Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan

Volume No. 55, Issue No. 1(January - June, 2018)

Abdul Basit Khan *

Ayaz Muhammad **

Evolution of the Baloch Nationalism

(Origin to 1947): A Historical Discourse
Abstract
The Balochs, an ancient race but with a variety of opinions about their historical
background and origin, could achieve the status of a distinct social group after a
considerable length of time. They possess a brilliant history in terms of their
warlike habits, bravery, literature and poetry. Right from Alexander the Great,
various invaders from Arabia, Afghanistan and Central Asian region invariably
adopted the route through their homeland (as Balochistan conceived at present) as
an easy access to their respective destinies in the subcontinent. Their longest
period under foreign subjugation was under the British stretching over more than
hundred years. All these events cast deep impact over their socio-political fabric
and orientation but they still have a strong sense of ethnic affiliation based on
their shared history and culture. The instant study intends to examine the process
of evolution of nationalist trends among the Balochs. For that purpose, it explores
the historical background of the Baloch race along with their subsequent
concentration in the present region of Balochistan in various phases of history and
the emergence of the Khanate of Kalat in the mid of the second millennia which
had a special significance for them. It also discusses the evolution of nationalist
trends within the Balochs against the British imperialism during the pre-partition
era.
Key Words: Balochistan, Baloch Nationalism, Khanate of Kalat,
British Imperialism

1-Historical Background of the Balochs

Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, the last ruler of the Kalat State (1933-1947) and
an autobiographer, believes that the historians and researchers have expressed their
inability to agree upon any authentic version about the exact origin of the Balochs
hence, to identify their roots, it would be pertinent to resort to their genealogical
records and the age-long traditions as described in their legendary literature which
suggested that the Balochs were of Arab origin. The ancient Balochs were settled
in the valley between the Tigris and Aleppo, from where they migrated to Iran
leaving a branch of that migrant group camping around the border of Caspian Sea;
which was later recognized as Kurds. On the basis of historical evidence, Khan
holds that the Kurds and the Balochs were two units of one common tribe who had
lived in Aleppo Valley around 4 A.D. Their mutual discords and tribal feuds

*
Abdul Basit Khan, Ph.D. (Political Science) Scholar, Department of Political Science, Bahauddin
Zakariya University, Multan. e-mail: basitniazi@yahoo.com, cell#+923006090344.
**
Professor Dr. Ayaz Muhammad Rana, Former Dean, Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences & Chairman,
Department of Political Science, Presently Professor of Political Science, Department of Political
Science, Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan. e-mail: drayazr@yahoo.com cell#+923006355224
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coupled with their requirement for fresh pasture-lands and water for their sheep
and cattle, eventually led the Balochs into Balochistan in small groups (Khan,
1975:51-2). In contrast to Khan‟s stance, Sardar Khan Baluch believes that the
antiquities of the Baloch race were recorded imperfectly and had become more
obscure and perplexing by controversial opinions hence one could not trace their
exact origin merely by following the language of the race or by the faint evidence
derived from their traditional legends. He mentions that Sir Henry Pottinger
compared the Balochs to the Turkomans and denied all their resemblance to the
Arabs (Baluch, 1977:1). Gankovsky, too, claims that various archaeological,
historical and anthropological evidences are available regarding the origin of the
Balochs. He, however, believes that the most popular among those is the Semitic
connection (relating to the people who speak Semitic languages especially Hebrew
and Arabic) of the Balochs which claims that they were a Semitic race from Syria
hence links them with the civilization of western Asia of the second millennia
(Gankovsky, 1973:29-31).
Encyclopedia of Islam (1936:628) describes that the Balochs were from
Kirman, Iran whereas Gankovsky (1973:41) observes that there had been a
consensus that the Balochs had kinship with the Medians of northern Iran and had
occupied the territory in and around modern Gilan and Azerbaijan. Their link with
Kirman is also endorsed by Sardar Khan Baluch who narrates that the Balochs left
their original homeland of Kaldia i.e. Babylon in 708 and 612 B.C. and settled in
Kurdistan, Armenia and Gilan which were the northern provinces of Persia
coterminous with the Black Sea. They lived in these mountainous regions for more
than one thousand years where they served as the elite of the armies of the
Achaemenian and Sasanids sovereigns. During the reign of the Pious Caliphs, they
were scattered over the central parts of Persia, mainly inhabiting the Kirman
province; nevertheless, nothing is known as certain regarding the period when they
migrated from the northern provinces and settled in Kirman (Baluch, 1977:29).
Furthermore, with respect to their migration from Kirman, Seistan and Persian
Balochistan towards the presently occupied country, he mentions that besides the
Balochi ballads and traditions, there were little resources to deal with that phase of
history (Baluch, 1977:34); however, it is generally believed that throughout their
multi-phased migration to Balochistan, they experienced massacre, harassment
and forced-exile from the Arab, Persian and other ruling powers (Foreign Policy
Centre, 2006; Khan, 1975:55).
The Brahuis and the Balochs are two important social groups settled in
Balochistan. Various notable Baloch historians like Justice Mir Khuda Bakhsh
Marri, Gul Khan Nasir, Mir Ahmad Yar Khan and Sardar Khan Baluch strongly
repudiated the idea that both the Balochs and the Brahuis belonged to the same
Dravidian stock (Brohi, 1977:3). Ahmad holds that the presence of a few common
words in Balochi and Brahui languages did not suggest that the Balochs, too, like
Brahuis belonged to the Dravidian race. The Brahuis had been settled in the Kalat
plateau even before the arrival of the Balochs. Possibly, during the Mauryan rule
of Chandragputa (323-297 B.C.), some terms of the Dravidian language applied in
the adjoining areas of Sind and Punjab had been assimilated by the Brahuis. The
Brahuis, distinguished from the Balochs, were perhaps Dravidian people who had
originally lived in the Indus Valley (Mohenjodaro and Harappa) and, being driven

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 Evolution of the Baloch Nationalism (Origin to 1947): A Historical Discourse

out by the Aryan invaders, sought refuge in the high hills of Kalat (Ahmad,
1992:37).
2- Emergence of the Khanate of Kalat
Inayatullah Baloch believes that, right from the time the first Baloch
confederacy was founded in the 12th century, the country of the Balochs is known
as „Balochistan‟ (Baloch, 2000). Breseeg observes that both the great Mughal
emperors Babar and Akbar, had mentioned the name of „Balochistan‟ in their
commentaries written in the early and end sixteenth century respectively (Breseeg,
2004:57-8).
Mir Ahmad Yar Khan describes that following their periodic migration
from Aleppo, the Balochs occupied the western part of Makaran but Kalat was out
of their reach because of the Hindu Dynasty of Sewai rulers. In the end of
thirteenth century, the Mughals started their early invasions of India through
Balochistan and sought the cooperation of Balochs against the Hindu Sewais who
had been an obstacle in their onward advance. The joint forces of the Mughals and
the Balochs fled the Sewais deeper into the interior of Sind. Thus, after signing a
bond of friendship with the Mughals, the Balochs became the masters of Kalat
(Khan, 1975:69-70). Relying upon the folklores and traditions, Sardar Khan
Baluch observes that the Baloch flux occupying the mountains of Kirman and the
desert of Lut, took place, in late eleventh century, under the leadership of Ameer
Jalal Khan (also referred by some writers as Mir Jalal Han). The traditional era of
the Balochs began from that Chief. Out of his four sons i.e. Rind, Korai, Lashar,
and Hot, Mr. Rind dominated all in valour, reputation and fame. Ameer Chakar
ibn Ameer Shaihak, the epical hero of the Baloch race, descended from
descendants of Rind (Baluch, 1977:34-5). Marri, nevertheless, holds that the Rinds
needed no introduction among the Balochs, because forty-four different Baloch
tribes, under Mir Jalal Khan Rind, migrated from Seistan to Makaran, and then
spread out in Balochistan, Sind, Punjab and Gujrat (Marri, 1977:329).
The facts about the reign of Ameer Chakar are difficult to arrange in
chronological order because no contemporary work dealt with the then
Balochistan; hence, only a somewhat tentative trend of events of Chakar‟s era can
be portrayed. Janmehmed believes that because of their continuous resistance
against the foreign intruders, a feeling of group cohesion arose among the Balochs
and, as a result, “Rind-Lashari Union”, a tribal confederacy, was established by
Mir Chakar Rind in the late 15th century (Janmehmed, 1989:157). The Union
marked the beginning of modern history of Balochistan in many ways particularly
by diffusing the Balochi language and culture over a wide range of territory. In the
early 16th century, Mir Chakar had extended the boundary of the Union up to
Kachi, Kalat, Sibi and Makaran (Gankovsky, 1973:88). Sardar Khan Baluch
describes that the Balochs migrated eastwards towards Makaran and the Central
Kalat highlands in the end of 15th century. In the beginning of 16th century, the
whole of Balochistan and Sind had become a teeming hive of the Balochs. The
Rind Balochs ruled Balochistan for about one-third of a century (Baluch,
1977:36). Mir Ahmad Yar Khan mentions that Ameer Chakar ruled the region in
late 15th and early 16th centuries. He writes: “the famous Baluch hero, Mir Chakur
Rind with his tribe, however, remained in the neighborhoods of Sibi and Bolan

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regions for sometimes before affiliating himself with the Mughals in 1556 (Khan,
1975:71).” The dates of both the birth and death of Ameer Ckakar are also
somewhat anticipated ones. Sardar Khan Baloch holds that, according to general
conviction, Ameer Chakar ascended the throne at the age of thirty and ruled for a
quarter of century from 1487 A.D. which gives a clue about his approximate birth
year to be 1457 A.D. He died nearly at the age of 96 years, probably during 1550-
1555 A.D. (Baluch, 1977:39). Similarly, on the basis of vaguely anticipated
historical evidences, Justice Marri guessed 1468 A.D. as his year of birth (Marri,
1977:175). The clash in dates is quite obvious which might only be termed as
„poverty of historicism‟.
Chakar followed his route to India through Marri-Bugti country towards
modern Mazari village, Rojhan, and then to Dera Ghazi Khan, Muzzafargarh,
Multan to Montgomery (now Sahiwal). Because of his wanderings throughout
those regions, the Balochs scattered over an area of two hundred thousand square
miles from the summit of Taftan to the heart of the Punjab (Baluch, 1977:39).
Justice Marri and Sardar Khan Baluch agree that the present tribal classification
among the Balochs was originated by Ameer Chakar (Baluch, 1977:45; Marri,
1977:330). Sardar Khan Baluch, however, condemns the said classification as the
most perilous move of Chakar‟s policy which became the chief cause of his failure
and mainspring of all the future misfortunes of the Balochs. Thereafter, the tribal
shell constructed by him maintained its dicta like granite stone and nothing had
succeeded in breaking through its solidarity. It had since then argued ill for the
future harmony of the race (Baluch, 1977:45).
Mir Chakar established a short-lived but the ever largest Baloch
confederacy embracing all the Baloch regions such as Makaran, Western
Balochistan, Derajat, Seistan and Lasbela and consolidated them under the
suzerainty of a single government. He nourished the martial virtues of the Balochs
who regard him as a symbol of their integration. “We are the sons of Chakar”, is
the most famous song among the Baloch nationalists (Breseeg, 2004:145-8).
Justice Marri, too, regards Mir Chakar as a natural leader who had resolute
determination and was one of the greatest heroes of the Balochs. He, in fact,
writes: “Had it not been for Mir Chakar, there would have been no Kalat State, nor
Talpur rulers of Sind; nor could the Punjab Baloches have found it easy to secure
Jagirs and settle down there (Marri, 1977:181).”
At the time of Mir Chakar‟s eternal departure, there was no fixed rule of
heredity and accession in the confederacy; hence, a great national crisis erupted in
the country caused by internecine quarrels and horrible tumults at intermittent
periods; various Baloch tribes migrated to Sind and Punjab because of the inter-
tribal wars. The glory of the Rinds passed away and its hegemony terminated
(Baluch, 1977:45). The Meerwanis from whom the petty principality of Kalat was
seized by Chakar, were impatiently hunting for a proper chance to attack Mandaw
Rind, the brother-in-law of Mir Chakar and the then governor of Kalat. In
collaboration with other tribes, the Meerwanis and Kambaranis, attacked the Rind
army near Kalat; the killing of Mandaw Rind and defeat of the Rinds in the said
battle ended the Rind supremacy in Kalat. After that conflict, Kalat remained
under various short-lived alien rulers and domestic dynasties for almost eighty

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 Evolution of the Baloch Nationalism (Origin to 1947): A Historical Discourse

years until the period of Brahui hegemony in Balochistan started when Mir Ahmad
II succeeded the throne of Kalat Niabat in 1026 A.H. (Baluch, 1977:76-7).
Mir Hasan Khan Baloch, who ascended to the throne of Kalat
unanimously by all tribes, was the first ruler from Ahmadzai dynasty. After him,
Mir Aḥmad Khan Kambarani Baloch of the Brahui Ahmadzai tribe founded the
Khanate of Kalat in 1666 A.D. (Kaplan, 2009; Baloch, 1987:101; Musarrat, Ali &
Azhar, 2012). Mir Ahmad Yar Khan records that Mir Ahmad II introduced various
reforms which, inter alia, included the establishment of a „Baloch Confederation‟
(integrating smaller units) and a Diwan (Court) comprising Sardars and other
dignitaries from all the tribes; a Council of Elders, officially called the Baluch
Jirga, too, was formed which comprised of Sardars from all tribes and whose
adjudication of cases and disputes could be overruled by the Khan-e-Baluch only
who might consult the members of the Diwan for that purpose. Abdullah Khan
(1714-1734), the fourth Khan-e-Baluch, expanded boundaries of the Khanate from
Kandahar and Chaman to Kharan, Chagai and Shorawak, up to Makaran and Port
Abbas. The State of Kalat was more vulnerable to the influence of its neighboring
kingdoms of Persia and Afghanistan. Nasir Khan, the Khan-e-Baluch-VI (1749-
1817), had pledged allegiance to Ahmad Shah Abdali, the ruler of Afghan, for 11
years. However, according to Mir Ahmad Yar Khan, his reign was the glorious
age of the Khanate. He terms Nasir Khan as the “philosopher-king” defined by
Plato in „The Republic‟ who established a Baluch Parliament which had to
function on a workable constitution based on Islamic Shariat (Laws) and Baloch
traditions. He changed the original name of the region i.e. „Turan‟ to
„Baluchistan‟. Another of his significant achievement was rooting out the Zikri
sect which ideologically negated some very basic preaching of Islam. His efforts
to organize the military force of the State of Kalat were remarkable (Khan,
1975:77-84). Inayatullah Baloch believes that the Khanate (the Khan dynasty) not
only re-united the Balochs but also blessed them with an unwritten constitution
commonly known as ‘Rawaj’ or ‘Dastur’ regarded by them as a "holy" document
(Baloch, 1987:101).
3-The Balochs and the British
Breseeg explores that, from the 12th century onward, Mir Jalal Han, Mir
Shaihak and Mir Chakar, the powerful Baloch chieftains, extended their hegemony
over most of the Balochistan region. During 16 th and 17th centuries, various
regional state formations emerged in Balochistan. Of those, the Dodai confederacy
of Derajat, Buledai dynasty, the Malik dynasty of Kech and Bampur and the
Khanate of Kalat were the most significant. The Khanate had remained a tributary
state for sometime in mid-18th century to Nadir Shah of Iran and Ahmed Shah
Durrani of Aghanistan. Durrani invaded Balochistan in 1758 when the Khan
declared independence; that expedition concluded in a treaty of peace, wherein it
was decided that the Khan would furnish troops to assist the Kabul armies in
return of cash allowance. From that time until the occupation of Balochistan by the
British army, the Khanate remained completely independent which owed
allegiance not to any authority in India or outside (Breseeg, 2004:205). Sardar
Khan Baluch observes that before the advent of the British rule, Khanate rulers
held their nominal sway over the whole of Balochistan save the northern Pashtun
belt (Baluch, 1977:72).
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The presence of Iran in the west, Afghanistan in the north and Arabian
Sea in the south makes Balochistan an important geo-political and geo-strategic
location. The whole region is extremely rich in vital natural resources like oil, gold,
copper and gas. Noraiee (2015) explores that Balochistan, Iran, and Afghanistan
were attractive to both the British Government and Russia because of their
geographic contiguity with the principal trade routes between South-West Asia,
Central Asia and South Asia; hence, the British Government formulated its
policies towards that particular region keeping in view only its geo-political and
geo-strategic significance. It was not surprising that the advancement of Russia in
the Central Asia caused too much apprehension in London. Awan holds that until
the end of 18th century, the Russians, who were looking for an access to the warm
waters since the reign of Peter the Great (1682-1725), had taken control of Central
Asia and started dispatching political missions to Afghanistan, Sind, Iran and
Punjab which were independent regions under Maharaja Ranjit Singh (Awan,
1985). In the beginning of nineteenth century, France under Napoleon Bonaparte,
too, expressed interest in the region occupied by the Persian Empire when the
process of its disintegration accelerated (Baluch, 1977:72). The British were
cautious of the possible Russian invasion into the Indian Empire via Afghanistan
and Khyber or Bolan passes hence they dispatched Captain Grant (1809), Colonel
Henry Pottinger (1810) and Mounstuart Elphinstone (1812) to the north-western
regions in order to gather strategic information (Awan, 1985).
3.1- Some Significant Treaties
In 1830s, the Russians advanced towards India and the British advanced
towards River Amu (Oxus) which created security threats resulting in the
occupation of Quetta-Kalat-Chaman region by the British who desired to secure a
line of effective communication through Balochistan to support the government of
Afghanistan (Ahmad, 1992:xviii). In 1838, the British Government focused its
concentration towards the rulers of Kalat who managed a comparatively large
region of the contemporary central Balochistan (Ayres, 2009). Ahmed (2006)
holds that the first Anglo-Afghan war (1939-1942) was fought actually to intimate
Moscow not to advance towards the Indian Empire. The British Government was
supporting Shah Shuja-ul-Mulk in Afghanistan during that war and for that
purpose it needed safe passage for its troops moving towards Afghanistan through
Balochistan. According to Ahmad, a “Red Line” separated the tribal areas of
Balochistan from rest of the region and the British were forbidden to cross that
line. Even during battles, the British troops were cautioned against following the
tribesmen into the hills. They actually required a safe passage from Sind to
Afghanistan via Balochistan (Ahmad 1992:76).
In 1839, Mehrab Khan (1837-39), the then Khan of Kalat, concluded a
treaty of friendship with the British Government wherein it was decided that the
Khan would provide necessary strategic support to the British troops moving to
Afghanistan through Balochistan. The British Government, in turn, agreed to pay
to Mehrab Khan, a sum of one and a half lakh rupees by half-yearly installments
from the date of that engagement as long as the passage would have to be used by
the British army (Khan, 1975:219-21). However, soon after its withdrawal from
Kandahar, the British Army invaded Kalat on 13th of November, 1839, on the
pretext that the Khan betrayed the British Government and failed to safeguard the
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 Evolution of the Baloch Nationalism (Origin to 1947): A Historical Discourse

British troops while travelling through Balochistan. Mehrab Khan refused to give
in to the British troops and was killed in the battlefield along with hundreds of his
military men (Awan, 1985). Sardar Khan Baluch praises that Mehrab Khan
sacrificed his life and throne for the cause of his nation‟s integrity and
independence. After his death, the control over the national policy, once for all,
slipped away from the Khan to the British (Baluch, 1977:95).
Shah Nawaz, a fourteen years old young boy, who was a distant relative
of the deceased Khan, ascended to the throne of Kalat by the British but the
nomination was resisted vehemently by the Baloch tribes. The British Government
acknowledged the agitation and replaced Shah Nawaz with Naseer Khan II (the
son of Mehrab Khan) as the new ruler of the State of Kalat (Awan, 1985). Naseer
Khan concluded the treaty of 1841 with the British Government wherein it was
declared that Kalat would be a vassal state of Afghanistan and the British or
Afghan troops could be stationed therein anywhere. The Khan was made bound to
ensure the safety of those troops as well as the merchants passing through the state
of Kalat and not to hold any political communication/negotiations with foreign
powers without the consent of the British Government and of His Majesty Shah
Shuja-ul-Mulk; the Khan also had to act in subordinate co-operation to both of
these governments (Khan, 1975:221-23). Sardar Khan Baluch comments that the
fate of Balochistan was sealed because of the privileges granted to the British
under the said treaty (Baluch, 1977:73-4).
Till the conclusion of the treaty of 1854, Kalat was a dependent state of
the Afghan Kingdom; the British Government granted it autonomy through the
said treaty thus putting it on equal footings with Afghanistan (Ahmed, 2014). The
treaty of 1841 had been annulled through Article 1 of the said treaty whereas the
subordinate position of the State to the British Government in relation to the
external relations was retained through Article 3. While other terms of the
agreement were substantially the same to those of 1841 treaty, the British
Government, in the fresh treaty, agreed to pay to Khan an annual subsidy of fifty
thousand rupees which could be suspended if the Khan failed to perform
obligations binding under the treaty (Khan, 1975:224-27). It is worth-mentioning
that the treaty of 1954 had no mention of the Afghan Government as compared to
the previous treaties of 1939 and 1941 wherein Afghan Government of Shah
Shuja-ul-Mulk was rather made a party which indicated the change in nature of
relationship between the British Government and Afghanistan.
The treaty of 1854 was re-affirmed and renewed in 1876 by the British
Government during the reign of Mir Khodadad Khan I (1857-1893). Under the
fresh treaty, the British Government pledged to duly honor the independence of
Kalat but the Khan, in return, had to observe obligation under Article 3 of the
treaty of 1954 with respect to external relations of the state. The nature of relation
between both the parties undergone a radical change through Article 4 of the fresh
treaty wherein both agreed on the one hand that British Agents with suitable
escorts shall be duly accredited by the British Government to reside permanently
at the Court of the Khan and elsewhere in His Highness‟s dominions; and, on the
other hand, that a suitable representative shall be duly accredited by His Highness
to the Government of India. Both the parties further agreed through Article 5 that
in case of any dispute between the Khan of Kalat and the Sardars, the British
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Agent at the Court of the Khan shall, in the first place, try to settle the issue;
failing which, the Khan will, with the consent of the British Government, submit
such dispute to its arbitration, and accept and faithfully execute its award. Article 6
provided that the Khan had requested for a detachment of the British troops in the
State of Kalat which was assented to by the British Government on the condition
that the troops shall be stationed in such positions as the British Government might
deem expedient, and be withdrawn at her pleasure. Both parties further agreed to
construct railway and telegraph lines in the Kalat State (Article 7). Like previous
agreements, monetary benefits to the State of Kalat in terms of annual subsidies
were also pledged by the British Government (Khan, 1975:230-34).
3.2- Territorial Manipulation by the British
The lust for territorial expansion was the main driving force which
brought the British to Balochistan. The „Forward Policy‟ was only a happy
political slogan intended actually to accelerate conquests over the entire north
western tribal belt while the pretext of Russian aggression was a sort of
camouflage to dominate Balochistan and the North Western Frontier (Baluch,
1977:73). Ahmad observes that the British Government accrued some benefits by
controlling Kalat and other feudatory states through British resident agent; they
also enjoyed friendly relations with the Khan of Kalat (Ahmad, 1992:50). The
Imperial Gazetteer of India (1908) mentions that the British established their
paramountcy in Balochistan after the occupation of Quetta in 1877. The treaty of
Gandamok (1879) was concluded between the British and the Afghan
Governments ceding Sibi, Pishin and Chaman to the former. In 1883, the
administration of Bolan and Quetta districts was also surrendered to the British
Government by the Khan on a fixed lease of rupees twenty five thousand and
thirty thousand respectively (Dunne, 2006; Breseeg, 2009; Dashti, 2012). In 1886,
the Bori valley, which included the Loralai cantonment, and in 1887, the area of
Kehtran (currently a tehsil of Barkhan), was brought under the British control. In
1889, the authority of British Government was extended to Kakar Khurasan and
Zhob valley; in 1896, the Western Sinjrani and Chagai were also engrossed into
such territories. In 1899, the Niabat was founded by the Khan of Kalat on an
annual rent of nine thousand rupees; and in 1903 the tehsil of Nasirabad was
attained from Khan on the yearly rent of 117,400 rupees (Gazdar, 2006; Hanifi,
2011). The leased and the Pashtun areas were combined by the British
Government under the title of British Balochistan; hence, at the start of the 20th
century, Balochistan was actually divided into three regions: the British
Balochistan which was ruled directly under the Governor-General of India, the
tribal regions including Marri-Bugti Area and ultimately the Khanate of Kalat
which comprised four principalities i.e. Las Bela, Kharan, Makaran and Kalat
(Dunne, 2006; Breseeg, 2009; Dashti, 2012; The Imperial Gazetteer of India,
1908:317-18; Harrison, 1981:19).
Keeping in view the geostrategic significance of Balochistan as a buffer
zone, the British Government decided to demarcate the boundaries of its territories
in the early 1870s (Titus, 1998). A joint Perso-Baluch Boundary Commission was
constituted in 1872 to resolve the dispute between Iran and Afghanistan over
Seistan (Martín, 2013). General Goldsmid was appointed as its Chief
Commissioner while Mirza Ibrahim represented Iran and the Governor of
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 Evolution of the Baloch Nationalism (Origin to 1947): A Historical Discourse

Makaran, Sardar Faqir Muhammad Bizenjo, represented the Khanate. The debate
about division of Balochistan took several months to settle. Ultimately Goldsmid
divided Seistan between Iran and Afghanistan (Smith, 1998) which region, owing
to its ethno-lingual and geographic complexion, seemed more a part of
Balochistan where the Sanjrani chiefs had ruled until 1882 (Ismail, 2014; Shah,
2007). Goldsmid just wanted to appease Iran to keep her away from Russian
influence hence the partition was based on political factors (Gazdar, 2007; Hyman,
2002).
The demarcation of boundary by Goldsmid became controversial because
of various reasons and the British Government, in 1896, constituted an Anglo-
Persian Joint Boundary Commission, under the chairmanship of Sir Henry
McMahon, to finalize the demarcation process (Khan, 2013). Sir McMahon finally
demarcated Seistan border in 1904 but the historical claims of Khanate were
neglected again (Kokaislova & Kokaisl, 2012). Bifurcating families and tribes, the
new boundary ran through the Baloch country (Hernandez, 2012). The British
Government neglected all evidences about certain areas falling within the
jurisdiction of Khan of Kalat and surrendered them either to Iran or Afghanistan
(Shafique, 2015). Moreover, the Balochs had reservations about the line since the
Khan was not consulted by the British during the demarcation process of the
Perso-Baloch border (Titus, 1998).
Harrison holds that, while demarcating the Goldsmid line in the far west,
one-quarter of the total area of Balochistan was assigned to Persia in 1871. The
Durand line, too, attributed a small strip to Afghanistan in the north in 1893
(Harrison, 1981:19). Until 1905, the demarcation of border between British India
and Iran, on the one hand, and British India and Afghanistan, on the other, quite
effectively had divided the Balochs among three states (Wirsing, 1981). Breseeg
observes that “the Naruis, the Sanjaranis, the Rikis and the Brahuis were divided
among Iran, Afghanistan and British Balochistan (Breseeg, 2004:92).” Ahmad
(1992:xix) believes that the first two Afghan Wars were precipitated because of
the Russian threat to India; the Treaty of Gandamak (1879), delineation of the
Russo-Afghan boundary known as Ridgeway Line, British-Afghan boundary
known as the Durand Line, and Perso-Baluch(istan) boundary known as Goldsmid
line were redrawn also because of the same threat.
3.3- The Sandeman System
The British Government in India knew the fact very well that any direct
physical occupation of Balochistan was difficult to be maintained and prolonged
hence it imposed Sandeman System of indirect rule wherein, instead of controlling
the entire tribe, Sir Robert G. Sandeman (a Scottish) controlled only the tribal
chiefs of Balochistan (Hamed, 2008). The colonial interference in developmental
and administrative affairs was least because the said system recognized the
Sardars as the guardians and custodians of their respective area (Dorronsoro,
2012). In that system, the Agent to the Governor-General, being the political
adviser to the Khan of Kalat, was the actual ruler who was responsible to provide
subsidies to the Kalat State (Johnson & Mason, 2008). Sandeman was known as
the founder of the British Balochistan (Wirsing, 1981).

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The Sandeman System was actually a peaceful penetration of the British

into the Baloch homeland (Embree, 1979:13). Sandeman mostly dealt with the
Balochs, Brahuis and Marris of the Marri-Bugti region, Kalat, Zhob, Quetta and
Kachhi areas. He had singularly been successful in dealing with the Brahuis and
the Balochs since he comprehended the tribal system better than his peers. In order
to win the confidence of the tribal chiefs and commanding them effectively, he
worked hard to understand the tribal behavior. For him, it was easier and cheaper
to control a few tribal chiefs rather than to control the tribes directly (Ahmad,
1992:98,121). He had identified that the tribal Sardars needed authority and the
necessary means like money, weapon and horses to hold it. The British
Government offered those means to attain the allegiance of those Sardars who, in
turn, guaranteed local law and order. To maintain peace, Sandeman encouraged
the Sardars to raise their own paramilitary Lashkars or Levies which were paid
from the British treasury and controlled by the respective district officers
(Hernandez, 2012; The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908:334; Tucker, 1979:23).
In Balochistan, the institution of Jirga existed even during the invasion of
Alexander the Great in 330 B.C. (Dupree, 1973:278). Sandeman, who already had
witnessed the practice of Jirga among the Pathans, intervened in that institution,
too, and molded it into Shahi Jirga (Council of the main tribal Sardars) (Tucker,
1979:26). The Jirga was a form of trial by a jury comprising councils of Chiefs
and notables, which, in the beginning, was constituted purely on merit with honest,
honorable and brave members; however, the nomination of the members to the
Shahi Jirga had an implied loyalty to the British Government (The Imperial
Gazetteer of India, 1908:321). The Shahi Jirga had to be held at Quetta, Fort
Munro and Sibi once or twice in a year; it could also impose property and labor
taxes whereas its decisions could be overruled only by the Political Agent. It was a
shrewd mechanism devised by the British to rule indirectly by vesting powers in
few tribal elders ready to act against their own people (Breseeg 2004:91).
The main goal of the presence of the British in Balochistan region was to
protect the borders (Haqqani, 2007). Sandeman never hesitated to apply brute
physical force whenever he felt necessary. All the British settlements and
administrative units in Balochistan had a stand-by regular force to back him up
(Tucker, 1979:25). He, as an administrator, used coercion, taxation and temptation
to advance his policies (The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908:281). He pitted the
tribes against each other and, as an arbitrator, resolved feuds created at his own
will (Tucker, 1979:38). The isolation of Balochistan from the body politic of the
subcontinent was because of the Sandeman System (Ahmad, 1992:104).
4- The Evolution of Nationalists Trends in Balochistan during 20 th Century
With varying intensity, the Baloch resistance against the British
subjugation had been continued for over a century; nevertheless, these were
individual or collective acts of some of the tribal chiefs aggrieved by one or
another action of the British Government. The communication gap between the
Baloch tribes, the superiority of the enemy in arms and material resources as well
as the lack of a reasonable political organization to mobilize the masses were the
main causes that the said uprisings could not take the shape of a national
movement; but, in spite of all these drawbacks, the Balochs continued their

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 Evolution of the Baloch Nationalism (Origin to 1947): A Historical Discourse

struggle throughout the period of British domination and never allowed the British
influence to diffuse into their society (Breseeg, 2004:166). However, the dawn of
the twentieth century found new forms of expression of Baloch discontent and
political unrest; there was an increase of sporadic uprisings throughout the
Balochistan region. Some major external events, such as the Iranian Revolution
(1907), the World War I (1914-18), the Russian revolution (1917), the Turkish and
German activities, pan-Islamism and the Indian freedom movement also affected
the trends of Baloch resistance. Although, the consolidation of the Balochs as a
nation was retarded by the war economy, nevertheless, the destruction and
suffering stimulated an unprecedented political consciousness within them; since
the end of World War I, the Baloch nationalists increased their efforts to promote
unity among people and their national consciousness grew with every fresh
outbreak. Lenin's appeal for the "right of self-determination for all oppressed
nations” already had influenced the rapidly developing nationalist tendencies; after
staging a revolt against the British attempts to raise mercenaries in Balochistan,
some rebel Baloch tribal chiefs fled to Soviet Union and constituted a delegation
to the "Baku Congress of the People of the East" held by the Communist
International in September 1920. Communist influence in Balochistan dates from
that time (Breseeg, 2004:193). Inayatullah Baloch endorses the same viewpoint by
observing that the failure of the Baloch movement against the British gave rise to
various groups of nationalists to be classified under two major categories; the
revolutionaries who fled to Soviet Union to seek support against the British
imperialism and the constitutionalists, with middle class background and
education from the British educational institutions, who followed the line of the
Indian nationalists and organized the Anjuman and later on the Kalat State
National Party (KSNP) (Baloch, 1987:143-7).
Mir Dost Muhammad Khan Baloch, the nephew of Bahram Khan,
captured the throne of Kalat and pronounced himself as the Shah-e-Balochistan in
1920 (Wirsing, 1981). However, when Reza Shah came in power in 1928, the
Persian forces started operation with the help of the British against the Baloch
forces and defeated them (Hanifi, 2011). Mir Dost Muhammad Khan Baloch was
executed in January 1930 in a prison located in Tehran (Connell, 2013). The anti-
British political activities have already started in the region; the first successful
nationalist campaign was, in fact, launched against state recruitment in 1929 which
soon turned into an armed mutiny. In 1930, an anti-colonial movement „quit
Balochistan‟ was also launched by several underground groups (Khan, 2003).
Because of the execution of Mir, the resentment of the Balochs against the British
increased and they raised their voices at the Baluch Conference of Jacobabad, held
in 1932, against the British Government and the occupation of Western
Balochistan by Persia (Gazdar, 2006; Pinéu & Fleschenberg, 2012).
Mir Yusuf Ali Khan Magasi (1908-1935), the son of the chief Sardar of
the Jhal-Magasi region, was the organizer of the modern Baloch nationalist
movement (Breseeg, 2004:203; Khan, 2013; Hanifi, 2011). In 1931, he along with
Abdul Aziz Kurd organized "Anjuman-e-Ittehad-e-Balochan wa Balochistan"
(Organisation for Unity of the Balochs) with objectives to attain reforms within
the Khanate and ultimately a unified and independent state of Balochistan. The
nationalists also criticized the Sardari system which enabled the Sardars to

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oppress and abuse their subjects. Since the Sardars had been a close ally of the
British hence were intolerable for the young nationalists; the abolition of the
Sardari system was another main demand of the Anjuman (Breseeg, 2004:207-10).
Meanwhile, Mir Abdul Aziz Kurd published a proposed map for a Greater
Balochistan which included Iranian Balochistan and parts of Punjab and Sind
along with the British Balochistan, Kalat and the Baloch principalities (Khan,
2003).
Mir Ahmad Yar Khan narrates that Mir Mohammad Azam Jam, the
Khan-e-Baluch-XII (1931-33), succeeded to throne of Kalat on 9 th of December,
1931. He claims that the Khan wished to get rid of the British thus supported the
“Quit Balochistan” movement launched against the alien rulers. He quietly
encouraged his influential friends like Nawabzada Yusuf Ali Khan, Mir Abdul
Aziz Kurd, Malik Faiz Muhammad Yusufzai, Mir Muhammad Hussain Unqa, Dr.
Faiz Mohammad Khan Tamandar Marri and Nawabzada Mir Abdur Rehman Khan
Bugti to promote the cause of the movement; he also assured his cooperation to
Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar and Maulana Shaukat Ali in their struggle for the
freedom of India from the British yoke (Khan, 1975:110). Mir Ahmad Yar Khan,
born at Loralai in 1902, succeeded Mohammad Azam Jam on 20 th of September,
1933 (Qaisrani, 1994:142). He took some important initiatives in Kalat which
included the abolishment of the begaar system (i.e. forced labor without due
remuneration) and unnecessary taxes, improvement of the judicial system as well
as strengthening education department by raising its budget from Rs. 13,000 to
400,000 and awarding scholarships to students to study in Indian and other foreign
universities. He preferred the Balochs in local recruitments. In order to improve
the economy of the state, he took various steps including the establishment of an
Ordnance factory (Khan, 1975:126-7). Inayatullah Baloch observes that, as a ruler,
Mir Ahmad Yar Khan was comparatively more sympathetic and cooperative
towards the policies of the Anjuman. To plead for the sovereignty of Kalat and
negotiate for the repatriation of the leased area to the Khanate, he sent Magasi as
his personal envoy to Britain in 1934 (Baloch, 1987:155). Malik Faiz Mohammad
Yusufzai, another key figure of the Anjuman, nevertheless, revealed that Magasi
was actually sent to London by the British as a move of conspiracy against the
Anjuman (Breseeg, 2004:218). The tour of Magasi to London was not much
productive since the British Government denied to introduce reforms in
Balochistan; as a consequent, the nationalist in Balochistan under him were
inclined to armed resistance against the British Government but his unexpected
death because of the earthquake in Quetta in 1935 proved the greatest loss for the
Baloch national movement (Baloch, 1987:155).
On 5th of February 1937, the “Kalat State National Party” commonly
known as “National Party”, was formed in a convention at Sibi; Mir Abdul Aziz
Kurd was elected as President while Malik Faiz Mohammad Yusufzai and Mir Gul
Khan Nasir became the Vice-President and General Secretary respectively. The
independence of a unified Balochistan which included the leased areas as well as
the principalities of Las Bela, Kharan etc. was the primary objective of the
nationalists. Like Anjuman, the Party, too, was against the Sardari system
introduced by the British in Balochistan. Because of the opposition from the Party,
the British Government failed to obtain the Jiwani port in 1939; which provided

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 Evolution of the Baloch Nationalism (Origin to 1947): A Historical Discourse

sufficient reason to the British to ally with the Sardars who were already annoyed
with the Party. On July 6, 1939, the tribal force arranged by the Sardars disrupted
the Mastung convention of the National Party. On the following day, the Sardars,
headed by Nawab Mohammad Khan Shahwani, demanded to ban the Party and
arrest its leadership. On July 20, the Prime Minister of Kalat did the needful and
asked its prominent leaders including Mir Gul Khan Nasir and Abdul Karim
Shourish to leave Kalat. The Party went underground and continued its struggle
inside the State of Kalat as a clandestine organization. The banishment orders,
however, were withdrawn after the World War II (Breseeg, 2004:221-6). The party
continued its activities and after partition, it opposed the merger of Kalat with
Pakistan and favored an independent Balochistan which was in line with its
previous commitments (Harrison, 1981:25).
5- Analysis
The study reveals that the Balochs have a distinct and cherished history of
tradition and culture. They were a brave and warlike people and their socio-
economic and political structure was different from other parts of British India. As
a nation, the Balochs were a lucky people since, from Mir Chakar to Mir Ahmad
Yar Khan, they enjoyed the leadership of various notable chiefs. The Khanate was
the basic unit to strengthen the ethnic bond among them. Moreover, their struggle
against the British further solidified the nationalist sentiments. The Balochs had
introduced a system of political institutions well before the other communities
residing in India. Knowing these facts, the British Government in India handled
them with care and did not apply there the policies framed for the other subjugated
regions. The British rule in Balochistan stretched over almost hundred years was a
dark period. The British feared that a prospering united Balochistan might thwart
their geostrategic designs hence they intentionally kept the region socio-politically
and economically backward. Jinnah knew these facts very well and, therefore,
stressed for reforms in Balochistan through his “Fourteen Points” of 1929. The
present analysis of the history of the Balochs shows that, in any kind of
arrangement at the state level in Pakistan, they must be paid due respect as a
compact ethnic unit, otherwise, their peaceful assimilation into the larger body
politic would be a difficult task to achieve.

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