to the expectations of the new
readership (2009, 57). They also studied the influence of news agencies in news production
and dissemination, and claim that news agencies remain a fundamental piece of news pro-
duction in the twenty-first century, as companies in poorer countries (36), as well as smaller
news outlets in richer countries, cannot afford foreign correspondents.
On the other hand, Hernández Guerrero’s textual approach offers a description of the
linguistic and ideological peculiarities of news translation, drawing on concepts such as
transediting (2009, 57–59) and localisation (59–63), and considers the conventions of both
the translation process and of news production. Hernández Guerrero differentiates between
‘unstable sources’, which journalists tend to modify freely, and ‘stable sources’, which do
not allow much freedom, as copyright issues apply to these texts written by prestigious
journalists and specialists. However, it has been recently argued that although the distinction
between stable and unstable sources may be valuable as a starting point, the dichotomy may
prove less useful for deeper analyses (Valdeón 2015), especially if we move from textual
characteristics to the questions posed by authors such as Delabastita (1990) and Schäffner
(2012b).
In line with Hernández Guerrero’s book, textual approaches have been very productive
over the past decade. In fact, product-based studies involving various language pairs, includ-
ing English–Hungarian (Károly 2013; 2014), English–Spanish (Hernández Guerrero 2005;
Valdeón 2005), English–Greek (Sidiropoulou 2004), English–Korean (Kang 2007; 2012),
English–Chinese (Tsai 2016; Zhang 2013) and English–French (Davies 2006), have pro-
vided insights into the discursive construction of both source and target culture texts. These
publications compare texts that appeared in print, in internet websites and on television, and
explore issues such as identity (Sidiropoulou 2004), coherence (Károly 2013; 2014) and
stance in news headlines (Zhang 2013).
Ideology has remained at the basis of many of these studies, which have explored
how translation can modify the original message in order to emphasise the editorial line
of the news company. Consequently, theoretical frameworks such as critical linguistics
(Fairclough 1995; Hodge and Kress 1993) and narrative theory (as adopted by Baker 2006)
have been particularly influential. For instance, Chen uses insights from critical linguistics
to compare news texts in the Liberty Times of Taiwan and their English translations in
the Taipei Times in order to examine differences in news media from mainland China and
Taiwan (2011, 717), and shows that the shifts in the target texts allow the translators to
align themselves with the likely expectations of the readership (e.g. the pro-independence
ideology of the Taipei Times), while Valdeón has studied the lexical changes operating in

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Roberto A. Valdeón

the Spanish service of the BBC (2005) in order to comply with the ideological principles
of the British corporation. Narrative theory has served to study a number of bilingual and
multilingual contexts, often with an emphasis on situations of conflict, such as English and
Russian online reporting on the Beslan hostage crisis of 2004 (Harding 2011; 2012), the
representation of Muslim-related violence (Carbonell 2010), the selective appropriation of
themes by translators/journalists in the Spanish online service of the BBC (Valdeón 2008a),
and in radio newsrooms in the South African context (van Rooyen 2011).
The analysis of news texts in translation can also be carried out from a cultural studies
perspective, as introduced by Bassnett (2005) and taken up primarily by Conway (2010;
2015). Conway has brought the expertise of a communication scholar and fused it with
sociological and translation approaches to delve into the cultural factors that influence the
translation process. He draws on the concept of cultural translation to explain what journal-
ists do when they translate—‘they are endeavouring to explain to members of one culture
how members of another culture interpret the world and the events that take place within
it’ (2010, 188)—and has recently examined the challenges faced by the Canadian public
broadcasting system regarding the adaptation of former nation-building mandates to a new
multicultural environment where audiences expect public media to cater for their needs in
their own languages and not only in French and English (Conway 2011).
To conclude, the readers of this chapter may find the special issues of two journals of
particular interest, Meta (2012) and Perspectives Studies in Translatology (2015), devoted
to ‘Translation and Journalism’ and ‘Culture and News Translation’ respectively. Of all the
contributions to these issues, mention must be made of Kyle Conway’s article on culture
and news translation, where he posits that news translation has been analysed from three
approaches: political (referring to what news texts travel, why and how), linguistic (referring
to language choices) and cultural (referring to the role of journalists and their relationship
with the intended audiences). In his view, none have provided an overall satisfactory expla-
nation of the role of culture in news production, even though the three have dealt with the
concept of culture to various degrees. He suggests that the use of an approach grounded in
a materialist philosophy of language (going back to Karl Marx) can contribute to providing
a more cogent account of the place of culture in journalistic translation, where culture is to
be studied as a result of the tensions between the economic, social and subjective worlds.
It should also be added that, although using different approaches, these tensions have been
partly analysed by the authors mentioned above. These tensions can also be traced in alter-
native media that rely on translators for the production and dissemination of their news and
viewpoints, such as Wikinews, Mediapart and the highly politicised Tlaxcala. In an age
characterised by the tensions between globalisation and localisation, the interest in these
and other topics, such as the role of (self-)censorship in translated news texts in China or
Muslim countries, will undoubtedly be sustained by researchers in both translation and com-
munication studies.

Further reading
Delabastita, Dirk. 1989. “Translation and Mass Communication: Film and TV Translation as Evidence
of Cultural Dynamic.” Babel 35 (4): 193–218.
This seminal article introduced AVT as a worthwhile topic of research and emphasised the importance
of media texts in the construction of cultures. Many of the issues Delabastita mentioned at the time are
still valid research questions.

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Gambier, Yves, ed. 2003. Screen Translation. Special issue of The Translator 9 (2).
This special issue of The Translator gathered a number of papers that delved into the cultural elements
of AVT, paying particular attention to humour and cultural differences.

Ranzato, Irene. 2016. Translating Culture Specific References on Television: The Case of Dubbing.
London: Routledge.
In her book, Ranzato explores the difficulties of rendering cultural elements that are specific to a given
culture. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ranzato investigates cultural, pragmatic and ideological
issues in a number of television series.

Valdeón, Roberto A. 2015. “Fifteen Years of Journalistic Translation Research and More.”
Perspectives: Studies in Translatology 23 (4): 634–662.
This long review article surveys the emergence of journalistic translation research from the late
1980s until the present day, and identifies some of the topics that have been of particular interest to
researchers.

Related topics
Power; social contexts, ideology and translation; translation and collaborative networks.

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