Mathew, PT. (1999).Indian Christian Approaches to Theologizing:Lessons from the Seashore (Version 1.0).

Jnanadeepa: Pune Journal of Religious Studies, Jan-June 2008 (11/1), 56-73.

http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4268380
JPJRS 11/1 ISSN 0972-3331, Jan 2008 56-73
DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.4268380
Stable URL: http://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4268380

Indian Christian Approaches to

Theologizing: Lessons from the
Seashore

P. T. Mathew SJ
RTC, S a m eek sh a , E rnakulam , K erala
A b s tra c t: . ‘Inculturation o f theology’ was the key phrase for a
long time since Vat.II in theological discourse. It rightly pointed
to the reality of the alienation of Christianity and Christian theol­
ogy in India. Later, theological discourse took up the them e o f
‘contextualised theology’. The key question here is not ‘how to
inculturate theology’, but rather ‘how and where do people expe­
rience the divine, and articulate that ex p erien ce and use it for
wholeness and wellbeing’. Authors indicate two main orientations
in contemporary theological discourse in India: the socio-cultural
orientation and the socio-political orientation. The present paper
os an attempt to cull out some methodological directions relying
on the positive cultural and religious resources that lie dorm ant
in Christian communities. Authentic and relevant theology has to
have a life context and a lived-experience as its point o f refer­
ence. Doing theology in India is not simply a matter o f express­
ing the C hristian faith in culturally intelligible categories, but
rather a question o f understanding and articulating the living the­
ology that sustains and supports diverse C hristian com m unities,
and responding to their concerns and challenges w ithin a faith
matrix in the direction o f hum an liberation and w holeness. The
author believes that an interpretative presentation o f the religious
experience and practice o f the M ukkuva com m unity could co n ­
tribute in no small way to our theological enterprise in India.

Keywords: inculturation, M ukkuvar, fishing com m unity, libera­

tion theology, Sangam

Jnanadeepa 11/1 Jan 2008

 1. The Indian scenario: shifting contours of the
theological project
Christianity in India is still struggling hard to shed its alien garb and
its co lo n ia l past. ‘Inculturation o f th e o lo g y ’ w as the key phrase for a
long tim e since Vat.II in theological discourse. It rightly pointed to the
reality o f the alienation o f Christianity and Christian theology in India.
Later, th eological discourse took up the them e o f ‘con textu alised
th e o lo g y ’. The key question here is not ‘how to inculturate th e o lo g y ’,
but rather ‘how and where do people experience the divine, and articulate
that experience and use it for w holeness and w ellbeing’. Authors indicate
tw o main orientations in contem porary theological discourse in India:
the socio-cultural orientation and the socio-p olitical orientation.1Both
these stream s are built, so to say, on w hat Pieris describes as the
con stitu tive d im en sion s o f A sian reality, viz. poverty and religiosity,2
although som e add a third, viz. the all-p ervasive caste. The s o c io ­
political stream has been deeply influenced by the m ethodology o f Latin
Am erican Liberation T heology, with its accent on experience and praxis
com m itm en t directed at the transform ation o f the social reality. But it
fails to take the cultural matrix seriously. The socio-cultural orientation,
on the other hand, rem ains so p reoccupied w ith personal exp erien ce
and transform ation that-it fails to be touched by the burning s o c io ­
political issu es around.

In an enlightening article som e years ago S. Kappen tried to define

theology as “the analytic, critical, articulate, dialogical, and com m itted
reflection on our prim ordial encounter w ith G od .”3 If th eo lo g y deals
w ith p e o p le ’s encounter w ith G od (or the d ivin e, as he prefers to use
elsew here), w e need to inquire first where and how this encounter takes
place. Every human encounter has to have a spatial-tem poral context.
- The question, in this perspective, is not what the texts o f the B ible say,
nor how to apply biblical precepts to human situations. A m aladoss writes
pointedly: “Scripture and tradition are o f value only in so far as they
are a liv in g part o f m y contem porary faith exp erien ce. T hey are not
data out there to be lo o k ed at from the o u tsid e .”4 T he notion o f
‘en co u n ter’ rem ains the point o f departure.

T he questions and concerns that haunt Indian theologians are many.

S in ce the Indian religiou s w orld is predom inantly a ritual w orld, how

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising 57

 does theology deal w ith it adequately? H ow to handle a religious w orld
that is not d e m a rc a te d and c o n tra ste d w ith a s e c u la r w o rld ? H o w to
interact w ith the secu lar w orld itself in its m an ifo ld c o m p le x ity ? H ow
to d e v e lo p a th e o lo g ic a l lan g u ag e that re s o n a te s w ith the e v e ry d a y
e x p e r i e n c e o f d if f e r e n t fa ith c o m m u n i t i e s ? ... T h e th e o lo g ic a l
m e th o d o lo g y that is d erived from the E n lig h ten m en t rationality o f the
West finds itself ill-equipped to cope w ith these questions. Let us agree
that “ it is high tim e that w e stop re p e a tin g the need for a d ifferen t
m e t h o d o l o g y , a n d e n t e r in t o t e n t a t i v e a t t e m p t s to d e l i n e a t e
m eth odologies, ev en at the risk o f being in c o m p le te .” 5. T h e fact is that
su c h a tte m p ts h av e b een g o in g on in d iffe re n t c o m m u n itie s , th o u g h
a c a d e m ic th e o lo g ia n s rem ain largely u n a c q u a in te d w ith these. A rich
c o lle c tio n o f th e o lo g ic a l lite ra tu re is e m e r g in g o n th e re lig io u s
e x p e rie n c e o f D alit c o m m u n itie s an d tribal c o m m u n itie s , e x p lo rin g a
m e th o d o lo g ic a l path yet to be charted.

T h is p a p e r tries to articu late the c o n to u rs o f an In d ian th e o lo g y

f r o m th e p e r s p e c t i v e o f th e m a r in e f i s h in g c o m m u n i t y , m o r e
sp e c ific a lly the M u k k u v a c o m m u n ity in h a b itin g the S o u th -W e ste rn
coast o f India.6 L essons from their life-context and theological practice
m ay provide possible building blocks for an Indian theology, I believe,
and these m ay have w id er significance for different faith c o m m u n itie s
and cu ltu ral g ro u p s in o u r co u n try to take the o n g o in g search further.

3. Building-blocks from the Coastal Experience

l)The value o f latent dimensions o f religiosity
W h a t u su a lly b e c o m e m aterial fo r th e o lo g ic a l d is c o u rse are the
r a tio n a l a r t i c u l a t i o n s lik e s c r ip tu r e , d o c tr in e s a n d in s ti tu t io n a l
e x p re ssio n s. In a g lo b a l c o n te x t th ese vary little fro m o n e p la c e o r
c o m m u n ity to a n o th e r an d re m a in th e m a n ife st fo r m o f relig io n .
M a n if e s t fo rm re fe rs to th e s o c ia lly r e c o g n i z e d a n d s a n c tio n e d
ele m e n ts that exist w ithin the co n v e n tio n a l and official structures and
no rm s. B ut the e v e ry d a y life an d p ra c tic e o f the sa m e p e o p le w ill be
far rem o v ed from w hat are officially presented. W h at a specific people
or c o m m u n ity really believ e in and live by n eed not c o in c id e w ith the
official. D e e p d o w n it is the la ten t re lig io sity that d e te r m in e s w h at a
people treasure as theirs, rooted in their c o n tex t and culture, ex p ressed
in th eir o w n id io m , and g iv in g m e a n in g to th eir life an d its stru g g les.

58 Jnanadeepa 11/1 Jan 2008

The ‘latent m o d e ’ refers to those elem en ts o f religion that are not
recognized and approved by the com m unity, and hence operate outside
the o fficia l structures and norms. L esser v isib ility w ou ld go w ith the
latent, and hence co n scio u s efforts are needed to ack n o w led g e its
th eo lo g ica l value, and to e v o lv e a m eth od ology that w ould do ju stice
to its r ic h n e ss7

A clo se look at the fishin g com m u nities reveals the sign ifican ce o f
the latent m ode very pow erfully. True, the liturgical year, the Sunday
observance and the sacramental prescriptions are valuable to them, and
they rem ain scrupulously faithful to them. But what w ould m ake their
relig io sity unique, pertains to the latent realm , w hich is not con fin ed
to the church and to the liturgy, but pervades their w hole life. The fishing
occupation rem ains as m uch a religious activity as liturgical practices.
T he sacred-secular polarity tends to disappear in the latent realm . It is
the sphere o f deep experience, that o f anubhava which transcends verbal
articulation and textual form ulation. S in ce every exp erien ce is bound
by time and space, phrases like universal religious experience, and hence
universal th eology, rem ain suspect, seen from the latent m ode. N o
th eo lo g y w ou ld m ake sen se if taken out o f the realm o f exp erien ce o f
the p eop le concerned.

The latent m ode, as a starting-point, w ould also call for an approach

that is m ore em pirical than narrowly textual. T he need to turn to the
em pirical approach has been w ell acknow ledged by Indian theologians
although progress rem ains n eg lig ib le. E m pirical th eo lo g y m eans the
th eo lo g ica l in vestigation and pursuit that b egin s from so cio -p o litica l
facts and data. Every single issue treated in theological discourse, thus,
w ill have a concrete social location.8 This w ould call for doing theology
with reference to particular faith com m unities, collectin g and recording
detailed data on their life using appropriate tools, and reflectin g on
them in the light o f the G ospel. M eth od ologies and tools d evelop ed by
the social sciences, viz. participant observation, ethnographic narratives,
life histories, case studies, etc, becom e greatly useful in this enterprise.

2) The centrality of the worldview of a people

It is on ly within the sp ecific w orldview o f a people that their sacred
u n iverse b e c o m e s in te llig ib le . T he relig io u s represen tation s that

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising

 e m b o d y the sacred u n iv erse w e av e to g e th e r the d iv erse e x p e rie n c e s
and events o f everyday life into a m eaningful whole. C um ulatively they
pro v id e in terp retativ e sc h e m e s and g u id e lin e s for the c o n d u c t o f
individuals and co m m u n ities. Various ex p ressio n s and articulations o f
a p e o p le ’s faith and their fundam ental value conceptions can be grasped
properly only within their w orldview s. T his explains w hy consideration
o f a w o rld v ie w b e c o m e s n e c e ssa ry for a th e o lo g ic a l activ ity in the
Indian context.

T he Sangam literature9gives us valuable insights into the w orldview

o f the co asta l p e o p le w h ic h m ay be te rm e d n eith a l w orldview . T h e
ancient Tamiiakam had been d iv id ed into five eco -cu ltu ral zo n es (ain-
tidai), each having its o w n cultural adaptation and w orldview . N eithal-
tinai referred to the co astal z o n e in the fiv e -fo ld c a te g o riz a tio n , and
its in h a b ita n ts w ere M in a va r o r Valainar o r V alaipparadavar. T h e
d eity o f n eith a l w as Varudan, a p re -e x istin g ‘lord o f the o c e a n ’ later
tr a n s f o r m e d . H o w e v e r w o r s h i p o f th e g o d d e s s h a d b e e n m o r e
prom inent, as evident from the veneration o f Ko°°avai, the w ar goddess,
an d o f the sea itse lf as K a d a la m m a (m o th e r o c e a n ). T h e se a sh o re
rem ain s the axis m undi. T h e sea and the land, the w ind and the w aves,
and the co n fig u ratio n o f h eav en ly bodies, b e c o m e m e a n in g fu l aro u n d
this pivot. W h a t c h a ra c te riz e s th e ir e x p e rie n c e o f K a d a la m m a , the
m o th e r o cean , is h e r in h eren t a m b iva len ce : she ap p ears as a n u rtu rin g
m o th e r and p ro tecto r, on the o n e h and, w h ile re v e a lin g h e r fury and
w rath , on the other. T h is a m b iv a le n c e is a re c u rrin g th e m e in the
w orldview o f the M ukkuvar.

It is the life -w o rld o f a p e o p le that p rim a rily d e te rm in e s th eir

w o rld v iew . To be a M u k k u v a n is to be a ttu n e d to the rh y th m o f the
o cean , that is e v e r in turm oil. To live, for him , is to live a m id st ch a n g e
e v e ry m o m e n t. T h e w in d an d the w a v es, the m o o n an d the tides, the
fish and the stars... all bring to h im every m o m e n t the reality o f ch an g e
a n d o f m o v e m e n t. H is to d ay is q u ite u n lik e his yesterday, an d he also
k n o w s fro m e x p e rie n c e , that to m o rro w w ill a g a in be d ifferen t. It is
this e tern al n e w n e s s that se e m s to m a k e e v e ry d a y fa scin a tin g , and
m a k e s his life c h a lle n g in g an d d y n a m ic . Yet th ere is a p attern in this
c h a n g e , he k n o w s; he k n o w s w h e n the next tide w ill occur, an d w h e n
the m o o n lig h t w ill vanish.... T h is ‘a b n o r m a l’ tim e -c o n sc io u s n e ss and
the feature o f eternal ch a n g e have far-reach in g c o n se q u e n c e s not only

60 ] nanadeepa 11/1 Jan 2008

 for his daily occupation, but also for every sphere o f life including that
o f religion and theology.

T he neithal man is b asically a hunter-gatherer and a nom ad. The

hunting instinct is intrinsic to the occupation o f marine fish in g, and
stands in clear contrast to an agrarian culture. Unpredictability and risk
seem to characterize the neithal culture. The rough m onsoon season
m eans risk to the craft and gear, as w ell as to the very life o f fisherm en.
Certain fish in g operations like shark fish in g in deep w aters in v o lv e
danger. T he fact that fish is a h igh ly perishable com m od ity prevents
the ‘harvest’ from being stored up for the lean season. The state o f flux
c h a r a c te r iz e s not o n ly the p h en o m en o n o f the o c e a n but a lso
fisherm en’s very life. Fishing and associated activities o f the Mukkuvar
are determ ined m ostly by the lunar calendar, the sun has only a minimal
role. T h e in co n g ru en ce b etw een their lunar w o r ld v ie w and the
m ainstream s o c ie ty ’s solar w orld view is a fact to reckon with.

Every religiou s tradition has ev o lv ed , and continues to operate, in

the context o f a specific and unique worldview. The Mukkuva w orldview
has been m oulded by and is vitally linked w ith the co m m u n ity ’s
association w ith the sea and related phenom ena. C on version into
C ath olicism cou ld not erase the pervasive hold o f this w orldview .
S im ila r ly , the m issio n a r ie s brought a lo n g not o n ly the Iberian
C atholicism , but also a w orldview that is sp ecific to the Mediterranean
basin. C onversion w as an encounter not m erely betw een tw o divergent
religious traditions, but between tw o divergent w orldview s. Every article
o f faith is interw oven into the w orldview o f the people in question, and
hence a serious consideration o f the w orldview becom es a precondition
for inquiry into their faith journey.

The seashore rem ains a pow erful metaphor. It is the boundary line
betw een the land and the sea. But it is a boundary that is ever shifting -
every m om ent, every day, every season. The boundary is ever m erging,
ever shifting, and never static and eternal. The ‘m erging o f boundaries’
g iv es us a useful clu e to understand a critical issue that Indian theology
fa c es, that o f c o n flic tin g n otion s o f boundary b etw een relig io u s
com m unities. This is often behind conflicts around conversion and anti­
con version in v o lv in g H indus and C h ristian s.10 T his m etaphor m ay
explain w hy people like Mukkuvar are able to live with diverse streams
o f relig io u s heritage w ithout inner co n flict or contradiction.

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising 61

 3) Need to acknowledge the faith journey of a people
It is necessary to rem em ber that Indian so ciety is a con glom erate
o f cultural groups and com m unities, each one jealou sly guarding o n e ’s
ow n cultural identity and heritage. M ost Christian com m unities have a
history o f conversion from a pre-existing w orld view - w hether tribal
or D alit or m aritim e or any other. T he history o f their faith journey
d oes not start w ith con version , instead it in v o lv es layers o f faith
traditions accum ulated by m any generations. T he long p rocess o f
assim ilation and syn th esis in v o lv in g various sources, often m erging
into one, or at tim es staying with apparent paradox, has been part o f
their faith journey. Various studies sh ow that ev en after con version
elem en ts o f the previous dispensation continue or are a ssim ila ted .11
A ck n ow led gin g this fact calls for inquiry into the layers that form part
o f the Christian heritage. Here w e shall restrict our inquiry into the
Indic-neithal and to the Iberian C atholic roots.

T w o features stand out w h ile con sid erin g the neithal roots o f
M ukkuva religiou s heritage. O ne refers to the tradition o f g o d d ess
worship. The other pertains to the urge for warrior divinities. The clo se
association with the ocean instils in them such an attitude o f aw e and
reverence to the ocean that kadalamma gets personified and divinised.

A brief look at the neithal w orld view reveals h ow various b eliefs

and divin ities em erging from the neithal tinai and from various Indie
traditions contributed to the shaping o f a culture and a relig io u s
universe that reflected the sp ecificity o f the coastal com m unity. The
predom inance o f the worship o f the mother god d esses and o f M urugan
c lo se ly links the M ukkuvar w ith the religion o f ancient Tamiiakam.
D eities and devotion s from other Indie traditions were added on later.
N e ith a l r e lig io n tr ie s to e x p r e s s the c o m p o s ite o f th is to ta l
phenomenon. Buddhism and Jainism had been popular along the coastal
regions and am ong the subaltern groups in the early centuries o f the
com m on era. T h ese began to d eclin e by the 8th century, and m any
Buddhist/Jain tem ples were appropriated and adapted to becom e Hindu
tem p les. At the sam e tim e m any elem en ts from these traditions got
absorbed into the popular form o f H induism that flourished. M any
D ravidian d eities w ere transform ed and assim ilated into the Hindu
pantheon. The m other g o d d ess tradition continued through the D evi
cult. It continues through m any present-day Christian practices like

62 jnanadeepa 11/1 Jan 2008

the veneration o f Cintathira M ata (Our Lady o f sea voyage). In brief,
the religion o f the M ukkuvar at the tim e o f their con version w as
externally that o f popular H induism , but adapted through a com p lex
p rocess o f assim ilation and syn th esis o f various strands o f Indie
religiosity. S o it is proper to call it an Indic-neithal heritage.

It w as into this m ould o f Indie religiosity that Iberian C atholicism

got im planted in the 16th century, thus initiating a new process o f
assim ilation and synthesis. There has been a superim position o f Iberian
Catholic b elief system and ritual system over an Indie form o f religiosity
in which the com m unity had been nurtured for ages. The transition from
neithal religion to a creedal religion has been charted out in detail
e ls e w h e r e .12 Here I indicate the salient aspects o f this transitional
experience.

The C hristian history o f M ukkuvar starts on ly after the arrival o f

the P ortuguese, and more sp ecifica lly w ith the m issionary work o f
Francis X avier alon g the Travancore coast in the 1540s. He and his
com p an ion s tried to erase elem en ts o f the pre-existin g religiou s past
o f the M ukkuvar and replace them with the catechism o f the C atholic
faith and the Iberian liturgical practices with the help o f printed prayer
books translated into the vernacular. T hey introduced Christian feasts
o f Lord Jesus, veneration o f Virgin Mary, and set up church structures
and o ffic e s and confraternities. W hat w as attem pted w as a system atic
transition from a neithal relig io n to a creedal relig io n . But this
transition w as not a sm ooth affair either. E lem ents o f the pre-Christian
tradition lingered on and got m erged with the C atholic tradition, giving
birth to a unique form o f M ukkuva C ath olicism . N eithal religiosity
continued to operate at the latent realm , often in v isib le to the church
au th orities, eith er re-interpreting the scriptures and d octrin es in
accordance with their w orldview , or creating new form s o f religiosity
to m eet their needs. T he th eological practice o f M ukkuva religion
rem ains em bedded in the c o m p lex ity o f this latent m ode, and can be
u n veiled on ly if the faith journey o f this p eop le is taken seriou sly and
is ack n ow led ged in its totality.

The above m echanism sh ow s that it has been a process o f encounter

a n d d ia lo g u e b e tw e e n tw o d iv e r g e n t r e lig io u s tra d itio n s and
w orldview s. This process has been taking place quietly for generations,
and it is p roof o f the inner vitality o f the M ukkuva religiou s heritage

P. 7. Mathew. Indian Christian Thcologising

 that it w as neither annihilated by the h egem on y o f H induism , nor
uprooted by the incursion o f Iberian C atholicism . It also sh o w s how
latent religiosity feels at hom e with the disparate elem ents o f apparently
incongruous religiou s traditions, and d iscovers m eaning for life-
support and orientation. The creative outcom e o f this process is both a
factor o f enrichm ent and a sphere o f challenge.

4) Rituals as valid entry points to latent theology

Insights from ritual theory and ritual analysis becom e useful here.
The notion o f ritual is extrem ely valuable in the Indian context w hich
g iv es a high prem ium to ritual life. Rituals, as sym b olic actions, make
observable the w orld view o f a peop le, and also their liv in g theology.
“Lex orandi, lex c r e d e n ti” has ever rem ained an a ck n o w led g ed
principle in C hristian tradition, and it still rem ains a usefu l tool in
understanding the dorm ant th eo lo g y anyw here. G enerally a ritual is
regarded as an action that is perform ed, and it is d istin gu ish ed from
the conceptual aspects o f religion such as beliefs, creeds, and doctrines.
H ow ever, a clear-cut dem arcation o f rituals from b eliefs d oes not
resonate with the experience o f people not having a speculative tradition.
For them rituals constitute the m edium through w hich both conceptual
and behavioural com p on en ts get integrated. T hus rituals serve as a
w indow on the inner dynam ics by which people make and remake their
sacred world.

T h e term ritu a l is w id e ly u sed in d is c ip lin e s lik e cu ltu ral

anthropology, s o c io lo g y or th eology, but is not alw ays uniform ly
understood. S om e use it in a broader sen se to refer to all ‘culturally
defined sets o f b eh aviou r’ irrespective o f their ex p licit relig io u s or
social content. A ll sym bolical dim ension o f human behaviour becom es
ritual here. On the other hand, traditional theologians tend to link rituals
narrow ly w ith liturgical cerem on ies and religiou s cult. T his article
prefers to avoid both the extrem es. Firstly, the cultural and religiou s
horizons seem to interpenetrate in the realm o f rituals, thus m aking it
d ifficu lt to stam p certain rituals as purely religiou s and others non­
religiou s. S econ d ly, rituals are v iew ed not on ly as m eans to express
c o l l e c t i v e b e l i e f s an d id e a ls o f th e c o m m u n it y , b ut a ls o ,
sim ultaneously, to generate and experien ce the sam e. ,

64 jnanadeepa 11/1 Jan 2008

 Fishing, for the Mukkuvar, is more than catching fish from the sea,
w hether for their ow n consum ption or for the market. For them it is
the m ost central activity that expresses their basic beliefs and concerns,
their very id en tity and life orientation. T he series o f ritual acts
m eticu lo u sly perform ed in a fishin g exp ed ition , beginn ing with the
hom age paid to mother ocean, has significance that encom p asses their
w h ole life. Fishing is a sacred activity as much as a secular activity. In
and through this they m ake and rem ake their w orld, including what is
ca lled their religiou s w orld. F ishing, thus, is rightly term ed a ritual
p erfo rm a n ce . There are various sub-rituals w ithin the ritual w orld o f
fishing; eg. zilam idal (the rhythmic singing by the crew members during
fishing), celuparachil (ritual evaluation after every fishing expedition),
kam pe°u n o kka l (ch eck in g for e v il e y e ), erikkila a d ikka l (beating the
net with tw igs o f erikku plant), etc. are exam ples. A ll these rituals have
m uch sig n ifica n ce, both so c io lo g ic a l and th eological, and so b ecom e
valid sources in any th eological project.

5) The mystery dimension of life cannot be suppressed

There is alw ays a d im en sion o f m ystery in human affairs beyond
rational explanations and traditional w isdom . The realm o f m ystery is
d eep ly culture-bound, and w here risk and uncertainly abound, people
seek tangible m eans to gain mastery over the mysterious. H ow do people
c o m e to’ term s w ith the m ystery d im en sio n o ver and ab o v e the
prescriptions o f m anifest religion with its accent on surrendering faith?
What are the m echanism s that they em ploy, and what aspects o f theology
are inherent in them ? T h ese q u estion s are crucial w h ile exp lorin g a
th eological m eth od ology in the Indian context.

M antric rituals that are resorted to by the M ukkuvar are valuable in

an sw erin g the above qu estion s: T he pow er o f m a n tric ritu a ls is a
generally accepted fact. A t the sam e tim e there is a strong disapproval
against it w ithin the com m unity, probably due to the official C hurch’s
strong stand against it.13 H en ce, there is an o b v io u s g u ilt-feelin g in
those w ho practise it. H ow ever theological inquiry needs to take a fresh
lo o k at m a n tric rituals to do ju stice to latent religiosity. Every fishin g
expedition is a venture into the unknown. One should not go for fishing
w ith the hope o f safe return, they say. T he ocean itse lf is a source o f
trem endou s m ystery, as ka d a la m m a reveals her am bivalent features

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising

 o f shantabh a va and rudrabhava, her gracious and fierce natures.
Protection against risk and evil thus b ecom es a major preoccupation;
m isfortune is seen as caused by ev il spirits active all around. M a n tric
rituals com e to their help in such situations. Mukkuvar resort to m antric
rituals for one o f three reasons: to bring good luck, w heiher in fishin g
or elsewhere; to rem ove or to ward o ff evil, and to destroy o n e’s enem y.
The plate o f St. Antony, the w heel o f St. M ichael, and the yantra called
(E a f u Sam hara M a la , are clear exam p les o f the M ukkuva attem pt to
synthesize the m a n tric tradition w ith C atholic practices in a w ay that
becom es m eaningful to th em .14

The m a n tric tradition in India, w hich is c lo se ly associated w ith

Tantrism, g o es back to very ancient tim es. T he deep influ en ce o f the
m a n tric tradition is evid en t not on ly in the various Indian religiou s
system s, but also in the ‘im ported’ religions like Islam and Christianity.
M antra is a sacred form ula or a m ystical verse, addressed to a deity to
acquire super-hum an pow ers. The central idea is that certain sounds
uttered in the prescribed manner produce cosm ic vibrations; this energy
can be directed to serve sp ecific purposes, g o o d or e v il, w ith the help
o f the designated deity. M a n tra is c lo se ly related to, and often used
together with, yantra (also called cakra or m andala), which is a diagram
o f geom etrical patterns engraved or drawn on paper, m etal, or other
su b stan ces, and used as relig io u s/m y stica l sy m b o ls. A y a n tra is
considered a ‘d y n am ic’ sym b ol, w h ile an anthropom orphic im age
remains ‘static’. W hat m antra does with sound, yantra does with visual
im ages. T he human body itself \sd iya n tra in T antrism ; “that w h ich is
not in the body is not in the un iverse” is the Tantric m axim . M a n tra
and y a n tra , to the Indian m ind, form the e ffectiv e bridge b etw een the
m icrocosm and the m acrocosm , betw een individual con sciou sn ess and
co sm ic c o n sc io u sn e ss. C hristian th e o lo g y need not frow n at the
m an tric tradition on the seashore. U se o f sacred m onogram s (IH S,
INRI, X C , A -O , X-P, etc.) and Palindrom es15 are indications o f a similar
pattern o f sy m b o lic use o f w ords in the W estern tradition. Early
Christian art used m any pagan m otifs w hich w ere open for a Christian
reinterpretation; the fish, the Greek word for w hich (E x E O o ) form ed
an acrostic Jesus C hrist Son o f G od Savio u r, w as a favourite Christian
em blem , esp ecia lly o f the Eucharist.

66 Jnanadeepa 11/1 Jan 2008

 T he practice o f m a n tric rituals is c lo s e ly associated w ith the
p ro fessio n o f healing, and practitioners are gen erally called vaidyan
(doctor). S om e authors indicate that m antravadam and exorcism were
part o f the treatm ent o f physical ailm ents in the ancient Tam iiakam ,
before and ev en during the S an g a m period. Sudhir Kakar d iscu sses
Tantrism w ith reference to the healing traditions o f India.16 H ealing
p rofession (A yu rv ed a , Siddha, etc.) is as m uch a spiritual scien ce as
it is a m edical scien ce. T he co sm ic aspect o f illn ess, ill fortune and ill
luck is highlighted by all Indian system s o f m edicine including Tantrism,
m aking m edical and “p riestly” functions hardly separable. Vaidyan
(literally d o cto r) is usually both a m edical man and a priestly (ritual)
functionary.17

4. Some methodological hurdles

“W hy do you use the outm oded category o f ca ste? ”, I w as found
fault w ith for u sin g the term ‘M ukkuvar’. “It is outm oded, and the
preferred term today is ‘fishw orkers’ or ‘fish erp eop le’”, som e activist
friends pointed out. It is generally agreed today that p eop le d efin e
th e m se lv e s in term s o f m u ltip le id e n titie s. S o c ia l a c tiv ists and
th eologian s w ith a so cio -p o litica l orientation prefer to work w ith the
category o f class. H ow ever the inadequacy o f a purely class approach
b ecom es evident w hen th eology tries to deal with the latent religiosity
o f sp ecific p eop les. R eligion and th eology operate basically not in the
occupational or econ om ic realm but in the cultural sphere, w hich alone
can provide the w orld view o f a people c o h e r e n tly . The socio-p olitical
stream is too en g ro ssed w ith the cla ss approach to do ju stice to the
cultural identities that are central in a theological project. This indicates
the im portance o f id en tifyin g and d efin in g the com m u n ity one is
w orking w ith in a th eo lo g ica l project. It is not an ea sy task either. M y
ow n search led m e through geographical, occupational and eco n o m ic
categories to arrive at the cultural category o f ‘M ukkuvar’ where alone
the w o rld v iew o f the p eop le con cern ed began to em erge and present
itse lf for th eo lo g ica l inquiry.

“It is s o c io lo g y and anthropology, not th e o lo g y ” is a refrain one

often hears w hile exploring theology from an empirical standpoint. This
can dishearten m any a student o f theology, and is a stum bling block for
Indian th eology. T h e o lo g y for lon g relied so le ly on P h ilosop h y as its

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising 67

 handmaid, ignoring m ethodological developm ents in other disciplines.
The fear o f relativism too continues to dissuade people. More concerted
efforts at incorporating m eth od ological insights and tools from the
social scien ces are inevitable in strengthening the feeb le attem pts at
Indian theology.

T he fear o f syncretism too loom s large over genuine attem pts at

th eo lo g isin g from the Indian Christian experience. Western w ritings
often m anifest an o b sessio n w ith the d*ui<: >r o f syn cretism w ith
reference to th eological attem pts from o th 't cultural contexts. T his
fear, h ow ever, n eeds cla rifica tio n . S yn cretism is a term u su ally
em p lo y ed o fficia lly to designate the phenom enon o f indiscrim inate
m ixin g o f elem en ts from tw o religiou s system s. It is a process that
takes place at the boundary zone o f religiou s w orld view s. At the root
o f the problem is a con fu sion in the understanding o f the boundary as
a line o f separation, rather than a region o f interaction. It is from the
form er that syncretism gets its definition as indiscrim inate m ixing.
T he distin ction betw een dual religious system and syncretism that
Schreiter m akes o f can partially help in clarifying the c o n fu sio n .18 A
v isio n o f boundary as the region o f interaction alone can explain the
exp erien ce o f M ukkuva C ath olicism where a dynam ic interaction
b etw een the C atholic and the Neithal has been g o in g on in a creative
process o f th eology in life-life context. The active co ex iste n c e o f
b eliefs and practices from both traditions side by w ith no radical
co n flict is p roof en ou gh o f the creative dynam ism and resilien ce o f
the M ukkuva th eological m ind, w hich gets strengthened by the long
history o f Christian encounter w ith diverse w orld view s in the course
o f its ev o lu tio n 19, as w ell as the insightful directives from Vatican II
(G S 53, G S 58, G S 62, etc.).

D o es not the accent on the cultural d im en sion underm ine the

ex ig e n c y for ju stice and liberation in this m arginal com m u n ity? The
answ er is a definitive no. For a people on the m argins, religio-cultural
identity is as important as issu es o f ju stice and liberation, if not more.
One is not necessarily the opposite o f the other; instead, one presum es
the other, or rather, both inter-penetrate each other. B esid es, liberative
action too becom es m eaningful only w hen placed w ithin the matrix o f
a particular culture and its history; an a-cultural approach to liberative
action is self-d efeatin g. T he present m eth od ological option before

68 Jnanadeepa 11/1 Jan 2008

Indian th eo lo g y dem ands not on ly a com m itm en t to ju stic e and
liberation, but also a cultural critique o f it.

Conclusion
The present paper w as an attempt to cull out som e m eth odological
directions relying on the p ositive cultural and religious resources that
lie dormant in Christian com m unities. Authentic and relevant theology
has to have a life context and a lived-experience as its point o f reference.
D oin g th eo lo g y in India is not sim p ly a matter o f exp ressin g the
Christian faith in culturally intelligible categories, but rather a question
o f understanding and articulating the living th eology that sustains and
supports d iverse Christian co m m u n ities, and responding to their
concerns and challenges within a faith matrix in the direction o f human
liberation and w holeness. M y b elief is that an interpretative presentation
o f the religiou s exp erien ce and practice o f the M ukkuva com m u nity
could contribute in no sm all w ay to our theological enterprise in India.

The hesitant steps o f Indian theology are likely to leave large areas
unexplored, and many more areas facing incongruity with the fam iliar
route. That is natural, and need not lead to discouragem ent. A reas o f
incongruity, in fact, create potential sp ace for further th eo lo g ica l
engagem ent. Som e areas yet to be explored are: the role to be assigned
to the cultural and pre-Christian treasury o f Christian com m u n ities,
the e c c le sio lo g ic a l im plications o f having an open boundary, p e o p le ’s
inner urge for the motherliness o f God, the reality o f am bivalence where
g o o d and ev il seem to co -ex ist, the sig n ifica n ce o f a m ilitant m ode o f
saintliness, and the relevance o f a diffuse m odel o f religious leadership
in a hierarchical church. It is an uncharted and perilous path, though
prom ising, that lies ahead.

Notes
1 Felix Wilfred, Beyond Settled Foundations: The Journey o f Indian Theol­
ogy. Madras: University of Madras, 1993.
2 Aloysius Pieris, An Asian Theology o f Liberation, New York: Orbis, 1988.
3 S.,Kappen, “A New Approach to Theological Education”, in Theologizing
in India , eds. M. Amaladoss et al., Bangalore: Theological Publications in
India, 1981,57.

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising

4 M. Amaladoss, et al., eds., Theologizing in India, Bangalore: Theological
Publications in India, 1981,49.

5 Felix Wilfred, “Indian Theologies: Retrospect and Prospects”, in Society and

Church - Challenges to Theologizing in India Today, ed. Victor
Machado, Bangalore: Dharmaram Publications, 2004, 153.

6 The term Mukkuvar is used in consonance with the local usage. It is a particular
community of marine fisherpeople all of whom are Catholics by faith.
Mukkuvan is the singular noun, Mukkuvar, the plural noun, and Mukkuva,
the adjective form. This article relies heavily on my book We Dare the
Waters the world and the Worldview o f Mukkuvar, Chennai: University
of Madras, 2001.

7. The concept of manifest and latent modes of religion is adapted from the
formulation of Robert Merton. See Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and
Social Structure, (1968 enlarged edition), Amerind Publishing Co. Pvt.
Ltd., New Delhi: chapter 3.

8 Wilfred 2004, 156. •

9 Sangam refers to an association or academy of Tamil poets, established in

Tamiiakam (which includes the present-day Kerala), probably between
500 BCE and 200 CE. ‘Sangam literature’ refers to the collection of the
literary works of these poets, a large number of which have come down to
us intact. See N. Subramanian, Sangam Polity - The Administration and
Social Life o f the Sangam Tamils, Madurai: Ennes Publications, 1980;
C. Balasubramanian* A Study o f the Literature o f the Cqra Country (upto
11th century A.D.), Madras: University of Madras, 1980; P.T.Srinivas
Iyengar, History o f the Tamils: from the earliest times to 600 A.D.,
New Delhi: Asian Educational Services, 1983, etc.

10 See P.T.Mathew, “The notion of boundary: Achallenge to Indian ecclesiology”,

in Dreams and Visions, ed. by R. Rocha and K.Pandikattu. Pune:
*■

Jnanadeepa Vidyapeeth, 2002.

11 M athur, 1977, P.R.G.Mathur, The M appila F isherfolk o f Kerala,

Trivandrum: Kerala Historical Society, 1977; Kalpana Ram, Mukkuvar
Women: Gender, Hegemony and Capitalist Transformation in a South
Indian Fishing Community. New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1991; Patrick
A.Roche, Fishermen o f the Coromandel: The Social Study o f the
Paravas o f the Coromandel, New Delhi: Manohar, 1984.; P.T.Mathew,
2001, etc.

12 cf. P.T.Mathew, 2001, ch. 2.

jnanadeepa 11/ 1 Jan 2008

13 Lev. 19:26 b and 19:31 unambiguously prohibit ‘practice of augury or
witchcraft’, and ‘turning to mediums or wizards’. The intolerant attitude of
the missionaries to similar practices of the Indian Christians is evident in the
decrees of the Synod of Diamper in 1599. See The Acts and Decrees o f
the Synod o f Diamper, A.D. 1599, ed. by ScariaZacharia, Hosanna Mount:
Indian Institute of Christian Studies, 1994, pp.202 ff.

14 For a detailed discussion on these see Mathew, 2001, ch. 4.

15 Palindrome is a mysterious construction of words that can be read forward

and backward. See JCJ Metford, Dictionary o f Christian Lore and
Legends , London: Thames and Hudson, 1983.
16 Sudhir Kakar, Shamans, Mystics and Doctors - A Psychological Inquiry
into India and its Healing Traditions , New York: Alfred A. Knoff, 1982,
pp. 151 ff.

17 An article by Aloysius Pieris reflecting on a traditional Buddhist healing ritual

is noteworthy in this context. See his “Prophetic Humour and the Exposure
of Demons”, Vidyajyoti Journal o f Theological Reflection , 60/5 (May
1996), p p .3 11-322.

18 Schreiter, J.Robert. Constructing Local Theologies. New York: Orbis,

1985, 145

19 Wilfred, Felix (1999) “The art of Negotiating the Frontiers”, in Concilium ,

1999,2, ed. by F. Wilfred and O Beozzo, x-xi.

References
A m a la d o s s, M. et a l., e d s., T h e o lo g iz in g in I n d ia , B an galore:
T h eological P ublications in India, 1 9 8 1 ,5 7 -6 9 .

A m aladoss, M ., “Towards an Indian T heology: Som e M ethodological

O bservations”, in T heologizing in India, ed. by A m alad oss et al.
Bangalore: TPI, 1 9 8 1 ,4 3 -5 6 .
John, T.K., ed., Bread and Breath, Anand: Gujarat Sahitya Prakash, 1991.

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising

 K appen, S ., “A N e w A p p roach to T h e o lo g ic a l E d u ca tio n ” , in
T h eo lo g izin g in In d ia , ed s. M. A m a la d o ss et al., B angalore:
T h eological Publications in India, 1 9 8 1 ,5 7 -6 9 .

M athew, P.T., We D are the W aters - the W orld a n d the W orldview o f

M ukkuvar, Chennai: U niversity o f Madras, 2 001.

Soares-Prabhu, G eorge, “From A lienation to Inculturation - Som e

R eflection s on D oin g T h eo lo g y in India T oday”, in B rea d a n d
B reath , ed. by T.K. John, Anand: Gujarat Sahitya Prakash, 1991,
5 5 - 99.

W ilfred, F elix, “Indian T h eo lo g ies: R etrospect and P rospects”, in

S o ciety a n d Church - C hallenges to T heologizing in India Today ,
ed. V ictor M achado, Bangalore: Dharmaram P ublications, 2 0 0 4 ,
137-164.

W ilfred, F elix, B eyo n d S ettle d F oundations, C hennai: U n iversity o f

Madras, 1993.

W ilfred, F elix, From the D u sty Soil, U niversity o f M adras, 1995.

No of Words: 5,809
Date Received: December 1, 2007
Date Approved: December 2 1, 2007

72 • •' • Jnanadeepa 11/1 lan 2008

Back Volumes of Jnanadeepa are Available.
Please Contact:

The Editor
Jnanadeepa
Jnana-Deepa Vidyapeeth
Pune 411014
Email: kuriensj@gmail.com

P.T. Mathew. Indian Christian Theologising