‘*Monks and Monasteries in Constantinople

(Fourth-Ninth Centuries)”

W
IE
G. Ece Turnator
EV

MPhil.

9 March, 2003
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‘iwrWia.-««•—“
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ABSTRACT

This dissertation investigates the changes in the legal, economic and political
status as well as the topographical location of the monasteries in Constantinople
between the fourth and the ninth centuries.
Roughly from the late fourth up until the end of the sixth century, there was a
gradual increase in the number of monasteries. This trend was counterweighted by
almost complete silence in the sources throughout the seventh and the eighth
centuries. The ninth century, however, constituted a return to the trend of the early
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centuries. Monks and monasteries “returned” to the city with a vengeance.
This “return” was inevitably linked to the prevailing conditions during the
previous centuries marked by, first, the final decline of the late Roman world and its
institutions, and second, the Iconoclast controversy in Byzantium between the early
I
eighth and the mid-ninth centuries.
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Overall, following primarily the evidence preserved in the vitae and the acts of
the councils, one can conclude that, by the end of the ninth century, the integration of
the monks into Byzantine society was complete. The monasteries had become an
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integral part of Constantinople and its Christian topography.

J
I, G. Ece Tumator, hereby certify that this thesis, which is approximately 42,500
words in length, has been written by me, that it is the record o f work carried out by
me and that it has not been submitted in any previous application for a higher degree.

9 March, 2003

EW
1 was admitted as a research student in September, 2001 and as a candidate for the
degree of MPhil. in September, 2001; the Mgher study for which this is a record was
carried out in the University of St Andrews between 2001 and 2002.
I
EV

9 March, 2003
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I hereby certify that the candidate has fulfilled the conditions of the Resolution and
Regulations appropriate for the degree of MPhil. in the University of St Andrews and
that the candidate is qualified to submit this thesis in application for that degree.

9 March, 2003
 EW
In submitting this dissertation to the University of St Andrews I understand that I am
giving permission for it to be made available for use in accordance with the
regulations of the University Library for the time being in force, subject to any
I
copyright vested in the work not being affected thereby. I also understand diat the title
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and the abstract will be published, and that a copy of the work may be made and
supplied to any bona fide library or research worker.
PR

9 March, 2003
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Prof. Magdalino for all his advice and assistance, Chris

Craun for valuable discussions and comments on a number of issues raised in the

dissertation, Konstantinos Zafeiris for his help in deciphering the Greek texts,

William Campbell, April Harper, Caroline Proctor and Paula Stiles, all Ph D. students

in the Department of Medieval History, for correcting the English as well as

commenting on the monks and saints of Byzantium.

W
Finally, I owe many thanks to my parents, who, through their kind and willing
IE
support, have made real this unforgettable year in St Andrews.
EV
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“Monks and Monasteries in Constantinople (Fourth-Ninth Centuries)”

List of Abbreviations

I. Introduction............................................................................................................................1

II. Ascetics, Cenobites and the Origins of Monasticism............................................................ 3

III From the Desert to the "Oikoumene": Aspects of Byzantine Monasticism.......................11

IV. Monks and Monasteries in Constantinople: The Early Centuries.....................................16

i. Monks as Convicts: The Trial of Eutychios (448-451)............................................ 42

ii. Monks as Prosecutors: The Councils of 518 and 536............................................. 53

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V. Monks and Monasteries in Constantinople: From the Seventh to the Ninth Centuiy........ 73

i. The Seventh Ecumenical Council (787) and Beyond............................................... 83

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VI. Imperial and Ecclesiastical Legislation Concerning Monks and Monasteries ..... 98
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VII. Conclusion...................................................................................................................... 109

VIII. Bibliography...................................................................................... 115

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ABBREVIATIONS

AASS Acta Sanctorum, 71 vois. Paris, 1863-1940

AB Analecta Bollandiana
ACO Acta conciliortan oecvmenicorum, eds. E. Schwartz, and J. Straub,
Berlin-Leipzig, 1914-1983
BAR British Archaeological Reports
BBOM Birmingham Byzantine and Ottoman Monographs
BMFD Byzantine Monastic Foundation Documents, eds. J, Thomas and A.
Constantinides-Hero, 4 vols., Washington D.C., 2000
BMGS Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies
ByzF Byzantinische Forschungen
BZ Byzantinische Zeitschrift EW
CFHB Corpus fontium historiae byzantinae
CSCO Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium
CTh The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions,
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trans. C. Pharr, Princeton, 1952
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OOP Dumbarton Oaks Papers

IstMitt Istanbuler Mitteilungen, Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Abteilung
Istanbul
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JOB Jahrbuch der osterreichischen Byzantinistik

JRS Journal of Roman Studies
JTS Journal o f Theological Studies
Mansi Sacrorum Conciliorum, Florence and Venice, 1759-1798
NotCP Notitia Urbis Constantinopolitanae, ed. O. Seeck, Notitia dignitatum,
Frankfurt am Main, repr. 1962,229-243
OCA Orientalia Christiana analecta
PL Patrologia Latina Database http://pld.chadwyck.co.uk
PLRE Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, eds. A.H.M. Jones, J R.
Martindale and J. Robert, 4 vols., Cambridge, 1971-1992
PO Patrologia Orientalis
RBén Revue bénédictine
IPÉB Revue des Études Byzantines
SCH Studies in Church History
Theophanes The Chronicle o f Theophanes the Confessor, trans. C. Mango and R.
Scott, Oxford, 1997
TM Travaux et Mémoires, Centre de Recherches d’Histoire et Civilisation
de Byzance
V, Alexander "Vie d'Alexandre Y Acémète", ed. E. G. M. J. de Stoop, PO 6.5. (1911),
658-751
V. Dalmat. Imperium Orientale, ed. A. M. Banduri, vol. II, Venice, 1729,514-525
V. Daniel Les saints stylites, ed. H. Delehaye, Brusells, repr. 1962, 89-168
K Dios Synaxarium Ecclesiae Constantinopolitanae, ed. EL Delehaye, AASS
Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris, Brussels, 1902, cols. 829-
830
V. Eutychios Vita Eutychii Patriarchae Constantiopolitani, ed. C. Laga, Brepols-
Turnhout, 1992
V. Hypatios
V. Isaac
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Vie d'Hypatios, trans. and ed. G. J. M. Bartelink, Paris, 1971
AASS, Mai., VII, cols. 244-253
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V. Markell. "La vie ancienne de saint Marcel l'Acémète ", ed. G. Dagron, AB 86
(1968), 271-321
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V. Maximus "An Early Syriac Vita of Maximus the Confessor", trans. S. Brock, AB
91 (1973), 299-346
V. Nikeph. A. "La vie de Saint Nicéphore de Médikion en Bithynie d. 813", ed. F.
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Halkin, AB 78 (1960), 396-430

V, Nikt oh, B. "Saint Nicéphore de Médikion d'après un synaxaire du Mont Synai", ed,
F. Halkin, AB 88 (1970), 13-16
V. Olymp. "Vita Sanctae Olympiadis", AB 15 (1896), 400-423
 1

I. Introduction
Asceticism was born in Egypt in the third century. M onasticism soon followed in its
footsteps. For both the solitary ascetics and the monks, who lived in m onasteries under a
certain rule, the aim was to imitate the angelic life, to experience it in this world. In practice
there was not a strict division between asceticism and monasticism; the two practices were
tightly related. In addition, there was great variety in implementation in different parts o f the
Later Roman Empire.
In the first part o f the present study I shall be dealing with the definitions o f asceticism
and monasticism. The second part is on the aspects o f what I term Byzantine monasticism,
better coined as Anatolian m onasticism by T. S. Miller. ^ Although Antony, the first ascetic,
and Pachomios, the first hegoumenos, were both from Egypt, which was part o f the empire
until the seventh centuiy. it was rather the m onasticism that developed in Asia M inor that left
its imprint on the monastic practice in Byzantium.

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The main concern of the thesis, however, is the role o f the monks and monasteries in
Constantinople between the fourth and the ninth centuries. The earliest records on the early
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ascetics and monks date from the late fourth century. Their appearance in Constantinople was
part o f the trend in Christianisation o f the empire for which the reign o f Theodosios I (379-
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395) constituted the turning point.

The activities o f the monks and ascetics were closely associated with the preferences
o f especially wealthy Constantinopolitans. The latter seem to have come from a variety of
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backgrounds. The most influential groups among them were members o f the aristocratic
families from Rome or from eastern cities, new aristocrats o f Gothic or other tribal origins.
At the court, the palace eunuchs seem to have played a particularly important role in the
foundation o f monasteries. Most o f the early ascetics and monks were either originally from
the eastern parts o f the empire or first learned their craft there. The coming together o f the
monks, ascetics and the wealthy aristocrats and court officials was the most important aspect
o f monasticism in Constantinople.
The foundation of monasteries has to be viewed together with other undertakings like
church building and involvement in charitable activities in which the preferences o f the
wealth) members o f the Constantinopolitan society played an important role. Altogether, the
churches, monasteries and charities defined and determined the Christian topography in
Constantinople and did so increasingly following the late fourth century.

T. S. M iller, The Birth o f the H ospital in the Byzantine Em pire (Baltim ore and London, 1997), p. 121.
 The sources on early monks and ascetics in Constantinople are very scarce. The most
important are the vitae and the acts o f the councils. These two are partly com plemented by
imperial and ecclesiastical legislation which render a general view on the status o f the monks.
In addition, there are occasional references to monks and monasteries in histories and
chronicles. Among the remaining sources on monasteries in Constantinople the most
important is the Patria Konstantinoupoleos which dates from the late tenth century. However,
it is largely legendary and therefore usually unreliable. No foundation docum ent {t}pikon) o f a
Constantinopolitan m onasteiy sur\'ives before the ninth century. Given the circumstances,
particularly in the absence o f sufficient archaeological evidence, almost eveiything depends
on the written sources and above ail on the interpretation o f not only what they say but also o f
what remains unsaid and the possible reasons thereof.
The general trend o f monks and monasteries in Constantinople has already been
outlined by J. Pargoire and G. Dagron. In addition, A. Berger, P. M agdalino and C. Mango

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have discussed the nature o f the early Constantinopolitan topography and its im plications.’
Yet, more monographical studies are required for both a better understanding o f the activities
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o f the early monks in Constantinople as well as the city's topogi'aphy.
1 have relied on prim arily the evidence provided by the acts o f the councils o f 448,
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518, 536 and 787, putting together the infonnation they provide with the infom iation in the
vitae and histories that date roughly from corresponding periods. I have tried to link this with
imperial and ecclesiastical legislation. Altogether they render the very general trends on the
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changes in the status o f the monks and monasteries in Constantinople between the fourth and
ninth centuries. The present study by no means covers all the primary and secondary sources
on the period. Despite its limits, however, hopefully, it renders the changes in the status o f the
monks and the activities o f the monasteries in Constantinople following the fourth century,
gi\'ing enough evidence as to why the ninth century is appropriate to put a fullstop; after the
ninth century, monasticism in Constantinople as well as in the empire takes on a fonn distinct
from what preceded it.

See also pp. 23-24 below.

II. Ascetics, Cenobites and the Origins o f M onasticism

The first monks and ascetics were early Christians who aspired to reach the ideals
professed and exemplified in their own lives. Christianity in the late third and early fourth
centuries was still in the process o f fonnation. Eusebios, bishop o f Caesarea (d. 339), for
example refened to the "sacred cult o f Christianity".^ Ascetics, monks and saints played a
m ajor role in the fonnation, spread and standardisation o f Christianity to various parts o f the
world. It is therefore not surprising that early Christian practice cam es with it many elements
o f the lives o f the early monks and ascetics until these were modified, finding different
implementations in various parts o f the Christian world. The essence and the point o f
departure remained the same and were much more similar at this early stage in the east and
the west.'*

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The early ascetics and monks were men, and less commonly, women, who were the
only access for regular people to the divine, in much the same way as relics. Saints intervened
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on behalf o f and for the salvation o f the sick, the poor and the needy. The p ro o f o f the saints’
share in holiness came with miracles which were unmistakably solid, physical testimonies o f
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God's selection and approval.

M iracles took various fonns; in many instances they concerned the healing o f
diseases, genetic disorders, paralysis, deafness, eye complaints, leprosy, digestive disorders,
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cancer, infection, injury, mental disorders, as well as exorcisms o f people "possessed" by the
demons.^ In the life o f Euthymios we learn about the saint who, trying to escape from the
villagers, ended up hiding at Mount Arda, and then passed over to the desert where he

Eusebius. The Life o f C onstantine. irans. Av. Cam eron and S. G. Hall (London and N ew Y ork, 1999), p. 104.
On the rise o f the im portance o f the ascetics/monk.s/saints see, P. Brow n. The Rise o f Western Christendom
(M assachusetts. 1996), pp. 72-73 where he draw s attention to the afterm ath o f this developm ent as well as its
nature: “The rise to prom inence o f the Christian m onks was a signal. It announced w ider changes in Late Rom an
culture and society... The sharpness o f the challenge was sum m ed up in the person o f the m onks.... The m onks
could utter gros m ots that broke the spell oi'paideia.... The ‘G od-taught’ w isdom o f the m onks o f Egypt w as so
im portant to Christian contem poraries because it was held to be an avatar o f the first, spirit filled spirit o f
'fisherm en, publicans and the tentm aker’-the apostles and St Paul- for ‘God hath chosen the foolish things o f this
w orld to confound the w ise.’ ” See also idem.. A uthority a n d the Sacred (C am bridge, 1995), pp. 17-18 w here he
refers to the Christianisation o f the society in the fourth century, and its relation w ith the m onks; idem., The Cult
o f the Saints (Chicago. 1981), as well as his Society a n d the H oly in Late Antiquity, (B erkeley, 1982), pp. 115-
152. w here he refers to the possible reasons for the rise o f the holy m en in society.
’ -I. Seiber distinguishes the m iracles perfonned in cities and the countryside. For a chart o f the disorders
encountered in m ajor town and cities o f the em pire see her chart in J. Seiber, E arly B yzantine Urban Saints
BAR. 37 (1997). pp. 97-98. Seiber also refers to the changes in the roles o f the saints in society clearly stating
that after the seventh century the saints w ere attached to m onastic com m unities and w ere m ore instrum ental in
land feuds and political struggles, unlike the early saints to w hom she devotes her study. See ibid., p. 113.
eventually founded his monasteiy. A fter his death the monastery becam e a shrine for the sick
people im ploring him to intercede with God in their name: “You yourself, venerable father,
must entreat God for us, for we have faith that the Lord listens to your prayer; for ‘he does the
will o f those who fear h im .’”^ Similarly, in the Life o f St Theodore o f Sykeon, when the saint
was in Constantinople living near the quarter o f Euaranai/V aranas, one o f the wealthy women
o f the neighbourhood brought her blind child to be h e a le d / Overall, m iracle accounts provide
important details about the society, its make-up, relations between the imlers and the ruled, the
rich and the poor. They possess valuable infonnation about eveiyday lives o f people from all
walks o f life, from the poor peasant in remote parts o f Palestine to the em peror in
C onstantinople/
The first recorded ascetic is St Antony whose vita was written around the m iddle o f
the fourth century by Athanasios, three-tim e patriarch o f A lex an d ria/ Antony was born in
Egypt, became an ascetic monk in the desert in ca. 271, and assembled disciples from ca. 305

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onwards: “And so from then on there were m onasteries in the mountains and the desert was
made a city by the monks, who left their own people and registered themselves for citizenship
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in the heavens”T The main elements o f asceticism were put into words for the first time. The
everyday life o f an ascetic was extremely austere, for he scorned the body and its needs,
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aspiring for the "nourishment" o f the soul rather than that o f the body.” One had to control
one’s basic needs including food and drink; there was no room for passion, love and anger.
Considering all its aspirations this was a world for those with sincere devotion and ability to
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resist the traps laid by the devil: “For we have terrible and villainous enem ies...the mob o f
them is great in the air around us, and they are not far from us“. ‘^ The monk had to be alert,

Cyril o f Scvthopolis. U w Lives o f the M onks o f P alestine, trans. R. M. Price (K alam azoo. 1991), pp. 17-18 and
35.
' Three B yzantine Saints, trans. E. Dawes and N.H. Baynes (O xford. 1948), p. 152. G reek text and French
translation in A.-.I. Fe.stugière. Me cle Théodore de Sykeon. 2 vols. (Brussels, 1970). I, p. 93.
*' The literature is insunnountably large. D. J. Chitty. The D esert a City (Oxford, 1966); Palladius, Stories o f the
H oly F athers being the Stories o f the Anchorites, Recluses, M onks. Coenobites a n d A scetic Fathers o f the
D eserts o f Egypt betyveen ca. 250-400 A.D .. trans. E.W . B udge (London, 1934); Three B yzantine Saint.s', The
Lives o f the D esert Fathers.The H istoria M onachorum in A egypto, trans. N. Russell (M ow bray. 1992); John
M oschos. The Spiritual M eadow , trans. J. W ortley (K alam azoo, 1992): Cyril o f Scythopolis ; H o ly Women o f the
Syrian Orient, trans. S. Brock and S. A shbrook- Har\^ey (Berkeley. 1987) and E. A. Clark, “A uthority and
Humility; A Conflict o f V alues in Fourth Century Fem ale M onasticism ". B yzF 9 (1985), pp. 17-33 to cite a few.
For the im plem entation o f vitae in deciphering norm s in a society, in this particular case the Byzantine society o f
the seventh century, see M. Kaplan, “Les sanctuaires de Theodore de Sykeon", in Les saints et leur sanctuaires à
B yzance, eds.. C. Jolivet-Lévy. M, Kaplan, J.-P. Sodini (Paris, 1993), pp. 65-79.
A thanasius: The L ife o f A ntony and the Letter to M arcellinus. trans. R. C. G regg (London, 1980).
Ibid.. pp. 42-43.
' ' For the perception o f the hum an will and body by Christian ascetics see P. Brown, The B ody a n d Society. Men,
If omen and Sexual R enunciation in E arly C hristianity (New Y ork. 1988). pp. 213-240. in particular.
^'Athanasius: The Life o f Antony, p. 47.
since the demons were everywhere. A gainst the demons the ascetic/monk had to take resort in
fasting, prayer and hymn singing. Constant prayer accompanied by manual labour rendered
absolute purity to those who wished to ascend the spiritual ladder and attain perfect innocence
when man could converse with the beasts o f the earth and fowl o f the sky as before the Fall.
Antony, therefore, gave up the kingdom o f earth for the kingdom o f heaven, “for just
as if someone might despise one copper drachma in order to gain a hundred gold drachmas, so
he who is imler o f the whole earth, and renounces it, loses little, and receives a hundred times
m ore.” '^ Soon, as Athanasios tells us, he gathered brethren around him, Christians who had
abandoned their fonner lives and families and come to the desert to pray and to toil, wishing
to becom e ascetics. He was the father o f solitary ascetics, who lived on their own in cells,
which they did not leave unless compelled to do so. Monasticism, on the other hand, although
it embraced the basic premises o f asceticism, differed from it in its emphasis on living among
a community o f monks. M onasteries -som etim es called asketeria- were institutions where

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asceticism was practiced together with other monks in a communal life {koinobion) allotted
primarily to prayer and to manual labour necessary for sustenance. St Pachm ios is recorded as
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the first hegoumenos, superior o f monks who lived according to the rules o f koinobion, which
entailed gathering together at certain hours o f the day for prayer and food before retiring back
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to individual cells to continue praying in solitude. Pachomios' vita is a testimony to the

growing number o f Christians who wanted to experience monastic life. The increase in their
number created a need to regulate monastic life which was devoted to obseiwing a balance
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between worship, work and sometimes social service like giving alms and caring for the sick
and the poor.
Pachomios was born o f pagan parents in the Thebaid in Egypt ca. 292. He was a
conscript soldier when he first started his monastic career after receiving baptism around 313,
when he went to Palamon. He later settled in Tabennesi. He received his first disciples around
324, founded a number o f monasteries and convents until his death in ca, 346. Unlike Antony,
who was a solitary ascetic, Pachomios, being a hegoumenos, had to supervise a group o f
monks. For the first time with Pachomios we learn about the division o f labour among the
monks, all o f whom were ultimately placed under the surveillance o f the hegoumenos. j
Presumably, Pachomios' monastery had a rule, which regulated the liturgy, since in the vita j
1
there are references that point to its existence.'"* In addition, there is enough evidence ]

Ibid., p. 4 4 .
For exam ple: “1 hey lived in a cenobitic life. So he established for them an iiTeproachable life-style and
traditions profitable lor their souls. These he took from the scriptures: proper m easure in clothing, equality in
concerning the sources o f wealth o f the monastery since, after Pachom ios’ death, during
Theodore’s hegoumenate, the size o f the monastery grew together w ith its wealth, having
acquired many fields and boats for trafficking along the N ile which worried Theodore, for
“many o f the brothers were beginning to alter the way o f the life o f the ancient brothers,”
being burdened by worldly possessions.'^
Athanasios, Antony and Pachom ios had great impact on the establishm ent and spread
o f asceticism and monasticism as it is expressed by Theodore at the end o f Pachom ios' vita:
“In our generation in Egypt 1 see three important things that increase by G od’s grace:
Athanasios, Antony and Pachom ios” .'^’ Following in their footsteps almost all the great
Christian figures o f the fourth century, like Palladios, St Basil o f Caesarea, St Jerome and
Rufinus, became monks who at some point in their careers visited the monasteries in Egypt
and Palestine. However, once out o f the desert, the monks had to comply with indigenous
rules and habits. For that matter, although in principle monasticism belonged to the desert,

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after the fourth centuiy, it took different fonns outside Egypt and Palestine.
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‘But you don’t have to come to the middle o f the desert to find an empty room free from
distractions. You can find that anywhere: in Cairo, or Alex, or London...’
‘W hat you say is tm e,’ said Fr. Dioscouros with a smile. ‘You can pray anywhere.
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After all, God is everywhere, so you can find him everyw here.’ He gestured to the darkening
sand dunes outside: ‘But in the desert, in the pure clean atmosphere, in the silence - there you
can find yoH/*se//.‘ And unless you begin to know yourself, how can you even begin to search
for G od?’”
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Ideals remain ideals forever as the above lines from a recent pilgrim age illustrate. For
monks and ascetics the ideal was to dwell in a solitary cell as far from the nearest human
conglomeration as possible. John M oschos' Spiritual Meadow' (late sixth century) is an
account o f the ascetics and monks he met during his trips to the Thebaid, the Oasis and Mt
Sinai, where he stayed for ten years before returning to his home monastery o f St Theodosios
in Bethlehem. Among others he refers to John the Elder who, refusing the proposal o f the
Archbishop o f Jerusalem to becom e hegoum enos o f a monastery, continued to live in a cave
at C apsas.” There is another story about an elder who slept in a cave with lions. Almost all
the references to towns and cities are negative, since these represented the inhabited world,

food and decent sleeping arrangem ents.” Pachomicm Koinonici, trans. A. Veilleux. vol. I {Kalamazoo, 1980), p.
313. as well as p. 335 w here “the rule o f the koinohia" is mentioned.
Ibid.. pp. 405-407.
p. 395.
Father D ioscouros to W illiam D ahym ple at St A ntony’s. Egypt, 11 Decem ber. 1994. W. D alrym ple, From the
H oly M ountain. A Journey in the Shadow o f B yzantium (London, 1997), p. 410. His pilgrim age follow ing in the
footsteps o f M oschos to the m onasteries o f A sia M inor. Syria. Palestine and Egypt, started June 1994.

]
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 7

the oikoiimene, whereas the ideal monk should “avoid studiously over-much contact with the
w orld.” ”^ All the monasteries he had visited were founded outside the oikoumene; the
monastery o f St Sergios, for example, was “near holy Bethlehem, about two miles away;” the
monastery o f Abba John the Eunuch was at the ninth m ile post from Alexandria; Abba
Broucha found "a spot in the wilderness outside the city o f Seleucia near A ntioch and tried to
build a small cell t h e r e . C y r i l o f Skythopolis, another sixth century pilgrim-m onk (and later
saint), m entions Abramios, who later becam e bishop o f Craeta, close to the border between
Bithynia and Paphlagonia. Although he m ade an excellent bishop who cared for the flock and
built many hospitals, oiphanages and churches, when he remembered the days when “he was
an ascetic in the m onastery o f Scholarius, was deeply grieved and vexed at seeing him self at
the destruction and tunnoil and the cares o f life.”^’ W e are not far from what Sozomen wrote
about St Antony, the first ascetic: “as fish are nourished in the water, so the desert is the place
prepared for the monks; and as fish die when thrown upon di-y lands, so monastics lose their

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gravity when they go into cities.”’’ One should note, however, in the early fifth centuiy when
Sozomen was writing these lines, there were already a number o f m onasteries in the city
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where he lived, Constantinople. Hence, in the fourth century monks left Egypt, Palestine and
Syria. M onasticism literally "spread" to various places in both the east and the west. But,
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why?
To answer the question o f why monasteries were founded outside the desert with
relative speed from the early fourth centuiy onwards, one must answer in the first place why
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the monks left Egypt and Syria at that particular time in history. This requires a better
knowledge about Egypt, Syria and Palestine in the late third and early fourth centuries.^^ If
monks and ascetics were well received in villages, towns and cities outside Egypt and
Palestine, and found recognition as well as respect, this cannot be due to any factor other than
intensified Christianisation. Their victory was the victory o f Christianity against the openly
professed enemy o f paganism and certain aspects o f late antique values and life-style. About

.lohn M oschos. The Spiritual M eadow, p. 4.

y' For negative references to urban dw ellings, see ibid.. pp. 38, 52-56. 95, 127, 140-141.
/b/c/.. pp. 151, 153 and 164.
Cyril o f Scythopolis, p. 277,
Sozom en. A Select L ib ra iy o fK ic e n e a n d Po.st-Nicene F athers o f the Christian Church, trans. P. Schaff,
{repr. Edinburgh. 1997), vol II . I, x i i i , p. 249.
So far only Syrian asceticism has been studied. See A. V oobus, H isto iy o f A sceticism in the Syrian Orient. A
Contribution to the H isto iy o f Culture in the N ear East. 3 vols. (Louvain, 1958-1988), See also F. R. Trom bley,
H ellenic R eligion and Christianisation c. 370-529, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1993), especially vol 1; S. A shbrook-
H arvey. "The H oly and the Poor; M odels from early Syriac Christianity" in Through the E ye o f a Needle. Judeo-
Christian Roots o f Social Welfare, eds. E. A lbu H anaw all, C. Lindberg (K irksville. 1994), pp. 43-66.
three hundred years after the birth o f Christ, his m essage was finally ready to expand and
conquer the inhabited world that lay beyond the desert and the wilderness.
If what m ade the spread o f m onasticism possible was growing Christianisation, then
what made it possible for monasticism to expand beyond Egypt and Palestine was the
association between these monks and wealthy members o f Late Roman society. It was due to
the latter that monasteries were founded outside the lands where monasticism was born. They
were the ones who could afford to travel to distant lands, undertaking pilgrim age, which
lasted many years and required a substantial amount o f wealth. Eventually, thanks to the
support they rendered by bestowing large tracts o f land or property, the monks were able to
establish m onasteries at "home". Hence, it was this collaboration between the m onks and the
aristocrats or well-to-do members o f the laity that made it possible for monasticism to flourish
outside Egypt and the Holy Land.
Early vitae provide abundant infonnation on the role o f the aristocrats in late antique

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society. Both the poor and the wealthy believed in the saints' powers which prove God's
approval; however, it was city governors, members o f the provincial adm inistration, and
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aristocrats, especially women, who influenced the course o f events in the life o f the
monk/saint. The vita o f St Thekla o f Seleukeia exemplifies the case. Being from a wealthy
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family in Chonai, she decided to leave her hom e and family when one day behind the lattice
o f her parents' house she heard St Paul preaching to the common folk. Her vita abounds in
instances where she is troubled by leading members o f the cities she visits; in fact, she
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attempts suicide when the governor o f Seleukeia wants to m an y her. However, her resolution
and commitment finally bear fruit, she converts many to Christianity and has followers among
the rich, particularly wealthy women. Through their promotion she finds greater recognition
among the newly emerging Christian population o f Seleukeia, Tarsus and the sun ounding
areas. No less a person than em peror Zeno built for her "the martyrioiP where people flocked
from various parts o f the empire to find comfort for their troubles.^"* The relationship between
the saint and the local communities, in particular the aristocrats, can also be observed in many
o f the vitae written in the centuries that postdate St Thekla's vita}^
Similarly, pilgrimage, or "therapy by distance" as Peter Brown calls it, was mainly an
aristocratic enterprise. A quick glance at the early pilgrims proves this point. The earliest

G. D agron. ed. and trans.. Jic et m iracles de sainte Thècle. Texte grec, traduction et com m entaire (Bnjssels.
1978).
For a general survey o f urban saints from the fifth to the ninth centuries, see D. Z. de F. A braham se,
H agiographie Sources for B yzantine Cities 500-900 AD.. U npublished Ph.D. Thesis, U niversity o f M ichigan.
1967.
Tecord o f Christian pilgrimage to the H oly Land dates from the first h alf o f the fourth century.
Interestingly, women pilgrims loom large am ong the first pilgrims, though not surprisingly all
are highly aristocratic (if not imperial) women m ainly from Rome. Egeria’s family had large
estates throughout the M editeiranean which made it relatively easy for her to travel from
Rome to Jerusalem between 381 and 384, some fifty years after the Bordeaux p i l g r i m . H e r
account is an early testimony also to the im portance o f the monks in m apping the topography
o f the Holy Land. At eveiy step she was accompanied by monks. It was an invaluable
spiritual experience for her to join services at the church built on exactly the same place
where Christ was crucified, as well as at the site o f his tomb, where he was resurrected.’^
Another wealthy Christian aristocrat was Melania the Elder, from a family o f Roman consuls,
who, having been widowed at an early age, left Rome in the 370s for the M ount o f Olives,
where, assisted by Rufinus o f Aquelia, she founded monasteries and convents in the ten years
following her airival.^^ Her grand-daughter M elania the Younger was forced to m any Pinian,

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her cousin and ex-prefect o f Rome, at the age o f 16, with whom she had two children who
later like their mother chose to enter monasteries. M elania founded two monasteries on the
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lands that belonged to her family. Between 417 and 431, she was in Jerusalem, where she
founded a convent after the death o f her m other and a monastery following the death o f her
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husband. Through Empress Eudokia she was related to the imperial family in Constantinople,
where she an ived in 436 before setting o ff for the last time for Jerusalem where she died in
440.“'^ Rufinus' one-time friend turned life-long enemy, Jerome, is associated with a number
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o f rich ladies who decided to embrace the monastic life, among whom Paula is possibly the
most famous. In her enkomion, Jerome boasts about her aristocratic background, going back
to the family o f Atreus. Paula, like M elania and Egeria, left Rome for the Holy Land in about
385 and founded monasteries, the leadership o f which she later devolved upon her close
relatives.^" On the imperial side, one should not fail to mention the mother o f Constantine,
empress Helena, whose pilgrimage to Jerusalem played an important role in the promotion o f

E geria's Travels to the H oly Land, trans. J. W ilkinson (Jerusalem and W arm inster. 1981 ).
■’ For the im portance o f monks as guides to pilgrim s and their influence on pilgrim s, as well as im portance in
m apping the H oly Land, see H. S. Sivan. "Pilgrim age. M onasticism and the Em ergence o f C hristian Palestine in
the Fourth C e n tu y " . in The Blessings o f P ilgrim age, ed. R, O usterhout (Urbana and Chicago, 1990), pp. 54-65;
and J. B'mws. A scetics and A m bassadors o f Christ: The M onasteries o f Pale.stine 314-631 (O xford, 1994), pp.
84-85. For the roles o f em perors, especially Constantine 1 and T heodosios II. and the aristocrats at the court, as
well as m em bers o f the imperial family, see E. D. H unt, H oly L a n d Pilgrim age in the Rom an E m pire A D 312-
460 (O xford. 1982), pp. 28-49. 158-179 in particular.
E. A. Clark. "A uthority and Humility: A Conflict o f V alues in Fourth Century Fem ale M onasticism ", B v zF 9
(1985). pp. 17-33.
For M elania the Y ounger, see E. M alam ut. Sur la route des saintes byzantines (Paris. 1993), pp. 14-15.
For Paula, see ibid.. p. 23.
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holy sites. The Holy Land would eventually change the facet o f urban life. Through the
translation o f relics into churches and m arnria, new holy lands were created in cities,
primarily at Rome and Constantinople.^'

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' \ \ ilkinson casts som e doubt upon H elena's pilgrim age because it is not recorded by Eusebios, Egeria or
C hiysostom os. The first m ention is by St A m brose in his sen n o n on the death o f Theodosios I in 395, w here he
m entions that the Em press found three pieces o f the H oly Cross alongside its title, together with the two nails.
See E g eria ’s Travels to the H oly Land. pp. 240-241. There are three legends on the discovery o f the True Cross,
including the one involving Helena. All three legends "originated, developed and circulated" after the 350s. See
H. .l.W . and .l.W. D rijvers. trans.. The F inding o f the True Cross, The Judas Kyriakos L eg en d in Syriac. CSCO
Subidia 93 {Louvain. 1997). pp. 11-14.
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111. From the Desert to the "Oikoumene": Aspects o f Byzantine M onasticism.

M onasticism in Asia M inor and mainland Greece, what I refer to as Byzantine

monasticism , showed variations in practice from that practiced in Egypt and Syria and
elsewhere. Since Egypt and Syria, as well as Rome, were part o f the Empire, scholars who
have written on monasticism in the Byzantine Empire inevitably start their survey from where
we have started, with the first ascetics and monks in Egypt, namely St Antony and St
Pachomios.^’ However, the way the tenn is used in this work is more restricted. By the tenn
Byzantium 1 refer specifically to Asia M inor and mainland Greece with Constantinople at
their head. W ith "Byzantine monasticism" 1 refer to the monasticism that developed
specifically in these parts o f the empire. However, one should keep in mind that this division
is rather artificial and is for the sake o f clarifying the geographic focus o f this work alone.
Otherwise, especially in the early period, there is m ore continuity, similarity and

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amalgamation than acute differences between the eastern (i.e. Egyptian and Syrian)
monastic/ascetic practices and the monasticism in Asia Minor, Constantinople and Greece
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which is marked by "its very lack o f clearly defined f o r m s " . W e have to note in addition that
even the tenn Byzantine monasticism does not capture reality because, though m ore unified,
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monastic practices in Asia Minor, Constantinople and Greece showed variations as well.
Overall, Byzantine m onasticism retained its essentially aristocratic character from the
fourth to the fifteenth century. Early monks came from the east and established their
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monasteries on lands accorded them by the aristocrats. Increasingly after the fifth century,
monasticism was largely a vocation for the children o f wealthy families. In fact, the
renunciation o f the world despite a promising future is a much-valued theme in Byzantine
hagiography. Alexander Akoimetos' family moved to Constantinople, where the saint
received his education, and later seiwed in the troops belonging to the Praetorian Prefect.
Markellinos Akoimetos had a considerable income from his parents; St John the Hesychast
from Nikopolis in A nnenia belonged to a rich family with members serving at the imperial
court in Constantinople. St H ypatios’ father was a scholastikos. In the seventh and eighth
centuries the dominance o f the wealthy continued. Saints (and monks o f course) Michael the
Synkellos, Andrew o f Crete, Stephen o f Sougdaia, George Dekapolites and George o f
Amastris were all from rich families. In Constantinople, Nikephoros o f M edikion,

Like J. M. H ussey, The O rthodox Church in the B yzantine E m pire (Cam bridge. 1954), pp. 335-349 and C.
Mtxwgo. B yzantium : The E m pire o f N ew R om e {London. 1980), pp. 105-124.
R. M orris. M onks and Laym en in B yzantium 843-1118 (C am bridge. 1995), p. 33. For a detailed analysis see
ibid.. pp. 9-63.
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Theophanes the Confessor, the renowned St Theodore the Stoudite, his uncle Platon, brother
Joseph as well as M akarios o f Pelekete belonged to the upper levels o f the society/"* Only in
the ninth century do we start to hear about monks and saints from relatively modest
backgrounds. The change, according to Malamut, was directly related to the alteration in the
audience o f the vitae, that is, after the ninth century more people from the low er classes
started to read them.^^ One should add that this reflected a major change in the evolution o f
Byzantine monasticism, since, after the ninth century, monasticism became an integral part o f
Byzantine soeiety. This, however, should not be associated with a single - though m ajor -
figure o f the ninth century, namely, Theodore o f the Stoudios monasteiy in Constantinople,
but should rather be seen as a consequence o f internal developments m oulded largely after the
period o f Iconoclasm. One good indicator o f the rise in the status o f the m onks is the growth
in the num ber o f patriarchs who came from monastic backgrounds. By the end o f the ninth
century it was common practice for patriarchs o f Constantinople to start their careers as

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monks before being appointed to the highest ecclesiastical position o f the empire. Once
begun, this trend continued to the fifteenth centuiy. Pynftos in 638 and Theodore in 677 were
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previously hegoumenoi o f monasteries.^^ According to Bréhier, between 705 and 1204, 45 out
of 57 patriarchs originated from the ranks o f monks.'” If this is put together with Dagron's
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central argument that patriarchs o f Constantinople had authority over ecclesiastical matters
particularly after the seventh century, which they did not share with the emperor, the increase
in the importance o f the monks becomes obvious.^**
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Following the period o f Iconoclasm, in the ninth centuiy monastic life in Byzantium
acquired its distinctive character marked by increased imperial patronage, which added new
colour to its essentially aristocratic character. In fact, one can talk about Byzantine
monasticism especially after the ninth centuiy, since it is from the ninth and tenth centuries
onwards that monasticism in Byzantium developed specific characteristics that differentiated i
it more distinctly from, say, western monasticism.'"*

Some o f these saints will be dealt with in detail below. For an overall view o f the "social milieu" o f Byzantine
saints, see M alam ut. Sur la route, pp. 62-68. On a general evaluation o f the backgrounds o f B yzantine authors
between the ninth and eleventh centuries, see A. K azhdan and G. Constable. P eople a n d P ow er in Byzantium . A n
Introduction to M odern Byzantine Studies (W ashington. D .C ..1982). pp. 101-102.
M alam ut. Sur la route, pp. 67-68.
G. D agron, "L'église et la chrétienté byzantines entre invasions et l'iconoclasm e", in H istoire du
Christianism e, eds. J.-M. M ayeur. Ch. and L. Pietri. A. V auchez and M. V enard, vol. 4 (610-1054) (Paris, 1993).
p. 35.
' Cited in P. C haranis. "The M onk as an Elem ent o f B yzantine Society", D O P 25 (1971), p. 84.
G. D agron. E m pereur et prêtre.É tude su r le ''césaropapism e" byzantin (Paris, 1996).
'' A ccording to Laurent, the period betw een 780-1200 was the golden age o f Byzantine m onasticism . Charanis
agrees on the w hole, but adds that intensification in the num ber o f foundations took place betw een the ninth and
 13

Byzantine m onasticism retained its aristocratie character from the beginning, with the
introduction o f imperial patronage this was only perpetuated. After the tenth century, the
problem for the imperial administration revolved around the administration and control o f
monastic wealth, since it had becom e a tool for the wealthy members o f the society to transfer
patrimony to the coming generations with tax exemptions and immunity against the threat o f
confiscation. At the same time, particularly the monasteries near or in large urban centres,
above all those m onasteries in Constantinople, took on the duty o f “philanthropia”, assisting
the poor and the sick which helped legitimise the wealth o f the founders in the eyes o f the
urban masses."**’
In addition, Byzantine m onasticism was essentially communal in character. In fourth
centuiy terminology, this was closer to that envisioned and organised by St Pachomios
although Byzantines always respected the solitaries and the ascetics like St Antony. This is
e\'idenced in the works o f St Basil o f Caesarea (c. 330-379). He was educated at Caesarea,

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Constantinople and Athens in the best schools o f the Empire in a both pagan and Christian
environment. Forsaking the world for monastic life, he settled as a hennit by the Iris river not
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far from his home town in Annesi. Basil wrote his famous Rule in 358-364. It regulates the
initial premises o f joining the m onasteiy and admission to a monastic com munity and also
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covers details o f monastic life ranging from prayer, clothing, meals and manual work to the
earthly relationships including these with the other monasteries and the Church. It also
contains a section on the duties o f monastic officials. Although strict, the Rule avoids the
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more extreme austerities o f the ascetics o f the desert, advising a more moderate type o f
religious life in a community under the direct authority o f the hegoumenos. B asil’s Rule,
therefore, is exemplary o f Byzantine m onasticism with its emphasis on communal life and
consideration for the greater community outside the walls o f the monastery which is shown
through social services like caring for the poor and educating children."*' In addition, there
was always room for flexibility. Some o f the elder monks did become solitaries and practised
strict askesis. However, even then they remained within the boundaiy o f the rules o f
koinobion. This was very different from the practices in Egypt where hennits were scattered
around the desert and never left their cells unless compelled to do so. It also differed from the
type o f monasticism practiced in Syria and Palestine where hennits would gather at least once

thirteenth centuries with slight decline during the tenth centuiy. due largely to the refom is o f Rom anos II and
Basil II. See C haranis. "The M onk", pp. 67-68. On aristocratic and imperial patronage after the tenth centuiy, see
M oiris. M onks and Laym en, pp. 138-142 as well as the appendix pp. 296-297.
On philanthropy and m onasteries, see D. J. Constantelos, B yzantine P hilanthropy a n d Social Welfare (New
B runsw ick. 1968). pp. 88-110.
 14

a week on Sundays for service and on special occasions like feast days. Similarly, in
Byzantium laura and keUia were tenns used for monasteries in mral areas and never for urban
monasteries. Even a rural m onastery was generally referred to a sphrondisterion, mone,
monasterion or koinobion, reflecting the communal character o f Byzantine m onasteries,
which they retained throughout the centuries."*^
Finally, just as they were com munal in their organisation, Byzantine m onasteries were
established closer to communities; they were not far from human sites o f habitation. For
example, Sozomen contrasts Egyptian and Syrian monasticism with the practice in
Byzantium:
[Egypt] “They call this place Nitria. It is inhabited by a great num ber o f persons
devoted to a life o f philosophy...It contains about fifty monasteries, built tolerably near each
other, some o f which are inhabited by monks who live together in a society, and others by
monks who have adopted a solitary m ode o f existence. M ore in the interior o f the desert,
about seventy stadia from this locality, is another place called Cellia, throughout which

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numerous little dwellings are dispersed hither and thither, and hence its name; but at such a
distance that those who dwell in them can neither see nor hear each other....Those who dwell
in the cells are those who have attained the summit o f philosophy, and who are therefore able
to regulate their own conduct, to live alone, and are separated from others for the sake o f
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quietude...
...Let us pass thence to Syria and Persia...W e shall find that the m onks o f these
countries emulated those o f Egypt... W lien they first entered upon the philosophic career, they
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were denominated shepherds, because they had no houses, ate neither bread nor m eat, and
drank no wine; but dwelt constantly on the mountains, and passed their time in praising God...
At the usual hour o f meals they each took a sickle, and went to the mountain to cut some grass
on the mountains, as though they were flocks in pasture...
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...1 suppose that Galatia, Cappadocia and the neighbouring provinces contained many
other ecclesiastical philosophers at that time, for these regions formerly had zealously
embraced the doctrine. These monks fo r the most p art dwelt in communities in cities and
villages, fo r they did not habituate themselves to the tradition o f their predecessors. The
severit}' o f the winter...would probably make a hermit life impracticable...'"^^

Sozomen notes the difference between the two types o f monasticism and admits that
the "traditional" monasticism was practiced in Egypt and Palestine. He also adds that
monasticism in Byzantium was practised quite differently, being urban in essence. The
relationship o f the m onasteries with the oikoumene was not totally broken, which was the case
for the monasteries especially o f Egypt. This was largely due to the significant difference
between the natural conditions in these regions as opposed to Asia Minor, where there was
not a sharp eontrast between the oikoumene and the eremos; settlement and non-settlement

W .K. Low ther-Clarke. St. Ba.sii the Great. A Study in B yzantine M onastici.wi (Cam bridge, 1913).
For general discussion see D. Papachryssanthou. "La vie m onastique dans les cam pagnes byzantines, du V ille
au X le siècle". Byzantion 43 ( 1973). pp. 158-180.