Credit Antisemitism

Credit, Honor, and the Early Modern French Legend of the Jewish Invention of Bills of
Exchange
Author(s): Francesca Trivellato
Source: The Journal of Modern History , Vol. 84, No. 2, The Jew in the Modern European
Imaginary (June 2012), pp. 289-334
Published by: The University of Chicago Press
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1086/664732
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Credit, Honor, and the Early Modern French Legend of
the Jewish Invention of Bills of Exchange
Francesca Trivellato
Yale University
The history of Europe between 1500 and 1800 is largely a history of the
decline of old feudal hierarchies and the rise of new commercial and legal
elites. But it is also a history of the multifarious, deeply ambivalent, and
ever-contested views that commerce elicited—as the livelihood of humankind
and generator of peace, solidarity, and virtuous restraint, or as the corruptor of
old mores and source of insatiable desires (to cite only some of the arguments
that were rehearsed most often). The role that Jews played in these debates as
well as in the concrete economic transformations that accompanied them can
shed important light not only on the internal transformation of Jewish societies
but also on prevailing notions of the shifting balance between virtue and
commerce, between traditional values concerning social order and the grow-
ing opportunities for money to erode those traditional values. To cite Jonathan
Karp, “the Jews’ commercial identities served as a barometer of shifting
general attitudes toward commerce, money, and credit as a whole.” More
precisely, “the notion . . . [of] a specifically Jewish commerce served a vital
function in Western thought. It served to abstract various types of activities from
the generality of economic life and, through their association with stigmatized
Jews, make them vehicles for expressing widely felt anxieties about commerce in
a manner that was politically safe and psychically tolerable.”1
Scores of social scientists and historians have written about the consequen-
tial ways in which private and public credit shaped social relations, economic
development, and political institutions in early modern Europe. According to
the standard account, the expansion of the market grew hand in hand with the
decline of personal ties, oligopolies, and religious discrimination. But just
how impersonal was early modern European commercial society? And how
were experienced actors and ordinary people able to defend themselves from
the perils of impersonal markets, in which dubious business practices could
lurk behind anonymity, especially when reliable credit ratings did not exist
and tribunals were not always fair or effective? These questions were ubiq-
1 Jonathan Karp, The Politics of Jewish Commerce: Economic Ideology and Eman-
cipation in Europe, 1638 –1848 (Cambridge, 2008), 19, 2. See also Derek J. Penslar,
Shylock’s Children: Economics and Jewish Identity in Modern Europe (Berkeley,
2001), 11– 89.
The Journal of Modern History 84 (June 2012): 289 –334
© 2012 by The University of Chicago. 0022-2801/2012/8402-0001$10.00
All rights reserved.

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290 Trivellato
uitous in early modern Europe and have left ample traces in court records,
legal and political treatises, literary works, memoirs, popular proverbs, and
even visual representations. As many scholars have demonstrated, the social,
legal, and symbolic dimensions of credit were intrinsically interlinked; they
also took specific forms in different contexts.2
I wish to contribute to these investigations by examining a legend according
to which Jews expelled from France during the Middle Ages invented bills of
exchange. Though few today mention it, this legend circulated widely across
Europe in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and was endorsed by
authors such as Montesquieu. In spite of growing skepticism, it also survived
through the early twentieth century, when Werner Sombart gave it a new twist
in his notorious The Jews and Modern Capitalism.3
Credit can multiply riches or wipe them out. Bills of exchange exemplified
the potential benefits and hidden dangers of credit. They allowed merchants to
remit payments in foreign cities, to extend short-term credit, and to speculate
2 For France, see Laurence Fontaine, L’économie morale: Pauvreté, crédit et con-
fiance dans l’Europe préindustrielle (Paris, 2008); and Amalia D. Kessler, A Revolution
in Commerce: The Parisian Merchant Court and the Rise of Commercial Society in
Eighteenth-Century France (New Haven, CT, 2007). For England, see Craig Muldrew,
The Economy of Obligation: The Culture of Credit and Social Relations in Early Modern
England (Basingstoke, 1998); Margot C. Finn, The Character of Credit: Personal Debt in
English Culture, 1740 –1914 (Cambridge, 2003); Carl Winnerlind, Casualties of Credit:
The English Financial Revolution, 1620 –1720 (Cambridge, MA, 2011).
3 Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, trans. and ed. Anne M. Cohler, Basia Carolyn
Miller, and Harold Samuel Stone (Cambridge, 1989), 390 (bk. 21, chap. 21); Werner
Sombart, The Jews and Modern Capitalism (1911), trans. M. Epstein (New Brunswick,
NJ, and London, 1997), 65. Albert O. Hirschman, Shmuel Ettinger, Maurice Kriegel,
Jerry Z. Mueller, and Michael Ragussis cite Montesquieu’s passage attributing the
invention of bills of exchange to Jews, but they do not inquire into its authenticity, nor
do they unravel its implications except to point to Montesquieu’s unusual (for his time
and milieu) appreciation of Jews’ economic contribution. Hirschman, The Passions
and the Interests: Political Arguments for Capitalism before Its Triumph (Princeton,
NJ, 1977), 72; Ettinger, “The Economic Activities of the Jews” [in Hebrew], in Jews
in Economic Life: Collected Essays in Memory of Arkadius Kahan (1920 –1982), ed.
Nachum Gross (Jerusalem, 1984), 13–24, 17; Kriegel, “Juifs,” in Dictionnaire rai-
sonné de l’Occident médiéval, ed. Jacques Le Goff and Jean-Claude Schmitt (Paris,
1999), 569 – 86, 575–76; Mueller, Capitalism and the Jews (Princeton, NJ, 2010), 20;
Ragussis, Theatrical Nation: Jews and Other Outlandish Englishmen in Georgian
Britain (Philadelphia, 2010), 89 –90. The only scholar who has delved into the subject
did so in order to dispute the legend’s veracity and to correct predominant interpre-
tations among scholars of Jewish history about the credit practices used by Jewish
merchants in the sixteenth century: Benjamin Arbel, “Jews, the Rise of Capitalism and
Cambio: Commercial Credit and Maritime Insurance in the Early Modern Mediterra-
nean World” [in Hebrew], Zion 69, no. 2 (2004): 157–202. My goal is a different one:
to grapple with the legend’s significance in relation to Christian representations of
Jewish economics and the diffusion of new credit practices.

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The Jewish Invention of Bills of Exchange 291
on currency arbitrage—all of this, as I will show, while circumventing bans on

usury. The expediency with which these financial instruments combined many
useful functions gained them a reputation as one of the marvels of Europe’s
supposedly unique entrepreneurial spirit. It was once common to see these bills
cited along with the compass and the “discovery of America” as the greatest
achievements of European inventiveness.4 But as bills of exchange became
increasingly complex financial tools, lay observers and even some knowledge-
able ones were baffled by the ways in which they worked. A seventeenth-
century connoisseur opened his The Stile of Exchanges by stating that foreign
exchange “to many, if not most merchants, remains a mystery, and is indeed
the greatest and weightiest mystery that is to be found in the whole map of
trade.”5
Here I focus on France, where the legend about the alleged Jewish inven-
tion of bills of exchange was likely born and where it set its deepest roots, and
specifically on early seventeenth-century Bordeaux—a city that witnessed
some of the most transformative religious, economic, social, and political
conflicts of the Old Regime. It is now well established that all strata of French
society, from the peasants once believed to be caught in Malthusian traps to
the opulent aristocracy once seen as unproductive in its conspicuous con-
sumption, experienced a high degree of commercialization in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries.6 There also exists an ample literature on the philo-
4 Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, 390 (bk. 21, chap. 21); Cesare Beccaria,
“Prolusione letta il giorno 9 gennaio 1769 nell’apertura della nuova cattedra di scienze
camerali nelle scuole palatine di Milano,” in Scrittori classici italiani di economia
pubblica, 48 vols. (Milan, 1804), 12:185; Ambroise Marie Arnould, De la balance du
commerce et des relations commerciales exterieures de la France, 2 vols. (Paris,
1791), 1:21–22; Jean-Guillaume Locré, La législation civile, commerciale et criminelle
de la France, 30 vols. (Paris, 1827–32), 18:141; Code de commerce, 2 vols. (Paris,
1807), 2:34. In this article, I am not concerned with comparisons between credit
instruments in use in Europe and elsewhere. I only note that while letters of credit
existed since antiquity and instruments combining credit and exchange were known in
the medieval Islamic world and in parts of early modern Asia, outside of Europe there
existed no international financial fairs dedicated exclusively to the purchase and sale
of bills of exchange or equally complex legal norms overseeing these credit instru-
ments. Useful observations and bibliographical references are in Arbel, “Jews, the Rise
of Capitalism and Cambio,” 199 –201; and Markus A. Denzel, “The European Bill of
Exchange,” in Cashless Payments and Transactions from the Antiquity to 1914, ed.
Sushil Chaudhuri and Markus A. Denzel (Stuttgart, 2008), 153–94, 153–55.
5 John Scarlett, The Stile of Exchange (London, 1682), preface; also cited and
paraphrased in Raymond de Roover, “What Is Dry Exchange? A Contribution to the Study

of English Mercantilism,” Journal of Political Economy 52 (1944): 250 – 66, 250.
6 Philip T. Hoffman, Growth in a Traditional Society: The French Countryside,
1450 –1815 (Princeton, NJ, 1996); Jonathan Dewald, Aristocratic Experience and the
Origins of Modern Culture: France, 1570 –1715 (Los Angeles, 1993), esp. 146 –73;
Philip T. Hoffman, Gilles Postel-Vinay, and Jean-Laurent Rosenthal, Priceless Mar-

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292 Trivellato
sophes’ profound ambivalence toward Jews and Judaism.7 Rarely do these two
lines of inquiry intersect.8 Several authors have drawn attention to early
French formulations of modern political economy but have ignored references
to Jews.9 My goal is to show that representations of Jews were part and parcel
of critiques of commercial credit, particularly as traditional concepts of honor
and virtue came under attack in Old Regime France.
I do so by demonstrating that concerns with putatively distinctive forms of
Jewish credit and commerce traversed both canonical and minor economic
texts. I canvass a heterogeneous body of work that goes under the name of ars
mercatoria and comprises what today we consider classics of economic
thought, as well as dictionaries, how-to books instructing merchants about
practical arithmetic, bookkeeping, and related business techniques, volumes
of commercial jurisprudence, travel accounts, and histories of commerce from
antiquity to the present. France was a leader in this field during the seven-
teenth century and continued to produce influential works thereafter. Although
I can only hint at the legend’s dissemination across Europe through the
eighteenth century, I document its persistence and evolution. To examine the
kets: The Political Economy of Credit in Paris, 1660 –1870 (Chicago, 2000); William
H. Sewell Jr., “The Empire of Fashion and the Rise of Capitalism in Eighteenth-
Century France,” Past and Present 206 (2010): 81–120. Julie Hardwick estimates that
“litigation over debt was the single largest category in court case loads” in seventeenth-
century France: Family Business: Litigation and the Political Economies of Daily Life
in Early Modern France (Oxford, 2009), 10.
7 Arthur Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment and the Jews: The Origins of Mod-
ern Anti-Semitism (New York, 1968); Ronald Schechter, Obstinate Hebrews: Repre-
sentations of Jews in France, 1715–1815 (Berkeley, 2003); Adam Sutcliffe, Judaism
and Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2003).
8 An exception is an intriguing if all too brief comment by Sarah Maza. In arguing
that the French middling sorts lacked class consciousness before the mid-nineteenth
century, she adds: “In French culture the bourgeois has had much in common with
another socially ambiguous and much reviled type, the Jew”— both were perceived “as
despicable and dangerous.” Maza, The Myth of the French Bourgeoisie: An Essay on
the Social Imaginary, 1750 –1850 (Cambridge, MA, 2003), 25. Jonathan Karp (The
Politics of Jewish Commerce, 135–50) emphasizes a different analogy that emerged in
the wake of the French Revolution equating Jews with aristocrats: both groups were
perceived as parasitical but were now given the choice of assimilating into the new
bourgeois nation and participating in its productive economy. This analogy was also
widespread in Germany (151– 69).
9 Jean-Claude Perrot, Une histoire intellectuelle de l’économie politique, XVIIe–
XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1992); Hirschman, The Passions and the Interests; John Shovlin,
The Political Economy of Virtue: Luxury, Patriotism, and the Origins of the French
Revolution (Ithaca, NY, 2006); Henry C. Clark, Compass of Society: Commerce and
Absolutism in Old-Regime France (Lanham, MD, 2007); Paul Cheney, Revolutionary
Commerce: Globalization and the French Monarchy (Cambridge, MA, 2010).

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legend’s role in discussions about credit and usury in the seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century ars mercatoria is also a way of testing the assumption that
overall this literature expressed an eminently pragmatic and largely secular
undercurrent of European culture, shorn of explicit philosophical discussions
but also immune to religious dogmatism and prejudice.10
Through an examination of the legend, the context in which it emerged, and
its reverberations, I suggest that its meaning and endurance derived from the
continuing and even growing need to discriminate honorable from predatory
credit activities. The power of the story consisted in its ability to mobilize
ingrained images of Jews as usurers in terms that did not correspond to
verifiable phenomena and rarely matched any contemporaneous reality but
expressed deeply felt apprehensions about the expansion of credit. As with
most legends, this one had shaky empirical foundations. Its plasticity and
inaccuracy added to rather than detracted from its evocative power.
I. BILLS OF EXCHANGE BETWEEN THE PERILS AND VIRTUES OF CREDIT

For well over two hundred years after the invention of the stock market in
northern Europe, bills of exchange remained the backbone of commodity trading
and financial speculation alike. They were instrumental in the expansion of
long-distance trade and the rise of credit markets as well as in the boom of urban
and regional economies in late medieval and early modern Europe.
Bills of exchange grew out of notarized exchange contracts used in the
twelfth century by merchants from Genoa, Siena, and Marseille to transfer
funds across the Mediterranean or to the Fairs of Champagne, which were
then the center of international trade. Already in the late thirteenth century the
order to pay a sum abroad in foreign currency could be given through a letter
10 “Empiricism” is the word used in reference to this literature by its preeminent

scholar: Pierre Jeannin, Marchands d’Europe: Pratiques et savoirs à l’époque mod-
erne, ed. Jacques Bottin and Marie-Louise Pelus-Kaplan (Paris, 2002), 290. The
availability of new online databases, and especially The Making of the Modern World,
which assembles more than 67,000 works on economics and business published in
Europe and North America from 1450 through 1850, greatly facilitates new explora-
tions of the ars mercatoria. However, even when complemented by other digital
collections, such as the Eighteenth-Century Collection Online, the Hathi Digital
Library, the ARTFL Project, and Gallica, the entire virtual library does not include all
the titles listed in Jochen Hoock, Pierre Jeannin, and Wolfgang Kaiser, eds., Ars
Mercatoria: Handbücher und Traktate für den Gebrauch des Kaufmanns, 1470 –1820/
Manuels et traités à l’usage des marchands, 1470 –1820, 4 vols. (Paderborn, 1991–
2001). At the same time, the possibility of conducting full-text keyword searches
enhances considerably our ability to recover texts, authors, and ideas that have fallen
out of the canon and yet were once widespread and influential. Paradoxically, there-
fore, reliance on electronic databases can help historians in their perennial struggle
against anachronism.

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294 Trivellato
FIG. 1.—A classic bill of exchange
(bulla in Latin, hence “bill”) signed by a recognized merchant and without a

notary’s seal.11 Jews handled bills of exchange in conjunction with Christian
agents as soon as these began to circulate.12 But they neither invented nor
improved them.13
The uniqueness of bills of exchange consisted in the fact that they were
simultaneously currency exchange contracts and credit contracts (over time,
the intervals at which bills came due in any pair of European cities was
standardized). The classic bill of exchange (known at the time as “real
exchange”) involved four merchants—two principals in one city and two
agents in another location. It typically started with a principal (Merchant A in
fig. 1) who wished to transfer funds abroad to one of his agents for the purpose
of making a purchase: he would lend money to another principal in his city
(Merchant B) and receive a bill of exchange in a foreign currency in return. The
bill itself was a formulaic letter written by Merchant B to one of his agents in
another city (Merchant D) ordering him to pay an exact amount in a specific
currency at a set date in the future to the person to whom Merchant A wished to
transfer funds (Merchant C). The classic bill of exchange had multiple practical
advantages: it allowed merchants to remit payments in distant cities without
having to ship coins or bullion (a risky business), to make sure the sums were
made available in the desired currency, and to extend short-term credit. In
11 Raymond de Roover, L’évolution de la lettre de change, XIVe–XVIIIe siècles
(Paris, 1953), 25– 40.

12 Two late fourteenth-century examples are in Reinhold C. Mueller, “The Jewish
Moneylenders of Late Trecento Venice: A Revisitation,” in Intercultural Contacts in

the Medieval Mediterranean: Studies in Honour of David Jacoby, ed. Benjamin Arbel
(London, 1996), 202–17, 213. For fifteenth-century Catalonia, see Henri Lapeyre,
“Alphonse V et ses banquiers,” Moyen Age 67 (1961): 93–136, 123, and 129.
13 Arbel, “Jews, the Rise of Capitalism and Cambio.”

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addition, it permitted merchants to evade the usury prohibition because the

interest charged on the loan was hidden in the currency conversion rate.14
This deceptively simple financial instrument soon developed into a tool for
the completion of highly complex transactions that were independent from the
physical exchange of goods. Three transformations are particularly important.
First and foremost, by the sixteenth century merchants regularly used these
bills to speculate on varying currency exchange rates available in different
towns. A typical way to speculate was the so-called reexchange, according to
which the original beneficiary (Merchant C) purchased a second bill to be
collected by the original deliverer (Merchant A). Merchant A would order his
agent to initiate this transaction only if he knew that the exchange rates
between the cities where the two of them resided were favorable to him. If
unforeseen events did not interfere, the reexchange bill would yield a profit (a
hypothetical 10 percent profit in fig. 2). These transactions entailed no small
risk but generated considerable returns to experienced bankers. Other forms of
speculation included the so-called dry exchange, which only involved three
parties and was a way to disguise a local loan under the form of a currency
conversion, and the cambio con ricorsa, through which multiple reexchange
bills were traded at financial fairs.15
These financial fairs were a second important innovation of the sixteenth
century. They functioned as clearing houses where exchange rates were set
and accounts between bankers settled at fixed dates. These fairs were first held
in Lyon and dominated by Florentine bankers; they then relocated to Besan-
çon (1534), Piacenza (1579), and Novi Ligure (1622) under increasing Ge-
noese influence, and more fairs emerged elsewhere. The operations conducted
at these gatherings were so elaborate that only a small elite of merchant-
bankers had access to them, though ordinary men and women also put their
savings into these schemes through expert intermediaries.16
14 As it is today, the exchange rate was inflated in favor of the lender. Nevertheless,
the risk for the lender was greater than in modern exchange operations because the
information technology of the time reduced a banker’s ability to predict fluctuations in
currency rates. To curb this risk, merchant-bankers relied on their agents overseas and
later also on the printing press in order to acquire up-to-date news about economic
conditions bearing on exchange rates. As the market for bills of exchange grew larger,
specialized brokers made a business of acquiring timely information to serve their
clients who wished to trade in these bills.
15 de Roover, “What Is Dry Exchange?” 261– 65; Giulio Mandich, Le pacte de
ricorsa et le marché italien des changes au XVIIe siècle (Paris, 1953); James Stevens
Rogers, The Early History of the Law Bills and Notes: A Study of the Origins of
Anglo-American Commercial Law (Cambridge, 1995), 72–74.
16 Modern French scholars speak of a caste of merchant-bankers (“club” in their
study’s English translation): Marie-Thérèse Boyer-Xambeu, Ghislain Deleplace, and

Lucien Gillard, Monnaie privée et pouvoir des princes: L’économie des relations
monétaires à la Renaissance (Paris, 1986), 19 and passim; Marie-Thérèse Boyer-

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296 Trivellato
FIG. 2.—A reexchange bill with a hypothetical 10 percent profit
Third, in a development that took place slowly after the late fourteenth
century but became common by the early seventeenth century, bills of ex-
change became transferable—that is, they could be endorsed with a signature
and made payable to the bearer, like modern checks.17 As a result, the
Xambeu, Private Money and Public Currencies: The 16th Century Challenge, trans.
Azizeh Azodi (Armonk, NY, 1994), 17–18 and passim. On the workings of these fairs,
see also de Roover, L’évolution, 74 – 81; Mandich, Le pacte de ricorsa; Luciano
Pezzolo and Giuseppe Tattara, “‘Una fiera senza luogo’: Was Bisenzone an Interna-
tional Capital Market in Sixteenth-Century Italy?” Journal of Economic History 68
(2008): 1098 –1122.
17 de Roover, L’évolution, 82–118; Herman van der Wee, The Growth of the
Antwerp Market and the European Economy (Fourteenth–Sixteenth Centuries), 3 vols.

(Louvain, 1963), 2:340 – 49; John Munro, “The Medieval Origins of the Financial

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circulation of these bills expanded considerably. Eighteenth-century experts

even compared endorsed commercial bills to paper money.18 In fact, bills of
exchange never became the equivalent of paper money because all endorsers
were liable for a bill’s payment. This rule restricted the bill’s negotiability
somewhat, demanded a modicum of reputational vetting, and, in case of
litigation, ultimately delegated a bill’s actual payment to the outcome of a
court case.19 But there is no doubt that the ease with which bills could now be
transferred enhanced their dissemination. It also facilitated discounting, or the
possibility of selling these bills at market value before their maturity.20
Taken together, these novelties point to a twin process whose chronology is
also worth remembering in light of what will follow in this article. By the
early seventeenth century, bills of exchange had evolved into ever more
arcane financial tools whose intricacies escaped not only the majority of the
population but also many learned observers. And yet, they were now also
more commonly used by larger segments of the population because special-
ized brokers, transferability, and the possibility of discounting bills increased
their circulation. As Amalia Kessler has noted, “the widespread use of nego-
tiable instruments [in eighteenth-century France] forced merchants to confront
new fears of market anonymity, bad faith, and usury.”21
Facing this double challenge (greater financial sophistication and wider
circulation of bills of exchange), secular and religious authorities struggled to
regulate the private financial sector in ways that determined which types of
transactions were licit and beneficial and which hid shadowy deals or lured
overly confident investors into making poor bets. In 1608, the Venetian
authorities worried about the chain of bankruptcies generated by naive spec-
ulators driven to buy and sell bills of exchange hoping to provide sizable
Revolution: Usury, Rentes, and Negotiability,” International Journal Review 25

(2003): 505– 62, 545.
18 Isaac Pinto, Traité de la circulation et du crédit (Amsterdam, 1771), 35; Thomas
M. Luckett, “Credit and Commercial Society in France, 1740 –1789” (PhD diss.,
Princeton University, 1992), 9.
19 Veronica Aoki Santarosa, “Financing Long-Distance Trade without Banks: The
Joint Liability Rule and Bills of Exchange in 18th-Century France” (PhD diss., Yale
University, 2012).
20 Usury bans delayed the practice of discounting, which was nonetheless widespread in
seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France. Paul Harsin, “Le problème de l’escompte des
lettres de change en France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles,” Revue internationale d’histoire
de la banque 7 (1973): 191–98; Charles Carrière, “Escomptait-on les lettres de change au
XVIIIe siècle?” in Banque et capitalisme commercial: La lettre de change au XVIIIe
siècle, ed. Charles Carrière et al. (Marseille, 1976), 21– 46.
21 Kessler, A Revolution in Commerce, 189.

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298 Trivellato
dowries to their daughters.22 To monitor specialized dealers also became more

difficult. In 1728, a group of Parisian bankers filed a suit claiming to have
purchased bills that turned out to be endorsed by nonexistent persons.23
Furthermore, behind bills of exchange crept the taboo of usury, which
persisted well beyond the Middle Ages. The sixteenth-century growth of the
European economy and the concurrent upsurge in the use of bills of exchange
gave rise to vitriolic intellectual debates about usury and exchange dealings.
Calvin was not the only religious figure to introduce new perspectives on
usury. Prominent Catholic theologians and canon lawyers came to accept the
classic bills of exchange, used for the purpose of remitting funds abroad, as
legitimate. A common expedient invoked to this end was to classify bills of
exchange as purchase and sales contracts rather than as loans. This solution,
however, was not meant to condone all types of bills of exchange. Influential
theologians such as Tommaso de Vio, aka Cardinal Cajetan (1469 –1534),
Martín Azpilcueta, aka Doctor Navarrus (1492–1586), and the Spanish Jesuit
Luís de Molina (1535–1600) drew the line at real exchange and condemned
all loans disguised as bills of exchange.24 This compromise could in no way
contain the sophistication and diffusion of these financial instruments, which
grew by the day. Everywhere in Europe except in the United Provinces (where
usury was not regulated after 1685), secular governments chose a different
path and set the maximum interest rates allowed; but this course too had
limited impact.25 By the early seventeenth century, bankers, merchants, and
traders handling bills of exchange were rarely accused of being usurers, but
the shadow of usury continued to loom large over their financial transactions.
Though not numerous, usury trials in France persisted until the late eighteenth
century and offenders were punished with public humiliation: culprits were
made to kneel in public squares holding signs labeled “manifest usurer.”26
22 Mandich, Le pacte de ricorsa, 98.

23 Luckett, “Credit and Commercial Society,” 20.
24 John T. Noonan Jr., The Scholastic Analysis of Usury (Cambridge, MA, 1957),
176 –77, 211–17, 312–31; Raymond de Roover, “Cardinal Cajetan on ‘Cambium’ or

Exchange Dealings,” in Philosophy and Humanism: Renaissance Essays in Honor of
Paul Oskar Kristeller, ed. Edward P. Mahoney (New York, 1976), 423–33. Alternative
arguments justified certain credit contracts on the basis of the risk they involved
(lucrum cessans and damnum emergens). More rarely were the unpredictable oscilla-
tions of currency rates invoked to legitimize bills of exchange: Mandich, Le pacte de
ricorsa, 48.
25 A summary of the anti-usury legislation in early modern Europe appears in Fontaine,
L’économie morale, 73–76, 196 –211. The 1673 French Ordonnances de commerce for-
bade the concealment of any interest in the principal exchanged via a bill (tit. 6, art. 1), but
as a commentary to this text recognized, this rule was infringed on a daily basis: Sallé,
L’esprit des ordonnances de Louis XIV, 2 vols. (Paris, 1758), 2:392.
26 Jean-Baptiste Denisart, Collections de décisions nouvelles et de notions relatives
à la jurisprudence actuelle, new ed., 6 vols. (Paris, 1754 –56), 4:670 –71; Joseph-

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In matters of credit and usury, it is too simplistic to argue that early modern
pragmatism replaced medieval intransigence. The medieval Church rarely
issued blanket condemnations of all forms of lending at interest and wealth
accumulation and did not retreat passively before the rise of commercial
classes. Doctrinal debates and policies returned over and over to the notion of
“immoderate usury” and, by implication, reasonable interest rates, for both
Jews and Christians.27 Most important, during the commercial revolution of
the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, numerous Catholic theologians (Francis-
can friars in particular) and canon lawyers sought to distinguish the sin of
usury from credit agreements that were legitimate because they involved
respectable individuals and institutions (including ecclesiastical estates) and
benefitted the Christian community at large (bonum commune). While usury
was considered sterile and associated with a vile Jewish practice, commercial
credit (including some types of bills of exchange) could be ethical because upright
members of Christian society and Church representatives resorted to it.28 This
logic continued to inform numerous early modern Catholic commentaries. In
1682, the Parisian priest Jean Le Coreur argued that bills of exchange were not
usurious not only because they were not loans but also because the people who
handled them were not poor.29 In so doing, he reiterated an earlier distinction
between commercial credit and charitable loans. This distinction was crafted in
both symbolic and legal terms on many occasions, and after the mid-thirteenth
century it often hinged upon the figure of the Jewish usurer.
This figure was often adopted with moralizing intent regardless of its actual
referent. In Carlo Ginzburg’s words, “The ‘usurious Jew’ was, and has until
today been, above all a mythical figure, to be understood on a metaphorical
rather than a literal level. . . . Behind the usurious Jew lurked the Jew as
Nicolas Guyot, Répertoire universel et raisonné de jurisprudence civile, criminelle,

canonique et bénéficiale, 64 vols. (Paris, 1775– 83), 63:8 –10. On usury in eighteenth-
century France, see also Emma Rothschild, “An Alarming Commercial Crisis in
Eighteenth-Century Angoulême: Sentiments in Economic History,” Economic History
Review 51 (1998): 268 –93; and Kessler, A Revolution in Commerce, 205– 8.
27 Kenneth Stow, “Papal and Royal Attitudes toward Jewish Lending in the Thir-
teenth Century,” Association for Jewish Studies Review 6 (1981): 1161– 84.
28 Giacomo Todeschini, La ricchezza degli ebrei: Merci e denaro nella riflessione
ebraica e nella definizione cristiana dell’usura alla fine del Medioevo (Spoleto, 1989),
Il prezzo della salvezza: Lessici medievali del pensiero economico (Rome, 1994), I
mercanti e il tempio: La società cristiana e il circolo virtuoso della ricchezza fra
medioevo ed età moderna (Bologna, 2002), 94 –131, 227– 486, and “Christian Percep-
tions of Jewish Economic Activity in the Middle Ages,” in Wirtschaftsgeschichte der
mittelalterlichen Juden: Fragen und Einschätzungen, ed. Michael Toch (Munich,
2008), 1–16.
29 Jean Le Coreur, Traité de la pratique des billets entre les négocians (Paris, 1682), 27.

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300 Trivellato
Everyman.”30 Thus, in religious and popular German texts of the sixteenth

century, Jewish usury stood alternatively for proof that Jews possessed an
innate character leading them to behave as bloodsucking usurers and for a
universal critique of greed, be it Jewish or Christian.31 Such views were not
confined to religious and didactic texts: they also crept into supposedly
more neutral genres. A 1585 French manual of practical arithmetic in-
structed merchants on how to calculate compound interest, although it
denounced this practice as “usury of usury” and called it a Jewish habit that
Christians considered “abominable.”32 This outcry did not match any actual
distinction in credit practices. Rather, it is only one of many examples of the
power that language and tradition maintained in shaping images of proper and
improper credit.
II. JEWS AND THE EARLY MODERN EUROPEAN COMMERCIAL SOCIETY

Jews had been expelled from the kingdom of France once and for all in 1394.33
However, in the southwest of France in 1550, King Henry II granted natu-
ralization rights to “those Portuguese called New Christians.” This was the
French path to what Jonathan Israel has called “philosemitic mercantilism”:
the concession of new or extended privileges, starting in the mid-sixteenth
century, to the descendants of the Jews chased from Aragon and Castile in
1492 or forced to convert to Catholicism in Portugal in 1497. Iberian Jews
were invited to settle in Ferrara, Ancona, Antwerp, and elsewhere for short
periods, but in the late sixteenth century the rulers of Venice, Tuscany,
Holland, and Hamburg welcomed these exiles more permanently, as did the
ruler of England after 1656, and conferred upon them rights rarely enjoyed by
Jews before. Although the French crown recognized them only as New
30 Carlo Ginzburg, “Representations of German Jewry: Images, Prejudices, Ideas—a

Comment,” in In and Out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval
and Early Modern Germany, ed. R. Po-Chia Hsia and Hartmut Lehmann (Cambridge,
1995), 209 –12, 211.
31 R. Po-Chia Hsia, “The Usurious Jew: Economic Structure and Religious Repre-
sentations in an Anti-Semitic Discourse,” in Hsia and Lehmann, In and Out of the

Ghetto, 161–76.
32 “Esecrable entre les Chrestiens, & seullment en usage envers les Iuifs, nous la
reieterons comme chose abominable de nostre Christianisme.” Jacques Chauvet, Mé-

thodiques institutions de la vraye et parfaicte arithmétique (Paris, 1585), 338; also
mentioned in Natalie Zemon Davis, “Sixteenth-Century French Arithmetics on the
Business Life,” Journal of the History of Ideas 21 (1960): 18 – 48, 24 n. 18. Key words
belonging to the Christian religious vocabulary hostile to Jews, the terms “esecrable”
and “abominable” recur in the ars mercatoria.
33 Small communities only existed in the regions of Lorraine and Alsace, particu-
larly after the Peace of Westphalia (1648). Jews were also tolerated in the Papal
territory of Avignon.

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Christians (a label that generally assumed covert Jews), that recognition was
prompted by similar intentions: the wish to benefit from the proven and
perceived economic prowess of Iberian refugees.34
The new toleration policies passed after the 1550s boosted these refugees’
economic influence and channeled their activities to the import and export of
colonial goods and to the financial sector. Unlike Jews in Christian Europe
during the High Middle Ages, who were confined primarily to working as
pawnbrokers, the early modern Sephardim of Europe had investments that
spanned private commercial credit as well as the public debt and the stock
market. Iberian Jews and New Christians did not practice petty money lending
in cities where they were accepted after the sixteenth century; in fact, in some
places they were explicitly forbidden from engaging in it.
Consequently, commerce became a powerful vehicle of Jewish accultura-
tion and integration into Christian society. Credit relations between Jews and
Christians—not a novelty in itself—intensified. At the same time, local mer-
chants invariably railed against Sephardic merchants, whom they portrayed as
unfair competitors, especially in times of economic downturn. Discriminatory
rules also persisted. No systematic study tells us whether and how religious
affiliation affected everyday credit transactions between individuals in different
European cities. But ample anecdotal evidence indicates that in the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries Catholics, Protestants, and Jews frequently drew bills
of exchange on each other. Jews also resorted to these bills when trading
among themselves—so much so that rabbinic authorities, especially but not
only across the European Sephardic world, had to relax their ban on lending
at interest among Jews. The Venetian rabbi Simone Luzzatto (1582–1663)
issued perhaps the most candid approval by a rabbinical authority of Jews
handling bills of exchange (including fictitious ones).35
Commercial papers from across western Europe show that an individual’s
creditworthiness and business proficiency—rather than his confessional mem-
34 Jonathan Israel, European Jewry in the Age of Mercantilism, 1550 –1750, 3rd ed.
(London and Portland, OR, 1998), and Diasporas within a Diaspora: Jews, Crypto-
Jews and the World Maritime Empires, 1540 –1740 (Leiden, 2002). The phenomenon
of “Court Jews” in Habsburg Germany was not entirely different: privileges were
granted to Jewish financiers and their families in exchange for their provisioning and
banking services.
35 According to Arbel, who has studied Luzzatto’s opinion, the Venetian rabbi
reached his revolutionary conclusion under pressure from his coreligionists involved in
the city’s financial activities (“Jews, the Rise of Capitalism and Cambio,” 191).
Rabbinic accommodation in financial matters also became a trend among Ottoman
Sephardim and Polish Ashkenazim: Matt Goldish, Jewish Questions: Responsa on
Sephardic Life in the Early Modern Period (Princeton, NJ, 2008); Edward Fram, Ideals
Face Reality: Jewish Law and Life in Poland, 1550 –1650 (Cincinnati, 1997).

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302 Trivellato
bership—normally dictated his standing on the private credit market.36 How-

ever, the influence of corporate and informal merchant groups did not disap-
pear. Time and again, ethnoreligious networks facilitated the circulation of
information and credit, and they could also draw in investment from outsiders.
Thus the Bonfils, the second largest Jewish firm in Venice in the last quarter
of the eighteenth century, encouraged their Catholic commissioners in Mar-
seille, the prominent Roux business company, to rely on them rather than on
Greek competitors in Istanbul: the latter may have charged up to 2 percent less
on bills of exchange but often lacked solvency.37 That the Bonfils’s higher cost
of money was linked to their ties to the Jewish diaspora is not a topic
mentioned in their correspondence. But these networks based on religious
commonality were also the source of recurrent accusations of overwhelming
Jewish financial power. In some European and Mediterranean cities, religious
prejudice was inscribed in market regulations. In 1631, Venetian Jews com-
plained about their exclusion from the newly established financial fairs in
Verona.38 Many Catholic rulers forbade Jews from working as brokers be-
cause, as Piedmontese jurist Giuseppe Sessa explained, that occupation re-
quired a degree of trust (fede) that they were not deemed to possess and
because they could not be counted on to be fair in arbitrating disputes between
Catholics and Jews.39 Eighteenth-century statutes of the fairs of Leipzig and
Frankfurt specified rules for how Christians should transact bills of exchange
36 Examples of bills of exchange between Jews and Christians from the last quarter
of the sixteenth century are cited in Arbel, “Jews, the Rise of Capitalism and Cambio,”
188. The evidence is more abundant for the eighteenth century because that is the
period to which most extant collections of Sephardic and Ashkenazic business records
date. Examples can be found in the business letters of Jewish partnerships such as those
of David Lindo (1730 – 41) in Bordeaux (Archives départamentales de la Gironde,
Bordeaux [hereafter ADG], 7B1590 –1612 [I thank Frances Malino for lending me her
microfilmed copy of these records]) and Ergas and Silvera (1704 – 46) in Livorno
(Archivio di Stato, Florence, Libri di commercio e di famiglia, 1931, 1935–39, 1941,
1945, 1953, 1957, 1960). See also references in Richard Menkis, “The Gradis Family
of Eighteenth Century Bordeaux: A Social and Economic Study” (PhD diss., Brandeis
University, 1988), 154 –245; José do Nascimento Raposo, “Don Gabriel de Silva, a
Portuguese-Jewish Banker in Eighteenth Century Bordeaux” (PhD diss., York Uni-
versity, Toronto, 1989), 204 –11, 250 – 61; Holly Snyder, “A Tree with Two Different
Fruits: The Jewish Encounter with German Pietists in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic
World,” William and Mary Quarterly 58 (2001): 855– 82, 864 n. 30; Tijl Vanneste,
Global Trade and Commercial Networks: Eighteenth-Century Diamond Merchants
(London, 2011), 93–94, 106 –7; Santarosa, “Financing Long-Distance Trade.”
37 Giovanni Levi, “I commerci della Casa Daniele Bonfil e figlio con Marsiglia e
Costantinopoli (1773–1794),” in Venezia: Itinerari per la storia della città, ed. Stefano
Gasparri, Giovanni Levi, and Pierandrea Moro (Bologna, 1997), 223– 43, 228.
38 Mandich, Le pacte de ricorsa, 98 n. 40.
39 Giuseppe Sessa, Tractatus de Judæis eorum privilegiis, observantia, et recto
intellectu (Turin, 1717), 295–96.

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with Jews.40 In the 1770s and 1780s influential Ashkenazic merchants in

London complained that the Bank of England refused to discount bills of
exchange drawn on Jews or charged higher fees to do so.41
More examples could be invoked to illustrate that credit markets had
become more inclusive but not quite impersonal. We should also note that
they were contemporaneous with the emergence in the mid-seventeenth cen-
tury of a renewed topos depicting Jews—initially Sephardic traders in West-
ern Europe and the Mediterranean—as all-powerful puppeteers of interna-
tional trade and finance.42 It was all too common to invoke Jews as scapegoats
for any social ill in Christian Europe, and such accusations occurred even in
the more tolerant areas of early modern Europe, especially in times of
economic crises. The 1637 collapse of the Dutch tulip trade was taken by
some to be a punishment from God for the excessive pursuit of profit, while
others pointed their fingers at the deceitful dealings of Mennonites and Jews.43
The financial crash of the Amsterdam stock market in 1688 exposed what
Jonathan Israel identifies as “a new strain of economic anti-Semitism rooted
in the mystique of the stock market.”44 The bursting of the South Sea Bubble
in 1720 sent shock waves to Holland, where popular plays and pamphlets
blamed the financial catastrophe on the reckless and self-interested behavior
of Jewish brokers without impugning the virtue of Dutch merchants and
commerce in general.45 On the other side of the Channel, Tory politicians
heralded an analogous association between Jews and manipulative “stockjob-
bers,” but there too the morality of credit per se was not questioned.46 It is
against this mixed background of old and new ideas about Jews, usury, and
credit that we need to situate the legend about an allegedly Jewish invention
of bills of exchange.
40 Io. Gottlieb Heineccius, Elementa iuris cambialis commoda auditoribus methodo
adornata (Amsterdam, 1742), 28.

41 Ghedalia Yogev, Diamonds and Coral: Anglo-Dutch Jews and Eighteenth-
Century Trade (Leicester, 1978), 260 – 61.

42 Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 18 vols. (New
York, 1937– 83), 2:186; Benjamin Braude, “The Myth of the Sephardi Economic
Superman,” in Trading Cultures: The Worlds of Western Merchants, ed. Jeremy
Adelman and Stephen Aron (Turnhout, 2001), 165–94.
43 Anne Goldgar, Tulipmania: Money, Honor, and Knowledge in the Dutch Golden
Age (Chicago, 2007), 266.

44 Israel, Diasporas, 450.
45 Margaret Jacob, “Was the Eighteenth-Century Republican Essentially Anticapi-
talist?” Republics of Letters: A Journal for the Study of Knowledge, Politics, and the
Arts 2, no. 1 (2010), http://rofl.stanford.edu/node/66.
46 Karp, The Politics of Jewish Commerce, 70 –71. A host of middlebrow and
lowbrow theatrical and satirical representations show that Jews were frequent vehicles
for expressing critiques of rampant social mobility in eighteenth-century England;
Ragussis, Theatrical Nation, 97.

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304 Trivellato
III. ARCHAEOLOGY OF A FORGOTTEN COMMONPLACE

If this legend existed before the mid-seventeenth century, I found no trace of
it. A reasonably complete survey of available sources suggests that its full-
fledged formulation appeared in a 1647 compilation of commercial laws
annotated by a Bordeaux lawyer named Étienne Cleirac (1583–1657). Today
virtually forgotten, Cleirac was an important author of the seventeenth-
century ars mercatoria who lived through the troubled times of a city marred
by religious wars, by armed conflicts between municipal authorities, local
nobility, and royal power, and by the escalating Franco-Spanish military
confrontation. Biographical details about him are scant, but we know that
Cleirac studied at a fine humanistic school (Collège de Guyenne), took his
degree in law at the University of Bordeaux, and rose through the ranks of the
lawyers of the city’s parlement, a prestigious appellate court that adjudicated
criminal and civil suits, issued legislation (arrêts), and oversaw the enforce-
ment of royal decrees over the fourth largest jurisdiction in the kingdom. The
inventory of Cleirac’s possessions at the time of his death suggests a com-
fortable household with several real estate properties in town and in the
country. It also lists an impressive library of 671 books, whose titles are
unfortunately omitted. Like most Bordeaux lawyers and unlike many col-
leagues in other parts of France, he was not seduced by Reformed ideas.47 In
fact, the content and (where they exist) the dedicatory sonnets of his works
suggest that he was a devout Catholic.
After producing a short and jumbled dictionary of navigation terminology,
Cleirac published his most conspicuous work: Us et coustumes de la mer.48
The latter was a real success: of the five French editions, one was printed in
as many as 1,200 copies in 1661,49 and an abridged translation in English
47 The inventory is in ADG, 3E3212, fols. 690r–715r. See also Laurent Coste, Milles
avocats du grand siècle: Le barreau de Bordeaux de 1589 à 1715 (Lignan-de-
Bordeaux, 2003), 72, 124, 149 –50. The only scholar to devote a monograph to Cleirac
emphasizes his influence on subsequent commercial legislation and jurisprudential
treatises: Adrienne Gros, L’oeuvre de Cleirac en droit maritime (Bordeaux, 1924). She
relays the legend without any skepticism (85).
48 Estienne Cleirac, Us et coustumes de la mer (Bordeaux, 1647). His Explication
des termes de marine (Paris, 1636) was reprinted in this and all subsequent editions of
Us et coustumes.
49 Two re-editions appeared in Bordeaux (in 1656 and 1661), two in Rouen (in 1671
and 1682), and one in Amsterdam (in 1788). The 1661 print run is recorded in a
notarial deed transcribed in Archives historiques du département de la Gironde 25
(1887): 419 –20. Still in the eighteenth century, only a few classics of the Enlighten-
ment were printed in between 1,000 and 1,800 copies; Henri-Jean Martin, “Une
croissance séculaire,” in Histoire de l’édition française, vol. 2, Le livre triumphant
1660 –1830, ed. Henri-Jean Martin and Roger Chartier (Paris, 1984), 94 –103, 102. In
L’apparition du livre (Paris, 1958), 327–34, Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin give

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appeared in 1686.50 Finally, the year before he died, Cleirac published a

treatise on bills of exchange and usury that interwove technical know-how
with Catholic piety.51 All in all, he was a learned compiler more than an
original thinker. His Us et coustumes was very well received because it
assembled in a single volume some of the most influential European collec-
tions of navigation and commercial laws at a time when legal professionals
and governments, including the French monarchy, had begun to turn their
attention to the subject. Although a section gathering French decrees in
matters of navigation is the most novel part of the book, Us et coustumes is
usually cited because it reprints or translates the rules of Oléron dating from
higher average figures for the earlier period but note that only religious books regularly
surpassed 2,000 copies in the seventeenth century (332).
50 Guy Miege, The Ancient Sea-laws of Oleron, Wisby and the Hanse-towns still in
force: Taken out of a French book, intitled, Les us & coustumes de la mer (London,
1686). This English booklet is often bound together with the many re-editions of
Gerard Malynes’s Law Merchant (first published in 1622). It did not contain the
passage that gave birth to the legend of the Jewish invention of bills of exchange.
51 Etienne Cleirac, Usance du négoce ou commerce de la banque des lettres de
change (Bordeaux, 1656). Two more editions of this work appeared in Paris (1659)
and Bordeaux (1670). Cleirac also annotated the customary laws of Guyenne sometime
after 1636. A nineteenth-century copy of this manuscript survives in the Bibliothèque de
droit et sciences économiques, Université Montesquieu Bordeaux4 (hereafter BDB4), Ms.
5. Evidently Cleirac had a profound and perhaps unusual interest in customary and
commercial laws. Before the 1673 Ordonnance de commerce, navigation and com-
mercial norms followed regulations issued by corporate organizations, local authori-
ties, and high tribunals. They were thus distinct from, though not always incompatible
with, codification. Little is known about the role of French legal professionals in the
commercial reforms of the seventeenth century. William F. Church argued that under
the absolutist rule of Louis XIV French jurists retreated from the study of political
theory and public law and wrestled instead with issues of private law, but neither
Church nor others have examined the role of lawyers in the evolution of seventeenth-
century French commercial law, which had a direct impact on royal sovereignty.
Church, “The Decline of the French Jurists as Political Theorists, 1660 –1789,” French
Historical Studies 5 (1967): 1– 40. Cleirac’s interest in customary norms should not be
interpreted as outright opposition to monarchical absolutism, not even during the
bloody conflicts that pitched the provincial government of Bordeaux against royal
power during his lifetime. On the contrary, he distanced himself from (though even-
tually pardoned) his son, who was a leader of the antimonarchic local Fronde. See
Cleirac’s testaments in ADG, 3E12218, fols. 257r–259v and 3 E 12219, fols. 347r–
348v, both transcribed in Archives historiques du départment de la Gironde 25 (1887):
390 –99. For an incisive overview of the tension between customary and Roman laws
in sixteenth-century France, see Donald R. Kelly, “‘Second Nature’: The Idea of
Custom in European Law, Society, and Culture,” in The Transmission of Culture in
Early Modern Europe, ed. Anthony Grafton and Ann Blair (Philadelphia, 1998),
131–72.

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306 Trivellato
the thirteenth century, the code of Wisby (a Swedish free port), and the norms
issued by the Hanseatic League in the 1590s.52
The volume’s central part reproduces and annotates the Guidon de la Mer,
a collection of norms about maritime transport and contracts first compiled in
Rouen in the late sixteenth century.53 To the Guidon’s first article, which
defines premium-based marine insurance, Cleirac adds six pages of commen-
tary that plant the seeds of the legend discussed here. He begins as follows:
“Insurance policies and bills of exchange were unknown to ancient Roman
jurisprudence and are the posthumous invention of Jews, according to the
remarks of Giovan[n]i Villani in his universal history.”54
52 Not included in Cleirac’s volume is the Catalan Consulate of the Sea, the most
well-known medieval collection of Mediterranean commercial customs, likely because
it already existed in a French translation: Le Livre du Consulat (Aix-en-Provence,
1577). Before Cleirac, versions of the rules of Oléron had appeared in Pierre Garcie,
Le grant routtier (Poitiers, 1520) and its English translation by Robert Copland, The
Rutter of the Sea (London, 1557). See D. W. Waters, ed., The Rutters of the Sea: The
Sailing Directions of Pierre Garcie; A Study of the First English and French Printed
Sailing Directions, with Facsimile Reproduction (New Haven, CT, 1967), 38; Marcel
Gouron, L’Amirauté de Guienne depuis le premier Amiral anglais en Guienne jusqu’à
la Revolution (Paris, 1938), 8 –12; James W. Shephard, “The Rôles d’Oléron: A lex
mercatoria of the Sea?” in From “Lex Mercatoria” to Commercial Law, ed. Vito
Piergiovanni (Berlin, 2005), 207–53. On the possible originals used by Cleirac for his
French translation of the laws of Wisby, see Gros, L’oeuvre de Cleirac, 37.
53 The oldest extant edition is Guidon, stile et usance des marchands qui mettent à
la mer (Rouen, 1608), but Jean-Marie Pardessus dates this text to the years between
1556 and 1584: Us et coustumes de la mer, 2 vols. (Paris, 1847), 2:373.
54 Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 224. All translations from French originals are my own.
The adjective “posthumous” likely refers to the longevity that this invention enjoyed.
The tale is repeated in Cleirac, Usance du négoce, 6. Due to space constraints and in
light of the legend’s reception, I omit any detailed discussion of the aspects pertaining
to marine insurance except to stress that marine insurance also aroused concerns about
usury because the 1236 papal decree known as Naviganti equated insurance contracts
with monetary loans: Decretal V.19.19, in Corpus iuris canonici, ed. Aemilius Fried-
berg, 2 vols. (Graz, 1959), 2:816. The earliest forms of premium-based insurance
appeared in Italy in the fourteenth century. After the late fifteenth century, most
Catholic theologians and canon lawyers classified marine insurance as a purchase and
sale of risk rather than as a loan. Doctrinal changes went hand in hand with the
steadfast diffusion and standardization of marine insurance and the institutions that
governed it. See Noonan, The Scholastic Analysis of Usury, 134 –39, 202–3; L. A.
Boiteux, La fortune de mer, le besoin de sécurité et les débuts de l’assurance maritime
(Paris, 1968); J. P. van Niekerk, The Development of the Principles of Insurance Law
in the Netherlands from 1500 –1800, 2 vols. (Cape Town, 1998); Giovanni Ceccarelli,
“Risky Business: Theological and Canonical Thought on Insurance from the Thir-
teenth to the Seventeenth Century,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31
(2001): 607–58. Questions about the place of marine insurance and bills of exchange
in rabbinic law do not concern us here because Cleirac would not have been aware of
those debates and because the majority of Sephardic merchants in seventeenth- and

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Why Villani? The Florentine Giovanni Villani (d. 1348) was an apprentice
and then an investor in two of his city’s most important banking and com-
mercial companies, and he suffered from the financial collapse of the early
1340s before writing one of the most famous late medieval chronicles.55 The
chronicle is filled with details about and praise for Florence’s economic
activities, but it also exalts Catholic religiosity. Specifically, it furnishes the
standard narrative of the miracle of the profaned host that allegedly occurred
in Paris in 1290. A pillar of medieval antisemitism, this tale posited a nexus
between usury and the Jewish refusal to recognize Jesus’s divine nature.56 We
know that Cleirac read this passage in Villani because he cited it in another
work.57 However, Villani’s chronicle makes no mention of Jews having in-
vented marine insurance or bills of exchange.58 Rather, it appears that Cleirac
elaborated freely on a statement he had encountered in a then recently
published history of Lyon, which cites Villani accurately in order to assert that
Florentine Guelph expatriates brought the invention of banking to France and,
specifically, to Lyon.59
eighteenth-century Europe largely disregarded rabbinic prohibitions in matters of

usury. For an introduction to the subject, see Stephen M. Passamaneck, Insurance in
Rabbinic Law (Edinburgh, 1974); Abraham Weingort, Intérêt et crédit dans le droit
talmudique (Paris, 1979); Haym Soloveitchik, “The Jewish Attitude in the High and
Late Middle Ages,” in Credito e usura fra teologia, diritto e amministrazione:
Linguaggi a confronto, sec. XII–XVI, ed. Diego Quaglioni, Giacomo Todeschini, and
Gian Maria Varanini (Rome, 2005), 115–27.
55 Michele Luzzati, Giovanni Villani e la Compagnia dei Buonaccorsi (Rome,
1971).
56 Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New
Haven, CT, 1999), 43, 47, 148.

57 In annotating the ancient customs of Guyenne (BDB4, Ms. 5, fol. 188r), Cleirac
cited the alleged Paris miracle from the Croniche di messer Giovanni Villani (Venice,
1537), fol. 94r (bk. 7, chap. 136): “io ti renderò il tuo pegno sanza denari, disse il
giudeo.”
58 Giovanni Villani, Nuova cronica, 3 vols., ed. Giuseppe Porta (Parma, 1990 –93).
In consultation with Porta, Passamaneck (Insurance in Rabbinic Law, 2–3, 27 n. 19)

reached the same conclusion. In principle, one cannot exclude the possibility that an
annotated copy of Villani’s chronicle bore a version of the legend in the margins. But
if such a manuscript or printed copy existed or still exists, neither Passamaneck nor I
have located it.
59 Claude de Rubys, Histoire véritable de la ville de Lyon (Lyon, 1604), 298, citing
from Chroniche di messer Giovanni Villani, fol. 60r (bk. 6, chap. 87). In the manu-
script draft of Cleirac’s Us et coustumes, a gloss in the margin of the Guidon’s first
article attributes the invention of bills of exchange to Florentine Guelph and Ghibelline
expatriates. It mentions Villani only as a source of general information about medieval
Florentine and Genoese banking and invokes Jews as usurers but not as inventors of
bills of exchange or marine insurance (Bibliothèque municipale, Bordeaux [hereafter

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308 Trivellato
Though inaccurate, Cleirac’s invocation of Villani fits with the general

tenor of his undisciplined commentary. Usury is the central theme in this
section of his work, which contains an eclectic assortment of citations tilted
toward the Middle Ages and anti-usury statements. It includes only one
reference to the specialized literature of commercial law.60 By contrast, the
thirteenth-century Benedictine monk and English chronicler Matthew of Paris
is cited a total of five times for his invective against Jews and usurers more
generally and mentioned alongside Dante’s analogy of usury and sodomy
(Inferno, canto 11, lines 49 –52).61
To summarize Cleirac’s meandering narrative: the Jews who were expelled
from France under the kingdoms of Dagobert (r. 629 –34), Philip Augustus (r.
1180 –1223), and Philip the Tall (r. 1316 –22) invented insurance policies and
BMB], Ms. 381, fol. 117v/p. 236). We are unable to ascertain what role, if any,
Cleirac’s first publisher, Guillaume Millanges, played in the transformation of the text
from its manuscript to its printed form. The Millanges, who had established the
premier printing press in Bordeaux and routinely published Catholic religious books,
were of converso origins: Théophile Malvezin, Histoire des Juifs à Bordeaux (Bor-
deaux, 1875), 83, 114. The Us et coustumes’s second edition was even harsher on the
subject of Jewish usury (see n. 61). Gros (L’oeuvre de Cleirac, 185, 196) defends
Cleirac from accusations that he was a fanciful writer (“fantaisiste”) but recognizes that
such accusations contain a grain of truth. The puzzle of Villiani’s erroneous attribution
remains, especially because Cleirac is otherwise fairly accurate in his citations.
60 Cleirac cites the definition of marine insurance given by the Genoese high tribunal
(the Rota), which averted fears that such contracts might be usurious: Cleirac, Us et
coustumes, 224; De mercatura decisiones, et tractatus varii, et de rebus ad eam
pertinentibvs (Cologne, 1622), 21, 27–28. Although they did not amount to legal
precedents as in a common law system, the Genoese Rota’s sentences constituted one
of the most authoritative sources of commercial law in the Continent prior to 1673. The
first printed collection of such sentences appeared in 1582 and intentionally excluded
theologians’ views. Rodolfo Savelli, “Between Law and Morals: Interest in the Dispute
on Exchanges during the 16th Century,” in The Courts and the Development of
Commercial Law, ed. Vito Piergiovanni (Berlin, 1987), 39 –102; Vito Piergiovanni,
“Genoese Civil Rota and Mercantile Customary Law,” in Piergiovanni, From “Lex
Mercatoria” to Commercial Law, 191–206.
61 Dante’s parallelism between usurers and sodomites echoes the Aristotelian notion
of the sterility of money and also appears in Usance du négoce, 7– 8. Matthew of Paris
is cited from both his Chronica Majora (1216 –39) and his English History from the
Year 1235 to 1273. Two passing references to Ludovico Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso
and his lesser-known play, I supposti, are little more than a display of humanistic
erudition. The Us et coustumes’s second edition develops Cleirac’s commentary to
include condemnations of usury by the Apostle Paul’s Epistle to the Ephesians (5:3–5),
the Church Father Ambrose of Milan (De Tobia, chap. 3), and Canon 67 of the Fourth
Lateran Council (Corpus iuris canonici, V.19.18), as well as literary references to
Horace’s Satires, Boccaccio’s Genealogy of the Gentile Gods, and recent compilations
by French historians and jurists like Adam Théveneau and Étienne Pasquier.

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bills of exchange in order to salvage their goods when fleeing to “Lombardy”

(northern Italy). In Italy, Guelphs and Ghibellines, the supporters of the Pope
and the Holy Roman Emperor, respectively, found these inventions to be
immensely useful every time they were expelled during the wars they waged
for control over several city-states. Therefore they exported these new instru-
ments across Europe, and “the square in which currency exchange and
second-hand goods are traded in the city of Amsterdam has kept the name of
Lombard square until today.”62
Even after combing through all the primary sources cited by Cleirac, we
remain in the dark as to the provenance (if there is one) of this story. Every
expulsion entailed the confiscation of Jewish individual and communal prop-
erty.63 In 1492 Iberian Jews sought to smuggle their liquid assets abroad by
buying bills of exchange from Genoese merchants.64 But at this stage it is
impossible to verify whether echoes of such attempts reached Cleirac and
stuck in his imagination.65
Cleirac’s account weaves together facts and fiction. It also collapses what
we now consider to be two distinct chronologies— one medieval and one early
modern—and their respective prevailing Christian images of Jewish credit.
Most scholars today posit a strong discontinuity between the economic role of
62 Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 228. The noun and adjective “Lombard” described all
Italian merchant-bankers, most of whom came from northern or central Italy (though
not necessarily from Lombardy). On the presence of Lombards in fourteenth- and
fifteenth-century Amsterdam, see H. A. J. Maassen, Tussen commercieel en sociaal
krediet: De ontwikkeling van de bank van lening in Nederland van Lombard tot
gemeentelijke kredietbank 1260 –1940 (Hilversum, 1994), 42, 52.
63 On the expropriation of Jewish property and the settlement of Jewish-Christian
debts at the time of the 1306 expulsion from France, as well as the analogous events
in 1492 Spain, see William Chester Jordan, The French Monarchy and the Jews from
Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989), 200 –213; Céline Balasse,
1306: L’expulsion des juifs du royaume de France (Brussels, 2008), esp. 149 –204;
Haim Beinart, The Expulsion of the Jews from Spain, trans. Jeffrey M. Green (1994;
repr., Portland, OR, 2002), esp. 118 –206; Miguel Ángel Ladero Quesada, “Después de
1492: Los bienes e debdas de los judíos,” in Judaísmo Hispano: Estudios en memoria
de José Luis Lacave Riaño, ed. Elena Romero, 2 vols. (Madrid, 2002), 2:727– 47;
Javier Castaño, “La encuesta sobre las deudas debidas a los judíos en el arzobispado
de Toledo (1493–96),” En la España Medieval 29 (2006): 287–309.
64 Luiz Suárez Fernández, ed., Documentos acerca de la expulsión de los judios
(Valladolid, 1964), 479 – 81; Beinart, The Expulsion of the Jews, 218, 291, 317–18;
George-Herbert Depping, Les juifs dans le moyen âge: Essai historique sur leur état
civil, comercial et littéraire (Paris, 1834), 427.
65 Three centuries later, Salonika’s rabbi and historian Isaac Samuel Emmanuel
speculated that Jews fleeing Spain invented bills of exchange and hid them in their
prayer books upon fleeing in order to have them repaid in Venice: Histoire des
Israélites de Salonique (140 av. J.-C. à 1640) (Paris, 1936), 1:56. Later in the text I
mention other Jewish appropriations of the legend.

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310 Trivellato
Jewish bankers and pawnbrokers in late medieval Europe and the involvement
of Sephardic merchants in early modern overseas trade and finance.66 In Us et
coustumes, in contrast, the Middle Ages are not a bygone era but the formative
period of financial capitalism. Cleirac suggests continuity between money-
lending in medieval Italy and financial practices in early modern Amsterdam,
even though few Italian refugees settled in what was barely a village in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries and became the center of the world economy
only during his lifetime.67 At the same time, the Jews Cleirac invokes are
phantoms of the past. They have nothing in common with the crypto-Jews he
met in Bordeaux or those who lived openly as Jews in seventeenth-century
Amsterdam. Rather, they are prisoners of medieval discourses about usury,
which he applies to early modern commercial credit.68
The absence of a medieval version of the legend (in Villani or elsewhere)
reveals the partial novelty of this representation. In the late medieval Italian
ars mercatoria, bills of exchange are the prerogative of elite Catholic
merchant-bankers who are also civic and political leaders; they do not belong
to the Jewish economic sphere, which is confined to usurious moneylending
and, by the sixteenth century, to secondhand retail trade. For the renowned
fifteenth-century mathematician and Franciscan friar Luca Pacioli, “exchange
dealers should be blessed instead of being called usurers, Jews, and even
worse.”69 In sum, Cleirac appropriated medieval themes and reinterpreted
them in light of early modern concerns.
66 Israel (European Jewry) draws a sharp line between the medieval and early
modern epochs in Jewish history. He recognizes that in medieval Iberia Jews were
involved in a wider spectrum of professions than petty credit, but he stresses the urban
and regional character of their commercial activities in contrast to the transoceanic
ventures that made early modern Sephardim into protagonists of the European overseas
expansion (Diasporas, 6).
67 See n. 62. Bruges rather than Amsterdam was the medieval center of Italian
banking and commerce in the Low Countries: Raymond de Roover, Money, Banking
and Credit in Medieval Bruges: Italian Merchant-Bankers, Lombards and Money-
Changers; A Study in the Origins of Banking (Cambridge, MA, 1948).
68 Whatever Cleirac knew about the history of medieval French Jews he likely
learned from the numerous “histories of France” that were composed and published
during his lifetime. In such works the medieval expulsions are the only episodes
concerning Jewish life consistently mentioned (even if the 1306 expulsion decreed by
Philip the Fair is invoked more often than the persecutions by Philip the Tall). Myriam
Yardeni, Anti-Jewish Mentalities in Early Modern Europe (Lanham, MD, 1990), 19.
That would account for why Cleirac accurately cites the names of the Merovingian and
Capetian kings who drove the Jews out of the kingdom. Seventeenth-century French
scholars had considerable interest in the Middle Ages, but they did not develop one
single view of that age: Nathan Edelman, Attitudes of Seventeenth-Century France
toward the Middle Ages (New York, 1946).
69 Cited in Raymond de Roover, Gresham on Foreign Exchange: An Essay on Early
English Mercantilism with the Text of Sir Thomas Gresham’s Memorandum for the

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Yet Cleirac was not an obtuse proponent of intransigent anti-usury prohi-

bitions. He cites accurately Doctor Navarrus and Cardinal Cajetan, two highly
influential sixteenth-century Catholic theologians and canon lawyers who
distinguished between legitimate and illegitimate uses of bills of exchange,
and he concludes with them that “banking and insurances that are treated as
honorable, upright, and legal activities are greatly useful and helpful to
business.”70 As noted previously, Navarrus and Cajetan had argued that
improper banking activities were those in which bills of exchange functioned
as mere speculative instruments, detached from the function of commodity
trade. With the increased diffusion of bills of exchange, this criterion faltered
even for a Catholic as zealous as Cleirac.71 What did not falter was the
preoccupation with the need to identify what constituted “honorable, upright,
and legal” banking.
Cleirac invoked centuries-old associations of Jews and usury to address this
conundrum, although via an allusion rather than through verifiable compari-
sons between Jewish and Christian ways of handling bills of exchange. Since
Jews are conspirators, he argues, the bills they devise are “written with few
words and little substance,” only intelligible to the initiated.72 Cleirac calls
Understanding of Exchange (Cambridge, MA, 1949), 176. Another example is Gio-

vanni Francesco Pagnini, Della decima e di varie altre gravezze, 2 vols. (Lucca,
1765– 66), 1:126, which cites the legend as relayed in Jakob Friedrich Bielfeld,
Institutions politiques, 3 vols. (The Hague, 1760 –72), 1:275. However, Pagnini also
reprinted Benedetto Cortugli’s merchant manual (written in 1458 and first printed in
1573), which in discussing bills of exchange and usury made no reference to the
fanciful story. See Benedetto Cortugli, Il libro dell’arte di mercatura, ed. Ugo Tucci
(Venice, 1990), 165–70, 193–204. No mention of the legend appears in the numerous
theological and legal treatises on bills of exchange published during the sixteenth
century, that is, when Sephardic communities in Western Europe were not yet insti-
tutionally stable.
70 Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 225. Martín Azpilcueta, aka Doctor Navarrus, Enchi-
ridion sive manuale confessariorum et poenintentium (1552) (Rome, 1584), 467 (chap.
17, no. 284). Tommaso de Vio’s De Cambiis (written in 1499 and first published in
1506) is now included in Thomas de Vio Cardinalis Caietanus (1469 –1534), Scripta
Philosophica: Opuscola Oeconomico-socialia, ed. P. P. Zammit, OP (Rome, 1934),
91–133, chap. 5, 110 –13. Elsewhere, Cleirac also mentions Charles du Moulin, the
critic of usury who preceded Calvin.
71 Cleirac (Usance de négoce, 48 –54, 153–54) regards both reexchange bills and the
practice of discounted bills as accepted customs in his own time.

72 Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 226. At least one of the readers of this passage
underlined it with his (less likely, her) pen (BMB, P.F. 46485 [Rés.]). Several
successive authors returned to the brevity and/or secrecy of bills of exchange: Jacques
Savary, Le parfait négociant (Paris, 1675), 121; Jean Moulinier, Le grand tresor des
marchands, banquiers et negocians, des financiers (Bordeaux, 1704), 78; Paul Jacob
Marperger, Neu-eröffnetes Handels-Bericht (Hamburg, 1709), 491; Jacques Savary des

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312 Trivellato
Jews “abominable circumcised people,” guilty of “execrable crimes,” “mali-

cious and infamous men,” and “people without a conscience.”73 But the
language he uses for Lombards and Cahorsins, that is, Christian bankers and
moneylenders from northern Italy and southern France who rose to promi-
nence across Europe in the thirteenth century, is no less derogatory. He
condemns them as “scoundrels” who “practiced usury and these Jewish
inventions [i.e., marine insurance and bills of exchange]” and who were yet,
unlike Jews, treated as noblemen.74 Guelph bankers appear to him to have
been even worse than Jews because they “mastered the art of usury to an even
greater extent than Jews did; they became even more evil and malicious
insofar as usury and rapaciousness were concerned.”75
This comparison suggests a fear that Jews and Christians could become
Brûlons and Philémon-Louis Savary, Dictionnaire universel de commerce, 3 vols.

(Paris, 1723–30), 2:503; Thomas de Bléville, Le banquier françois (Paris, 1724), 22;
Louis de Beausobre, Introduction générale à l’étude de la politique, des finances, et du
commerce (Berlin, 1764), 220 n. 1; Honoré Duveyrier, Rapport fait au Corps législatif
sur le projet de loi intitulé Code du commerce, livre 1er, titre VIII (Séance du 11
septembre 1807) (n.p., 1807), 3.
73 I render “abominable rataillés” as “abominable circumcised” because the French
word retaillé denoted those who suffered a surgical amputation. See Denis Diderot and
Jean d’Alembert, Encyclopédie ou Dictionnaire raisonné des sciences, des arts et des
métiers, 17 vols. (Paris, 1751– 65), 14:198. On the word abominable, see also n. 32 and
Bracciolini’s quotation below in the text. To call Jews infamous (see also Cleirac,
Usance du négoce, 6) was to resurrect the medieval notion that they lacked fama, i.e.,
public trust. In Usance de négoce, 29, Cleirac even invokes Jews’ perfidia, the ultimate
Christian theological accusation against Jews who refused Christ’s redemption, as the
original sin at the roots of bills of exchanges (Jews’ perfidia is mentioned in Canon 67
of the Fourth Lateran Council, which is cited in Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 2nd ed.
[Bordeaux, 1661], 220).
74 Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 226. The adjective and noun cahorsin (in various
spellings and languages, including the German Kawertschen) derived from the town of
Cahors, not far from Bordeaux, whose merchants and bankers were ill reputed for their
moneylending practices. See de Roover, Money, Banking and Credit, 99; Kurt Grun-
wald, “Lombards, Cahorsins and Jews,” Journal of European Economic History 4
(1975): 393–98. Both Dante and Boccaccio use caorsino for usurer (Dante, Inferno,
canto 11.50; Boccaccio, Esposizioni sopra la Comedia di Dante, chap. 11, par. 39).
The word continued to appear in French dictionaries of the nineteenth century (e.g.,
“Corsin,” in Émile Littré, Dictionnaire de la langue française [1872–77]) but fell
increasingly out of use during the seventeenth century, as suggested by a keyword
search in The Making of the Modern World. Here again Cleirac stands out for his
recourse to medieval terminology.
75 Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 226. Note that Bernard of Clairveau (d. 1153) referred
to Christian usurers as those who “jew worse than the Jews themselves” (peius
judaizare). Cited in Robert Chazan, Medieval Stereotypes and Modern Antisemitism
(Berkeley, 1997), 25.

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indistinguishable—a fear that permeated European Christian culture at large

but was especially intense in countries like France and pre-1656 England,
where Jews were no longer a living presence and yet remained a lingering
phantom.76 In the southwest of France and in the Catholic milieu frequented
by Cleirac, anti-Spanish propaganda exacerbated this fear. Every Spaniard
was suspected of being an undercover Jew, and the allegiance to Catholicism
and to France of the Portuguese and Spanish merchants living in Bordeaux
was perpetually questioned.77
Nowhere in Cleirac’s works was every merchant regarded as a usurer.78 But
how could one draw the line between the two? To this difficult question, for
which secular authorities sought an answer no less than theologians, Cleirac’s
narrative offered a pedantic, erroneous, but appealing (for its simplicity)
response: cunning speculators are Jews and those Christians who behave like
them. Jews here are not the merchants and bankers with whom Cleirac and his
contemporaries might have engaged in business, but stand-ins for practitioners
of the abhorrent crime of usury. The facility with which an arsenal of
antisemitic tropes could be mobilized is less surprising than the fact that the
untenable and prejudiced narrative summarized above appears not in the
sermon of a Franciscan friar or in an Elizabethan drama, but in a treatise of
commercial law. And it was in the ars mercatoria that it gained traction.
IV. THE ADVENTURES OF AN ERRONEOUS IDEA

The author who did the most to canonize Cleirac’s legend was Jacques Savary
(1622–90). His Le parfait négociant was the single most influential merchant
manual of early modern Europe. First published in 1675, it was immediately
translated into German (1676) and soon into Dutch (1683); by 1800 it had
appeared in as many as twenty-nine editions.79 Savary was also the principal
76 James Shapiro traces this fear back to Paul’s Epistles, in which Christians are
defined as the antithesis of Jews and yet, under certain circumstances, may become
indistinguishable from them: Shakespeare and the Jews (New York, 1996), 5.
77 Myriam Yardeni, “Antagonismes nationaux et propagande durant les guerres de
religion,” Revue d’histoire moderne et contemporaine 13 (1966): 273– 84, 277– 80.
Suspicion ran particularly high during the Spanish siege of Bordeaux in 1596 –97;
Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment, 17.
78 The stated goal of Cleirac’s Usance du négoce is to trace the origins of bills of
exchange without offending “honorable bankers,” who are said to contribute greatly to
commerce, that is, to “the reciprocal and amicable communication between nations,”
and who should thus not be confused with “Jews, Lombards, Cahorsins, and those who
have gone bankrupt” (2).
79 Jochen Hoock, “Le phénomène Savary et l’innovation en matière commerciale en
France aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles,” in Innovations et renouveaux techniques de

l’Antiquité à nos jours: Actes du colloque international de Mulhouse (septembre
1987), ed. Jean-Pierre Kintz (Strasbourg, 1989), 113–23, 117.

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314 Trivellato
architect of the 1673 Ordonnance de commerce, the first European national

code of commercial law.80
In a chapter devoted to the origin and usefulness of bills of exchange,
Savary condensed and sanitized Cleirac’s story. He dropped the part about
insurance policies, which others later picked up. In keeping with the plagia-
rism standards of the time, he did not credit his source. In fewer and clearer
words, he repeated that the Jews expelled from France in successive waves
between the seventh and early fourteenth centuries invented bills of exchange
and exported them to Italy, and that Ghibelline refugees brought these bills to
Amsterdam. Adding a twist that was destined to last, he maintained that the
Ghibellines improved this alleged Jewish invention by devising the so-called
reexchange.81
Savary evidently remained unperturbed by Cleirac’s anachronisms and
inconsistencies. Like so many other authors of the ars mercatoria, he shared
his predecessor’s concern with the need to distinguish between legitimate and
illegitimate credit operations. He stressed that “there is nothing more useful to
the State and to the public than the use of bills of exchange.” Yet he added a
cautionary note: “But it should also be admitted that there is nothing more
dangerous than this commerce, which produces more usury and bankrupts
when bankers, merchants, and traders practice it with lust and imprudence.”82
Savary’s comment is extremely important: it makes clear that in the seven-
teenth century the challenge was less to condemn specific operations con-
ducted with bills of exchange than to warn against the potential fallout of
mishandling them “with lust and imprudence.” The admonition was both firm
and nebulous. Bills of exchange appeared as advantageous multipliers of
wealth but could just as easily transform themselves into dangerous devices
through which wealth was lost.
Savary’s authorial credibility ensured that the legend became a staple of the
late seventeenth- and eighteenth-century economic literature (table 1). How-
ever, a growing number of authors (especially, though not only) outside of
80 The preparatory work of the committee charged with drafting this legislation is
lost, except for the session of February 4, 1671, when usury was debated. Sorbonne
theologians, who were intransigent opponents of usury, were consulted. Their views
clashed with those of some committee members, who were inclined to introduce an
article setting a ceiling for moderate usury (5 percent). In the end, it was decided to
omit all references to usury. Henri Lévy-Bruhl, “Un document inédit sur la préparation
de l’Ordonnance sur le Commerce de 1673,” Revue historique du droit français et
étranger 10 (1931): 649 – 81. See also n. 25.
81 Savary, Le parfait négociant, 121 (bk. 1, chap. 19, “De l’origine des lettres de
change, & de leur utilité pour le commerce”). The passages about the origins of bills
of exchange appeared, unchanged, in all subsequent editions of Savary’s book as well
as in its translations.
82 Ibid., 122.

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TABLE 1
PRINCIPAL WORKS PRINTED BETWEEN 1647 AND
1800 THAT MENTION THE LEGEND OF THE JEWISH INVENTION OF BILLS OF EXCHANGE AND/OR
MARINE INSURANCE, WHETHER THEY DOUBT IT OR NOT
Publication Publication Author(s)

Author(s) Title* Year† Place Language‡ Legend§ Doubted Cited储
Cleirac, Estienne Us et coustumes de la mer 1647 Bordeaux French BE⫹MI N V
Cleirac, Estienne Usance du négoce 1656 Bordeaux French BE N
Savary, Jacques Le parfait négociant 1675 Paris French BE N
Savary, Jacques Der vollkommene Kauff- und 1676 Geneva German/Tr. BE N
Handelsmann
Bornier, Philippe Conferences des nouvelles 1681 Paris French BE⫹MI N V
ordonnances de Louis XVI
Toubeau, Jean Les institutes du droit consulaire 1682 Bourges French BE⫹MI N (BE)/Y V/C/S/
(MI) Bornier
Savary, Jacques De volmaakte koopman 1683 Amsterdam Dutch/Tr. BE N
Savary, Jacques Parères 1688 Paris French BE N
Furtiere, Antoine Dictionnaire universel 1690 The Hague French BE N
Dupuis de la Serra, L’art des lettres de change 1693 Paris French BE Y

Jacques
104.151.91.181 on Mon, 19 Dec 2022 08:53:48 UTC

Ricard, Samuel Traité général du commerce 1700 Amsterdam French BE N

Gobain, Pierre Le commerce en son jour 1702 Bordeaux French BE Y
Forbes, William A Methodical Treatise 1703 Edinburgh English BE Y
concerning Bills of Exchange
Moulinier, Jean Le grand trésor des marchands, 1704 Bordeaux French BE N
banquiers et négocians
Ricard, Samuel L’art de bien tenir les livres de 1709 Amsterdam French BE N Ricard
comptes en parties doubles (1700)
Marperger, Paul Neu-eröffneter Handels-Bericht 1709 Hamburg German BE Y Ricard
Jacob (1700)
TABLE 1 (Continued )

Le Moine de Den Koophandel van Amsterdam 1715, 2nd Amsterdam Dutch/Tr. BE N
L’Espine, ed.
Jacques; Lelong,
Isaac
Marperger, Paul Beschreibung der Banqven 1717 Leipzig German BE Y
Jacob
Gobain, Pierre Questions les plus curieuses 1717 Bordeaux French BE Y
Savary des Brûlons, Dictionnaire universel de 1723–30 Paris French BE⫹MI Y (BE)/N
Jacques; Savary, commerce (MI)
316
Philémon-Louis
Bléville, Thomas de Le banquier françois 1724 Paris French BE N
Bouthillier, Thomas Le banquier françois 1727 Paris French BE N
de

Chambers, Ephraim Cyclopaedia 1728 London English BE⫹MI Y
104.151.91.181 on Mon, 19 Dec 2022 08:53:48 UTC

Manni, Domenico De Florentinis inventis 1731 Ferrara Latin BE Y De Rubis/

Maria commentarium Dupuis de
la Serra
Zedler, Johann Grosses vollständiges 1732–50 Leipzig German BE Y
Heinrich Universallexicon aller
Wissenschafften und Künste
Allgemeine Schatz-Kammer der 1741–43 Leipzig German BE Y
Kauffmannschafft
С дe кск Сe 1747 St. Petersburg Russian MI N
Бло лeкско о коe
[Savary des [Ekstrakt Savarieva leksikona
Brûlons, J.] o komertsii]
Montesquieu, De l’esprit des lois 1748 Geneva French BE N
Charles de
Secondat
Dupuis de la Serra, Trattato delle lettere di cambio 1750 Venice Italian/Tr. BE Y
Jacques
Beawes, Wyndham Lex mercatoria rediviva 1751 London English BE⫹MI Y MI: S⫹S
Barrow, John A New and Universal Dictionary 1751 London English BE N
of Arts and Sciences
Diderot, Denis; Encyclopédie, ou, Dictionnaire 1751–65 Paris French BE Y V/S
d’Alembert, Jean raisonné des arts et métiers
317
Ludovici, Carl Eröffnete Akademie der 1752–56 Leipzig German MI N
Günther Kaufleute
de Forbonnais, Elémens du commerce 1754 Leiden, but French BE N
François Paris

Rolt, Richard A New Dictionary of Trade and 1756 London English BE N
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Commerce

Cunningham, The Law of Bills of Exchange 1760 London English BE Y S⫹S
Timothy
Bielfeld, Jakob Institutions politiques 1760–72 The Hague French BE N M
Friedrich
Lacombe de Prézel, Dictionnaire du citoyen 1761 Paris French BE N S/BE: M
Honoré
Paganucci, Jean Manuel historique, geographique 1762 Paris French BE N
et politique des negocians

Pothier, Robert Traité du contrat de change 1763 Paris French BE Y S
Joseph
de Beausobre, Louis Introduction générale 1764 Berlin French BE N
Pagnini, Giovanni Della decima e di varie altre 1765–66 Florence Italian BE Y Bielfeld
Francesco gravezze
Genovesi, Antonio Delle lezioni di commercio 1765–67 Naples Italian BE N
Blackstone, William Commentaries on the Laws of 1765–69 Oxford English BE Y
England
de Forbonnais, Elementos do commercio 1766 Lisbon Portuguese/ BE Y
François Tr.
Mortimer, Thomas A New and Complete Dictionary 1766 London English BE⫹MI Y MI: S⫹S
318
of Trade
Steuart, Sir James An Inquiry into the Principles of 1767 London English BE N
Political Œconomy

Ludovici, Carl Grundrißeines vollständigen 1768 Leipzig German BE Y
Günther Kaufmanns-Systems

Targioni Tozzetti, Relazioni d’alcuni viaggi 1768, 2nd Florence Italian BE Y M
Giovanni ed.
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De Koopman, of Bydragen ten 1768–76 Amsterdam Dutch BE N Le Moine de
Opbouw Van Neerlands l’Espine
Koophandel en Zeevaard
Beccaria, Cesare Prolusione letta il giorno 9 1769 Milan Italian BE Y
gennaio 1769
Beccaria, Cesare A Discourse on Public 1769 London English/Tr. BE Y
Œconomy and Commerce
Beccaria, Cesare Discours . . . pour le commerce 1769 Lausanne French/Tr. BE Y
& l’administration publique
Raynal, abbé Histoire philosophique et 1770 Amsterdam French BE N
politique des établissemens &
du commerce des Européens
dans les deux Indes
Krünitz, Johann Ökonomisch-technologische 1773–1858 Berlin German BE⫹MI Y S/BE: M
Georg Encyklopädie
Nicodéme, Paul Exercice des commerçans 1776 Paris French BE Y
Joseph
Musäus, Johann Anfangsgründe des 1777 Kiel/Hamburg German BE Y S/M/Ricard
Daniel Heinrich Wechselrechts (1700)/
Dupuis de
319
la Serra
Origny, Antoine Dictionnaire des origins 1777 Paris French BE⫹MI N
Robinet, Jean Dictionnaire universel 1777–83 London French BE Y V/S

Baptiste
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de Capmany y de Memorias historias sobre la 1779–92 Madrid Spanish BE N

Montpalau, marina commercio y artes
Antonio
Weskett, John A Complete Digest of the 1781 London English MI Y C/S/Lacombe
Theory, Laws, and Practice of
Insurance
Émerigon, Traité des assurances et des 1783 Marseille French MI Y
Balthazard-Marie contrats à la grosse

Rousselot de Surgy, Encyclopédie méthodique: 1783–84 Paris/Liège French BE N
Jacques-Philibert Commerce
Beckmann, Johann Beyträge zur Geschichte der 1783–1805 Leipzig German MI Y C
Erfindungen
Baldasseroni, Leggi e costumi del cambio 1784 Pescia Italian BE Y S
Pompeo
Rousselot de Surgy, Encyclopédie méthodique: 1784–87 Paris/Liège French BE N (M)
Jacques-Philibert Finances
Fischer, Friedrich Geschichte des teutschen 1785 Hannover German BE N
Christoph Handels
Jonathan
320
Büsch, Johann Handlungsbibliothek 1785–97 Hamburg German BE Y M
Georg
Baldasseroni, Delle assicurazioni marittime 1786 Florence Italian MI Y S⫹S

Ascanio trattato
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Azuni, Domenico Dizionario universale ragionato 1786–88 Nice Italian BE Y M/Targioni

Alberto Tozzetti
Euler, Martin Allgemeine Wechselencyclopädie 1787 Frankfurt am German BE Y
Main
Millar, John Elements of the Law Relating to 1787 Edinburgh/ English BE Y S/Bornier
Insurances London
Park, James Allan A System of the Law of Marine 1787 London English BE⫹MI Y BE: M/MI:
Insurances S⫹S
Suárez y Nuñez, Tratado legal theorico y 1788–89 Madrid Spanish BE Y V/S
Miguel Gerónimo practico de letras de cambio
Grégoire, Henri Essai sur la régénération. .. 1789 Metz/Paris/ French BE N V
des Juifs Strasbourg
Muzio, Giovanni Principi di aritmetica e 1790 Genova Italian BE N
Francesco commercio
Kyd, Stewart A Treatise on the Law of Bills of 1790 London English BE N M
Exchange
Arnould, Ambroise De la balance du commerce et 1791 Paris French BE⫹MI N
Marie des relations commerciales
exterieures de la France
Gaignat de Guide du commerce 1791 Paris French BE N
L’Aulnais, C.-F.
Büsch, Johann Theoretisch-praktische 1791–92 Hamburg German BE Y
321
Georg Darstellung der Handlung in
deren mannigfaltigen
Geschäften

Martens, Georg Versuch einer historischen 1795 Göttingen German BE Y de Capmany/
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Friedrich von Entwickelung des wahren Arnould

Ursprungs des Wechselrechts
Püttman, J. L. E. Grundsätze des Wechsels 1795 Leipzig German BE Y M
Tisdall, John Laws and Usages Respecting 1795 Philadelphia English BE N
Bills of Exchange
Beckmann, Johann A History of Inventions and 1797 London English/Tr. BE N C
Discoveries

Disraeli, Isaac Vaurien, or, Sketches of the 1797 London English BE N
Times
Cairu, José da Silva Principios de direito mercantil e 1798 Lisbon Portuguese BE Y
Lisboa leis de marinha
*Several titles are abbreviated.
†
The first edition alone is cited, unless the legend only appears in a subsequent edition.

‡
Tr. ⫽ translation.
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§
MI ⫽ marine insurance; BE ⫽ bills of exchange.
储

C ⫽ Cleirac; M ⫽ Montesquieu; S ⫽ Savary, Le parfait négociant; S⫹S ⫽ Savary des Brûlons and Savary, Dictionnaire universel de commerce; V ⫽ Villani.
France doubted the odd account. Already in 1693, Dupuis de la Serra’s L’art
des lettres de change, a serious work devoted to bills of exchange that enjoyed
considerable popularity, expressed reservations on the grounds that no inven-
tion can take eight centuries to emerge and that the medieval expulsions were
an unlikely occasion for Jews to thrive.83
The transmission and evolution of the legend across Europe through its
reformulation by Sombart will be the object of a separate study.84 Suffice it to
say that the legend’s malleability afforded it more than one interpretation in
the eighteenth century and ensured that it was invoked not only with regard to
issues of good and bad credit but also in broader debates on the relationship
between commerce and toleration. Montesquieu stands out for both embracing
the legend and interpreting it as casting Jews in a positive light. In a chapter
of The Spirit of the Laws entitled “How Commerce Broke through the
Barbarism of Europe” (bk. 2, chap. 20), the French thinker describes European
Jews as a group associated “with the most shameful usury” and subjected to
the violent caprices of tyrannical rulers during the Middle Ages. But he also
claims that Jews “invented letters of exchange” and, in so doing, set in motion
the process by which European trade “was able to avoid violence and maintain
itself everywhere.”85 He thus sees Jews as instrumental in the emergence of le
doux commerce, the cornerstone of European civilization.
83 Jacques Dupuis de la Serra, L’art des lettres de change suivant l’usage des plus
célèbres places de l’Europe (Paris, 1693), 6 –7. Note that after 1697, Dupuis de la
Serra’s treatise was regularly reprinted together with the many re-editions of Savary’s
Le parfait négociant (Jeannin, Marchands d’Europe, 378)—another indication that
factual consistency was not always a priority in the ars mercatoria. Doubts on the
legend had already been cast, but only concerning the origins of marine insurance: Jean
Toubeau, Les institutes du droit consulaire (Paris, 1682), 586, 645.
84 For Werner Sombart (The Jews and Modern Capitalism, 65), “it is fairly certain
that the use of circulating endorsable bills in Venice must have been first commenced
by Jews, seeing that we know that nearly all bill-broking in the Adriatic city in the 16th
century was in their hands.”
85 Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, 388 – 89. As a member of Bordeaux’s
parlement and of the city’s literary academy, Montesquieu had easy access to Cleirac’s
works. His footnote corroborating the statement that Jews invented bills of exchange
does not cite Cleirac but follows him closely: “It is known that under Philip Augustus
and Philip the Tall, the Jews, driven out of France took refuge in Lombardy and that
there they gave the foreign traders and travelers secret letters for those to whom they
had entrusted their effects in France, with which their debts were paid” (389 n. 141).
The expression “secret letters” appears in Cleirac but not in Savary. Montesquieu’s
authoritativeness was such that factual evidence had to be marshaled in order to
disprove his story. Giovanni Targioni Tozzetti did that much in his Relazioni d’alcuni
viaggi fatti in diverse parti della Toscana . . ., 2nd ed. (Florence, 1768 – 69), 2:62– 63.
Among those who followed Montesquieu most closely was a French Huguenot living
in Berlin during the 1760s, Louis de Beausobre, author of Introduction générale, 220
n. 1. Citing the legend as relayed by de Beausobre, Myriam Yardeni considers the

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324 Trivellato
It was with pride that at least one eighteenth-century Jewish author, the
father of British prime minister Benjamin Disraeli, revived the story.86 At the
opposite end of the spectrum stands the advocate of Jewish emancipation at
the onset of the French Revolution, the abbé Grégoire. While he was among
those who argued that Jewish hyperspecialization in commerce and finance
was the result of external oppression rather than innate proclivity, he none-
theless depicted Jewish financial dealings in sinister terms and in this guise
reiterated that Jews invented bills of exchange.87
More commonly, the legend appeared in merchants’ manuals, even if,
backed by Montesquieu, it also made its way into highbrow texts such as Sir
James Steuart’s An Inquiry into the Principles of Political Economy (1767)
and the inaugural lecture delivered by Cesare Beccaria, that most well-known
Italian Enlightenment thinker, on the occasion of his appointment as professor
of political economy in Milan in 1769.88 It was often cited alongside com-
peting hypotheses about the origin of bills of exchange—the two most com-
mon pointing either to Florentine expatriates (or Italians in general)89 or, as a
rationalist explanation made inroads, to the necessities of commerce and
human industriousness.90 All in all, the legend’s resilience is striking. Like so
many other texts, Diderot and d’Alembert’s Encyclopédie cited Giovanni
Villani and Savary and expressed skepticism but did not bother to verify
passage to be exemplary of a broader trend whereby the image of Jews among French
Huguenots became “more level-headed and perhaps more objective” after their forced
exile in 1685. While there is no doubt that Beausobre’s characterization of Jews is
remarkably shorn of debasing accusations, the legend he cites is hardly “a factual
report” (Yardeni, Anti-Jewish Mentalities, 246). Here is an example of new readings
that a better understanding of the legend can open up.
86 Isaac Disraeli, Vaurien, or, Sketches of the Times, 2 vols. (London, 1797), 2:233.
87 Henri Grégoire, Essai sur la régénération physique, morale et politique des Juifs
(Metz, 1789), 81– 87.

88 A Jacobite, Sir James Steuart spent many years in France and, in mentioning the
legend, follows Montesquieu’s reasoning closely: An Inquiry into the Principles of

Political Oeconomy, 2 vols. (London, 1767), 2:113 (bk. 4, pt. 1, chap. 3). Beccaria is
less sure that Jews invented bills of exchange rather than “had recourse to the invention
of bills of exchange” (“Prolusione,” 185).
89 Like other sociological arguments of the time, this hypothesis links innovation to
persecuted minorities in general, not just to Jews.

90 Early examples in Cristóbal de Villalón, Prouechoso tratado de cambios (Valla-
dolid, 1542), fol. lv; Ludovico Guicciardini, Descrittione . . . di tutti i Paesi Bassi
(Antwerp, 1567), 117; Bernardo Davanzati, Notizia de’ cambj (1588), in Notizie
mercantili delle monete e de’ cambi (Venice, 1840), 33; Matthias Bode, Dissertatio de
cambiis (Marburg, 1646), 14. This argument became more common in the eighteenth
century. See, e.g., Carl Günter Ludovici, Grundriß eines vollständigen Kaufmanns-
Systems (Leipzig, 1768), 194; James Allan Park, A System of the Law of Marine
Insurances (London, 1787), iii.

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Villani’s chronicle.91 Enduring if unarticulated associations between Jews and

usury were sufficiently profound to lead even Christian authors who were not
fully persuaded by its empirical soundness to mention the legend and not
wonder why it existed.
V. BEHIND THE LEGEND’S GENESIS

If the legend found enough intertextual references and conceptual backing to
live on, to what should we attribute its emergence in the first place? Without
more information about Cleirac’s thought process and possible editorial in-
terventions, only speculative answers can be offered. That said, Bordeaux
during the first half of the seventeenth century was a likely place for these
fanciful conjectures to materialize.
A city of about 30,000 inhabitants and a port with a growing regional and
international reach, Bordeaux was the site of heightened political, religious,
and social conflict during the first half of the seventeenth century. As else-
where in Europe, religious toleration was more than an abstract philosophical
dispute and rarely a matter of easy accommodation: it was the result of daily
negotiations, the source of constant instability, and often the occasion for
bloody wars. The proximity to the Huguenot outpost of La Rochelle called for
the city’s fiscal and military involvement during the siege of 1627–28. In the
1630s, Bordeaux experienced considerable social unrest, and from 1648 to
1654 it was ravaged first by the Fronde and then by its local and bloody
sequel, the Ormée.92 Its composite urban elite made up of merchants, legal
professionals with aspirations to nobility, and a feudal aristocracy had an
ingrained sense of municipal autonomy but was also fraught with tensions.
Not yet the Atlantic hub that it became a hundred years later, in the early
seventeenth century Bordeaux already bustled with commercial dynamism. Ital-
ian merchants had introduced the use of bills of exchange and marine insurance
during the sixteenth century.93 Although subjugated to the needs of overseas trade
rather than constituting an autonomous economic sphere, the financial market
continued to expand in order to support the growth of the import-export trade in
wine, sugar, and other colonial commodities as well as fishing expeditions.94 It is
91 Diderot and d’Alembert, Encyclopédie, 9:417–20 (entry “Lettre de change”).
92 Christian Jouhaud, Mazarinades: La fronde des mots (Paris, 1985); William Beik,
Urban Protest in Seventeenth-Century France: The Culture of Retribution (Cam-
bridge, 1997).
93 Bernard Allaire, Crépuscules ultramontaines: Marchands italiens et grand com-
merce à Bordeaux au XVIe siècle (Pessac, 2008).

94 In a distinctive Braudelian fashion, Paul Butel emphasizes the “archaism” that
characterized Bordeaux’s commercial techniques through the eighteenth century: Les

négociants bordelaise, l’Europe et les Iles aux XVIIIe siècle (Paris, 1974), 9. In fact,
the only archaic aspect of Bordeaux’s commercial organization was the absence of a

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326 Trivellato
no surprise that educated professionals like Cleirac, who witnessed the everyday
expansion of bills of exchange, were both fascinated and alarmed by these
unfathomable credit instruments. Not only was it necessary to reconcile their use
with the moral tenets of the Catholic Church: it was also imperative to reckon with
the mystery of financial dealings themselves. The asymmetry of information
between practitioners and observers was likely most acute in the early seventeenth
century, when the transferability of bills of exchange began to spread.
Bordeaux also housed a sizable and commercially active community of New
Christians whose allegiance to Catholicism was for the most part tenuous. If less
economically powerful than Flemish, Dutch, and English merchants, Iberian New
Christians were among the foreigners most active in long-distance trade. In the
absence of an Inquisition tribunal, after 1550 Bordeaux and other towns in its
region (notably Saint-Esprit-lès-Bayonne, Saint Jean de Luz, Bidache, and Pey-
rehorade) became magnets of converso and marrano migration.95 Contraband
went along with the movement of people and goods across the Franco-Spanish
border. Some families turned Bordeaux into a temporary stop on their way to
Livorno, Amsterdam, and other Sephardic capitals, while more than a few took up
residence.96 In 1636, 260 Spanish and Portuguese lived in Bordeaux, and in the
following decades they grew in number.97
During the 1630s, anti-Jewish polemics were rampant on both sides of the
Pyrenees. A counselor to the French king mistrusted the Catholicism of the
Portuguese of the Southwest.98 Opponents of the Spanish plenipotentiary count-
duke of Olivares’s foreign and domestic policies railed against the alleged impact
of his protection of Portuguese New Christian bankers on the moral fiber of the
Habsburg monarchy and society. Francisco Quevedo was a particularly venomous
stock market, but this absence was common to the majority of European commercial
hubs.
95 Periods of relative safety alternated with others (especially between 1615 and
1625) when the royal protection of the New Christians of Bordeaux weakened. Gérard
Nahon, Juifs et Judaïsme à Bordeaux (Bordeaux, 2003), 39 – 43, 46 – 47. Converso and
marrano were terms commonly used in Spain and Portugal, respectively, in reference
to New Christians who were regarded as crypto-Jews. Scholars today employ them
without any hint at the originally derogative connotation.
96 Israel, Diasporas, 120 –22, 146; David L. Graizbord, Souls in Dispute: Converso
Identities in Iberia and the Jewish Diaspora, 1580 –1700 (Philadelphia, 2004); Natalia
Muchnik, “Des intrus en pays d’Inquisition: Présence et activités des juifs dans
l’Espagne du XVIIe siècle,” Revue des études juives 164 (2005): 119 –56.
97 Nahon, Juifs et Judaïsme, 47.
98 Pierre de l’Ancre, L’incredulité et mescréance du sortilège pleinement convaincue
(Paris, 1622), discussed in Nahon, Juifs et Judaïsme, 49. On the French anti-Judaic
literature of the seventeenth century, see also J. Caro Baroja, Los Judíos en la España
moderna y contemporánea, 3rd ed., 3 vols. (Madrid, 1986), 1:270; Hertzberg, The
French Enlightenment, 28 – 48.

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voice in this crowd. He mixed Catholic accusatory clichés about Jews’ handling
of money with specific references to an alleged conspiracy of Jewish and New
Christian bankers to exploit the financial needs of various European states.99
Meanwhile, the Spanish Inquisition renewed its campaign against alleged crypto-
Jews and held some exemplary trials ending with brutal executions, including
several that targeted individuals with close connections to the Southwest of
France, like the Saraiva brothers.100 After Olivares’s fall from power in 1643, with
royal protection weakened and Inquisitorial persecution on the rise, more refugees
took the road to Bordeaux.
There the privileges granted to “Portuguese and Spanish merchants” protected
the refugees against the king’s right to seize the property of a deceased foreigner
(droit d’aubain) and even allowed them to acquire the status of bourgeois—a
fiscal and legal condition which, in theory if not in practice, put them on equal
footing with someone like Cleirac.101 Religious dissimulation was the norm but,
as the Portuguese Jesuit Antonio Viera acknowledged, “in popular parlance,
among most of the European nations, ‘Portuguese’ is confused with ‘Jew.’”102
Only in 1723 was a Jewish community officially recognized in Bordeaux. Until
then, a mixture of inclusion and suspicion surrounded the presence in town of
New Christians. In 1647, the year when Us et coustumes was published, the
French diplomatic envoy in Lisbon invited Cardinal Mazarin to place the region
of Bordeaux under surveillance because it was infested by “the Jewish plague.”103
We cannot be sure how the presence of New Christians affected Cleirac’s view
of Jews, but a telling detail surfaces from his hazy biographical profile. In the
99 Francisco de Quevedo, Execración contra los judíos, ed. Fernando Cabo
Aseguinolaza and Santiago Fernández Mosquera (Barcelona, 1996), 34 –35, and his La
hora de todos y la fortuna con seso, ed. Jean Bourg, Pierre Dupont, and Pierre Geneste
(Madrid, 1987), 339. Quevedo explicitly targeted Olivares’s policies. Other Iberian
authors were less politicized but nonetheless virulently Judeophobic. Vicente da Costa
Mattos turned a common argument on its head when he advocated the expulsion of
“apostate Jews” and “Judaizing Jews” from Portugal in the name of “the reason of
state,” in Breve discurso contra a heretica perfidia do Iudaismo (Lisbon, 1622), fols.
183r–186v. The work also appeared in a Castilian translation by Father Diego Gavilan
Vela, Discurso contra los Judios (Salamanca, 1631). On usury as a theme in Spanish
anti-Jewish polemics of the period, see Caro Baroja, Los Judíos, 2:27; and Juan Ignacio
Pulido Serrano, Injurias a Cristo: Religión, política y antijudaísmo en el siglo XVII
(análisis de las corrientes antijudías durante la Edad Moderna) (Alcalá Henares,
2002).
100 Caro Baroja, Los Judíos, 2:67– 68, 74. In 1638, a Portuguese marrano handed to
the Toledo Inquisition (which had jurisdiction over Madrid) a list of 155 crypto-Jews
residing in or traveling back and forth to the Southwest of France (3:364 –71).
101 Cleirac obtained the status of bourgeois in 1616: Le livre des bourgeois de
Bordeaux, XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles (Bordeaux, 1898), 32.

102 Cited in Miriam Bodian, “‘Men of the Nation’: The Shaping of Converso Identity
in Early Modern Europe,” Past and Present 143 (1994): 48 –76, 60.
103 Nahon, Juifs et Judaïsme, 48.

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328 Trivellato
preface to his Usance du négoce, Cleirac recounts that he was appointed a royal
officer (procureur du roi) during the lengthy and delicate negotiations that
followed the shipwreck in the gulf of Bordeaux of eight Portuguese ships return-
ing from India in January 1627.104 It was a shipwreck of extraordinary propor-
tions: two enormous vessels loaded with diamonds, pepper, cloves, Indian tex-
tiles, ebony, ivory, Chinese furniture and porcelain, Asian spices, and other luxury
goods, as well as six armed galleons with some of the finest Portuguese nobility
on board. A Portuguese historian of the time described it as the worst loss Portugal
had sustained since king Sebastian’s disappearance in Morocco (1578) had led to
the country’s annexation to the kingdom of Castile and Aragon (1580 –1640).105
The stakes in this disaster were high for both the French and the Spanish crowns.
In late January 1627, Richelieu was seeking to enlist Spain’s support against the
English and the Huguenots at La Rochelle.106 In order to succeed (which he did),
he had to accommodate Spanish claims over whatever of the precious cargo (and
the cannons in particular) could be recovered from the poor peasants looting the
shores and oppose the claims of Jean-Louis Nogaret de La Vallette, duc
d’Épernon (1544 –1642), the all-powerful governor of the Garonne region, as well
as those of a few feudal lords who still retained power in the patchy kingdom of
France.107 South of the Pyrenees, in January 1627, Olivares sidelined the Genoese
bankers who had been financing the Spanish public debt for seventy years in order
to begin recruiting Portuguese New Christians in their place. He could not risk
alienating the latter’s interests, which extended over much of the cargo from the
two sunken commercial ships.108
104 Cleirac, Usance du négoce, 4.

105 Manuel de Faria e Sousa, Ásia Portugueza (1666 –75), 6 vols. (Porto, 1945– 47),
6:284. More details about this shipwreck may be found in Gouron, L’Amirauté,
377–79; Yves-Marie Bercé, “L’affaire des caraques échouées (1627) et le droit de
naufrage,” in État, marine et société: Hommage à Jean Meyer, ed. Martine Acerra et
al. (Paris, 1995), 15–24; Jean-Yves Blot and Patrick Lizé, eds., Le naufrage des
portugais sur les côtes de Saint-Jean-de-Luz et d’Arcachon (1627) (Paris, 2000).
References to this shipwreck appear in Cleirac, Us et coustumes, 125–26, 472.
106 J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares: The Statesman in an Age of Decline
(New Haven, CT, 1986), 301–35.

107 The negotiations conducted by Richelieu’s envoys with the governor of Guyenne
and the coastal lords are documented throughout vol. 2 of Pierre Grillon, ed., Les
papiers de Richelieu: Section politique intérieure, correspondence et papiers d’État, 6
vols. (Paris, 1975– 85). Direct correspondence between the Spanish and French courts
over this matter can be found in Archives des Affaires étrangères, Paris, Correspon-
dence politique: Espagne, 15, fol. 67r; and Archivo General de Simancas (hereafter
AGS), Secretaría de Estado (Francia) (hereafter SEF), K.1459, nos. 33, 40. In his
memoirs, Richelieu recalled this tragic event as evidence of Spain’s supremacy on the
sea at that time: Mémoires du Cardinal de Richelieu, 10 vols. (Paris, 1907–31), 7:25.
108 Surviving documents produced by royal authorities on both sides are predictably
discreet about the involvement of Portuguese New Christians. However, evidence of

the latter’s ownership of portions of the cargo surfaces in AGS, SEF, K.1434, nos. 47,

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Cleirac was not among the top-ranked French officials appointed by Richelieu
to resolve this most delicate affair. But whatever role he played, he sided with the
royal authorities and had to confront two issues that are reflected in his writings.
The first was the need to devise a clearer set of maritime laws that would facilitate
the resolution of conflicts over property rights. Rights over sunken cargoes were
traditionally governed by customary norms (droit de naufrage) that privileged
local coastal powers. Forgotten by most scholars of French absolutism, maritime
issues such as shipwrecks were not beyond Richelieu’s purview.109 Moreover,
although we know little about Cleirac, during this episode he likely saw the
Portuguese merchants’ economic influence up close and could easily have blown
it out of proportion.
This major incident is not the only reason why mid-seventeenth-century
France, and Bordeaux in particular, offered fertile ground for the idea that Jews
may have been the first to introduce bills of exchange. The presence of crypto-
Jews heightened the anxieties created by the erosion of social hierarchies caused
by the expansion of commercial credit. In France, the stigma against trade and
manual labor was even stronger than it was elsewhere in Europe. In the sixteenth
century, a law (loi de dérogeance) sanctioned the loss of privileges, including
dearly held fiscal privileges, for those noblemen who “trafficked in merchan-
dise.”110 This prohibition came under attack during the second half of the sixteenth
century and was formally abolished in 1629 (Code Michaud).111 But laws rarely
65, and ADG, C.3904, fols. 55, 57, 116. These hints are congruent with the role of
Portuguese New Christians in the private trade with India uncovered by James C.
Boyajian, The Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580 –1640 (Baltimore,
1993).
109 Following the 1627 shipwreck, the cardinal commissioned a study to reform the
French droit de naufrage (Archives Nationales, Paris, AB XIX, 3192, dossier 3). See
also Gouron, L’Amirauté, 64 – 65, 302; Bercé, “L’affaire des caraques”; Erik Thomson,
“France’s Grotius Moment? Hugo Grotius and Cardinal Richelieu’s Commercial
Statecraft,” French History 21 (2007): 377–94.
110 In his 1610 A Treatise of Orders, the jurist Charles Loyseau put merchants one
step below judges and lawyers in the non-noblemen hierarchy and emphasized that
commerce derogated from nobility. Charles Loyseau, A Treatise of Orders and Plain
Dignities, ed. and trans. Howell A. Lloyd (Cambridge, 1994), 110 –11, 178 –79.
111 Richelieu’s principal objective in abolishing this legislation was to encourage
noblemen to invest in state-owned overseas trade companies and thus to contribute to

the royal coffers. In fact, most noblemen who availed themselves of the new legislation
preferred to invest in private enterprises. Henri Hauser, La pensée et l’action
économiques du Cardinal de Richelieu (Paris, 1944), 68; Davis Bitton, The French
Nobility in Crisis, 1560 –1640 (Stanford, CA, 1969), 65–75; Laure Chantrel, “Notion
de richesse et de travail dans la pensée économique française de la seconde moitié du
XVIe et du début du XVIIe siècle,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 25
(1995): 129 –58, 156 –57. The 1629 edict was reiterated several times—a sign of the

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330 Trivellato
change society overnight. Indeed, the prejudice against commerce and mechanical
arts persisted and represents one of the great cultural and social struggles of the
Old Regime.
It is not a coincidence that the legend discussed here appears in works that
made a strong plea in favor of the nobility of commerce. In the preface to his Le
parfait négociant, Savary insisted that an aristocratic pedigree ought not to
impede a career in commerce. The descendent of a family that had lost its noble
status after engaging in commerce since the sixteenth century, he had accumu-
lated a considerable fortune as a wholesale merchant before joining the royal
administration.112 Savary meant his work not only to have pedagogical purposes
but also to legitimize the merchant profession as both useful and honorable (“si
utile & si honorable”). He praised the quest of profit and the desire to better
oneself (“le desir de s’élever”).113 These new principles clashed with the old
aristocracy’s wish to harden social hierarchies following the rise of moneyed
elites and legal professionals during the sixteenth century.114 Even advocates of
the nobility’s involvement in commerce had to compromise. A certain François
Marchetty of Marseille, for example, suggested means of distinguishing noble-
men engaged in long-distance trade (“nobles marchands”) from regular merchants
(“simples bourgeois & des autres negociants”).115 Rather than subsiding, the
conflict had escalated a full century after Cleirac’s death. In a short treatise of
considerable fame, an obscure abbot named Coyer (1707– 82) praised the bene-
ficial effects of overseas trade and ignited a flurry of debates for exhorting
aristocrats to abandon ancient preconceptions and engage in it.116
opposition it encountered; Guy Chaussinand-Nogaret, The French Nobility in the

Eighteenth Century: From Feudalism to Enlightenment, trans. William Doyle (Cam-
bridge, 1985), 92.
112 Henri Hauser, “Le ‘parfait négociant’ de Jacques Savary,” Revue d’historie
économique et sociale 13 (1925): 1–28, 2–3.

113 Savary, Le parfait négociant, 1–2.
114 George Huppert, Les Bourgeois Gentilshommes: An Essay on the Definition of
Elites in Renaissance France (Chicago, 1977). By the late seventeenth century, elite
merchant-bakers (négociants) appropriated the notion of aristocratic “honor” to dis-
tance themselves from ordinary traders. Junko Thérèse Takeda, Between Commerce
and Crown: Marseille and the Early Modern Mediterranean (Baltimore, 2011),
50 –51.
115 François Marchetty, Discours sur le négoce des gentilshommes de la ville de
Marseille (Marseille, 1671), 7.

116 Abbé (Gabriel François) Coyer, La noblesse commerçante (London [Paris],
1756). On 156, following Montesquieu (The Spirit of the Laws, 388), Coyer decries the
fact that during the Middle Ages commerce was left solely in the hands of Jews, who
were “a nation covered with infamy.” But unlike Montesquieu, he does not praise Jews
for the invention of bills of exchange. On the debate sparked by Coyer’s short treatise,
see Jay M. Smith, “Social Categories, the Language of Patriotism, and the Origins of

104.151.91.181 on Mon, 19 Dec 2022 08:53:48 UTC
In short, to establish a culture in which the pursuit of profit was compatible with
older notions of honor and merit proved neither simple nor fast. Financial cred-
itworthiness did not ensure social reputation. Needless to say, anxieties about
money’s power to corrode the moral and social fabric were hardly new. In
mid-fifteenth-century Florence, debating the meaning of nobility, the humanist
Poggio Bracciolini had one of his interlocutors raise the specter of what would
happen if “even moneylenders, no matter how wicked and abominable, would be
noble just by being rich and holding public office.”117 Two centuries later, it had
become even more difficult to pinpoint wicked and abominable moneylenders.
Petty traders and the urban middling sorts, not just expert and recognizable
international traders, had begun to use bills of exchange.118 These credit instru-
ments became more and more esoteric precisely at the time when their use was
spreading socially and geographically and when legal norms and social conven-
tions were eroding old hierarchies.
The status of New Christians in Bordeaux further blurred social and religious
boundaries. As happened anywhere in Christian Europe that Iberian refugees were
allowed to settle, the men shaved their beards (against the prescription of Jewish
law) and dressed in ways that made them indistinguishable from their Christian
peers. In the streets and on the docks of Bordeaux, individual New Christians
were undoubtedly known as such to everyone, but their legal identity allowed
them not only to conduct commercial and financial operations on the same terms
as did local Catholics but also to intermarry and climb up the social ladder.
The last two centuries of the Old Regime brought about a crisis in social
legibility. Nobles could now be merchants and merchants (including New Chris-
tians) could become nobles.119 New Christians’ perceived dissimulation of their
true religious allegiance added new dimensions to this fluidity. In this context, the
the French Revolution: The Debate over Noblesse Commerçante,” Journal of Modern
History 72 (2000): 339 –74; and John Shovlin, “Toward a Reinterpretation of Revo-
lutionary Anti-nobilism: The Political Economy of Honor in the Old Regime,” Journal
of Modern History 72 (2000): 35– 66. After the French Revolution, by social conven-
tion if not by law, commerce was still incompatible with the highest public offices;
J. M. Pardessus, Cours de droit commercial, 4 vols. (Paris, 1814 –16), 1:64.
117 Poggio Bracciolini, “On Nobility,” in Humanism and Liberty: Writings on
Freedom from Fifteenth-Century Florence, trans. and ed. Renée Neu Watkins (Co-
lumbia, SC, 1978), 121– 48, 123.
118 On the diffusion of bills of exchange across social strata in the seventeenth
century, see Jeannin, Marchands d’Europe, 293; and Romuald Szramkiewicz, Histoire
du droit des affaires (Paris, 1989), 173. For eighteenth-century Paris and the appre-
hension that this diffusion generated, see Kessler, A Revolution in Commerce, 193–
231.
119 At least one instance of a Jew acquiring a noble title is known to have occurred
in Bordeaux in 1774. Hertzberg, The French Enlightenment, 136.

104.151.91.181 on Mon, 19 Dec 2022 08:53:48 UTC
332 Trivellato
expansion of credit awoke disquieting questions. How was it possible to set

respectable merchants apart from fraudulent speculators? The legal and normative
directives offered by secular and ecclesiastical authorities only went so far. More
and more people in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries could issue and
endorse a bill of exchange. Fears of fraud and treacherous speculations grew
together with increased dependence on these financial instruments. To these
pressing problems Cleirac offered a crude answer with gripping appeal: at least
symbolically, fraudulent speculators were “Jewish.”
VI. CONCLUSION: JANUS-FACED CAPITALISM AND ITS ITERATIONS
The 2008 global financial crisis revealed that even our modern regulatory systems
struggle to find ways to separate noxious derivatives from the healthy stocks that
sustain our hopes for a comfortable retirement. The need to identify legal, social,
and cultural criteria to distinguish between financial deals that are legitimate,
beneficial, and honorable and those that are shady, harmful, and stigmatizing has
been one of the great, if Sisyphean, struggles of European civilization since the
thirteenth century.
I have sought here to bring back to life one seventeenth-century iteration of this
struggle that had fallen into oblivion. By all accounts, the legend analyzed here
was neither the only nor the most common way of speaking about Jews in
Christian Europe at the time. Nor is every ill-founded legend worth a close
investigation. And yet we are struck by the many well-known and lesser authors
who grappled with a fanciful story conceived by an obscure French provincial
lawyer. Upon closer examination, the legend’s circulation exposes facets of the
transformation of European commercial society that are otherwise hard to
discern, such as the evolution and persistence of medieval Christian views
of Jewish credit in the early modern period and the coexistence of mer-
cantile pragmatism and religious prejudice.
We are accustomed to reading about the power of commerce to generate more
tolerant and secular attitudes. Indeed, in pockets of Europe during the seventeenth
and eighteenth centuries it was not difficult to find Christian and Jewish bankers
endorsing bills of exchange to each other on the basis of proven individual credit
solvency. But the legend Cleirac put into circulation reminds us that these forms
of business cooperation across religious groups did not necessarily translate into
more benign collective views of Jews. More to the point, the tale of a medieval
Jewish invention of bills of exchange appeared precisely when New Christians
and Jews were integrating more and more into the everyday fabric of commercial
society. And it figured not in doctrinaire disquisitions about usury or in texts that
decried the corrupting power of commerce (of which there was no scarcity in
seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France) but in the very literature that sought

f:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff:ffff on Thu, 01 Jan 1976 12:34:56 UTC
to give not only technical tools but also ethical, political, and cultural foundations
to that same commercial society.
Cleirac’s Jews bear no resemblance to the “port Jews” of recent historiograph-
ical fame, harbingers of modernity, secularism, and acculturation in the century or
so before the advent of legal emancipation.120 On the contrary, they are prisoners
of a medieval past that conjures up images of Jewish usury reminiscent of the
legacy of medieval figurations of Jews in the early modern European imagination.
In the ars mercatoria and the political economy of the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries, however, the entrenched association of medieval Jews with usury was
shed of its most violent overtones, notably ritual murder.121 It blended together
old, medieval stereotypes of Jews as usurers with new, or at least magnified, early
modern fears of Jews as domineering in long-distance trade and international
finance. It did not wrap Jews in an exclusively negative mantle; rather, it attributed
to them a didactic function. By depicting Jewish bankers as sly and insatiable, the
legend expressed a critique of the expanding boundaries of early modern Euro-
pean commercial society by setting an elusive symbolic standard for honorable
banking activities.
Even in Montesquieu, whose Spirit of the Laws put a positive spin on the
allegation that Jews invented bills of exchange, we detect a lingering ambiva-
lence. The French thinker famously lashed out against the Inquisition and de-
nounced the absurdity of claims that medieval Jews poisoned wells.122 However,
in his Persian Letters (1721) he let his fictional character Usbek rehearse a tired
and less than flattering cliché: “wherever there is money, there are Jews.”123 This
and other passages were rendered familiar by the widespread Christian trope of
Jews’ “tenacious obstinacy,” which insisted, among other things, on Jews’ im-
mutability as eternal merchants (and greedy ones to boot) and which eighteenth-
century French philosophes (Voltaire most notoriously) did little to dispel.124
Paradoxically, in Bordeaux before 1723 Jews were both obstinate and
120 Lois C. Dubin, The Port Jews of Habsburg Trieste: Absolutist Politics and
Enlightenment Culture (Stanford, CA, 1999); David Sorkin, “The Port Jew: Notes
towards a Social Type,” Journal of Jewish Studies 50 (1999): 87–97.
121 On the connection between Jewish moneylending and ritual murder, see Kenneth
Stow, “The Good of the Church, the Good of the State: The Popes and Jewish Money,”
in Christianity and Judaism: Studies in Church History, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford,
1992), 237–52, 241; David Biale, Blood and Belief: The Circulation of a Symbol
between Jews and Christians (Berkeley, 2007), 175–79.
122 Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws, 193, 490 –91.
123 Montesquieu, The Persian Letters, trans. Margaret Mauldon (Oxford, 2008), 78
(letter 58). In the same letter, Montesquieu has Usbek repeat another cliché, this time
about the unchanging nature of Jews, regardless of the environment in which they live:
“nothing resembles an Oriental Jew more than a European Jew” (78). But Usbek also
claims that “Christians are beginning to abandon that spirit of intolerance which
formerly inspired them” (79) and thus to tolerate Jews more benignly.
124 Schechter, Obstinate Hebrews.

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334 Trivellato
invisible—they were New Christians always suspected of clinging to their

Jewish identity in secrecy. In Cleirac’s narrative, le doux commerce did not
soften their nature. Nor did the image of Jews that the legend propagated have
anything to do with the New Christians and Portuguese merchants in flesh and
bone whom Cleirac encountered in the market place and courts of his city and
who did not engage in medieval forms of pawnbroking and moneylending.
Rather, the legend resurrected deep-seated notions of Jewish usury in order to
channel local resentment at Jewish influence in long-distance trade and fi-
nance. This resentment was powerful in Bordeaux but was hardly confined to
that city: it voiced broader concerns with the creative and destructive power
of commercial credit. Not only did “interests” not win easily over “passions”
in eighteenth-century France: images of Jewish usury played a deeper role in
the struggle between the two than is normally acknowledged.

104.151.91.181 on Mon, 19 Dec 2022 08:53:48 UTC

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Credit, Honor, and the Early Modern French Legend of the Jewish Invention of Bills of

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on currency arbitrage—all of this, as I will show, while circumventing bans on

paraphrased in Raymond de Roover, “What Is Dry Exchange? A Contribution to the Study

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I. BILLS OF EXCHANGE BETWEEN THE PERILS AND VIRTUES OF CREDIT

10 “Empiricism” is the word used in reference to this literature by its preeminent

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FIG. 1.—A classic bill of exchange

(bulla in Latin, hence “bill”) signed by a recognized merchant and without a

(Paris, 1953), 25– 40.

Moneylenders of Late Trecento Venice: A Revisitation,” in Intercultural Contacts in

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addition, it permitted merchants to evade the usury prohibition because the

study’s English translation): Marie-Thérèse Boyer-Xambeu, Ghislain Deleplace, and

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FIG. 2.—A reexchange bill with a hypothetical 10 percent profit

Antwerp Market and the European Economy (Fourteenth–Sixteenth Centuries), 3 vols.

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circulation of these bills expanded considerably. Eighteenth-century experts

Revolution: Usury, Rentes, and Negotiability,” International Journal Review 25

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dowries to their daughters.22 To monitor specialized dealers also became more

22 Mandich, Le pacte de ricorsa, 98.

176 –77, 211–17, 312–31; Raymond de Roover, “Cardinal Cajetan on ‘Cambium’ or

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Nicolas Guyot, Répertoire universel et raisonné de jurisprudence civile, criminelle,

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Everyman.”30 Thus, in religious and popular German texts of the sixteenth

II. JEWS AND THE EARLY MODERN EUROPEAN COMMERCIAL SOCIETY

30 Carlo Ginzburg, “Representations of German Jewry: Images, Prejudices, Ideas—a

sentations in an Anti-Semitic Discourse,” in Hsia and Lehmann, In and Out of the

reieterons comme chose abominable de nostre Christianisme.” Jacques Chauvet, Mé-

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bership—normally dictated his standing on the private credit market.36 How-

intellectu (Turin, 1717), 295–96.

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with Jews.40 In the 1770s and 1780s influential Ashkenazic merchants in

40 Io. Gottlieb Heineccius, Elementa iuris cambialis commoda auditoribus methodo

adornata (Amsterdam, 1742), 28.

Century Trade (Leicester, 1978), 260 – 61.

Age (Chicago, 2007), 266.

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III. ARCHAEOLOGY OF A FORGOTTEN COMMONPLACE

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appeared in 1686.50 Finally, the year before he died, Cleirac published a

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eighteenth-century Europe largely disregarded rabbinic prohibitions in matters of

Haven, CT, 1999), 43, 47, 148.

In consultation with Porta, Passamaneck (Insurance in Rabbinic Law, 2–3, 27 n. 19)

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Though inaccurate, Cleirac’s invocation of Villani fits with the general

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bills of exchange in order to salvage their goods when fleeing to “Lombardy”