ChinaSolarPolicy BayaKallozRobins
ChinaSolarPolicy BayaKallozRobins
ChinaSolarPolicy BayaKallozRobins
Table of Contents
Executive Summary ............................................................................................................ 5
1. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 6
Why now? - US manufacturer petitions against China’s solar policy ............................ 6
Solar photovoltaic technology and supply chain ............................................................ 7
2. Methodology and Research Approach ............................................................................ 8
3. Chinese and Global PV Market Trends .......................................................................... 9
Installed capacity ........................................................................................................ 9
Market size .................................................................................................................. 9
China’s domestic market........................................................................................... 10
Comparison of Chinese and non-Chinese companies ................................................... 11
Manufacturing capacity ............................................................................................ 12
Prices ......................................................................................................................... 13
Vertical Integration ................................................................................................... 15
Raw Materials – Polysilicon ..................................................................................... 16
4. China’s policies ............................................................................................................. 16
Primary policy vehicles................................................................................................. 17
Direct manufacturing policies ....................................................................................... 18
Preferential loans ...................................................................................................... 18
Tax incentives ........................................................................................................... 19
Research & development support ............................................................................. 19
Central government planning.................................................................................... 19
Currency .................................................................................................................... 20
Export Policies .......................................................................................................... 20
Deployment policies (indirect) ..................................................................................... 20
Central government planning.................................................................................... 20
Direct subsidies ......................................................................................................... 21
Feed-in tariff ............................................................................................................. 21
Local and provincial policies ........................................................................................ 21
5. Drivers........................................................................................................................... 21
Global demand – An economic opportunity ................................................................. 22
Public policies ............................................................................................................... 22
Structure of Chinese companies.................................................................................... 22
6. Projecting China’s Market Share and Overcapacity ..................................................... 23
Baseline ......................................................................................................................... 23
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 3
Acknowledgements
We would like to thank Ken Zweibel of the George Washington Solar Institute for supporting
this report and providing guidance and references. We would also like to thank everyone we
interviewed and those who provided additional material, including Dr. William Wallace from the
National Renewable Energy Laboratory, Dr. Joanna Lewis from Georgetown University, and
representatives from First Solar.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 5
Executive Summary
In just three years, China’s production of solar photovoltaic (PV) cells and modules has
grown from 1 gigawatt (GW) to 20 GW, and its industry now accounts for more than 50 percent
of the global market. At the same time, prices for solar modules decreased to $1.40 per watt at
the end of the second quarter 2011 and are rumored to be encroaching upon $1 per watt.
The goal of the George Washington University Solar Institute is to conduct research on
the economic, technical, and public policy issues associated with solar energy. The Institute
requested support in light of China’s increasingly important role in the solar market. This
research identifies the drivers behind China’s recent rapid advance in solar PV manufacturing
and discusses the sustainability of China’s industry in the short term. Our methodology included:
A literature review and market research.
Review of financial filings of eight Chinese companies and four non-Chinese companies
Interviews with experts from national labs, organizations, and solar manufacturers.
An evaluation of Chinese market share and excess capacity under several scenarios,
including higher domestic demand and a US tariff on Chinese PV imports.
Our literature review identified drivers of China’s solar expansion, including its
manufacturing policies, the economic opportunity in a rapidly expanding market, and China’s
general manufacturing strengths. The policies supporting a solar industry include readily
available credit at low interest rates, tax incentives, low rates for land and raw materials,
guaranteed price mechanisms for solar projects and rebates on tax and interest. China’s large
loans and manufacturing policies have supported its quick rise to the top of global PV
production, and new deployment policies are beginning to expand its domestic market.
We conclude that in the near future, the sustainability of China’s PV industry and the
speed of its growth will depend on how well it addresses overcapacity and captures domestic
demand.
Risks to the future sustainability of China’s PV manufacturing sector include increasing
transportation costs, dependence on a single type of PV technology, dependence on exports,
changes to exchange rates, import restrictions on Chinese products and inflation of labor rates.
The Chinese companies included in this analysis are planning to address some of these risks by
increasing automation, reducing costs to guard against exchange rate changes, and seeking
opportunities in the domestic market. Further actions could include: increased presence in new
markets, such as Brazil, South Africa, and Australia, and entry into other PV technology
markets, including thin film.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 6
1. Introduction
Changing policy incentives in Europe, rapid increases in solar manufacturing in China,
and severe increases and then drops in prices of raw material inputs have affected the growth of
the global solar business. Because of the speed with which China grew to become the largest
solar photovoltaic (PV) manufacturer in only a few years, critics have questioned the legality of
its subsidies and the future sustainability of its industry.
The George Washington University (GWU) Solar Institute’s goal is to be a premier
research facility for economic, policy, and technical research on solar. In light of China’s
important role in solar today, this paper provides the GWU Solar Institute with background and
analysis of China’s policies and the characteristics of its solar manufacturing industry. The main
questions we address are: what are the drivers behind China’s recent rapid advance in solar PV
manufacturing? Can China sustain its current share of the PV manufacturing market? What are
the implications of China’s short-term industry sustainability for the global market?
This introduction provides an overview of recent trade action by US manufacturers
against Chinese manufacturers and an introduction to the PV supply chain. Subsequent sections
include the status of the global and Chinese PV markets, Chinese policy, drivers behind China’s
manufacturing success, and a discussion of several hypothetical market scenarios.
On October 19, 2011, a group of solar manufacturers led by SolarWorld submitted a trade
petition to the US Department of Commerce (DOC). The petition alleges that China is unfairly
subsidizing its solar manufacturing industry with cash grants, multi-billion dollar preferential
loans, raw material discounts, tax incentives, and currency manipulation (CASM, 2011a).
SolarWorld (2011b) seeks to establish that Chinese companies could not possibly have
production costs low enough to be selling modules and cells at their current prices in the US.
SolarWorld and Coenergy filed a similar complaint in August 2009, asking the German
government and the European Union (EU) to begin an antidumping investigation. According to
Lewis (2011), the EU has not initiated an investigation.
On December 2, 2011 the International Trade Commission (ITC) voted that there were
indications of damage to the US solar industry (Associated Press, 2011). In March and June
2012, the DOC will make final determinations on whether to levy an antidumping duty and/or
countervailing duty.1 Some US companies have also responded against the petition (Sun Edison
LLC, 2011), due to a perceived greater threat to the solar industry from a penalty on China than
China’s policies. Jefferies (2011) predicts that the petition would lead to higher module prices –
dampening demand, although Chinese companies could circumvent the tariff by using other
countries. In an interesting twist, Chinese manufacturers responded to the SolarWorld petition by
asking the China Ministry of Commerce to start an investigation against the US into dumping
and illegal subsidies (Juan, D. & Oingfen, D., 2011).
1
A countervailing duty is put on imports to counteract illegal subsidies.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 7
This is not the first instance of trade disputes around renewable energy. In October 2010,
the United States launched an investigation into the practices of China in green technologies –
due to a petition from the United Steelworkers. This petition claimed that export restraints,
prohibited subsidies, discrimination against foreign companies and imported goods, and
domestic subsidies were inconsistent with World Trade Organization policies (USTR, 2010).
Specifically, this petition included special funds for manufacturing, export product funds, and
financing through export credits by China’s Export-Import Bank (Eisen, 2011). The USTR
decided in December 2010 not to take action on the solar components of this petition, due to lack
of evidence (Lewis, 2011).2
Figure 1.1: Mono- and Multi- C-Si PV and China percentage of the market in volume or total megawatts
(Source: author derived from multiple sources, including Lewis, 2011; EPIA, 2011b; and GTM Research,
2011).
2
The pressure from the petition led to China removing local content requirements for wind technology.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 8
Installed capacity
Estimates of current global installed PV capacity vary substantially. Werner et al. (2011)
estimate installed capacity between 34.9 GW and 41.5 GW as of the end of 2010. The
International Energy Agency (IEA) (2011a) presents a range of 18 to 25 GW. The European
Photovoltaic Industry Association (EPIA) (2011a) estimates almost 40 GW, producing an
estimated 50 terawatt-hours of electrical power per year. This is approximately 0.25 percent of
the total amount of electricity produced globally in 2008 (IEA, 2011b).
EPIA (2011a) reports that China’s cumulative installed PV grew from 68 megawatts
(MW) in 2005 to 893 MW in 2010. Figure 3.1 shows the total global installed capacity by
region.
40,000
35,000
Global Installed Capacity (MW)
30,000
25,000
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Figure 3.1: Global total installed capacity by region (Source: EPIA, 2011a).
Market size
The annual market for solar more than doubled between 2009 and 2010 (EPIA, 2011a).
For 2011, estimates of total market range from 21 to 24 GW (Mints, 2011b; Osborne, 2011b),
which is a 44 percent increase from the year prior.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 10
The four largest Chinese companies (Trina, Yingli, JA Solar, and Suntech) have
transitioned from producing very little to almost 2 GW each in just five years (Goodrich, 2011).
In 2008, China became the largest solar manufacturer (JRC, 2011)
In 2010, China contributed 50 percent of total world PV shipments (IEA, 2011a). Figure
3.2 shows China’s dominance in manufacturing supply and comparatively small role in installing
PV domestically.
PV Supply PV Demand
US Japan
Japan 5% 7%
10%
US
Europe 7% China
17% &
China
Europe Taiwan
&
81% 0%
Taiwan
56% Rest of
Rest of world
world 5%
12%
Figure 3.2: Global 2010 supply and demand percentages (Source: Mints, 2011a).
China exports 90 percent of its PV products to other countries (Algieri, Aquino, &
Succurro, 2011). It shipped 7.5 GW in 2010 and installed 500 MW domestically as shown in
Figure 3.3 (IEA, 2011a).
8000
7500
Installation of PV Modules (MW)
7000
China's Export and Domestic
6000
5000
3851
4000
2560
3000
2000
1068 500
1000 390
20 40 160
0 10
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010
Installation (MW) Export (MW)
Figure 3.3: China’s export and installation of PV modules (Source: IEA, 2011a).
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 11
China does have abundant solar energy resources (Liu, Wang, Zhang, & Xue, 2010), with
more than 60 percent of its land area having abundant solar radiation as shown in table 3.1
(kWh/m2) (China Environmental Science Press, 2007).
Table 3.1: Solar Energy Resource Distribution in China (Source: China Environmental Science Press,
2007)
Although the country is rich in solar resources, the provinces that receive the most
sunlight are predominantly rural and not well connected to the national power grid (Junfeng,
Sicheng, Minji, & Lingjuan, 2007; Zhang, Lior, & Jin, 2011). The high prices of PV systems,
small markets, and inconsistent grid connection standards have also been constraints on China’s
PV use (Zhao, Zhang, & Zuo, 2011).
We analyzed annual and quarterly financial reports to take a closer look at eight of the
top Chinese PV manufacturers. We compared these companies to four prominent non-Chinese
manufacturers using multiple financial indicators including capacity utilization, average selling
price, vertical integration, gross margin, debt-to-equity ratio, and real interest rates. Table 3.2
summarizes our findings for several of these indicators.
Our analysis was limited because third-quarter 2011 data were not yet available. It was
often necessary to rely on 2010 data, which do not reflect the important market developments
that have occurred in the past year. For example, many companies are cutting their 2011
shipment projections, which may mean that the capacity utilization figures we report in Table 3.2
overestimate actual utilization rates.
An additional limitation is that data were not reported consistently across all companies.
Some firms reported cell and module capacity separately, for instance, while others reported a
combined total. Although some companies reported interest rates, it was necessary to calculate
interest rates for those that did not.
Finally, the validity of the conclusions we have been able to draw is restricted by the
small number of companies sampled. While the eight Chinese firms considered represent
approximately 81 percent of the Chinese market, we did not consider the hundreds of smaller
companies that account for the remaining 19 percent. The four non-Chinese case studies should
likewise not be considered representative. Full summary tables are in Appendix B.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 12
Table 3.2: Selected financial indicators for eight Chinese and four non-Chinese PV manufacturers
(Source: company annual and quarterly financial reports; company websites). (NA: Not readily available
from public sources)
Estimated
Capacity Utilization (%)
2011 Q2 2011 Q2
2011 Q2 Average Gross Margin Debt/Equity 2011
Company Interest Rate (%) * (%) Ratio 2010 (as of Q2)
Manufacturing capacity
As global production has grown rapidly, so has manufacturing capacity, with gigawatts of
capacity remaining idle. EPIA (2011a) reported that global production capacities were
substantially higher than 2010 demand for PV, total modules capacity was 30 to 32 GW, but that
the total market for modules was possibly only as high as 18 GW. This pattern continued in
2011. IMS Research found that since January 2011, demand for solar has increased 19 percent,
but manufacturing capacity has grown 54 percent, and estimates that at the end of 2011 there will
be twice as much capacity as demand (Stuart, 2011).
New PV manufacturing capacity in China increased from just over 1 GW to 20 GW in
three years, and China intends to grow manufacturing capacity to 40 GW in 2012 (JRC, 2011).
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 13
This is almost as much capacity as there was cumulative installed solar at the end of 2010, and
higher than the global module production capacity reported by EPIA (2011a).
To estimate the extent of Chinese firms’ excess capacity (i.e., capacity in excess of
production), we make several assumptions. When companies reported module, cell, and
wafer/ingot capacity separately, we assume that production at earlier phases of the supply chain
would not be sold outside of the company, but rather allocated to internal downstream
production to the extent possible. We regard total capacity, then, as the sum of capacity at the
module phase and any additional capacity at upstream phases. Furthermore, we consistently
assume that reported shipments were equivalent to actual production for a given period.
Many of the estimates reported by companies include only the production capacity that
they have formally announced. This could include production lines that are not operational as
well as expansions unrealized (EPIA, 2011a). Excess capacity may also indicate that there will
be some consolidation on a short-term basis as some companies drop out as the market matures.
As reported in Table 3.2, we find that our chosen Chinese companies’ 2011 capacity
utilization as estimated in the second quarter did not differ markedly from that of the non-
Chinese firms. The Chinese manufacturers appeared to be producing in 2011 at a slightly higher
rate relative to their capacities (68 percent) than did non-Chinese companies (63 percent). In
2010, by contrast, non-Chinese firms produced at nearly full capacity. The increase in non-
Chinese overcapacity may be at least partially attributable to an increase in Chinese shipments, if
Chinese firms are indeed outselling their global competitors, in addition to a lower than expected
demand in 2011.
Some companies have taken action in response to overcapacity. First Solar delayed the
launch of a facility in Vietnam. SolarWorld, REC, Solon, and PV Crystalox have all announced
shutdowns, and other companies (e.g., Solyndra and Solon) have declared bankruptcy (Stuart,
2011). Suntech, the second largest Chinese manufacturer and world’s largest solar module
manufacturer, announced it will put capacity expansions on hold in 2012 (Osborne, 2011a).
The China Chamber of Commerce for Import and Export of Machinery and Electronic
Products (2011a) predicts that excess capacity in China will be absorbed by demand growth from
other markets in China and the Asia Pacific. However, China will have to install between only
six and seven gigawatts on average annually to meet its target for domestic installed capacity of
50 GW by 2020 (Sichao, 2010; Pew, 2011). This level of demand is far from sufficient to resolve
Chinese firms’ overcapacity by itself.3
As we will discuss subsequently,4 China’s government appears to be actively promoting
consolidation of the country’s PV industry. Should a significant number of smaller firms drop
out, China’s overcapacity could be substantially reduced.
Prices
The marginal cost of a module captures raw materials, labor, and capital equipment.
Declining prices have supported the growth of the PV market, accelerated by support
mechanisms, technological progress, and increased production efficiency (EPIA, 2011c).
3
For a more extensive discussion, see Section 6: Projecting China’s Market Share and Overcapacity.
4
See Section 4: China’s Policies.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 14
The decline in module prices has recently accelerated. Mints (2011b) reported that mid-
year c-Si prices were at $1.40 per watt and decreasing. Average selling prices for a specific
company may vary according to purchase sizes and supply chain integration.
Figure 3.4 depicts the average reported or calculated selling prices of the eight Chinese
and four non-Chinese companies whose financial statements we analyzed. These prices were
either stated or calculated from solar module revenue and total shipments. Average selling prices
for the Chinese firms in 2011 appear comparable to those of their non-Chinese counterparts.
4.5
Average Selling Price (US$ per
4
3.5
3
watt)
Chinese
2.5
Non‐Chinese
2
1.5
1
2008 2009 2010 2011 Q2
Figure 3.4: Average selling price for sample of Chinese and non-Chinese companies (Source: Author
derived from company annual and quarterly financial reports, including total module revenue and total
shipments).5
5
First Solar is included as a non-Chinese company, although it produces thin film cadmium telluride PV rather than
crystalline silicon PV.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 15
Vertical Integration
The majority of the Chinese companies we analyzed state in their annual reports that they
are pursuing greater vertical integration to realize cost savings. Although these firms spend more
time in their financial statements discussing vertical integration than do their global competitors,
it appears that the non-Chinese companies are also active at multiple phases of the PV supply
chain. SolarWorld, in particular, is involved in all stages of the supply chain, from polysilicon
processing to module production (Table 3.3).
Table 3.3: Areas of production for eight Chinese and four non-Chinese PV manufacturers (Source:
company annual and quarterly financial reports; company websites).
Company Polysilicon Wafers/ingots Cells Modules Systems
JA Solar x x x x In development
Trina Solar x x x Part of strategic plan
Jinko Solar x x x
Canadian Solar x x x x
Suntech x x x x
China Sunergy x x
Yingli Green Energy x x x x
Hanwha SolarOne x x x x
SolarWorld (GER) x x x x x
Q-Cells (GER) x x x
SunPower (USA) x x x
Note: First Solar manufactures cadmium telluride thin film, in contrast to the other companies
producing c-Si modules. They are listed as NA for polysilicon, ingots and wafers as these processes and
materials are not used.
Most of the selected Chinese PV module and cell manufacturers do not seem to be active
in polysilicon processing. However, it has been alleged that state-owned Chinese polysilicon
processors are selling polysilicon to downstream manufacturers at reduced prices (SolarWorld,
2011b). Although vertical integration across the entire manufacturing supply chain may be an
advantage in the solar PV market, Chinese manufacturers are at risk of increased transportation
costs if their PV module assembly is located in China alone and not in the country where the PV
is installed. PV modules are more expensive to ship than their component parts, PV cells
(Goodrich, 2011; Science Friday, 2011).
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 16
Prices for solar modules have decreased steadily since the 1980s, with some temporary
changes from approximately 2004 to 2008 driven by an increase in raw material costs due to
undersupply of polysilicon. Silicon is the largest single cost to manufacture a c-Si solar PV
module. Roca and Sills (2011) cite polysilicon as a quarter of the cost of a finished solar panel,
but values from individual solar companies producing modules vary depending on whether they
own polysilicon manufacturing and the terms of their supply contracts.
In 2010, China grew to be the largest polysilicon producer, with one third of the total
market, in front of the US (25%), South Korea (16%), and Germany (15%) (GTM Research,
2011). Each company we evaluated mentions the changing price of silicon as a risk to its
business.
One of the grounds for SolarWorld’s (2011b) petition is that China is illegally
subsidizing its PV industry through lower-than-market polysilicon prices for its own producers.
SolarWorld (2011b) supports its argument by claiming that market prices are $64 to $87 per
kilogram globally but $30 per kilogram in China. In its 2010 annual report, Trina Solar cited
long-term contract prices of $57 per kilogram and spot prices of $85 per kilogram. In November
2011, Bradsher (2011) cited global prices of as low as $33 per kilogram. It is not clear whether
the major Chinese manufacturers were receiving different prices than the world spot price;
however, the global prices cited by Bradsher (2011) are closer to the prices SolarWorld (2011b)
alleges Chinese companies are receiving than to the cited global prices.
4. China’s policies
The solar industry across countries is heavily influenced by public policy, in the form of
feed-in-tariffs6 (FiTs) and subsidies for research and development, direct subsidies for
manufacturing and deployment, as well as policies to capture the external costs of fossil fuels to
the environment and climate.
This report focuses on policies that support PV manufacturing in China. These policies
can be directly subsidizing manufacturers or support solar deployment domestically to strengthen
the market for these manufacturers.
EPIA (2011c) lists four elements of a successful renewable energy policy: a clear
guaranteed pricing system, clear planning and administration procedures, priority access to the
grid and clear identification of grid connection responsibilities, and public acceptance. China’s
policies hit several of these elements, but how well the policy sets clear procedures and systems
is debated. China recently rolled out a pricing system (a FiT), has procedures for planning and
administration – including required quality certification of technology and integration
requirements – and is improving its planning procedures.
6
A FiT reimburses renewable energy producers at a set price for the amount of electricity they contribute to
the grid. Typical FiT’s also have a guaranteed pricing structure for utility companies purchasing the power and often
require grid connection (EPIA, 2011b).
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 17
The petition made by SolarWorld in October 2011 cites a total of 200 subsidies,
including low rates on raw materials, tax reductions, advantageous loans, and funds towards
physical assets (Juan & Oingfen, 2011). Table 4.1 shows the primary manufacturing and
deployment policies described in this report.
Table 4.2: Major Policy Instruments in China’s 2006 Renewable Energy Law (Ng, 2011)
Instrument Specification
National renewable energy Establishes strategic position of renewable energy; identifies scale of market
target development, types of technologies needed, and priority locations for development.
Grid companies must accept all power generated by renewable energy with price
Grid-connection priorities fixed by government and are required to build systems to integrate renewable
energy with grid.
Classifying tariffs for Government determines price based on average cost, cost with advanced
renewable energy power technologies, or bidding price.
Costs for on-grid renewable energy electricity and off-grid generators in rural areas
Sharing costs at national level
are shared by grid consumers in whole country.
Special fund covers: technology research, standards development, and pilot
projects; household renewable-energy utilization projects in rural and pastoral
Renewable-energy special areas; off-grid electrification projects in remote areas; renewable energy resource
fund assessments and evaluation; establishment of localized renewable-energy
manufacturing industry; special fund comes from central and local finance as balance
of cost sharing.
Financial institutions may offer preferential loans with national financial interest
Policies on favorable credit subsidies to eligible energy development and utilization projects; national policy
treatment banks, national banks, bilateral aid funds, inter-national multilateral aid banks, and
financial organizations are able to supply favorable loans.
Policies on favorable tax
Preferential tax will be given to renewable energy projects.
treatment
loans, by either citing the interest they pay or that they have not drawn down the full amount of
the available credit. For example, Wesoff (2011) cites communication with Suntech, one of the
top three solar companies in China, stating that the company received a $7 billion credit from the
China Development Bank, although a spokesperson asserts that less than 10 percent was drawn
down.
We find that availability of credit is a driver of China’s growth in the PV sector; it
allowed access to funds during economic uncertainty and encouraged quick growth. This finding
is supported by Goodrich (2011), who concludes that China’s availability of credit was an
advantage that provided greater certainty than if these companies had sought private credit.
Tax incentives
Under the REL, eligible PV companies are exempt from value-added taxes and customs
duties, and business income tax may be reduced to 15 percent (Zhao, Zhang, & Zuo, 2011; Zhao,
Zuo, Fan, & Zillante, 2011; GuoKeFahuo, 2008). Further, some high tech development zones
and particular provinces support additional tax incentives (REN21, 2011a).
The Chinese companies we investigated are primarily Foreign Investment Enterprises
(FIEs) established in the Cayman Islands. All of the companies included changes in their tax
status as a business risk. SolarWorld’s petition included supporting documents on the incentives
firms received under the Enterprise Income Tax law (EIT). Under the EIT, FIEs had tax
exemptions for 2 years after the first year of profitability, and have a 50 percent tax reduction for
the next three years (Industry Week, 2007). Any company under the EIT was grandfathered to
keep its tax breaks until they expire under the Corporate Income Tax Law (CIT) in 2007. Several
solar manufacturers are still benefiting from the reduced tax rate because of having established a
presence before the CIT (SolarWorld, 2011b). Companies can still get similar tax holidays under
the CIT in certain regions, and also for certain projects, like infrastructure (GuoKeFahuo, 2008).
Under the CIT, the FIEs (JA Solar, Jinko, Trina, and others) expressed concerns in annual
financial disclosures that the new law would determine FIEs are subject to income tax over their
entire operations in China. Although they are established in the Cayman Islands, their governing
body is in China. China’s industries also have available tax credits of other types, such as a
manufacturing tax credit (Goodrich, 2011), which reduce the effective tax rate for corporations.
Research and development support is provided by the central government through the
Chinese Ministry of Science and Technology. It supports R&D by companies and by public
research institutions (De la Tour, Glachant, & Meniere, 2011). In the 11th FYP, China provided
a small amount, $18.5 million, for solar PV R&D (Lewis, 2011).
Lewis (2011) cites some influence of China’s central government to “pick winners” and
consolidate the industry, as the sheer number of Chinese solar companies may be forcing
Chinese firms to cut prices and sacrifice profitability (Marketwire, 2011, December 13).
According to Yingli CFO Bryan Li, Chinese banks are tightening lending and making lists of the
solar companies with which they are willing to continue to work. Such a move will likely push
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 20
some smaller, less successful companies out of business (Daily & Groom, 2011, December 6)
and reduce China’s excess manufacturing capacity.
A trade petition against China filed in September 2010 alleges that China also does not
allow foreign companies to obtain international emissions credits for the project unless a Chinese
firm holds a majority in the venture (USW, 2010), however a First Solar representative indicated
this incentive is no longer in place (personal communication, December 1, 2011).
Currency
In October 2011, the US Congress considered imposing a tariff on Chinese goods due to
“improper valuation” of China’s currency, which would give it an advantage in exports. In a
report to Congress, the U.S. –China Economic and Security Review Commission (2010) notes
the slow appreciation of the renminbi against the US dollar, and claimed the renminbi was
“substantially” undervalued, subsidizing exporters. China denies it is manipulating the value of
the renminbi (New York Times, 2011). SolarWorld (2011b) argues that currency manipulation is
a major way by which China is supporting solar as an export business.
Export Policies
SolarWorld (2011b) found that Chinese PV manufacturers are eligible for incentives as
major exporters. They state that these companies could be benefiting from policies that return
income tax paid on profits that are reinvested into a FIE, which is only given to companies
meeting a certain export threshold. SolarWorld (2011b) also alleges that China’s PV
manufacturers are eligible for the Export Product and Research Development Fund, which
provides grants for R&D activities for export industries. The DOC will determine whether solar
companies are benefiting from such policies, and whether they are illegal in the first half of
2012.
China has increased its deployment incentives in recent years, from supporting pilot and
demonstration projects, to subsidizing large PV projects, to creating a FiT to support renewable
energy projects by guaranteeing prices for utilities with surcharges on fossil energy. China’s
investment in solar has been realized in manufacturing trends, but is on the cusp of influencing
domestic installations. China’s deployment policies center around developing the power grid,
promoting connections to renewable sources, and providing preferential pricing schemes for
renewable energy (Su, Hui & Tsen, 2010).
Historically, China’s deployment goals were modest. Since the 1995 Plan for National
Solar PV Development, goals have increased from 0.3 GW to 50 GW in 2020 (Sichao, 2010;
Pew, 2011; JRC, 2011; Hart, 2011).
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 21
Direct subsidies
China has several direct subsidy programs that support demonstration and other
deployment projects. China’s “Solar-Powered Rooftops Plan” provides a subsidy that covers 50
to 60 percent of the total cost of rooftop PV and building-integrated PV (BIPV) systems (Lewis,
2011). It was reduced from 2009 to 2010 from $2.32 per watt for rooftop systems and $3.09 per
watt for BIPV to $2.01 per watt and $2.63 per watt respectively (Lewis, 2011).
The Golden Sun program also supports deployment by subsidizing 50 percent of
investment cost for solar PV demonstration projects and 70 percent of the investment cost for
off-grid PV (Lewis, 2011; Su, Hui, & Tsen, 2010). For c-Si panels, China capped the subsidy at
$2.16 per watt (Lewis, 2011). Under Golden Sun, China is investing $15 to $20 billion to install
294 demonstration projects that total 642 MW of installed capacity over the next three to five
years (Zhao, Shi, Chen, Ren, & Finlow, 2011; Wang, 2010; W. Wallace, personal
communication, November 2, 2011). SolarWorld (2011b) alleges that Golden Sun may be
indirectly subsidizing manufacturers by selecting awardees.
Feed-in tariff
The guarantee for purchase of all renewable energy is enabled by a feed-in-tariff (FiT)
system. FiTs, typically, guarantee a price for all renewable energy connected to the grid. Many
countries have used FiTs to stabilize markets for solar. FiTs also support large-scale applications
of solar that require large up-front capital costs (Mints, 2011b).
In China, the State Council fixes a tariff for purchases of renewable energy connected to
the grid. Electric utilities are then required to purchase all renewable-based electricity at the
fixed price. The additional cost of renewable energy is made up for by creating a surcharge for
all electricity charges (Sichao, 2010; Zhao, Zuo, Fan & Zillante, 2011). The national FiT is
Chinese yuan (CNY) 1.15/kWh (approximately $0.18) for projects completed by December 31,
2011 and CNY 1.0/kWh (approximately $0.15) for projects approved by July 2011, but not
completed before the end of the year.
Provinces and local areas also provide support for manufacturing and solar installation
projects. Province and local areas are more likely to support land grants or land at reduced costs.
Lewis (2011) notes that some provincial governments have been reported as giving away land to
attract industry. Lewis (2011) provides an example of the company Sunzone, which reportedly
purchased land at one-third of the rate for industrial land. SolarWorld (2011b) alleges that
Chinese manufacturers benefited from electricity rates 17 to 60 percent lower than other
industries, as well as low prices for water and raw materials. A First Solar representative
identified local and provincial-based policies as the most important support for Chinese
manufacturers (personal communication, December 1, 2011).
5. Drivers
Based on our research, we identified three major drivers behind the impressive growth in
Chinese solar PV industry. In this section we discuss each, namely, the global demand, China’s
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 22
governmental policies regarding the sector and its internal demand, and the structure of Chinese
PV manufacturing companies.
Rapid growth in global demand for PV products, and anticipation for future rampant
growth, was an opportunity for China’s manufacturing sector. The increase in global total
installed capacity from 1.5 GW in 2000 to 39.5 GW in 2010 demonstrates the magnitude of this
change in demand. The primary market for solar PV modules in 2010 was Europe which
accounted for 81 percent of global demand. Japan and the United States accounted for 7 percent
each (EPIA, 2011a). Some also believe the demand increase is tied to solar PV rapidly
approaching an economically competitive level with other electricity technologies. Dan Shugar,
the CEO of Solaria Corporation, believes that that time is now, with prices having decreased
from $40 per watt in the mid 1970s to encroaching upon $1 per watt today (Science Friday,
2011).
China was able to break into this market quickly because c-Si was a mature technology.
Companies were able to purchase equipment from major manufacturers (Goodrich, 2011; First
Solar representative, personal communication, December 1, 2011). Being a large player in this
market serves both their economic and energy security objectives.
Public policies
The wide range of public policies initiated by the Chinese government, including the
2006 REL and the 12th FYP, are identified in this research as an important driver of China’s
manufacturing growth. Readily available loans, direct subsidies, tax rebates, land grants, and
support for research and development together produce a significant driving force which has
spurred the growth in China’s PV industry. China has rapidly increased internal deployment
goals from 20 GW to 50 GW of installed capacity in 2020. Increased internal demand, more
export locations, and possibly increased diversity of products will allow Chinese manufacturers
to diversify their markets and become less vulnerable to global market volatility.
Goodrich (2011) also identifies increasing transportation costs as potentially major cost
disadvantages for Chinese manufacturers. Public policy allows the Chinese producers to compete
and offset transportation costs.
These projections are intended to be used for illustrative purposes only. Our intent is to
provide the reader with a general impression of the relative impact that the two scenarios might
have. They should not be construed as precise estimates; we make numerous assumptions, and
projections in the solar market are highly variable. The following apply to the baseline and
alternative scenarios:
We assume that cell and module quantities are roughly interchangeable, since the
EPIA projections (2011a) that form the basis for our calculations do not
differentiate between cell and module quantities.
We assume that the EPIA projections for demand are equivalent to the amount of
PV product that will be sold, even though demand may not equal sales in reality.
Baseline
Our “baseline” scenario is intended to serve as a basis for comparison against the two
policy-driven scenarios we describe above. We do not consider it a reliable forecast of future
trends. The scenario is based on a set of assumptions derived from current trends as of second
quarter 2011:
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 24
The baseline assumes that Chinese companies’ share of global PV sales holds
constant at 50 percent through 2018, subject to available capacity as projected
(once again, this reverses existing trends).
Because these projections extend only to 2015, we assume that demand increases
at a constant rate thereafter, equal to the difference between 2014 and 2015.
We infer the total capacity of Chinese companies in 2010 and 2011 from the sum
of our eight Chinese companies’ estimated capacities, knowing that they
composed approximately 81 percent of the Chinese cell market in 2010 (IEA,
2011a).
200%
Excess capacity (% of total
160%
Chinese shipments)
120% Baseline
US Tariff
80%
Greater China Demand
40%
0%
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
Figure 6.1: Projected excess PV capacity for Chinese manufacturers under three scenarios (Source:
authors’ analysis based on EPIA, 2011a; company data; and China’s announced solar targets).
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 25
Figure 6.2 depicts the results of our calculations as they impact China’s share of the
global PV market. Under this scenario, we project a steady increase in market share from 50
percent to over 55 percent in 2018, as compared to 50 percent in the baseline scenario. A
constant 10 percent annual growth rate in capacity is projected to result in a significant decrease
in overcapacity of about 90 percentage points for Chinese firms as the domestic market expands
(Figure 6.1), which would be considerably lower than the baseline scenario but still fail to
resolve China’s overcapacity problem.
60%
Share of global market (%)
55%
Baseline
50%
US Tariff
Greater China Demand
45%
40%
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018
Figure 6.2: Projected Chinese share of global PV market under three scenarios (Source: authors’ analysis
based on EPIA, 2011a; company data; and China’s announced solar targets).
around 164 percent in 2012 and slowly decline thereafter to about 126 percent in 2018 (Figure
6.1), which is several percentage points higher than the baseline scenario.
As noted above, both scenarios made assumptions that reverse current trends, namely
that: (1) Chinese capacity growth is held to a conservative ten percent, and (2) Chinese market
share stays at 50 percent for markets outside the US.
7. Conclusions
China’s policies specifically for renewable energy, and more generally for
manufacturing, have supported the growth of its solar PV manufacturing industry. China’s solar
manufacturing policies range from central government support for high-tech enterprises in the
form of readily available credit at negligible interest rates, R&D support, and reduced taxes, to
local policies offering cheap land and rebates. These policies appear to have been successful in
assisting Chinese manufacturers to rapidly expand over a short period of time.
We found that real interest rates on loans for the Chinese companies in our analysis were
significantly lower than those for non-Chinese companies. When adjusted, all eight Chinese
firms appeared to be paying negative real rates. Furthermore, Chinese manufacturers have
relatively easy access to large amounts of loans. Borrowing has supported massive capacity
growth, including the ability to purchase turnkey manufacturing lines in established
technologies. The availability of large amounts of revolving credit also makes it possible for
Chinese companies to avoid market limitations on expansion during a time of inadequate
demand growth.
China quickly increased its manufacturing capacity to twice the total annual market for
solar PV. This action appears out of sync with how demand is changing and well beyond what its
domestic demand can absorb based on current goals. Our scenario analysis illustrates that the
sustainability of China’s growth in solar depends on how well China addresses overcapacity and
develops and captures its domestic demand. The literature we reviewed does not reflect
agreement on how the current problem of overcapacity in the solar market will be resolved.
Some of the possible solutions are consolidation of market players, firms shutting down
production assets, or the market growing enough to match the manufacturing capacity trends.
The manner in which overcapacity is resolved will impact US manufacturers and the prices US
consumers receive.
China’s future sustainability may be adversely affected if it fails to diversify its markets
by capturing demand outside Europe and the US, and if it fails to invest in PV technologies other
than c-Si. China’s policy has been very successful in growing an established technology, but is
not supporting innovation at the level of other countries (First Solar representative, personal
communication, December 1, 2011; Goodrich, 2011). China’s policy has focused on profits
rather than innovation (Shuiying, Z., L. Chi, and Q. Liquiong, 2011). This policy may be
creating an artificially low price for c-Si technology that is inconsistent with actual production
costs.
Other potential risks include currency inflation (Jefferies, 2011), changes to exchange
rates (Goodrich, 2011), and inflation in labor wages. The Chinese companies included in this
analysis are planning to address some of these risks by increasing automation levels, reducing
costs to guard against exchange rates, and seeking opportunities in the domestic market. Further
actions could include: increased presence in new markets, such as Brazil, South Africa, and
Australia, and entry into other PV technologies, including thin film.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 27
Recommendations
This research identified several substantive gaps of relevance to US consumers and
companies, which would contribute to the GWU Solar Institute’s goal to be a premier research
facility. The GWU Solar Institute could supplement its research with an investigation into the
impact on US consumers of a tariff on Chinese solar imports. We completed our research at the
same time that the ITC found evidence of damage to the US solar industry. The final
determinations on whether to levy a duty on Chinese imports will conclude by May 2012 for all
investigations. Other research areas include the impact of increased investment by the Chinese
government in thin film.
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 28
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Appendix A: Client
Ken Zweibel
Director, GW Solar Institute
George Washington University
609 22nd St, NW #301
Washington, DC 20052-0058
202-994-8433 DC office
zweibel@gwu.edu
http://solar.gwu.edu/
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 36
Scenario Assumptions
All Cell and module quantities are interchangeable
Demand equals sales
China’s PV manufacturing capacity grows at 10 percent annually
Baseline Chinese companies retain a 50 percent share of global PV sales
Demand grows according to EPIA’s (2011a) “moderate” projections through 2015
and increases at constant rate thereafter
Total manufacturing capacity of all Chinese companies in 2010 and 2011 is inferred
from the estimated capacities of the eight Chinese companies considered in this
study
Scenario 1: Greater China achieves 50 GW of installed generation capacity by 2018
domestic demand in China Chinese domestic demand grows according to EPIA’s (2011a) “policy-driven”
projections while rest of world follows “moderate” projections
Chinese firms capture 75 percent of domestic market’s additional growth and
retain a 50 percent share of global PV sales
Scenario 2: US tariff on US enacts tariff in early 2012 that immediately decreases China’s share of US PV
Chinese PV imports market to 25 percent
Chinese firms do not recoup any of their lost US sales or act to evade tariff
Table C.1: Assumptions made by authors in estimating scenarios.
Global PV demand (moderate) 15,335 18,240 20,855 23,930 27,005 30,080 33,155
China PV demand (moderate) 1,500 2,000 2,500 3,000 3,500 4,000 4,500
China PV demand (policy-driven) 2,000 3,000 4,500 7,000 9,500 12,000 14,500
US PV demand (moderate) 3,000 4,000 5,000 6,000 7,000 8,000 9,000
Global installed capacity (moderate) 68,175 86,415 107,300 131,255 158,260 188,340 221,495
China installed capacity (moderate) 3,143 5,143 7,643 10,643 14,143 18,143 22,643
China installed capacity (policy-driven) 3,900 6,900 11,400 18,400 27,900 39,900 54,400
Table C.2: Projected PV demand and installed capacity from 2012 to 2018 (all figures in MW) (Source:
authors’ analysis based on EPIA, 2011a)
CHINA’S SOLAR POLICY 40
Baseline
China shipments (MW) 7,668 9,120 10,428 11,965 13,503 15,040 16,578
Rest of world shipments (MW) 7,668 9,120 10,428 11,965 13,503 15,040 16,578
China share of global market (%) 50.0 50.0 50.0 50.0 50.0 50.0 50.0
China manufacturing capacity (MW) 18,265 20,092 22,101 24,311 26,742 29,417 32,358
China overcapacity (%) 138.2 120.3 112.0 103.2 98.1 95.6 95.2
US tariff
China shipments (MW) 6,918 8,120 9,178 10,465 11,753 13,040 14,328
Rest of world shipments (MW) 8,418 10,120 11,678 13,465 15,253 17,040 18,828
China share of global market (%) 45.1 44.5 44.0 43.7 43.5 43.4 43.2
China manufacturing capacity (MW) 18,265 20,092 22,101 24,311 26,742 29,417 32,358
China overcapacity (%) 164.0 147.4 140.8 132.3 127.5 125.6 125.8
Table C.3: Projected PV quantities under three scenarios (Source: authors’ analysis based on EPIA,
2011a; company data; and China’s announced solar targets)