CHAPTER ONE

INTRODUCTION
1.1 Background to the Study
Politics in democratic states across the world have become standard and acceptable procedure for
democratic leadership and constitutional governance (Jendele, 2011 & McChesney, 2015). During
this time, voters democratically elect their preferred leaders who, in return, serve them for a
specified period of time depending on the constitutional term limit in their respective countries.

Following the promulgation of Nigerian Constitution 1999, the country, like most other African
nations, pegged her constitutional limit for a political elected office such president, senators, house
of representatives both federal and state level, local government chairman counselors etc. to go for
two terms of 4 years each. During elections, those gunning for political office engage in campaigns,
and use various strategies to mobilize their electorates into casting the ballot in their favor. And as
such, elections are given a lot of attention the world over, attracting massive expenditure of
financial resources on political advertisement. For instance, national elections in the United States
of America (USA) and United Kingdom (UK), have continued to attract global attention given
their global geo-political influence (Fourie, 2013).

In Nigeria 2004, 2007, 2011, 2015, and 2019 political campaigns, presidential candidates went out
full throttle to mobilize voters, leaving nothing to chance. They deployed various strategies to
persuade voters to cast the ballot in their favor, during the highly competitive political campaigns.

Massive use of political advertisement in television, radio, social media, posters, billboards, cars
and aircraft paintings was done to mobilize and inform voters on various contenders for different
public offices. Cognizant of the important role of the mass media in electoral processes, the contest
saw political contenders deploy massive resources to sell their agenda and manifestos through
news, political talk shows or advertisements in mass media (IEBC, 2012).

Extensive use of mass media as an effective communication tool is evident during political
campaigns period worldwide. It stands out as a political mobilization medium in different
countries. Its coverage, diversity and change with social context have made it a social mobilization
tool. Television, radio, newspapers, posters are among different forms of mass media that are
mostly used in political mobilization during the election period worldwide (Akpor, 2013; Jendele,
2011; Ngugi, 2014).

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Politicians have adopted political advertising as a form of wooing their supporters. Political
advertisement is done in return for supporting or opposing a candidate for election to the public
office (Edegoh et al.2013). While television is the medium of choice by politicians in the
developed world, radio is dominantly used in many developing countries (McChesney, 2015;
Myers, 2008). This is largely because of reach. In Africa, for example, over 80% of its population
listen to radio because of its geographical distribution, cost effectiveness, portability and
communal living pattern (Myers, 2008).

The history of elections in Nigeria generally has afforded us the golden opportunity of assessment
of the divergent roles of the media in Nigeria political process within the framework of our national
political goal. The issue and question of education, information, mobilization and monitoring has
become a very crucial factor in the realization of the national objectives in the context of the
electoral process. This is as a result of the ugly incidences of various forms of electoral
malpractices which have repeatedly threatened the possibility of credible elections and national
integration in Nigeria (Aghamelu, 2014). Though the issue at stake is the responsibility of all
stakeholders in the body politic, there is however, a rationale in assigning this responsibility as a
primary concern of the mass media on the ground of professional competence as the fourth estate
of the realm.

The media are essential to democracy, and a democratic election is impossible without media. A
free and fair election is not only about the freedom to vote and the knowledge of how to cast a
vote, but also about a participatory process where voters engage in public debate and have adequate
information about parties, policies, candidates and the election process itself in order to make
informed choices (Pande, 2011). Furthermore, media acts as a crucial watchdog to democratic
elections, safeguarding the transparency of the process. Indeed, a democratic election with no
media freedom, or stifled media freedom, would be a contradiction.

In order to fulfill their roles, the media need to maintain a high level of professionalism, accuracy
and impartiality in their coverage. Regulatory frameworks can help ensure high standards. Laws
and regulation should guarantee fundamental freedoms essential to democracy, including freedom
of information and expression, as well as participation (Aghamelu, 2014). Meanwhile, provisions
such as requiring government media, funded out of public money, to give fair coverage and
equitable access to opposition parties, help ensure appropriate media behavior during elections.

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It has therefore, become very important to assess the roles of the mass media in the electoral history
of Nigeria. To what extent has the Nigerian media discharged its statutory functions towards
achieving a positive political national agenda? Iredia (2007:12) the former Director General of
Nigerian Television Authority (NTA), states the problem in this regard very clearly that, the people
must be assisted to premise their choices of rationality and vote wisely during elections. They must
have all information that is needed to elect the right candidates who can ensure good governance.
Where such public awareness is lacking, those of us in the media must accept a share of the blame
of failed elections in Nigeria. It is against this backdrop that this study is premised on evaluating
the impacts of mass media on voter's education and mobilization ahead of 2023 general election
in Nigeria.

1.2 Statement of the Problem

The voter is a critical stakeholder in every democratic setting, because democracy is a people-
centred system of government. This is in tandem with the assertion of the German pioneer
democratically elected president, Friedrich Ebert that: “Without democrats, there can be no
democracy” (INEC & FES, 2011, p. 6). The beauty of democracy is evident when this critical
stakeholder participates within the ambits of extant laws governing the electoral process. This
participation is to a long extent determined by the quality of education regarding the electoral
process from the mass media, electoral umpire, the political parties, and civil society groups.
Education makes an individual a functional member of his/her society. In the context of this study,
there exist a nexus between voter education and participation in the electoral process in a
democracy.

Aside the mass media, the Nigerian experience in voter education has seen state-owned agencies
like the National Orientation Agency, Election Management Bodies (EMBs), education
institutions; faith-based and traditional institutions, Civic Society Organizations, political parties
utilizing the print, non-print, and social media to educate eligible voters during election periods.

The voter is a central actor in every election. Voter participation in electoral processes is integral
to the successful running of any democracy and the very basis of wholesome democracy. Thus, it
becomes an integral part of election management. In Nigeria and across the world, the imperative
of enhanced voter participation in Elections is no more a matter of debate, but a serious assignment.

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In recent decades, however, the world has seen a decline in Voter participation in elections, which
would inevitably point to a democracy deficit. These deficits all comes back to the induced quality
of voters’ education.

1.3 Objectives of the Study

The general objective of the study is to evaluate the impacts of mass media on voter's education
and mobilization ahead of 2023 general election in Nigeria. The specific objectives are;

i. to determine the impacts of mass media on voter's education and mobilization ahead of
2023 general election in Nigeria;
ii. to determine the extent to which mass media’s voter education induces voters’ participation
in Offa local government;
iii. to determine the correlation between voters’ education and electoral participation of
potential voters in Offa;
iv. To investigate whether electorates made polling decisions as a result mass media electoral
promotions.
v. To determine the frequency of mass media messages on political mobilization of
electorates in Offa local government.

1.4 Research Questions

The study was guided by the following research questions:

i. What is the impacts of mass media on voter's education and mobilization ahead of 2023
general election in Nigeria?
ii. To what extent does mass media’s voter education induce voters’ participation in Offa local
government;
iii. Is there correlation between voters’ education and electoral participation of potential voters
in Offa?
iv. Do electorates make polling decisions as a result mass media electoral promotions?
v. What is the frequency of mass media messages on political mobilization of electorates in
Offa local government?

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1.5 Scope of the Study
This study sought to evaluate impacts of mass media on voter’s education and participation ahead
of 2023 general election in Nigeria. This research undertaking is designed to study the residents of
Offa community.

1.6 Significance of the Study

A dictum for this study as highlighted above in the study objectives is aimed at evaluating the
impacts of mass media on voter's education and mobilization ahead of 2023 general election in
Nigeria. It identified and measured the views and general impression of the people of Offa
community as to how well mass media is conducting its electoral education programmes and its
dominant literacy effect on teeming electorates/electoral stakeholders, a study which will later be
generalised and used in checkmating the objectivity employed in the general electoral proceedings
of the media.

It is noteworthy to note that this research will be of great use in evaluating the objectivity employed
by the media in preparing for the 2023 General Elections. This research will serve as an avenue to
discover and berate the media and Election Management Body (EMB) that hasn’t been meeting
up to global best standard in discharging its duties.

In the same vein, this research will be of immense benefit to politicians, government agencies and
other stakeholders who will appreciate the need to know the roles of the media and Election
Management Body (EMB) in pre-electoral activities so as to be able to know what to expect from
them during election period and beyond as a means of deriving an optimal output.
Lastly, it will contribute greatly to the academic community by providing insight into the changing
rate of electoral lessons and of course, electorates’ evaluation of them. Interested scholars can thus,
build on findings of this study.

1.7 Operational Definitions

Influence: This is the rational impact of mass media’s activities geared towards educating and
enlightening members of the public/electorates as with the need to get involved in
elections. The effectiveness of this campaign will be determined by the response of
teeming electorates.

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Awareness: This is simply the exposure, knowledge or perception of a electioneering situation
through series of media campaign.

Mass Media: This refers to the organized means for communicating openly and at a distance to
many receivers within a short space of time. Mass media referred in this work is
taken primarily from the angle of being a social institution created to perform, as
required by the society identifiable tasks of disseminating information, events
interpretation, education and entertainment.

Political Mobilization: This is the activity of rousing masses of people to express themselves
politically and also to undertake political action. Mobilization take place
when political elite such as: political parties, workers or social movement
leads reach out to members of various group in an attempt to get group
members to undertake in political actions such as voting or rally.
Voter Education: Voter education equips the electorates with necessary information that educate
them on their right to select the candidate of their choice. It contains vital
aspect like when, where to register and vote casting (ECI, 2016). Mass media
organize regular voters’ education updates or broadcasts through messages,
aired on radio and the print media.
Political Participation: Political participation is the willful, non-coercive participation of
electorates in politics of the nation. For Conway (2000), political
participation is a political commitment. He added that it could equally be
thought of as the citizens’ rights and obligations manifest in formal
political settings.
Voting: Voting is a common practice in contemporary democratic political activities (Berger,
2017). It is also considered voting as the function of electing representatives by casting
votes in an election, and that citizens use this method to either express their approval or
disapproval of government decisions, policies and programmes, by various political
parties as well as selecting the right candidates that would maximally project the interest
of the people (the electorates).
Credible Election: Credible elections are marked by inclusiveness, candor and accountability
(Norris & Nai, 2017). It ensures that eligible voters take part in choosing their

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 representatives. This liberty in excising their franchise is however regulated
by the provisions of the law.
General Election: A general election is a political voting election where generally all or most
members of a given political body are chosen. These are usually held for a
nation, state, or territory's primary legislative body, and are different from by-
elections.

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 REFERENCES

Aghamelu, C., F. (2014). The Role of the Mass Media in the Nigerian Electoral Process.
http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ujah.v14i2.8

Akpor, E. (2013). Mass Media and Grass Roots Mobilization in Nigeria‟. Journal of
Communication and Culture, Volume 4, Number 3, December 2013.pp. 22 – 32.

Edegoh, L., Ezebuenyi, E. & Asemah, E. (2013). Television as a Medium of the Political
Advertising Elections in Anambia State, Nigeria‟. Asian Journal of Social Sciences and
Humanities. Vol 2, No.3, August 2013. pp. 375 – 385.

Fourie, L. (2013). „Political Radio and Television Advertisement in a Young Democracy‟. The
2009 South African National Election Campaign. Journal of Public Affairs. Vol. 13 (3): pp
298 – 307

Independent Electoral Boundary Commission. (2012). Voter Registration of 2013 General

Election. Nairobi: Government Print Press.

Iredia T.O. (2007). “Information dissemination, voter‟s mobilization and election monitoring in
Nigerian electoral process: in Ogun M (ed) improving the fortunes and destiny of Nigeria
through the Ballot Box, Abuja, Publication of the Catholic Laity Council of Nigeria.
Jendele, H. (2011). „Talking to the polls: Power, Time and the Politics of the Representation in
two South Africa‟s Radio Talk Shows. African Studies, Vol. 70, P.3.

McChesney, R.W. (2015). „The Personal is Political: The Political Economy of the Non-
Commercial Radio Broadcasting in the United States‟. Monthly Review.

Myers, M. (2008). Radio and Development in Africa. A Concept Paper Prepared for the
International Development Research Centre (IDRC) of Canada.

Ngugi, P. & Kinyua, C. (2014). The Concept and Philosophy of Community Radio Station in the
Kenyan Context‟. Journal of Mass Communication Journalism, Vol. 5, p. 233.

Pande, R. (2011). “Can informed voters enforce better governance? Experiments in low-income
democracies”. Annu. Rev. Econ. 3(1), 215–237.

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 CHAPTER TWO
REVIEW OF RELEVANT LITERATURE
2.1 Introduction
This chapter positions the study within existing researches and provides a framework for
understanding the impact of mass media on voter’s education and participation ahead of 2023
general election in Nigeria. This chapter reviews the relevant literatures that are pertinent to the
topic of this study.

Literature review, according to Oyewole and Olorede (2014:39) is basically a summary of what
the academic literature reveals about the subject under investigation. Researchers are to know that
literatures are many but they are to review only those that are available and closely related to their
studies alone (Ajala, 2012:54).

It is important to review literature because it shows what previous researchers have discovered. It
is usually quite long and primarily depend upon how much research has previously been done in
the area you are planning to investigate (Oyewole and Olorede, 2014:39).

2.2 Conceptual Framework

2.2.1 Political Education
Political education is a means of socializing the citizens of a given country to cultivate the “virtues,
knowledge, and skills necessary for political participation” (Amy, 1987). Political education
covers both formal education offered in school such as Civic Education, Government and Political
Science; and, non-formal education offered by the National Orientation Agency (NOA), Civil
Society Organizations, Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), among others. A
broader examination of the concept of political education reveals that it is meant to educate the
masses on how to carry out their roles as citizens.

Olatunde and Ademola (1963) view political education as “process which makes the biological
organism into a human being and gives it a life. It is through the self that biological organism can
behave in ways which becomes recognizable human and which gives it a sense of identity”. Our
behavior becomes regulated through political education, due to this; we now possess goals,
ambitions, values and live in an ordered environment, which protects life and properties. It
furthermore, means that human personality and integrity are developed through political education.

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When education is set politically, it is call political education or socialization. Political education
above teaches the people the new programme and procedure of the government in power. When it
impacts a particular values and norms of existing political system in a positive way, it therefore
supports the government in power.

Osakwe (1993) highlights political education as a means of conveying to the learners the body of
knowledge, set of values and behavioral orientation that are considered vital and necessary for the
sustenance and wellbeing of the people. This infers that political education is a set of practices and
activities geared towards making people better equipped to participate actively in democratic life,
by assuming and exercising their rights and responsibilities in society. Also, Iyamu (1999) asserts
that political education is a conscious effort to inculcate in a people, a set of values and attitude
contingent on the need and problems of the society. Hamad et al (2001) sees political education as
the process in which political attitudes and behaviors are germinated and formed which, however
is not limited to party politics such as voting, and electioneering campaign.

2.2.2 Electoral Process in Democracy

Makinda (1996:557) held that, generally, democracy can be seen ‘as a way of government firmly
rooted in the belief that people in any society should be free to determine their own political,
economic, social, and cultural systems.’ More commonly, the concept of democracy is used to
describe a political system designed to widen the participation of ordinary citizens in government
the powers of which are clearly defined and limited. New democracies, as opposed to more
established ones, are by definition fragile in the sense that they not formally constituted and are
less experienced (Pridham & Lewis 1996:1). Vengroff and Magala (2001:130) have gone ahead
to contend that new democracies also lack the pre-existence of a political culture of democracy the
emergence and growth of which could, however, become possible as a result of institutional
modifications independent of economic development.

Nonetheless, the founding pillars of any democratic political system, whether considered fragile
or established, remain undoubtedly elections which can simply be taken as the most critical and
visible means through which all citizens can peacefully choose or remove their leaders, and which
are evidently costly affairs (Anglin 1998:474). In other words, elections are the principal
instruments that ‘compel or encourage the policy-makers to pay attention to citizens’ (Powell

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2000:4). Indeed, the winning political party of the elections, or ruling party, is conceived as holding
temporarily the mandate of the entire citizenry, only in so far as it continues to win elections.
Parallely, political opposition is held to be legal, legitimate and even necessary because there will
simply be no real test of the competence of the ruling party without such opposition in elections.

Thus, elections require the existence of a multiparty system so that citizens make a political
decision by voting for the competing candidates fielded by various political parties holding
divergent views and presenting different alternatives. There is general agreement among political
scientists that one of the essential components in a healthy democracy is the existence of an
enduring opposition that critically checks the day-to-day activities of the ruling party (Kiisa 2005;
Ionescu & de Madariaga 1968). In fact, the ruling parties attempt to run the government so as to
defend their record and win public approval, knowing that if they fail to do so they may lose office.
The opposition parties point out defects in the ruling parties’ public policies and make alternative
proposals, hoping that the voters will entrust them with power in a four, five or six years time.
‘The opposition, then, is essentially a government-in-waiting’ (Kiisa 2005:3).

It follows that, in any political system, the democratic litmus test will be, by default, the peaceful
changeover of government power with the opposition winning elections and constituting a
government, and the ruling party quietly accepting the results and not responding with violence
and intimidation. This has recently occurred in Zimbabwe where the ruling party accepted its
defeat in the first round of the elections of 28 March 2008 with trepidation and almost immediately
resorted to absurd retribution (Amnesty International 2008). Otherwise, as Mainwaring (2001:190)
puts it, ‘opportunities for new parties are restricted, not legally, but rather as a result of the low
turnover.’ Another form of test may be power-sharing (Budge & Keman 1990). Power-sharing
arrangement is generally formed when the ruling party’s confidence and legitimacy are severely
weakened even though it remains strong enough to exercise control over the most important
institutions.

The creation of a power-sharing arrangement has the advantage of conferring some sort of
legitimacy to the ruling party without discrediting the opposition. It might reduce the ruling party’s
fear of losing everything and fear of future reprisals while, at the same time, it might assuage the
opposition’s anxiety that the ruling party might have somehow rigged the elections. That is what
occurred in Kenya after the 2007 elections, but only after the unexpected post-elections turmoil

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which killed 1 000 of its citizens, drove 300 000 from their homes and constituted a considerable
setback for its image as Africa’s show case of democracy and stability. What is grave is that it may
still prove to be more deceitful than genuine and may further undermine the already shaky faith of
Kenyans in democracy (Chege, Mukele & Kabeberi 2007:3; Afrobarometer 2006).

2.2.3 Social Media in Electoral Process

Nigeria has witnessed an exponential growth in internet usage. From a modest 200,000 users in
2000, now an estimated 51 per cent of the population uses the internet
(http://www.internetworldstats.com/stats1.htm). There are a total of 186,410,197 active mobile
lines in Nigeria as of February 2015 according to the Nigerian Communications Commission,

(http://www.ncc.gov.ng/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=125:subscriberstatisti
cs&catid=65:industry-information&Itemid=73) a twofold increase from the 93 million reported in
2011 (Miniwatts, 2012). Much of this increase is driven by a growth in mobile web access. A
Gallup poll from 2012 found that almost 73 per cent of Nigerians owned a mobile phone
(http://www.bbg.gov/blog/2012/08/20/new-bbg-gallup-data-shows-dramatic-rise-in-mobile-use-
in-nigeria/). That figure is now expected to be over 80 per cent. The Mobile Africa 2015 study,
which surveyed 3,500 mobile users in five countries across Africa, reported that 47 per cent of
Nigerians used their phone to access the internet (http://www.itnewsafrica.com).

The elevated position of social media in Nigerian society and public life can also be seen from the
changing nature of news websites which have informed Nigerian about the 2015 election. Twitter
and facebook was the major used media platform during the election. The last election was largely
influenced by social media which actually led to the surprised victory of APC presidential election
due to the huge investment of APC by employing strong media influencer. According to Jamie et
al., (2015) Nigeria has witnessed an exponential growth in internet and social media use. From a
modest 200,000 users in 2000, by 2015 around 30 per cent of the population is online, increasingly
on smart phones. Although, this began before the 2011 general election but during the 2015
election this received a huge boost because as earlier said there was a widespread media attention
for its role in informing, engaging and empowering citizens in Nigeria and across Africa.

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In the research conducted by Jamie and associates (2015) found that Twitter was ten times more
active over the election period than at „normal‟ times. In their diagnosis they argued that 12.4
million tweets were tweeted about the elections over the period; and these tweets tended to be
divided into „reportage‟ (i.e. people describing events) and „comment‟ (i.e. people commenting
on events). Furthermore, there were 1.38 million unique Twitter users posting content about the
election on Twitter, 216,000 Facebook users interacting with content on popular public Facebook
pages.

A practical examples was twitter which gave the APC a upper hand and influenced their voting
pattern and behaviors to the fact that APC Buhari‟s campaigns, his use the twitter app to campaign
their political agenda by laying emphasize on the major issues confronting the then administration
such as corruption, the Immigration employment saga, the Boko Haram insurgency and crisis in
the Niger Delta. Even before the elections polls were conducted in twitter which shows that would
win the election which led to the change of the 2015 elections. Which means the social media gave
a daily report regarding the analysis before the election based on happening situation across the
country which Nigerians were posting on either facebook or twitter. The social media in Nigeria
gave daily reports about election reports, monitor real situation across the country where Nigerian
report situation from their places and Tag other important bodies responsible for the election such
as INEC, news channels, international organisations and matters like that.

The media was at the forefront of the agitation for electoral reforms, reporting irregularities and
malpractices that characterized the 2003 and 2007 elections and called for immediate actions after
elections (Omoera, 2010). There is sadness in every Nigerians eye regarding election due to the
huge electoral mal practice. To Nigerians everything about the elections in remains bad because
mandate is bought and sold without reflecting the Nigerians mandates.

However, the media played a crucial role in the emergence of Buhari as the president of Nigeria
and for the first time in 16th years PDP lost presidential election. Everything worked well for
Buhari due to the media and Nigerians were able to report real voting situation to INEC handle to
face book page. For Nigerian politician, they are aware that social media have changed the way
Nigerians thick, write and react to all the political process build up before and after elections. They
all have political digital campaignist who strategically manage their social media platform either
through face book, YouTube or twitter to sell their political agenda and party manifestos to the

13
public to know their candidates and why they should vote for their party. Through the reading or
watching this in return influence their voting decision. Therefore, there is a strong relationship
between social media and politics. The new digital media tools as earlier mentioned have not only
changed political campaigning through the internet and news reporting but as well influence voting
and vote casting. In developed countries like US votes are also cast online. As well electoral fraud
is also reported online with this, in Nigeria social media can serve as means to reduces electoral
violence and with hope that 2019 could be fair and better than 2015 general elections.

2.2.4 Development Communication

Development communication has been labeled the Fifth Theory of the Press, with "social
transformation and development," and "the fulfillment of basic needs" as its primary purposes.
Jamias (1975) articulated the philosophy of development communication which is anchored on
three main ideas, namely: purposive, value-laden and pragmatic. Wilkins and Mody (2001) defined
development communication as a process of strategic intervention towards social change, initiated
by institutions and communities.

After her initial definition, Quebral later re-defined the concept of development communication.
Quebral (2002:16) redefines development communication as "the art and science of human
communication linked to a society's planned transformation, from a state of poverty to one of
dynamic socio-economic growth, that makes for greater equity and the larger unfolding of
individual potential". There are three crucial aspects of Quebral's revised concept of
communication for development that have become widely accepted in theory and practice. The
first is that communication for development focuses on human beings and that media technologies
are just instruments for advancing this communication agenda (Quebral, 1988, 2002; Lennie and
Tacchi, 2011). Second is that participation is a fundamental component of both development and
communication for development, which allows for the articulation and incorporation of multiple
voices and interests in the design, implementation and evaluation of development policy (Quebral,
1988, 2002; Lennie and Tacchi, 2011; Servaes, 2008). Last, communication for development
strategies should be driven by coherent theory and clear methods in order to strengthen the external
validity. The major change in Quebral's definition is planned change and of course, a recognition
that such change cannot be speeded up, as it depends on other social-economic and political
factors.

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Development communication according to Manyozo (2012) refers to a group of method-driven
and 'theory-based employment of media and communication to influence and transform the po-
litical economy of development in ways that allow individuals, communities and societies to
determine the direction and benefit of development interventions.

Development communication is intended to build consensus and facilitate knowledge sharing to

achieve positive change in development initiatives. It disseminates information and employs
empirical research, two-way communication and dialogue among stakeholders. It is a management
tool to help assess socio-political risks and opportunities. By using communication to bridge
differences and take action towards change, development communication can lead to successful
and sustainable results, (Mazud, 2012).

2.2.5 Concept of Mass Media

Mass Media as technological devices are the channels through which messages are sent; it refers
to the vehicle or the means through which information, ideas, news, and thoughts among others
are conveyed from a single source to a large and heterogeneous audience. Oyewole (2010)
identified that the term Mass Media refers to the organized means of communicating openly and
at a distance to many receivers within short space of time. It is shortened to describe means of
communication that operates on a large scale, reaching and involving virtually everyone in the
society to greater or less degree.

Blake and Haroldsen in their study on mass media as cited in Oyewole (2010) states that it is not
the instrument itself but the way it is used that differentiates the mass medium from a limited
medium. To qualify as a mass media, the technical instrument must not only offer the possibility
of communicating via a mechanical device making for interpersonal relationship between the
communicator and his audience, but it must also actually be used to communicate from a single
source to a large (mass) number of persons.

The mass media are the different technological devices that facilitate communication between the
sender of a message and the receiver. The mass media include newspaper, magazine, radio,
television, internet, and bill boards among others.

15
Mass media is used to communicate and interact with large number of people, be it the pictorial
message of the early ages, or the high technology media that are available today. Mass media has
become an inseparable part of human lives. Entertainment and media always go hand in hand, but
in addition to entertainment, mass media also remain to be an effective medium for
communication, dissemination of information, advertising, marketing and in general for
expressing and sharing views, opinions and ideas (La`aro, 2004).

2.2.6 Media of Mass Communication

There are different types of mass media that we are accustomed to in this day and age. The
types of media available are print media, electronic media, and the new age media.
Print Media
Print media encompasses mass communication through printed materials. It includes; newspapers,
magazines, booklets and brochures, house magazines, periodicals or newsletters, direct mailers,
handbills or flyers, bill boards, press releases, and books.
 Newspaper- Newspapers, as noted by Esimokha (2014) enjoyed the position of the most
preferred medium to reach a wider audience until electronic communication emerges on
the media scene. In the early days, newspapers were the only medium that masses at large
depended on for daily news. According to Oyewole (2010), newspaper caries all kinds of
communication related to a variety of topic like politics, socialism, current affairs,
entertainment, finance, stocks etc. Apart from this, it also include topics which are in lighter
vein like cartoons, cross words, Sudoku, movie reviews, book reviews, puzzles, cross
words, etc. This captivates the imagination and interest of readers from all age groups.
Newspapers are important platform of mass communication as they reach every nook and
corner of the world where electronic media fails to reach. It plays a pivotal role in
providing authentic first-hand information, building opinions, updating the knowledge of
the readers, and serves as a good platform for advertisers to promote their products.
However, with the emergence of internet which updates information every second, and is
just a click away, the popularity of newspapers has reduced.
 Magazines: Magazines are other types of popular culture print media. They usually cater
for a specific type of audience who are looking for information based on a particular
subject. Ige (2005) explains that magazines cover a plethora of topics like current affairs,

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 business, finance, consumers, gadgets, self-help, luxury, lifestyle, beauty, fashion,
entertainment, travel, e.t.c. Magazines like TIME and Reader’s Digest include information
which is all pervasive. The frequency of magazine can be weekly, fortnightly, bi-monthly,
quarterly, half-yearly or yearly. The magazines are the best forum for advertisers as they
have niche readership (Esimokha, 2014). Adisa (2005) explains that readers look for a
specific type of information; say for example, camera advert in a gadget magazine will
definitely have a direct brand impact on the reader who wants to buy a camera. Also, the
shelf life and brand recall of magazine in for better than newspaper which have a short life
span.

Newspapers and magazine are the most popular among the print media of Mass Communication.
Others are also important, but for the purpose of this study, we limit the explanation to the two.
Electronic Media
Electronic media is the media which requires the user to utilize an electric connection to access it.
It is also known as “Broadcast Media”. Examples of broadcast media are radio and television.
 Television: Television appeals to both the auditory and visual sense, and hence is an important
communication device as it beholds the attention of the audience. For many people, it is
impossible to imagine a life without their television sets, be it the daily news or even the soap
operas. Television has become an advertising hub where advertisers are ready to spend huge
amounts for an advert of few seconds, especially for programs with high viewer ship. It offers
various programs to appeal the masses of different age groups. It is a popular means of
communication which provides both information and entertainment (Aiyelabegan 2011).
 Radio: Radio has a significant reach. A considerable number of Nigerians tune into radio
every week while on their way to work. Advertising on the radio with catchy jingles and
phrases is a tried and tested means of communication. Radio lost its popularity with the boom
of television. But till today, according to La`aro (2004) radio remains one of the favorite
means of electronic communication. Moreover, it is an interactive means of communication
with all the dial-in programs which give the listeners an opportunity to feature on radio.
New Age Media
With the advent of internet, we are now enjoying the benefits of high technology mass media
which is not only faster than the old school mass media, but also has a wide spread range
(Wikipedia, 2015). Mobile phones, computers and internet are often referred to as the new-age

17
media. Internet has opened up several new opportunities for mass communication which include
e-mail, websites, podcasts, e-forums, blogging, internet TV, and many others which are booming
today. Internet has also started social networking sites which have redefined mass communication
all together; sites like Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube have made communication to the masses
all the more entertaining, interesting and easier.
 Mobile Phones: Mobile phones have become a boon to mankind; it has made
communication possible at any time, and from anywhere. Nowadays, a smart device like a
mobile phone is not only used for interaction, but also for other technical utilities like
operating pumps from remote locations etc. About a decade ago, who would have thought
of having internet on mobile phones? Today, we can stay in touch with the whole world via
internet on our mobile phones.
 Computer: With the invention of computers, the impossible has become possible. We
virtually get information about everything from pin to piano with the help of computers. It
has added speed and multimedia to the information which was earlier available only in the
print format. Also, anyone can voice their opinions through combining human intelligence
with the cutting edge technology.
 Internet: According to Olowookere (2012), internet is the most important device of the new
age media. The discovery of internet can be called the biggest invention in mass media. In
earlier days, news used to reach people only with the morning newspaper. But today, live
updates reach us simultaneously as the events unfold. For example the just concluded general
election was observed live on the internet by millions of people around the world. Internet
has inspired interaction and connectivity through its social networking medium. It has
become one of the core means of Mass Communication. We cannot think of leading our lives
without the internet. Internet has impacted on mass communication through E-mails,
Websites, Podcasts, e-forums, eBooks, Blogging, internet TV, Facebook, Twitter, and
YouTube among others.
2.2.7 The Media and Electioneering Campaigns
The broadcast media’s role in the electoral process is not in doubt. Though their functions are often
centred on their watchdog role of informing the electorate about developments in the political
sphere, the media play another major role in enabling public participation in the electoral process.
This is done not only by reporting on election campaigns but by also providing a platform for

18
political parties and their candidates to communicate their campaign messages to the electorate
and for the electorate to communicate their expectations and concerns to the parties or candidates.
The broadcast media are not the sole source of information for the electorate because many of
them get first-hand information at rallies but the media are the major source of information. This
explains why they have a significant impact on the electorate’s decision making process. The
media are thus primary players in the electoral process. The role of the media in election campaign
coverage is a very challenging one because the information passed on to the electorate empowers
the electorate and goes a long way in determining their voting patterns. Information about
electioneering campaigns at the disposal of voters are mostly based on broadcast media reports.
Therefore, in assessing the 2019 electioneering campaigns in Nigeria, it is necessary to consider
the media’s treatment of the campaigns.

However, many factors including space and airtime constraints often prevent the mass media from
reporting all issues concerning campaigns. In reporting speeches and political rallies, the mass
media decide on what aspect to publish or broadcast. The mass media by their nature have to be
selective in the choice of what is included in their news and feature programmes for the
consumption of the public. Invariably, voters’ decisions are affected by what the broadcast media
chooses to include or exclude in their publication or broadcast. People depend largely on the media
broadcast to create image and form opinions on issues, programmes, leaders, parties, groups,
communities and so on. However, the amount of information they can access is determined by the
broadcast media. This lends credence to the power of the media to influence public opinion.

Political office seekers are conscious of the power of the media to influence voters’ decisions so
candidates who want to make a good electoral campaign cannot do without the participation of the
media. Ignoring the use of the media in any electioneering campaign will amount to political
suicide and a waste of time, energy and resources. Similarly political parties cannot offer a political
platform to the electorate and expect acceptance without strategic media campaign. The amount
of resources expended by political aspirants on advertisement in both the print and electronic
media bears sufficient testimony to the importance of the media in any democratic setting.

That communication is crucial to the survival and success of any democratic experiment is a known
fact. Political parties play significant roles in political development of any nation, especially in
nations where membership of a political party is a prerequisite for contesting elections. The

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handling of their communication portfolio by political parties could have a significant impact on
the ability of the mass media to discharge their social responsibility functions creditably because
the political parties are highly influential. The mass media also do not operate in a vacuum but are
influenced by the socio-political configurations of the society in which they operate, among other
things, Enemaku (2003).

The role of the media in any democratic process cannot be downplayed. Journalists are the trustees
of the public trust in any sustainable democracy. Information is power. Information is an
accelerator for any meaningful development and it is adequate information that can propel or bring
about sustainable democracy. In view of this, the mass media should be taken seriously. Many
studies have concluded that the instruments of mass communication are useful vehicles with the
potential to bring about social change and, consequently development in societies where they exist.

2.2.8 Concept of Political Advertisement

The Dictionary of Marketing Terms (1999), defined political advertising as advertising whose
central focus is the marketing of ideas, attitudes, and concerns about public issues, including
political concepts and political candidates. The essential task of political advertising is to gain the
confidence of the people for their acceptance of ideas and, in the case of political campaign
advertising, to influence their vote.

Similarly, the Florida Statutes on political advertisement, Section 106.011 (17), states that “a
political advertisement is a paid expression in any communications media, whether radio,
television, newspaper, magazine, periodical, campaign literature, direct mail, display or by means
other than the spoken word in direct conversation, which expressly advocates the election or defeat
of a candidate or the approval or rejection of an issue, excluding a statement a statement by an
organization in existence prior to the time during which a candidate or issue, in that organization’s
newsletter which is distributed only to the members of that organization, or editorial endorsement
by a newspaper, radio or television station, or other recognized news medium.

Political advertising differs from commercial advertising in that the product is either a person or a
philosophy rather than goods and services, and, in addition, the advertising objectives must be met
within a specific time frame. Also, political advertising carries a moral implication, because the
results have potentially far-reaching effects on the population at large. Political advertising raises

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many controversial social questions concerning the funding of political campaigns, the truth or
reality of political claims, and the likelihood of slanderous or libelous claims made by political
candidates. Political advertising is a key feature of democracies. Political parties, candidates,
interest groups, etc employ it to sell themselves and their programmes.

In recent decades, political advertising has assumed greater and greater importance in campaigns
for offices at all levels. There is a reason for this. As political scientists Stephen and Shanto (1995,
p.52) write in their book Going Negative: How Political Advertisements Shrink and Polarize the
Electorate:

Unlike most channels of communication, advertising allows candidates

to reach uninterested and unmotivated citizens – those who ordinarily
pay little attention to news reports, debates, and other campaign events.
After all, the “audience” for political advertising is primarily
inadvertent – people who happen to be reading their preferred
newspaper.
Thus, advertising is a tool that enables politicians to send their messages to a large number of
people who tend to be apolitical, who are not particularly interested in political campaigns. What
is important to recognize is that these people are often profoundly affected by the political
advertisements to which they are exposed.

By and large, Hsu and Barker (2013) taking cognizance of its global spread, perceive advertising
as an inalienable part of consumer business which plays an important communicative role in
society. Citing Richards and Curran (2002, p.696)), Hsu and Barker define advertising as, “a paid,
mediated form of communication from an identifiable source, designed to persuade the receiver to
take some action, now or in the future. They explain that advertisers craft messages in order to
meet acceptable and desirable wants identified by the audiences thereby, reinforce subsisting value
system as against the promotion of conflict.

Supporting this view, Holtz-Bacha, Johansson, Leidenberger, Maarek and Merkle. (2009)
observed that, advertising should be audience-focused if it is to be effective in addition to being
meaningful to the people, loading up their norms and values, and address their needs. According
to them, advertising mirrors respective cultures, highlighting the fact that democratic/political
cultures reflects the normative construct of society and in time, cultural change. Therefore,

21
political advertising reflects political culture with advertisement copies addressing themselves to
an analysis of the individual aspects of a political culture.

Given the global and pervasive nature of advertising and the widespread use of advertising in
political campaigns, research scholars have investigated the phenomenon especially as it regards
effects of advertising during election campaigns, the forms and variations of negative political
advertising, the impact of negative political advertising, or the use of advertising for election
campaigns across countries. These studies would be reviewed.

Nearly two decades ago, Procter and Schenck-Hamlin (1996, p.154)) observed the forms and
differences in negative political advertising. They used a sample of 99 political advertisements
from 1990 statewide and federal elections and carried out a content analysis to test whether
negative political advertisements portray a normative style. This research noted the following key
conclusions: Firstly, that, “the presence of an average negative advertising model suggests that
norms for negative advertising are established within the context of the campaign communication
event itself… Candidates and consultants, within the campaign context, determine strategies which
maximize their chance to win while minimizing their opponent’s chance to win and rely on that
formula in the construction of campaign advertisements”.

Secondly, that political campaigning increasingly filled with formula-like negative advertisements
reduce complex political problems to formulaic prescriptions with the propensity to minify the
quality of political debate.

Thirdly, the narrow nature of normative negative advertisement targeting in the main, a candidate’s
ethical behaviours apart from being most objectionable does not allow an evaluation and decision
down to personal on varying political ideas and policies; reduces political choices morality thus
sparking off feelings of alienation from the political system, and decreasing trust and faith in
political personages.

In another study dealing with television advertisements during the 2009 European election
campaign involving France, Germany, Sweden and the Uk, Holtz-Bacha et. al. (2012, p.87)
focused on formal features, production techniques, content, personalization, style/argumentation
as well as visualization. It also dealt with structural data of the TV spots, the most popular
presentational formats, most important topics, and national or European angle.

22
Regarding the thematic structure of the spots, the study found out that, “the dominant main issue
in the spots of all four countries was the economy and financial policy, most notably in the German
advertisements, where 47% of all sequences focused on economic matters. In the French spots, the
economy was the most important policy issue as well with 29% of the sequence treating such
topics. The case is similar for the UK spots, where 22%... dealt with economic issues. The Swedish
spots featured the economy to a comparable amount (20%) yet focus here was on other, political
problems, most importantly agriculture (30%) and social policy (20%). At the same time, social
policy figured as the second most important issue in the spots of all four countries”.

Relating to the position of analysis from which these topics were dealt with, the findings showed
that in a comparison of the four countries, Germany and Sweden indicated two polarities, with
Germany advertisements featuring the most national orientation (52%) while Sweden portrayed
the strongest European perspective (67%). The study also highlighted that, “the advertisements in
all countries relied on personalization” to a considerable extent; as indicated by the appearance of
politicians in the visuals, a characterization of advertising in party-oriented political systems.
Holtz-Bacha et. al. (2012, p. 89).

The study concluded that the findings confirm the power, “relationship between the style and
contents of political advertising and the specific culture of a country”. However, further studies,
taking the experimental route to measure the cognitive and effective effects of political advertising
during an election campaign, cashing in on the growing scientific interest in political
advertisements investigated the immediate and simultaneous effects of positive, negative and
mixed-content electoral advertisements. Daignault, Soroka and Giasson (2013, p.90). The study
drew its data from a series of pretests of an experiment involving 31 voters in the 2011 Canadian
Federal election. Measurements were based on advertisements’ argumentative content and non-
verbal cues whose impacts were tested with the use of innovative multi-method involving
physiological and cognitive parameters.

2.2.9 Mass Media as a Key Player in the Democratic Process

The mass media perform a crucial role in the democratic process. According to Gureutich and
Blumler (1977), the mass media possess enormous powers and their power comes from three
sources structural, Psychological and normative.

23
According to them, the structural root from their unique capacity to deliver to the politician an
audience, which in size and composition is unavailable to him by any of the psychological root
of the media power stems from the relationship of credibility and trust that different media
organizations have succeeded in developing Clbelt to different degree with members of their
audience. Gureuitch and Blumer (1977) assert that “it is the combined influence strength that
enable the media to interpose themselves between politicians and the audience and to “Intervene”
in other politics according to them is expressed in the way in which the mass media are capable
of restructuring the timing and character of political events conventions, demonstrations, leader,
appearances etc.) defining crisis situations to which politicians are obliged to react, requiring
comment on issues that media personnel have emphasized as important, injecting new
personalities into the political dialogue (such as television interviews) and stimulating the growth
of new communication agencies (such as public relations firms, opinion poll agencies and
political advertising and campaign management Specialist).

In the other hand, the normative root of media power stems from the respect that is accorded in
competitive democracies to such tenants of liberal philosophy as freedom of expression and the
need for specialized organs to safeguard citizens against possible abuses of political authority
from the foregoing, the mass media occupy strategic place in the policy.

Besley and Burgess (2002), emphasize that a free or non-captured media can affect political
outcomes through three routes namely; sorting, discipline and concerns, to deliver affective
service meeting real human needs, and also, in democracies to maximize popular electoral
support to be returned to office. Information in the political market place comes from two
primary sources. Personal interactions which commonly included formal face to face political
conversations, Friends, family & colleagues, traditional campaign rallies, community forums
and grass roots meetings. Therefore information resources remain important, especially for
election campaigns in poorer democracies, and the growth of e-mail and online discussion groups
may revive the importance of personal political communications. But these channels have been
supplemented in modern campaigns by the mass media, including the printed press (newspapers
and magazines), electronic broadcasts (radio and television news), and also more recently the
bundle of technologies associated with the internet (including political websites). The rise of the
internet may be a particularly important development for the process of democratization, due to

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its potential for interactive, horizontal linkages, breaking down the traditional boundaries of
space and time, and facilitating oppositional voices, new social movement,, and transnational
advocacy networks, despite the highly uneven distribution of these technologies around the
globe.

Free press serves to strengthen the process of democratization and human development in their
watchdog role, where the channels of mass communications function to promote government
transparency and public scrutiny of those in authority, highlighting policy failures,
maladministration by public officials, and corruption in the judiciary and scandals in the
corporate sector. Investigative journalism can open the government’s ‟record to external scrutiny
and critical evolution, and hold authorities accountable for their actions, whether public sector
institutions, non- profit organizations or private companies.

Moreover, a free press can provide a public sphere, mediating between citizens and the states
facilitating informed debate about the major issues of the day. If the channels of communication
reflect the social and cultural diversity within each society, in a fair and impartial balances then
multiple interest and voices are heard in public deliberation. The role is particularly important
during political campaigns. Fair access to the airwaves by opposition parties, a candidate and
opposition group is critical for competitive free and fair elections.

2.2.10 The Media as Social Drivers

The mass media are social drivers in all human society. They determine most times what we do
and how we do them. Unarguably, a lot of social changes occasioned by increase in knowledge
level have taken place in most parts of the world because of media influence. Experts in the
communication circle insist that the mass media are vehicles of social change in the dynamics of
human existence.

No doubt, the mass media have powers to change people’s attitude and persuade them to take up
a particular course of action. In most cases, the media persuade you to do only what they want you
to do (Okunna, 1999). The agenda setting function of the media explains better how the media tell
us what to think about.

In the area of politics, agenda setting function of the media demonstrates how the media determine
the topic for political debate and discussion in the society. Okunna (1999) asserts that the “ability

25
of the media to mould public opinion by defining the boundaries within which people think about
and discuss political issues, has been widely noted”. In line with this, the media might not succeed
to tell the electorates what to think, but they inevitably tell them what and what to think about.
This has been the power of the media over the years. Many studies support the fact that people
gain knowledge about public events, politics and social trends from the media.

2.3 Theoretical Framework

2.3.1 Agenda Setting Theory
McCombs and Shaw quoted by Griffin (1991) explain that the “mass media have ability to transfer
the salience of items on their news agenda to the public agenda…. We judge as important what the
media judge as important.” Media coverage of issues confers importance on them and helps the
audience to treat certain issues as also being more important than others.” Burns (1977) also argues
that: “The critic of newspapers and broadcasting see their power as lying in controlling the agenda,
in their ability to select certain issues for discussion and decision and to ignore others as non-
existent; and in the ability to treat certain conflicts of interests as manifestly proper material and
others as too complex, or marginal, or unmanageable.” Through what Burns calls “news tasting –
a process of selecting what should count as news and what should not– the media allow the public
to crave that which they already adjudged salient. (Akinwalere,2015)
For the purpose of this study, the following theoretical frameworks are extensively reviewed in
relation to the evaluation of the media coverage of the general election in Nigeria. One of the
powers or effects of the mass media is agenda-setting. Mc. Combs and Shaw quoted by Griffin
(1991) explain that the “mass media have ability to transfer the salience of items on their news
agenda to the public agenda. We judge as important what the media judge as important. “Media
coverage of issues confers importance on them and helps the audience to treat certain issues as
also being more important than others. The conferment consequently influences the attitudes or
decision of the audience towards the subjects on the agenda.

The setting of agenda by the media implies that people look up to them for cues to issues of
salience. People want the media to assist them to determine „reality‟ and influence norms. The
media often choose and emphasize certain topics, thereby causing the public to also choose and
emphasize these issues Griffin (1991). According to Mc Quail (2003), the media help to “establish
an order of priorities in a society about its problems and objectives, “Burns (1997) also argues that:

26
The critic of newspapers and broadcasting see their power as lying in controlling the agenda, in
their ability to select certain issues for discussion and decision and to ignore others as non-
existence; and in the ability to treat certain conflicts of interests as manifesting proper material and
others as too complex or marginal or unmanageable.

Through what Burn calls “news tasting – a process of selecting what should count as new and what
should not the media also help the public to crave that which they already adjudged silence. Quail
and Windahl (2003), quoting Mc Combs and Shaw, state that “audiences not only learn about
public issues and their matters through the media, they also learn how much importance to attach
to an issue or topic from the emphasis the mass media place upon it. “The basic idea is that amongst
a given range of issues or topics of those who get more media attention will grow in their
familiarity and perceived importance over a period of time and those which get les will decline
correspondingly. Brosius and Weimann (2002) point out that “even through the media may not be
very successful in telling us what opinion to hold; they often quite effective in telling us what to
have opinion or what not to think about. “By paying attention for such issues and neglecting others,
the mass media will have an effect on public opinion. People will tend to know about these things
which the mass media deal with and adopt the order of priority assigned to different issues.

Assata and Asante (1978) also explain that the agenda – setting theory assumes that a direct,
positive relationship exists between media coverage and the silence of a topic in the public mind.
The relationship is stated in casual terms; by conferring status on an issue, the media structure is
what is important.

The theory is relevant to this study because the media has the ability to create domineering
awareness onwards the 2023 General Elections in Nigeria. This is done by series of campaigns
geared towards enlightening members of general public on reasons why participating in the
forthcoming elections is imperative to their social being.

2.3.2 Social Responsibility Theory

The social responsibility theory grew out of the 1947 report of the Hutchins Commission on the
Freedom of the Press. The commission was set up in the United States of America to re-examine
the concept of press freedom as enunciated in the Libertarian or Free Press Theory. The major
premise of the social responsibility theory is that freedom carried concomitant obligations, and the

27
press, which enjoys a privileged position under the government, is obliged to be responsible to
society for performing certain essential functions of media of mass communication (Anaeto,
Onabajo and Osifeso, 2008). The media, according to the commission, should both serve as a
forum for the exchange of ideas for the common good and present a representative picture of the
constituent groups of the society. The social responsibility theory moves beyond the simple
“Objective” reporting that is facts reporting to “Interpretative” reporting which is investigative,
analytical, critical reporting.

Applied within the content of this research work, social responsibility theory seeks to enlist the
media in the struggle to consolidate our nascent democratic environment and prevent its being
hijacked by undemocratic elements. This is as the media is used by the Independent National
Electoral Commission (INEC) and some other civil societies to campaign for the need of the
masses to do their voters registrations. INEC had in 2017 continued with voters’ registration across
the country and the media has been used to create the awareness among the citizens. This falls
under one of the social responsibilities of the media because it is believed that the media has the
responsibility of educating and enlightening the people with political education inclusive.

2.4 Review of Empirical Studies

Recent years have seen a decline in non-profit community participation such as political party
membership. Also, there are several challenges when it comes to engaging people in party
politics. Contrary to popular expectations, the rise of the Internet did not result inincreased levels
of public participation. On top of that, many political parties are afraid to lose control over their
message when they delegate power and authority to the public (Effing et al.).

In a study that was run by Zhang et al. (2010) that was interested in how social media affected
different variable including civil engagement. They did this by doing a phone survey that included
998 individuals that were all ages. The results showed that “reliance on social networking sites
such as YouTube, Facebook, and Myspace was positively related to civic participation but not to
political participation or confidence in government” (Zhang, 2010). We can see that in this
study that social media didn’tinfluence political participation, even when they didn’t just get
their research from only college aged respondents (Megan, 2017).

Many governments are however recognizing social media platforms as a means to understand and

28
reach their citizens directly (Geraldine, Melanie and Rene, 2014). In societies where the majority
of people have “free” access to the internet, social media canserve as a technical base for digital
political debate and can facilitate opinion shaping processes, at least in theory. In this context,
“free” refers to the freedom to access the internet, to access information freely, to express oneself
freely without fear of surveillance or persecution. Academia is still in debate about the impact on
societies of this process that has been described as the new “structural transformation of the public
sphere (Geraldine et al., 2014).

And in Nigeria, the social media have become the most accessible source of information,
particularly in the last three general elections. Before the day of the election, the social media
disseminated many messages to the public that went viral. In the 2015 general election, the social
media became a more potent tool and even a more lethal weapon. There were releases in the form
of videos, voice notes, headlines, and broadcasts that made and mar many political parties and
individuals (Oyenuga, 2015).

Issa (2016) identified four ways social media has shaped political communication. Firstly, it has
deepened segmentation of audience triggered by the rise of network television channels and
specialized magazines and websites. Segmentation of audience is a product of two main elements
of the social media: diversification of coverage and selective exposure (that is, finding information
that aligns with the predispositions of individuals). Social media makes it possible for its users to
read and discuss specific issues and then connect with other individuals who share their beliefs.
This has the possibility of creating individual voters that are fixated on specific issues and who
may not be able to relate with the wider issues that are part of a general election. The existence of
different media and brands of information platform can slit political communication into different
segments - all addressing the same issues from different perspectives.

The second way social media has shaped political communication is by weakening the gatekeeping
capacity of the traditional media. Before the emergence of social media, the traditional media
played a key role in deciding what is sufficiently important to be aired to the public. This
gatekeeper role of the traditional media enables it to set the agenda of public discourse. In the
1970s, (McCombs and Shaw, 1972) asserted that the mass media force attention to certain issues.
They build up public images of political figures. They are constantly presenting objects suggesting

29
what individuals in the mass should think about, know about, [and] have feelings about. McCombs
and Shaw insist that a small number of mass media news producers dominate the market, and
therefore, audiences only get information about what the media decides is important enough to be
covered.

By presenting politicians with a platform to speak directly to their constituents and potential voters
without the traditional media intermediary, the social media has largely curtailed the agenda setting
role of the traditional media (Gillin, 2008, as cited in Issa, 2006). Social media outlets have a
responsibility to develop and implement social networking guidelines for their users.

Finally, social media has emerged as the new influencer in social, economic and political settings.
Research has shown that increasing use of social media for political communication has led to
declining newspaper readership and television viewership in many countries. Under this
circumstance, the social media may likely continue to dominate political communication, and to
serve as a tool for gathering and disseminating political messages (Issa, 2016).

In his study titled ‘The Influence of Social Media on the Voting Behaviour of the Youth inSouth-
East Nigeria’, Akinlade (2016) found that social media messages do not seem to influence youths
voting preferences as many of them already made up their minds on who to vote based on
primordial sentiments like religion, geopolitical background, ethnic affiliation and the likes.
Nigerian youths regard social media as a credible medium and assuch they frequently access it and
spend some time on it daily (Akinlade, 2016).

Bond, Fariss, Jones, Kramer, Marlow, Settle and Fowler (2012, cited Akinlade, 2016) however
carried out an experiment titled ‘61 – million person experiment in socialinfluence and political
mobilization’ and concluded that social media messages do influence people. They estimated that
tens of thousands of votes eventually cast (during U.S Congressional election 2010) were
generated by a single Facebook message. (Akinlade 2016).

Mobilization, Participation and Democracy in America by Rosenstone and Hansen whichlooked

at elections over time and what makes someone more likely to participate in the political process.
‘Through the strategic choices of candidates, parties, interest groups,and activists, political,
economic, and social change has tipped the balance of political participation in America…

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Candidates now speak directly to the electorate through new campaign technologies’ (Rosenstone
and Hansen, cited in Megan, 2017). This is the reason to why the public is more encouraged to
mobilize which we know increases them to go out and vote. This is an important factor in what
makes social media important for citizens, because it gives individuals access to the candidates in
ways that have not always been there. This research provides us a basis on how new technologies
can be used to help get citizens active in the political process and to get citizens to go out to vote
in elections. This research by Rosenstone and Hansen is an important part of the study of not only
political participation, but to how social media is important for campaigns and citizens (Megan,
2017).

In his study on the 2014 general elections in Romania, Muntean (2015) found that engaging young
adults in political activities on social networking sites, results in higher levels of traditional forms
of participation. “As young adults are considered to be apathetic towards politics, this strategy
might be useful in changing their attitudes and obtaining their input and opinions”. Therefore,
political candidates might invest in their social media presence, in future electoral campaigns, in
order to appeal to the young audience (Muntean, 2015).

A Professor of Communications at Kent State University, Paul Haridakis, opined that: “The
influence of social networking could be significant. Unlike a newspaper article or television
broadcast, the information presented on sites like Facebook is filtered througha user's circle of
friends and acquaintances… they may trust those people more that they would a media
organization or a campaign”.

From the foregoing, it is imperative to state that political participation amongst youth is largely
dependent on the use of Facebook and more youth are showing stronger reliance on the Facebook
as their platform for securing political information they need to make their informed political
decisions (Abdu, Mohamad and Muda, 2016).

Ayankoya, Calitz and Cullen, (2015) in their study ‘A Framework for the Use of Social Media for
Political Marketing: An Exploratory Study’ showed that “politicians and political organisations
can benefit from social media, by taking advantage of the ability tonetwork with their members,
the people in the network of their members and other potential members”.

31
As the rise of the social media has captured researchers’ attention, and a few studies investigate
its effects on political participation. This study specifically intends to shed light on the influence
of social media on political participation, especially during the 2019 Nigerian general elections.

2.4 Summary of Literature Review

This research work studies the “the impacts of mass media on voter's education and mobilization
ahead of 2023 general election in Nigeria” using the conceptual model by Folarin (2002) to
visualize the relationship amongst various elements of a structure for the purpose of discussion
and analysis. It further employed the study and comparison of already conducted research in line
with the topic of discuss (empirical review) while using the Agenda Setting Theory, and Social
Responsibility Theory to further deepen and articulate its claim.

32
 REFERENCES

Bassette, Guy. (2006). People, Land, and Water: Participatory Development Communication for
Natural Resource Management. London: Earthscan and the International Development
Research Centre

Flor, Alexander, G. (December 1991). "Development Communication and the Policy Sciences".
Journal of Development Communication.

Flor, Alexander; Ongkiko, Ila Virginia (1998). Introduction to Development Communication.

SEAMEO Regional Center for Graduate Study and Research and Agriculture and
University of the Philippines Open University.

Habermann, P.; De Fontgalland, G. (1978). "Development Communication: Rhetoric and Reality

as cited by Moemeka, A. (1994) Communicating for Development: A New Pan-
Disciplinary Perspective. SUNY Press, pp.194-195.". Singapore: AMIC. p. 173.

Iyamu, E. O. (1999). Citizenship education in Nigerian schools. Rational and constraints. Nigeria
formal of social educators. 2 (1). 35 – 51.

Jamias, J.F. (1991). Writing for Development: Focus on Specialized Reporting Areas. Los Baños,
Laguna, Phil.: College of Agriculture, UPLB.

Jamias, J.F. (Ed). (1975). Readings in Development Communication. Laguna, Phil.: Department
of Development Communication, College of Agriculture-UPLB.

Lee, John (1976). Towards Realistic Communication Policies: Recent Trends and Ideas Compiled
and Analyzed. Paris: The UNESCO Press.

Librero, F. (December 2008). "Development communication Los Baños style: A story behind the
history. Development communication: Looking back, moving forward. Symposium".
Meeting of the UP Alliance of Development Communication Students, UPLB College of
Development Communication, Los Baños, Laguna, Philippines. p. 8.

Manyozo, Linje (2011). The Handbook of Global Media and Communication Policy. Wiley-
Blackwell.

Manyozo, Linje (2012). Media, Communication and Development. London: Sage Publication

Manyozo, Linje (March 2006). "Manifesto for Development Communication: Nora C. Quebral
and the Los Baños School of Development Communication". Asian Journal of
Communication 16 (1): 79–99. doi:10.1080/01292980500467632.

Mefalopulos, Paolo (2008). Development Communication Sourcebook: Broadening the

Boundaries of Communication. Washington DC: International Bank for Reconstruction
and Development/The World Bank. p. 224. ISBN 978-0-8213-7522-8.

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Mozammel, Mazud. "Development Communication: Challenges in an Empowered Information
Environment". Retrieved 28 August 2012.

Olantunde, T. and Ademola A. (1963). Sociology: An introductory Africa Test. London:

Macmillan Press. Ltd.
Osakwe, E. O. (1993). Citizenship education: The habit of social studies. Nigerian Journal of
Social Studies Review: 2(1).

Peirano, Luis. "CFSC Analysis and Opinion: Developing a Unique Proposal for Communication
for Development in Latin America". MAZI Articles. Communication for Social Change
Consortium, Inc. Retrieved 22 September 2011.

Quebral, N.; De Fontgalland, G. (1986). "Development communication training values - have they
kept pace with the changing paradigm? In AMIC-WACC-WIF Consultation on Beyond
Development Communication, Nov 18-22, 1986.". Digital Repository - Nanyang
Technological University. Singapore: AMIC. Retrieved 22 September 2012.

Quebral, N.C. (1975). Development communication: Where does it stand today? Media Asia 2(4),
197-202

Quebral, Nora (2001). "Development Communication in a Borderless World". "Paper presented at

the national conference-workshop on the undergraduate development communication
curriculum, "New Dimensions, Bold Decisions"". Continuing Education Center, UP Los
Baños: Department of Science Communication, College of Development Communication,
University of the Philippines Los Baños. pp. 15–28.

Quebral, Nora C. (1972-3). "What Do We Mean by ‘Development Communication’?". International

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Quebral, Nora C. (2007). Reflections on Development Communication: Update on Development

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Arnold.

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 CHAPTER THREE
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Introduction
This chapter is basically a description of the data gathering techniques employed in carrying out
this quantitative research work. The study adopts survey method because it is considered most
appropriate.

3.1 Research Design

Research design refers to the overall strategy that you choose to integrate the different components
of the study in a coherent and logical way, thereby, ensuring you will effectively address the
research problem; it constitutes the blueprint for the collection, measurement and analysis of data.
(Wikipedia)

The design adopted for this study is descriptive design, a component of survey method. It adopted
descriptive design in order to collect the required data from residents of the Offa Community of
Kwara State.

3.2 Population of the Study

According to Oloyede and Adejare (2012), Population can be referred to as living or non-living
things; it may be people, animals or things that the study is essentially carried out to investigate.
With reference to the 2006 National Population Census, the human population strength of Offa
community as obtained from Kwara State City Statistics, Maps and Charts is 88,975. It worthy of
note that the target population which this research work essentially investigated are the residents
of Offa community.

3.3 Sample Size and Sampling Technique

Sampling is the selection of some members or elements from the population for actual
investigation or study. This selection is necessitated by the impracticability of studying the entire
population in most cases. Bamidele (2002), as cited in Oloyede & Adejare (2012) defines sampling
as the selection of a part to represent a whole. This means the exact number of respondents which
the researcher studies out of the entire population. For the fact that it is practically impossible to
reach out to the whole residents of Osogbo, Osun State for this study, and for time and money

35
constraints among others, 400 residents of the town were selected as respondents (sample) for this
study. The sample of this research is calculated by using Taro Yamane formula with 95%
confidence level. The calculation formula of Taro Yamane is presented as follows.

Where:
n= sample size required
N = number of people in the population
e = allowable error (%)
Substitute numbers in formula:
n= 120,100
1+ 120,100 (0.10)2
n= 120,100
1+ 120,100 (0.0025)
n= 120,100 = 120,100
1 + 1,875 1,876
Thus, n = 214
n = 214

Sampling Technique is the method used by the researcher to select his/her prospective respondents.
Simple Random Sampling Technique were used in selecting the 400 respondents as every member
of the population has equal chance of being selected for the study. The selection of respondents
was by probability only and no area was deliberately omitted.

3.4 Instrumentation (Data Collection Instrument)

Instrument for data collection is the tool which a researcher used in eliciting required information
from the sample selected. The type of instrument to use for a research depends on the type of data
to be collected and probable the method of research adopted. The questionnaire will be of two
parts. Part A will ask questions on the demography of the respondents while the Part B will be
structured in line with the research questions.

36
The instrument used in collecting data for this research work was Questionnaire because it is the
suitable instrument when survey method is adopted for a research work.

The researchers used structured questionnaire i.e. close-ended questionnaire containing series of
relevant questions to elicit information from the target population of the study.

3.5 Reliability of Research Instrument

According to Reinard (1994), reliability is “a test of the stability of a measure”, toward confirming
the “internal consistency” of the measure (p. 233). The Questionnaire was prepared using simple
language in order to ensure clarity of representation. Questions on the Questionnaire were
structured and arranged sequentially, while they were also made to be mutually exclusive.

Questionnaire as already noted was the principal instrument used for data collection. The
questionnaire for this study had close-ended (structured) questions which were divided into two
sections (section A and B). Section A comprised of questions relating to the demographic data of
respondents, while section B had questions relating to the objective of the study.

3.6 Validity of Research Instrument

Validity is the extent to which the research instrument appropriately measures what it sets out to
measure. Certain steps were taken to ascertain the validity of the instrument for this study. The
researcher developed the preliminary draft of the research instrument based on concepts and
inquiries identified in the review of related literature. The draft was cross-checked to ensure that
all items on the instrument were in correlation with the objectives of the study.

The instrument (Questionnaire) passed through the scrutiny of the researcher’s supervisor as well
as another academic in the field of mass communication who is well acquainted with the survey
method. Their observations and corrections served as input in developing the final draft of the
Questionnaire.

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3.7 Data Collection Procedure
To collect data for this study, the researchers personally administered the close-ended
questionnaires to the selected respondents and it was collected on the spot after completing it (self-
administration).

3.8 Method of Data Analysis

Data collected from the selected respondents would be presented, analysed and interpreted
statistically using tables. Each question on the questionnaire will be presented in a separate table
to analyse and interpret the response from the samples selected.

3.9 Ethical Consideration

According to Bryan and Bell (2007), ethical consideration is an accumulation of value and
principles that address questions of what is good or bad in human affairs. This research is ethically
concerned as it honours human voluntary participation without forcing them to treat the research
instrument (Questionnaire). The respondents are as well fully informed about the research being
conducted especially as with who and what group is funding it, how the findings will be used, if
there are any potential adverse impacts of their participation and who will have access to the
findings. The various work of authors consulted for this research undertaking was accorded to
them with several citations. Lastly, the questionnaire retrieved from the respondents was treated
with utmost confidentiality as promised.

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