Tips The Jews of France Today Jewish Identities in A CH

The Jews of France Today
Jewish Identities in a
Changing World
General Editors
Eliezer Ben-Rafael, Yosef Gorny
and Judit Bokser Liwerant
VOLUME 18
The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.nl/jicw.

The Jews of France Today
Identity and Values
By
Erik H. Cohen
LEIDEN • BOSTON
2011
This book is printed on acid-free paper.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Cohen, Erik.
The Jews of France today : identity and values / by Erik H. Cohen.
p. cm. — ( Jewish identities in a changing world ; v. 18)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-90-04-20753-0 (hardback : alk. paper) 1. Jews—France—Social conditions—
21st century. 2. Jews—France—Politics and government—21st century. 3. Jews—France—
Attitudes toward Israel—History—21st century. 4. Jews—France—Identity. 5. Jews—
France—Public opinion. 6. Public opinion—France. 7. France—Ethnic relations. I. Title.
II. Series.
DS135.F84C65 2011
305.892’4044—dc23
2011018898
ISSN 1570-7997
ISBN 978 90 04 20753 0
Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

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In Memory of
Prof. Annie Kriegel

After serving as my PhD advisor, she devoted herself unstintingly to my studies
on Jewish education and especially on French Jewry, from 1986 until her death
in 1995. I cannot exaggerate her historical and sociological input.
Prof. Shlomo (Seymour) Fox

His help in the pioneer research on French Jewry during 1986–1988, when
I finished my studies at Jerusalem Fellows, was decisive and most influen-
tial, especially in helping me address the community leadership dimension of the
results.
It was an honor and an immense opportunity to learn under the inspiration of these
mentors.
May these pages serve as a modest reminder of their blessed memory!

CONTENTS
List of Tables ................................................................................ xi

List of Cognitive Maps ................................................................. xv
Foreword: The Jews of France in Comparative Perspective ...... xvii
Steven M. Cohen
Acknowledgements ...................................................................... xxi
Chapter One. Introduction to the Jewish Community of

France ...................................................................................... 1
1. A Brief History of the Jews in France ................................. 4
2. The Current Social, Political and Cultural Climate ........... 8
3. Relationship with Israel ...................................................... 13
4. French Jewish Philosophy on Jewish Identity and
“The Jewish Fact” ............................................................... 14
5. Juif and Israélite: Shifting Representations of Identity ......... 24
6. Previous Surveys of French Jewry ....................................... 26
6.1. A Political Approach to Jewish Identity: Anatomy of
French Judaism (1962) .................................................... 28
6.2. The Sofres Studies (1976 & 1980) ............................. 30
6.3. The Jewish Population of France: Social
Demography and Identity (1984) ............................... 36
6.3.1. Jews and Frenchmen (1979) ................................. 42
6.3.2. Jews and Israélites (1980) .................................... 44
6.4. Reflection on the Jewish Questions (1984) ................ 47
6.5. Jewish Studies and Education in France (1991) ........ 48
Chapter Two. Empirical Study of the Jews of France at the

Turn of the Millennium ........................................................... 53
1. Methodology ....................................................................... 53
1.1. The Surveys ................................................................. 53
1.2. Additional Studies ....................................................... 55
1.3. Data Analysis Methods ............................................... 56
1.3.1. Smallest Space Analysis (SSA) .......................... 56
1.3.2. Comparing Sub-Populations: External
Variables in the SSA Map ................................ 58
1.3.3. Partial Order Scalogram Analysis with Base
Coordinates (POSAC) ...................................... 58
viii contents
2. Demography of the French Jewish Community Today ..... 59

2.1. Size of the Population ............................................... 59
2.2. Country of Birth ........................................................ 63
2.3. Geographical Distribution ......................................... 63
2.4. Age ............................................................................ 64
2.5. Marital Status ............................................................ 65
2.6. Size of Family ............................................................ 66
2.7. Level of Education .................................................... 67
2.8. Employment .............................................................. 70
2.9. Ethnicity .................................................................... 72
2.10. Political Tendencies .................................................. 73
2.11. Political Attitudes Regarding Israel .......................... 74
3. Jewish Identity ..................................................................... 74
3.1. What it Means to be Jewish ...................................... 74
3.2. Jewish/Israélite ........................................................... 76
3.3. ‘Born Again As . . .’ .................................................... 79
3.4. Jewish Education ........................................................ 80
4. Forms of Solidarity .............................................................. 83
4.1. Community and Solidarity ....................................... 83
4.2. Participation in the Local Jewish Community .......... 84
4.3. Philanthropy .............................................................. 86
4.4. Connections to Israel: Tourism, Family and Aliyah ... 87
4.4.1. Socio-Cultural and Economic Impacts on
Attitudes towards Aliyah ................................. 92
4.4.2. Religious Practice .......................................... 92
4.4.3. Jewish Social Relationships and Aliyah .......... 94
4.4.4. Jewish Education and the Potential for Aliyah 95
4.4.5. Social Concerns and Aliyah ............................ 96
4.4.6. Diaspora or Israel: A Topic of Discussion
among French Jewish Youth ......................... 97
4.5. Marriage and Endogamy .......................................... 101
5. Social Issues ......................................................................... 103
5.1. Happiness, Satisfaction and Worry ........................... 103
5.2. Issues of Concern ...................................................... 106
6. Values: An Axiological Typology ....................................... 107
6.1. Values of French Jews ............................................... 107
6.2. Structure of the Value System of the Jews of
France ........................................................................ 110
6.3. Axiological Typology: Profiles of the Jews of
France ........................................................................ 113
contents ix
6.3.1. Individualists ................................................ 118

6.3.2. Universalists ................................................. 120
6.3.3. Revivalists .................................................... 122
6.3.4. Traditionalists .............................................. 123
6.4. Profiles of French Jews in the Structure of Values ... 130
6.5. Profiles of French Jews and Socio-Economic
Factors ..................................................................... 132
6.6. French Jews Born in Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia:
A Comparative Analysis of Values .......................... 133
6.6.1. Jewish Communities of North Africa:
A Brief History ............................................. 134
6.6.2. North African Jews in France ...................... 137
6.6.3. Demographic Comparison .......................... 138
6.6.4. Political Tendencies ..................................... 140
6.7. Issues of Concern among Profiles of the Axiological
Typology ................................................................. 145
7. Summary of the Empirical Survey ...................................... 146
Chapter Three. French Jewish Philosophical Writings

on Jewish Identity ..................................................................... 149
1. Réflexions sur la question juive [Anti-Semite and Jew] (1946) 155
2. L’existence juive: Solitude et affrontements
[ Jewish Existence] (1962) ..................................................... 158
3. Portrait d’un Juif: l’Impasse [Portrait of a Jew] (1962) and
La libération du Juif [Liberation of the Jew] (1966) ............... 160
4. Difficile liberté: Essais sur le Judaïsme [Difficult Freedom:
Essays on Judaism] (1963) .................................................... 161
5. La condition réflexive de l’homme juif [The Reflexive
Condition of the Jewish Man] (1963) ...................................... 164
6. Peut-on être Juif aujourd’hui? [Can you be Jewish today?]
(1968) .................................................................................. 166
7. Etre un peuple en Diaspora [To Be a People in Diaspora]
(1975) ................................................................................. 168
8. Le Juif imaginaire [The Imaginary Jew] (1980) .................... 171
9. La nouvelle question juive [The New Jewish Question] (1979)
and La demeure oubliée: Genèse religieuse du politique
[The Forgotten Home] (1984) ................................................. 173
10. Etre Juif: Etude Lévinassienne [Being Jewish] (2003) ......... 175
11. The Oral Tradition ........................................................... 178
12. Robert Gamzon (Castor) ................................................... 179
13. Léon Askénazi (Manitou) .................................................. 180
x contents
Chapter Four. Reflections and Conclusions on the Jews of

France at the Turn of the Third Millennium .......................... 183
1. Jews and Israélites ................................................................. 184
2. A Behavioral Approach: From Core to Periphery .............. 185
3. Values and the Axiological Typology ................................. 187
4. Youth and Education .......................................................... 189
5. Symbolic Departure ............................................................ 191
6. Possible Implications of the Research and Analysis ........... 192
6.1. Frequency of Visits to Israel ........................................ 192
6.2. Caring for the Elderly and Socially Isolated
Individuals in the Community .................................... 193
6.3. Jewish Students in Catholic Schools ............................ 193
6.4. The Decline of Informal Education ........................... 194
6.5. Endogamy/Exogamy .................................................. 195
7. Directions for Future Research ........................................... 195
Statistical Appendix ..................................................................... 199

Bibliography ................................................................................. 215
Publications by Erik H. Cohen Referring to French Jews ........... 227
Research Teams, Experts & Interviewed Persons ........................ 231
Index ............................................................................................ 235
LIST OF TABLES
Table 1: Population of the Jews of France: A summary of the

methodologies .......................................................................... 61
Table 2: French Jewish population by place of birth and year
of immigration .......................................................................... 64
Table 3: Age distribution of the general population of France
(1990 and 2002) and the Jews of France (2002) ....................... 65
Table 4: Distribution by 5-year age groupings of heads of
households in the population: Study of the Jews of France
1988, 2002 and general French population 1999 .................... 65
Table 5: Marital status of Jewish heads of households, 1975,
1988, 2002 ................................................................................ 66
Table 6: Marital status of Jewish heads of households
according to gender, 2002 ....................................................... 66
Table 7: Number of people per household according to the
gender of head of household .................................................... 67
Table 8: Number of children per family in Jewish-French
households, 2002 ...................................................................... 67
Table 9: Distribution by age of children in Jewish-French
households, 2002 ...................................................................... 68
Table 10: Level of education of Jewish heads of households
aged 20 and over and in general French population ............... 69
Table 11: Level of studies of Jewish heads of households
according to age ....................................................................... 69
Table 12: Socio-professional status of Jewish heads of
household, 2002 ....................................................................... 71
Table 13: Socio-professional distribution of employed Jewish
heads of households, 2002 ....................................................... 71
Table 14: Evolution of socio-professional categories of the
Jewish population of France, 1975–2002 ................................. 72
Table 15: Distribution of Ashkenazi and Sephardi in French
Jewish population 1988 and 2002, and educational level
of Ashekenazi and Sephardi French Jews in 2002 ................... 73
Table 16: Political tendencies of heads of French Jewish
households, 1988, 2007 ............................................................ 74
xii list of tables
Table 17: Self-definition of identity by Jewish heads of

households 1977, 1988, 2002 ................................................... 77
Table 18: Self-definition of identity by Jewish heads of
household, 2002, by age ........................................................... 78
Table 19: Self-definition of identity and observance of
Kashrut, 2002 .......................................................................... 78
Table 20: Self-definition of identity and marriage patterns,
2002 .......................................................................................... 79
Table 21: Self-definition of identity and communal
attendance, 2002 ...................................................................... 79
Table 22: If you could be born again, how would you
wish to be born? ....................................................................... 80
Table 23: Comparison of behaviors and attitudes among
parents of children enrolled in French Jewish day schools
and parents of children in other French schools ...................... 82
Table 24: Comparison of contributions to general (not
specifically Jewish or Israeli) charitable organizations by
general French population and French Jewish population ...... 87
Table 25: Immigration of French Jews to Israel since the
creation of the state of Israel. Data from the Jewish agency
for Israel Annual Report .......................................................... 90
Table 26: Intention of making Aliyah (Settling in Israel ) among
French Jewish heads of households, 1988 and 2002 ................ 91
Table 27: Intention of making Aliyah (Settling in Israel ) among
French Jewish heads of households, 1988 and 2002
(simplified categorization) ........................................................ 91
Table 28: Attitudes to Aliyah and level of religious observance,
heads of French Jewish households, 2002 ................................ 93
Table 29: Attitudes to Aliyah and religious feelings compared
with parents, heads of French Jewish households, 2002 .......... 94
Table 30: Attitudes to Aliyah and level of religious feelings
compared with recent years, 2002 ........................................... 94
Table 31: Attitudes to Aliyah and type of schooling for
children, 2002 .......................................................................... 96
Table 32: Religion of spouses of Jewish heads of household,
by marital status ....................................................................... 102
Table 33: Endogamy and educational level (percentage with
Jewish spouse) ........................................................................... 103
list of tables xiii
Table 34: Happiness, satisfaction and worry by age groups ....... 104
Table 35: Happiness, satisfaction and worry by income
level .......................................................................................... 104
Table 36: Happiness, satisfaction and worry by marital
status ......................................................................................... 105
Table 37: Issues of concern for French Jews, 2002 (percentage
answering “very worried”) ....................................................... 106
Table 38: Importance of qualities which parents should impart
to their children as assessed by French Jewish heads of
households, 2002 ..................................................................... 108
Table 39: Qualities which parents consider “very important”
to impart to their children: Comparison of European Values
Survey 1981, 1990, 1999 and survey of the Jews of France
2002 .......................................................................................... 109
Table 40: Importance of values, French Jewish heads of
household, 2002 ....................................................................... 110
Table 41: Distribution of the four axiological profiles among
the survey population ............................................................... 117
Table 42: Political tendencies and the Profiles of French Jewry .. 117
Table 43: Comparison of the values of Ashkenazi and
Sephardi individualists .............................................................. 119
Table 44: Regional distribution of the four profiles of French
Jewry ......................................................................................... 124
Table 45: General demographics and the profiles of French
Jews .......................................................................................... 124
Table 46: Jewish identity indicators and the profiles of French
Jewry ........................................................................................ 125
Table 47: Jewish education and the profiles of French Jews ....... 126
Table 48: Intermarriage and the profiles of French Jews ........... 127
Table 49: Indicators of connection to Israel and the profiles
of French Jews .......................................................................... 127
Table 50: Satisfaction, happiness and worries of French Jews,
by profile .................................................................................. 128
Table 51: French Sephardi Jewish heads of household,
by country of birth and year of immigration ........................... 138
Table 52: Selected demographic and social data on Sephardi
French Jews, by country of birth .............................................. 139
Table 53: Political attitudes of Sephardi French Jews,
by country of birth, 2002 ......................................................... 141
xiv list of tables
Table 54: Religious practice, belief and community

involvement of Sephardi French Jews, by country of birth ..... 141
Table 55: Attachment to Israel, by country of birth ................... 141
Table 56: Values of Sephardi French Jews, by country
of birth ...................................................................................... 142
Table 57: Profile of Sephardi French Jews, by country
of birth ...................................................................................... 143
LIST OF COGNITIVE MAPS
Figure 1: Axiological Graph, Geometric Representation

(WSSA1) of the Values of the Jews of France .......................... 111
Figure 2: Axiological Typology with Profiles as External
Variables .................................................................................. 130
Figure 3: Geometric Representation (WSSA1) of the
Socio-Cultural Positions of the Jews of France with the
Axiological Profiles as External Variables ................................ 133
Figure 4: Geometric Representation of Values of Sephardi
French Jews, with Countries of Origin .................................... 144
Figure 5: Graphic Portrayal of Concerns of the Jews of France
with Axiological Profiles, Happiness and Satisfaction as
External Variables .................................................................... 145
FOREWORD:
THE JEWS OF FRANCE IN COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVE
Steven M. Cohen
Prof. Steven M. Cohen is a research professor of Jewish social policy

at Hebrew Union College, Jewish Institute of Religion.
The prevailing and most resonant images of world Jewry have been
typically framed and dominated by their two largest communities com-
prising 80% of the global Jewish population—Israeli Jewry and Ameri-
can Jewry. As anyone reading Erik Cohen’s masterful and insightful
analysis of the Jews of France today knows, an exclusive focus upon
the two largest Jewish communities seriously misses the complexity,
distinctiveness, and seeming paradoxes presented by the third largest
Jewish population in the world today.
The Jews of France consist of approximately 500,000 individuals,
roughly as many Jews as are now found in the United Kingdom and
the Former Soviet Union combined. Not only home to a rich history;
France is also home to a community rich in terms of culture, religion,
and politics today. In so many ways, this Jewish population and this
Jewish community are so remarkably unlike those found elsewhere, be
they in Israel (as might be expected) or other parts of the Diaspora (as
might not be readily appreciated).
As Prof. Cohen tells us, in terms of sheer numbers (over 350,000),
this is the largest Sephardi community outside of Israel. With upwards
of 70% of its members identifying as Sephardi, it is also the most pro-
portionately Sephardi community in the Jewish world. (This observa-
tion includes Israel, where only a minority of the Jewish population
is of Sephardi origin, even if we include as Sephardi the “Eastern” or
“Mizrachi” Jews, whose Sephardi connection is, in fact, tenuous.)
Upon a bit of historical and geographic reflection, one can readily
understand how France became the ultimate destination for contem-
porary Jews descended from ancestors who built a thriving culture
in Spain several centuries ago. Following their expulsion in the 15th
century, thousands of Sephardi Jews migrated to Morocco and other
North African countries. Of course, years later, these Mediterranean
regions came under the political control and cultural sway of France.
xviii foreword
In the mid-20th century, their Jews migrated en masse to France,

even as others among them headed east to the newly founded State
of Israel. In France, the new arrivals’ demographic, religious, politi-
cal, and cultural character provided a sharp contrast with—and in
many ways confronted and supplanted—the highly modernized and
Westernized indigenous population, one with its own local origins that
extends back for centuries. The Ashkenazi population is one which
reflects decades of ongoing Jewish migration, mostly from Eastern
Europe, a process which has left its own imprint in religio-cultural
strata reflecting varying degrees of integration into France. In France,
over the last 60 years, the Jews of Spherad (Hebrew for Spain) met
and, in many cases, contested with the Jews of Ashkenaz (Hebrew for
what is now Germany). France, then, has become the meeting ground
of two proud, historic Jewish civilizations.
In France, as in no other countries, the highly complicated rela-
tionships with the larger society and with the local population are
powerful and ever-present factors influencing the ongoing construction
of Jewish identities. Perhaps more vividly than elsewhere, official and
popular France has long sent a contrasting dual message of conditional
acceptance to its Jews and other minorities. On the one hand, since
1789, French elites have portrayed the Republic as democratic and
tolerant. On the other hand, the ethos of civic inclusion comes with
an explicit and forceful expectation of conformity. It is a message that,
at least to minorities, expresses a lack of welcoming, to say the least,
to the perpetuation of serious group differences. It is a message that
has had special consequences for the Jews, both historically and in our
own times.
This dual message extends back as far as 1789, when Count
Stanislas-Marie-Adélaide de Clermont-Tonnerre, known as a liberal
and inclusivist in his time, famously proclaimed, “We must refuse
everything to the Jews as a nation and accord everything to Jews as
individuals.” As he went on to explain, “We must refuse legal protec-
tion to the maintenance of the so-called laws of their Judaic organiza-
tion; they should not be allowed to form in the state either a political
body or an order. They must be citizens individually.”
Only in France could the head of state demand—as did Napoleon
in 1806—that a specially assembled body of Jewish notables provide,
in effect, assurances that Jews could function as loyal citizens and
assimilable members of the larger society. Today’s clashes over official
French policy toward Muslim practices and dress, then, can be seen
foreword xix
as standing in direct line with the parallel issues and debates that cen-
tered on French Jews fully two centuries ago.
Writing about American Jewry, the late distinguished social scientist
Charles S. Liebman wrote that American Jews were torn (and hence
deeply ambivalent) about two competing urges. One is the desire to
fully integrate as Americans, and the other is to construct a way to
survive as Jews. If the urges for social integration and group survival
have proved problematic and anxiety-provoking for American Jews—
and they have—they have proved equally, if not more, problematic for
French Jewry. Whatever the divisions within American Jewry about
how best to achieve integration and survival, the polarization within
French Jewry around the acute tensions of integration and survival are
even sharper, more keenly felt, contested and contentious.
Adding to the distinctive group anxieties of French Jewry is the his-
toric and contemporary presence of anti-semitism, whose depth and
pervasiveness are hard for American readers to readily appreciate.
Like much of Europe—and very much unlike the United States—
anti-semitism in France has deep and long-enduring roots and origins,
extending back centuries and woven deeply into the culture and social
thought of the country. Whereas blacks are the quintessential minority
group for the United States, Jews are the classic minority for France
(and its neighbors). The Dreyfus case—to take a single outstanding
example—is, after all, a sordid chapter in the history of France and
takes its place as among the best known incidents in the history of
modern anti-semitism outside the Shoah. Moreover, it was in France
(unlike in the UK), where thousands of area Jews tragically perished in
the Holocaust, abetted in their destruction by French officialdom and
the local populace. Most recently, the immigration of literally millions
of Muslims, reaching a size that dwarfs the local Jewish population
several-fold, has helped bring about new heights to feelings of uneasi-
ness and vulnerability among the highly disparate and diverse popula-
tion that is French Jewry.
As Erik Cohen teaches us, these and other factors have produced
some remarkable contrasts in Jewish identity among French Jews. We
see the emergence and crystallization of particularly distinctive con-
figurations of Jewish identity, patterns that bear instructive analytic
parallels with that found in the US and elsewhere, even if they are
unique to France today.
Indeed, the peculiarities of French Jewry abound. This is, after
all, as Prof. Cohen reminds us, a community that dwells amidst
xx foreword
extraordinary popular antagonism to Israel yet, of all large Diaspora

communities, maintains the thickest and richest connection to Israel
and its society. It is a place where almost a third of children attend
Jewish day schools (more than the US, but not all that different from
levels elsewhere), while as many attend Catholic schools—another
oddity that sharply differentiates French Jewry from its counterparts
around the world.
Most provocatively, Cohen develops what he calls an “axiological
typology” of Jewish identity, divided the Jews of France into Indi-
vidualists, Revivalists, Traditionalists and Universalists. The suggestive
schema, based on universal values rather than a specifically Jewish
scale, may well allow for comparisons of Jewish and non-Jewish popu-
lations in France, as well as with Jews elsewhere. In this and other
ways, this study offers an in-depth survey of the French Jewish pop-
ulation and a theoretical platform for international or cross-cultural
comparisons.
For all these reasons and more, The Jews of France Today: Identity
and Values, by Erik H. Cohen, provides a highly readable and highly
insightful analysis of an important Diaspora Jewish community. It is
one that has been under-researched by social scientists, and poorly
understood, even by local experts, to say nothing of leading think-
ers, communal figures, and otherwise well-informed Jews around the
world. This concise yet comprehensive examination of the varieties of
ever-changing Jewish identities in France today not only illuminates
some of the mysteries of French Jewry. The original social scientific
monograph by Prof. Cohen provokes a rethinking of the very mean-
ing of contemporary Jewish identity around the world in the early
21st century.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
How can we thank all those who have been so kind as to give of their
time and kindly agreed to share their wisdom and their knowledge
with us?
Firstly, the Scientific Advisory Committee and the Steering Com-
mittee, who met frequently to give us their comments, criticisms and
suggestions, and whose contribution has been inestimable.
We also consulted many scholars and experts, each of whom
revealed to us a particular aspect (historical, sociological or political )
of Jewish life in France today. Dozens of leaders and employees of the
community were kind enough to meet us. For us, these conversations
were particularly fruitful.
Such a study would not have been possible without the devotion
and professional work of our staff, whose names we mention in the
book, and to whom we offer heartfelt gratitude.
This work would not have been possible without the financial sup-
port of many institutions (Fonds Social Juif Unifié, United Jewish
Appeal of France and the Pincus Foundation for Jewish Education in
the Diaspora), and especially for their leaders’ moral support.
We would of course also like to thank the Education and Aliyah
Departments of the Jewish Agency ( Jerusalem), the Observatoire du
Monde Juif (Paris), the AMI Association (Paris and Jerusalem), and
the Sacta-Rashi Foundation (Israel ) for the various surveys they have
commissioned in order to monitor French Jewry.
For their generous grant supporting this work, we extend thanks to
the School of Education of Bar Ilan University.
I am grateful to the Mandel Foundation—Israel for the constant
support they provide to the Mandel Graduates. This support was deci-
sive in the preparation of this book.
Several passages were previously published by the Rappaport
Institute, Bar Ilan University. We would like to thank Professor Zvi
Zohar, Director of the Rappaport Institute, warmly for permitting us
to reprint these passages here.
Special thanks to Professor Steven M. Cohen for writing the fore-
word to this book.
xxii acknowledgements
Additional thanks to:
Alan Clayman for translating the text from French into English and
Allison Ofanansky for editing and adapting the English text;
Itamar Cohen for the design of the SSA maps;
Mr. Guy Toubiana, Chairman of the Consistoire of Nice and his
Board of Directors, who were kind enough to let me consult their
records;
Ruben and Eva Cohen for helping me to interview Jewish school stu-
dents in the Paris region;
The Dafka computing company in Paris, who carried out part of the
data processing on a volunteer basis.
Last but not least, our research could never have been completed with-
out the innumerable, anonymous Jews who took part by answering
our questions. We hope we have been true to their view of the world
in the interpretation of their responses.
CHAPTER ONE
INTRODUCTION TO THE JEWISH COMMUNITY

OF FRANCE
The Jewish community of France is the second largest and one of the
most vibrant Diaspora communities in the world today.1 This study
about the Jews of France would appear to be the first of its kind in
the field of Jewish social demography. It attempts to address as many
issues as possible in order to provide a wide-ranging, relevant, accurate
and up to date picture of the Jews of France.
First, a brief history of the Jews in France and overview of the politi-
cal and cultural climate is given, particularly to orient non-French
readers to the basic socio-historical context. Some of the key ques-
tions and concepts, regarding French Jewish identity and life are intro-
duced, along with a summary of the sociological, psychological and
philosophical debates and discussions surrounding these issues. Major
prior surveys and their findings are summarized.
The main part of the book presents the results and analysis of a
national survey of the Jews of France conducted in 2002 and several
follow-up studies. Through interviews, it brings out some little-known
episodes in the history of the Jews of France, on both a large and
small scale.
Analyzing data on demographics, religious practice and community
involvement is one way of understanding how French Jews think about
and express Jewish identity. The results of the empirical survey give
insight into daily life of the Jews in France today. Another equally
1
According to DellaPergola’s estimate (2004), France is home to just under half a
million Jews, while Russia has just under a quarter of a million Jews. Other sources
estimate the Jewish population of Russia as significantly higher, possibly making it the
second largest Diaspora. Thus, the U.S. State Department 2005 Religious Freedom
Report estimates between 600,000 and 1 million Jews remaining in Russia. The Jew-
ish Virtual Library website reports 717,000 Jews in Russia. Based on my familiarity
with DellaPergola’s work and methods, I accept his figure as the most accurate, but
recognize the inherent difficulty in assessing the number of Jews remaining in Russia
following the collapse of the Soviet Union. The complex and sensitive issue of count-
ing France’s Jews will be addressed in greater detail later.
2 chapter one
important way is to read what French Jews are writing on the subject.
Therefore, a section of the book is dedicated to presenting an over-
view of some of the pivotal philosophical writings about being a Jew
in France.2 This section of the book differs significantly in tone and
style from the empirical study. It is philosophical rather than sociologi-
cal, and distinctly “Continental” in tone and flavor. This section was
included to broaden and enrich the picture of French Judaism today.
While the other major Diaspora communities—the United States,
Russia, Argentina, Canada, and the United Kingdom—are all pre-
dominantly Ashkenazic, the French Jewish community represents the
largest predominantly Sephardic Diaspora population in the world;
over 70% of French Jews today are of Sephardic background. Paris
and its suburbs (where the preponderance of French Jews live) is the
largest Sephardic-Jewish urban center in the Diaspora. Due to the
numerical significance of this community and its unique history, an
understanding of the values and identity of French Jewry is critical to
the field of contemporary Jewish studies.
Taken together, the book gives a broad view of a community that
is varied and important, but little known (despite all the common-
place opinions about them). We would like to draw attention to the
difference between “the Jewish population of France” and “the Jewish
community of France”. The former includes everyone who declared
themselves Jews or Israélites3 irrespective of their idea of Jewish identity
or their religious status. The latter concept is used here to indicate
those who said they attend Jewish institutions in France, whether fre-
quently or only occasionally. Using these definitions, a person who
declares him or herself to be Jewish or Israélite yet never participates in
any Jewish institutions would be considered part of the “Jewish popu-
lation of France” but not part of the “Jewish community of France.”
This necessarily means that the “Jewish population of France” is
2
This book is about sociology and not about theology or philosophy. What inter-
ests us here is how Jews perceive and define themselves. By the same token, the book
does not seek to be normative. Its purpose is not to say what Jews ought to do, believe
or think, but rather to provide current information on the activities that characterize
the Jews of France at the beginning of the 21st century.
3
Translator’s note: While the term “Israélite” literally means Jew, it has an accultur-
ated sense, and has no exact equivalent in English. Where possible it will be retained,
to highlight a contrast with “Juif ”. The implications and interpretations of these two
terms are discussed in greater detail on pages 22–26.
introduction to the jewish community of france 3
larger than the “Jewish community of France”.4 The phrase “French

Jewish households” refers to all Jewish heads of family in France who
answered this survey.
Of course, every sociological study, by dint of circumstance, is
impacted by its time. It could be argued that the data is already out-
dated and that the analysis was distorted by the political climate that
prevailed at that time. In fact, the data collected is not just circumstan-
tial. The studies reported in this book allow for a perspective over a
span of time which emphasizes both stable and fluid states. Communal
and religious practices can certainly be impacted by the social climate.
However, by comparing the results of the main study conducted in
2002 with those of a previous study in 1988 and follow-up studies con-
ducted through 2007, we found that social behavior was more stable
than one might have thought. The “hard” socio-demographic data,
such as age and place of birth, are a priori even more stable. Never-
theless, even if the social atmosphere did not directly affect the socio-
demographic data, there is no doubt that the malaise and problems
experienced in recent years by French Jews are certainly discernible
in several areas.
The comprehensive empirical surveys of the Jews of France pre-
sented here offer the most recent data available and a rich analysis
of this fascinating segment of the Jewish population. There are sev-
eral original features of this study. First, representative samples from
the Jewish population have been surveyed longitudinally. Second, it is
both quantitative and qualitative. Third, the empirical data is analyzed
using sophisticated multi-dimensional tools and techniques, facilitating
the development of typologies of French Jewry. Fourth, an axiological
typology is developed, based on universal values rather than a spe-
cifically Jewish scale, which allows for comparisons of French Jewry
to other populations, Jewish and non-Jewish. Thus, this study offers
an in-depth survey of the French Jewish population and a theoretical
platform for international or cross-cultural comparisons.
Our hope is that this holistic study will let us get closer to the French
Jewish community and to know French Jews better.
4
The concepts of the “French Jewish community” and the “Jewish population of
France” are often employed indiscriminately, often simply for convenience. Moreover,
the concept of the “French Jewish community” is also used to indicate all the institu-
tions of French Jewry.
4 chapter one
1. A Brief History of the Jews in France
Archeological evidence of Jews living in the region of what is now

France has been found from as early as the first century CE. Evi-
dently, Jews moved throughout the Roman Empire and eventually to
the Gaul region following the defeat of the Israelite kingdom and the
destruction of the Second Temple in Jerusalem in 70 CE. Though their
numbers in the Gaul region remained low, Jews developed important
trade enterprises and professions, and some had close relations with
the royal families and their courts. As the Catholic Church gained
political strength in the area, from the sixth century CE on, Jews were
subject to legal restrictions and taxes, as well as to periodic violent
attacks, forced conversion attempts, blood libels, and expulsions. Nev-
ertheless, Jewish communities slowly grew through immigration from
other European countries and some conversion to Judaism, and the
Jews maintained relative autonomy over their daily lives.
In the eleventh and twelfth centuries, French Jewry experienced a
golden age of Torah study, producing such luminaries as Rashi5 and
his disciples, as well as famous religious schools in Paris and Provence.
The Crusades sparked waves of violence against Jews, and in the late
Middle Ages a series of expulsion orders were issued against the Jews
of this region, eventually reducing them to a few small, scattered and
isolated communities subject to restrictive laws such as those requiring
them to wear distinctive clothing and confining those who did not leave
to ghettos. However, as the French Crown annexed territories, neigh-
boring Jewish communities were brought into the kingdom. Thus, while
the Paris region had very few Jews, there were larger Jewish communi-
ties in such areas as Alsace-Lorraine, the city of Metz, Bordeaux, the
papal cities and surrounding regions of Avignon, Carpentras, Cavail-
lon and the Comtat Venaissin. Due to their important economic role
and the ability of the new territories to maintain some control over
local laws, Jews were allowed to remain in these areas, despite the offi-
cial expulsion of Jews. For example, in Bordeaux, Sephardi Jews were
tolerated under the euphemism “Portuguese merchants.”
5
Rashi (an acronym for Rabbi Shlomo Yitzchaki) wrote commentaries on the
entire Torah and Talmud which, to this day, are considered among the most impor-
tant sources in Jewish religious study.
Over the centuries, the French Jewish population fluctuated from

highs of up to 100,000 to lows of several thousand individuals. On the
eve of the French Revolution there were an estimated 40,000 Jews
in France, primarily in two regions: the German/Ashkenazic Jews
in Alsace-Lorraine and Sephardic Jews in the southern part of the
country.6
By the beginning of the eighteenth century, the ideas of the Enlight-
enment, which led to the eventual fall of the Ancien Régime, also shifted
attitudes and official policies towards the Jews. Thus, in 1791, shortly
after the French Revolution, France became the first European country
to grant political emancipation to the Jews. According to the philosophy
of the French Republic, this newly granted civic equality required that
all allegiances to religion or ethnic group be subordinated to allegiance
to the State. As Clermont-Tonnerre stated to Constituent Assembly
on December 23, 1789, “We must refuse everything to the Jews as a
nation and accord everything to Jews as individuals . . . the presumed
status of every man resident in a country is to be a citizen”.7 Welcom-
ing the freedoms and political rights accorded them by the Republic,
the Jews of France assimilated into this secular political culture that
relegated Jewish identity and ritual practice to the private realm. This
philosophy still guides the cultural political environment of France,
and forms the ideological background against which the modern Jew-
ish French community has emerged.
The Reign of Terror that followed the Revolution saw the sup-
pression of all religious institutions, including Jewish ones. Then, after
Napoleon crowned himself emperor, he established the Central Con-
sistory (Consistoire Israélite)8 that centralized supervision of local Jewish
6
Summary of the early history of the Jews in France compiled from: Ayoun (1997);
Benbassa (2000); Blumenkranz (1972); Encyclopedia Judaica (1971); Green (1984);
Schwarzfuchs (1975, 1979, 1989); Schechter (2003).
7
Quoted in Hunt (1996: 88).
8
The Consistories were created by Napoleon by decree in 1808, making binding
the 1806 regulation of the Assembly of Jewish Notables, which was the organizing
body of the Jewish religion. The Central Consistory of France, located in Paris, is
made up of three Chief Rabbis and two lay members. The regional Consistories are
headed by a Chief Rabbi and three lay members, appointed by 25 notables who in
turn have been elected by the members of the Jewish communities. Since the law of
1905 separating Church and State, the General Consistory and the regional Consis-
tories have become associations, ( Jewish Religious Association, known by the French
initials ACI), which cover the Jewish religion, the Chief Rabbinate of France and the
Rabbinical College.
6 chapter one
communities and convened an assembly of Jewish rabbis and leaders,

named after the ancient Israelite governing body the Sanhedrin
(named after the governing body in ancient Israel ), to endorse and
legitimize his policies for integration and assimilation of France’s Jews
as full citizens of the regime.9 The consistorial system established by
Napoleon had profound, long-lasting implications for the structure of
community life of modern French Jewry. “To this day French con-
sistorial Judaism has maintained religious diversity, a situation which
has always curbed the few attempts to establish dissident, Reform or
Orthodox, communities. This flexibility later enabled the integration
of immigrants from North Africa”.10
During this time period, Jews from other European countries and
Russia moved to France, although not in great numbers. The immi-
grants were often criticized, not only by French non-Jews but also by
native French Jews, for not assimilating quickly enough or thoroughly
enough into French culture, for remaining ethnically and religiously
distinct. In fact, instilling French cultural values and patriotism towards
the State were important goals of Jewish educational and community
institutions in France.11 These goals were achieved with much suc-
cess, and the Jews of France were, on the whole, well acculturated and
strongly patriotic. The dominant French Jewish institutions, such as the
Alliance Israélite Universelle created in 1860, distanced themselves from
Jewish nationalism as embodied by the emerging Zionist movement.
A century after their political emancipation, the Jews of France
largely viewed themselves as fully integrated French citizens. French
Jewry moved into the heart of France both geographically—
concentrating more in the Paris region, particularly after Germany
annexed Alsace-Lorraine—and economically, becoming part of the
French bourgeois and academic elite. However, the persistence of
anti-Semitism was revealed, particularly during the infamous “Dreyfus
Affair.” This began in 1894 with the accusation and conviction of
treason against Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish captain in the French Army.
Although Dreyfus was eventually cleared of the charges, the affair
9
Regarding intermarriage, usury, and French civil law see Encyclopedia Judaica
(1971); Hyman (1998).
10
Encyclopedia Judaica (1971: 29).
11
Hyman (1979, 1997).
brought to the surface expressions of virulent and wide-spread anti-

Semitism, including riots against Jews.12
Nevertheless, conditions were better for the Jews in France than
in most of Europe. In 1905 (partly in reaction to the Dreyfus Affair),
France passed a law separating Church and State. French Jews became
prominent in artistic and literary circles. Jews came to France from
Russia following the Communist Revolution and between the First and
Second World Wars. As anti-Semitism moved across Europe, Jewish
immigration to France from other European countries increased dra-
matically, by some estimates doubling the French Jewish population.13
Then, in June, 1940, France surrendered to the invading German
Nazi forces. Power was given to Marshal Philippe Pétain and the Vichy
regime was established.14 During the occupation from 1940–1944 the
Vichy regime collaborated with the Nazis. More than a quarter of
France’s Jewish population was deported or killed. In a notorious raid
in 1942, over 12,000 French Jews including some 4,000 children, were
arrested, and held at the Vélodrome d’Hiver before being deported;
most died in Nazi death camps. The educational and institutional
structure of the Jewish community was almost completely destroyed.15
There was, of course, resistance to the Nazi occupiers, including Jewish
resistance, Charles de Gaulle’s Free French Forces and French citizens
who sheltered Jews (the town of Le Chambon-sur-Lignon has been
particularly recognized for sheltering thousands of French Jews from
deportation and death). Nevertheless, the French Jewish community
was decimated; the psychological impact of the betrayal of the slogan
of liberté, fraternité, and égalité was no less devastating.
After World War II, displaced Jewish French citizens returned, along
with refugees from central and eastern European countries.16 However,
the revitalization of the French Jewish community was brought about
largely by the mass immigration of Jews from Morocco, Tunisia and
Algeria during the 1950s and 1960s. Jews had lived in North Africa
since the period of the Roman Empire. In addition to their religious
basis in Rabbinic and mystical teachings (Talmud and Kabbalah),
12
Marrus (1971).
13
Encyclopedia Judaica (1971); Schor (1985); Hyman (1998); Schwarzfuchs (1998).
14
Birnbaum (1982); Hyman (1979); Marrus (1981).
15
Cohen, E.H. (1991). For the author’s publications related to the Jews of France,
see separate bibliography following the general reference list.
16
Hyman (1979, 1998).
8 chapter one
the North African Jewish communities were influenced by the many

cultures with whom they came in contact: Oriental, Arab, Berber,
Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian. During the colonial era, France had
annexed Algeria (in 1848) and established protectorates over Tuni-
sia (1881) and part of Morocco (1912). Many Jews of the Maghreb,
particularly in Algeria, became French citizens during this time. The
Alliance Israélite Universelle established schools for Jews in French North
Africa, which emphasized French language and culture. As each of
these countries gained independence (Morocco and Tunisia in 1956,
Algeria in 1962) and came under the sway of distinctly Muslim-Arab
nationalist movements the majority of Jews left, most migrating either
to Israel or to France. Of those who remained in North Africa after its
independence, most left following Israel’s Six Day War (1967). (For a
brief history of the Jews in North Africa see pages 134–137).
Although the Jews of North Africa arrived in France as citizens, flu-
ent in French, and familiar with the culture, patriotic and supportive
of the ideals of the Republic, they and their children also have a strong
sense of Jewish identity and connection to Israel.17 Their presence was
a major catalyst for the rebuilding of Jewish institutions in France:
synagogues, community centers and Talmud Torahs.18
Today, together with France as a whole, the Jewish population is
struggling with fundamental questions related to national, ethnic and
religious identity.
2. The Current Social, Political and Cultural Climate
Next, we shall take a brief look at the socio-political climate in which

contemporary French Jewry exists. It should be noted that the survey
was conducted in January 2002, which was a stressful period for the
Jewish community of France. “Never before, in post-war France, have
anti-Jewish elements emerged in so many social settings and encoun-
tered so little political and intellectual resistance, as since the autumn
of 2000,” wrote Pierre-André Taguieff, director of research at the Cen-
tre national de la recherche scientifique, in January 2002.19 A study
17
Bernheim (1997); Shurkin (2000); Laborde (2001); Cohen, E.H. (1986, 1991).
18
Hyman (1998).
19
Taguieff (2002: 11); see also Trigano (2002).
of anti-Semitism in France recorded 300 “hostile acts” against Jews in

the Paris region between September 2000 and November 2001.20 A
French Ministry of Education report noted explicitly the danger faced
by Jewish students, particularly in certain regions. Most of these hostile
acts were committed by young Muslim immigrants, who ideologically
link their violence towards Jews with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.
The management of the Representative Council of Jewish Institutions
in France,21 however, has been careful not to link anti-Semitic out-
bursts in France to problems in the Middle East. If there was a link
between the outburst of anti-Semitic acts in France in 2003 and events
in the Middle East, an analysis of the data for 2004 showed that the
relationship is less direct. “The number and type of incidents that
occurred in 2004 and the rate with which they occurred appears to
be less connected to outside causes. It appears that these occurrences
of anti-Semitism are structurally deep-rooted and no longer draw on
current political or military affairs.”22
It must be recalled that the President of France during the time of the
survey, Jacques Chirac and his government did make efforts to address
and improve the situation. President Chirac did not miss an opportunity
to recall the country’s fight against racism and anti-Semitism. In fact,
the website of the President of France23 lists no less than 38 speeches
by Jacques Chirac on this topic in the years 2000–2004. For example,
speaking to a graduating class of police officers he said, “We have
commenced this struggle, and we are firmly resolved to continue it by
setting up this year an independent authority responsible for fighting
20
A list of incidents affecting the country’s Jewish communities since the begin-
ning of the Second Intifada was first published in the Observatoire du monde juif (2001).
In February 2002, the front page headline of Le Monde referred to a study of anti-
Semitism in France (Le Monde, 2002). As for anti-Semitic acts in France, data collected
in 2002 indicate that 21% of French Jews suffered anti-Semitism personally during the
previous five years. This is a figure of great weight, substantially confirming the trend
recorded during 2000 and 2001. CRIF (2004); UEJF (2002).
21
The creation of CRIF goes back to the German occupation of France in World
War Two. In July 1943 the General Committee for Jewish Defense was formed. An
agreement with the central Consistoire (France’s general synagogue organization) then
led to the clandestine formation of CRIF In 1944 its charter was drawn up. Between
1944 and 1947 CRIF supported war victims. Today CRIF acts as the umbrella fed-
eration for over sixty Jewish organizations.
22
Analyse des actes et des menaces antisémites: Année 2004. http://www.crif
.org/?page=articles_display/detail&aid=4508&returnto=articles_display/detail_th_
type&thid=4&artyd=5.
23
http://www.elysee.fr/.
10 chapter one
every sort of discrimination. By reaffirming in schools and in gov-

ernment and public departments, the principle of secularity, which
allows everyone to live and practice their religion, sheltered from any
pressure. And severely suppressing all acts of racism and intolerance,
whatever they are.”24 Moreover, he spoke on the subject directly to
the CRIF in May 2003. Chirac foresaw the danger of an explosion
of violence, and assured his listeners that the state would ensure the
right of everyone to their choices, attachments and origins, in com-
plete safety. The State, said Chirac, is “much too precious for us to
allow breaches to appear that in the long run would threaten our
national cohesiveness. That is why the Government is exercising and
will continue to exercise the greatest firmness towards all anti-Semitic
acts and words, whether addressed towards people, symbols or prop-
erty. We will not be apologists for crime or hatred. France is not an
anti-Semitic country.”25 One year later, in July 2004, Chirac had to
admit that firmness does not always bear fruit and that anti-Semitism
had certainly increased in France. “Today, odious and despicable acts
of hatred still sully our country. Discrimination, antisemitism, racism,
every sort of racism, are again spreading out insidiously. They have
affected our Jewish compatriots in our country since time immemorial.
They affect our Muslim compatriots who have chosen to work and live
in our country. In fact, they affect us all.”26
Roger Cukierman, President of CRIF, acknowledged the efforts of
by the French authorities. “I believe that France is today aware that
attacks on Jews are attacks on France. The President has said this,
the Prime Minister has said it, and it is very true. The Jews are the
sentinels of the Republic. When things go badly in education, it is the
Jews who encounter the first difficulties. When there is violence, it is
24
Similarly, on the occasion of the award of the rank of Chevalier de la Légion
d’Honneur to Mr. Steven Spielberg. Elysée Palace. Sunday, September 5, 2004, Presi-
dent Chirac said, “In this difficult period where we are witnessing the rise again of
intolerance, racism, xenophobia, antisemitism and fanaticism, it is essential that the
cinema, which affects each of us to the depth of our beings, must remind us of the
horrors of the indescribable.” Speech by President Jacques Chirac at the graduation
ceremony for the 197th class of police officers at the National Police College in Nimes.
Monday, November 8, 2004.
25
Speech by President Jacques Chirac on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of
the Representative Council of Jewish Institutions in France (CRIF). Elysee Palace.
Thursday, May 22, 2003.
26
Speech by President Jacques Chirac, given in Chambon-sur-lignon—Haute-
Loire—on Thursday, July 8, 2004.
the Jews who are struck first, and very soon afterwards it is the turn
of democracy. So I hope that France will revolt against the violence
carried out by a part of the North African population.”27
However, the statistics attest to the fact that such a ‘revolt’ against
anti-Semitism has not taken place. According to figures from CRIF,
there were 503 anti-Semitic acts recorded in 2003, and 590 in 2004.28
For the President of the Paris Consistory, Moïse Cohen, the situation
of the Jews in France is worrying but not hopeless. Worrying, he told
us during a conversation in Paris, because on account of the resur-
gence of anti-Semitism, “. . . since the start of the second Intifada in
October 2000, things have happened that we haven’t seen in 60 years,
since the Shoah. But even if I am not entirely reassured, I am today
a bit calmer, because I can see that the rate of attacks is declining.”
Moïse Cohen attributes this reduction to the beginnings of a counter-
offensive by moderate Islam in France.
In addition to physical attacks, the French Jewish community feels
itself on the defensive in light of the pervasive anti-Israel sentiment,
particularly in the Left and on university campuses in France. The
ongoing debate as to a possible distinction between “anti-Zionism”
and “anti-Semitism” touches on deep issues related to French values.
As mentioned earlier, French Republican philosophy demands loyalty
to the State of France alone, and French Jewish identification with the
State of Israel may be considered to some extent disloyal. Even strong
identification with a local ethnic community may be seen as conflict-
ing with French values. Jews are sometimes accused of being “com-
munitarian.” This label, as pointed out by Wieviorka implies that it is
necessary to choose between identifying with “the one and indivisible
Republic and the community”.29 In this context Jews (and members
of other minorities) may find their loyalty to the State questioned on the
ground of their involvement with their ethnic or religious community.
The issue was the subject of a manifesto issued by some of France’s
most prominent intellectuals. Published in Le Monde in 2003, in a
piece entitled “French Jews and France: Confidence Needs to be
27
Roger Cukierman, president of CRIF Paris, February 2004.
28
Statistics from a summary of complaints lodged with the SPCJ (Department for
the Protection of the Jewish Community) and matched against data from the Ministry
of the Interior. The Director of CRIF, Haim Musicant, provided these figures to us.
29
Wieviorka (1998, 1999).
12 chapter one
Reestablished”30 they asked, “How in fact can one not see a direct
link between the ‘new anti-Semitism’ and the crisis of national iden-
tity? Not just because the growth in France of Islamic anti-Semitism
is the effect of an integration crisis, but also because the rejection of
the Jewish state is as though conjured up by the group mentality?”
They go on to say that French Jews stimulate a sense of outsiderness
among their non-Jewish compatriots, who are shocked to see Jews
defining themselves vis-à-vis the French, and even against them. The
signatories emphasized that there is an inflated tendency to “deplore
the effects of the sickness while cultivating the virus.” Namely, that the
outbreak of anti-Semitism should not only be seen as linked to events
in the Middle East, but also and especially to a deep national iden-
tity crisis and the decline of the nation’s emancipating vision. “Thus
through a tragic misinterpretation, some Jews believed that there was
little to a possible alliance between affirmation of Jewish identity and
the celebration of minorities and localism, in a word, the ‘Other’
against the nation.”31
An analysis by Pierre Birnbaum is slightly different but it arrives at
the same conclusions. France and the Republican model are undergo-
ing a profound transformation, and the crisis of confidence between
the state and the Jews only reflects that. Jews, says Birnbaum, are not
divorced from a process taking place throughout French society, which
favors civil society and a return to all forms of community life and
distinctive cultures. “Jews too, in this process of a general return to cul-
tures, have done everything to get back their own personality, which
for various reasons they consider has been denied by the state. . . . In
coming back to it today, in putting the emphasis on a return to society,
in the climate of the times that is heavy with threats, one can imagine
all sorts of inter-communal clashes that should not occur in French
republican society.”32
30
Les Juifs de France et la France, une confiance à rétablir. Manifesto signed by
Gilles Bernheim, Elisabeth de Fontenay, Philippe de Lara, Alain Finkielkraut, Philippe
Raynaud, Paul Thibaud, Michel Zaoui. Appeared in Le Monde of December 29, 2003.
Available at http://www.in-nocence.org/pages/documents/juifsdefrance.html.
31
Les juifs de France et la France, une confiance à rétablir. Le Monde, Op. cit.
32
Pierre Birnbaum: “Les juifs sont à un tournant de leur histoire” [ Jews are at
a turning point in their history], http://www.uejf.org/tohubohu/archives/numero1/
fils/pierrebimbaum.html. See also: Birnbaum (1988, 1992, 1993, 1994, 1995, 1998a,
1998b, 2002).
In fact, not only the French Jewish community but all of contempo-
rary French society is facing an “identity crisis.” The Jews of France
form their individual and communal identities within the context of
the larger debates surrounding multi-culturalism, religious fundamen-
talism, Republican values, and international politics.
3. Relationship with Israel
One of the key arenas in which such inter-communal clashes are

occurring in contemporary France surrounds the issue of Israel and
the relationship of French Jews to the Jewish State. It is true that a
major aspect of contemporary Jewish identity in any contemporary
Diaspora community is the relationship with Israel. For French Jews,
this relationship has been particularly difficult to navigate.
In the international context, Israel-Diaspora relations have under-
gone a series of stages. Zionist ideology predicted and advocated the
“negation of the Exile” following the establishment of a Jewish state.
As it became apparent that significant numbers of Jews, particularly in
Western democracies, were not going to relocate to the State of Israel,
a new type of relationship had to be established between the State of
Israel and Jews who voluntarily remained in Diaspora communities.
Emphasis was placed on financial and political support for the new
state and its immigrants. The Six Day War of 1967 marked a turning
point and a new stage in Israel-Diaspora relations. Following Israel’s
victory, feelings of pride and identification with Israel intensified, one
indicator of which was the sharp increase in participation in educa-
tional tours to Israel during the years following the war.33
Once it was recognized and accepted that significant numbers of
Jews would choose to remain in Diaspora communities, Israel began
sending emissaries to work in Jewish educational settings throughout
the Jewish world, further increasing interaction between Israel and
the Diaspora. By the 1980s, a reciprocal relationship had developed
between Israel and Jewish Diaspora communities. Israel offered both a
refuge for Jews (e.g. from the former Soviet Union and Ethiopia) and
a central reference point for Jewish identity. Diaspora Jews became
more vocal regarding social and political events in Israel, and began
33
Lederhendler (2000); Cohen, E.H. (2002, 2008).
14 chapter one
donating to specific causes rather than to general funds. Following the

outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000, the relationship between
Israel and the various Diaspora communities was again reassessed.
Questions regarding the conflict between the obligation of Diaspora
Jews to unconditionally support Israel as opposed to their right to criti-
cize events there, and issues of loyalty to Israel during times of crisis,
were vigorously debated in the Jewish press and in Jewish communities
throughout the world.
The Israel-Diaspora relationship has not only changed over time:
it is not homogenous throughout the Diaspora. Attitudes towards and
images of Israel are impacted by the host societies within which the
various Diaspora Jewish communities live, and by the nature of the
local Jewish communities and their educational systems. The relation-
ship of French Jews to the State of Israel, one of the issues which is
explored in-depth in the surveys analyzed in this book, is inextricably
tied to the social climate and political culture of France.
4. French Jewish Philosophy on Jewish Identity and

“The Jewish Fact”
Part of the social culture includes the ways in which French Jews think
about their individual and communal identities. There is a great deal
of discussion and debate on French Jewish identity in Jewish homes,
communties and institutions, and in the French Jewish media and
literature.
The sociological data and analysis presented in this book can most
fully be understood and appreciated—perhaps can only be fully under-
stood and appreciated—in the context of a larger, ongoing discussion
in France on the nature of identity. This discussion has been going
on for over two centuries and the Jews have always been very ‘visible’
in French political discourse. Certainly since the time of the French
Revolution and Emancipation, the case of the individual Jew and the
Jewish collective in French society has been a subject of much inter-
est and debate, and has served as a sort of barometer of the political
climate. Following the Vichy Regime and the Shoah the issue gained
a special urgency. It is no less discussed today.
One indication of the extent to which French Jews have accultur-
ated is their participation in and contribution to the distinct genre of
French philosophical literature. Alongside the many well-known non-
Jewish French philosophers who have pondered questions of personal
and social identity, French Jews of course have been most prolific and
have written profoundly and passionately on the subject. Numerous
French Jewish philosophers have wrestled with questions such as: Who
is Jewish and what makes one so? What does it mean to be a Jew? Is is
possible to stop being Jewish? If it is, why choose to remain Jewish? How
does Jewish identity interact with French identity? And, as Vladimir
Rabi asks, “What’s the point of Judaism? Why, and for what purpose,
this opinionated resistance by a minority to survive within a natural,
unfavorable or hostile environment?”34
These writings show the substantial content of the issue as it is per-
ceived by the highly educated French Jewish community. The com-
plex and sometimes abstract musings of such writers may be seen as
the humus which has nourished contemporary conceptualizations of
French Jewish identity. They express the conceptual basis on which
French Jews have built their collective and individual identities, espe-
cially since World War II.
Jews have always had some difficulty knowing themselves, though
not through any lack of introspection. Questioning one’s identity is in
fact so widespread among Jews that it is frequently seen as obsessive.
Jewish self-consciousness is certainly in a permanent state of stress, to
the point of being divided or even split. The Jew who observes himself
is in fact the plaything of two contradictory forces. On the one hand
he feels a sort of ephemeralness or fragility. His flimsy identity can
shatter at any moment; it is malleable and in constant flux down to
the level of his everyday being. A Jew thus knows that Jewish identity
is not a given but a constant effort of being. On the other hand, Jew-
ish identity is heavy, it sticks to the skin. This identity is there even
without wanting it, and a Jew cannot get rid of it. When he thinks he
has managed to distance himself from it, he finds it is still there, on
his back like a shadow.
The struggle to determine who is Jewish and why they identify as
such can be seen in the following excerpt from an interview we con-
ducted with a company director from the Paris area highlights some
of the identity issues with which French Jewry grapples. The man
is the son of a Jewish militant communist married to a non-Jewish
woman. He is also married to a non-Jewish woman and they have
two children.
34
Rabi (1962: 319).
16 chapter one
– “You meet people . . . Friends . . . Acquaintances . . . I come from

anywhere etc. Ah, you’re Jewish . . . Yes . . . And you . . . Now me,
well . . . I . . . Yes, my father is Jewish, but I . . . I am not . . . In any case I
always end up joking . . . to find those little things that make you feel
like an accomplice . . . Now it bothers me . . . I say to myself . . . Wait,
stop messing around . . . I am Jewish, yes or no?”
Interviewer: So what do you say today?
– “I don’t know. I would say not more and not less. That’s not the
question. But I find that . . . especially as my children . . . Yes perhaps
the biggest (5 years old), he had a Shabbat once at my sister.”
Interviewer: What do the children know?
– “We have already told them a bit . . . But at their age it doesn’t
really go in.”
Interviewer: Do you go to Jewish places?
– “No, I have Jewish friends. Whom I see once or twice a year.
And a new business relationship. Let’s say to make things simple that
A.M. runs a small start-up. When we met the first time I gave him my
name. He said, oh so you’re Jewish! I started explaining my origins to
him. And he answered, Ah yes. Me too. What do you mean, me too?
You converted. And he started to explain that his Jewish mother had
married a non-Jew. So that certainly creates something. But what we
really had in common to consider ourselves Jews, I don’t know how to
say it, is truly secondary, minimal. Let’s just say, “of origin”. What’s
funny is that my sister married a Tunisian Jew and became religious.
And he has a twin brother who keeps Shabbat. That is to say, he keeps
Shabbat but he is not religious.”
We may ask ourselves, why is this questioning about Jewish identity

so pervasive? Do Americans, Englishman or Gypsies continually ask
themselves if, why and how they are American, English or Gypsy?
Why should these distinctive affiliations be in contradiction with the
universality of being human? It is possible that Americans, Englishmen
and Gypsies also ask themselves these questions, but if they do so it is
quietly, whereas the questioning of Jewish identity is very loud. This
fuss about identity is not by chance, but doubtless caused by the intensity
and depth of the questioning. Through the trials and tribulations of their
history, Jews have developed a highly sophisticated questioning about
identity.35 It sometimes even becomes contagious; this “Jewish obses-
35
Mucchielli (2003); Hayoun (1995, 1996).
sion” with self-questioning has in fact passed over to other groups.36

In France, Catholics too are asking questions about their identity. For
example, the scholar Guy Michelat asks, are there not several ways of
being Catholic?37 Danièle Hervieu-Léger examines the various degrees
of religiousness in France, considering independent factors such as the
ongoing erosion in practice, the demographic collapse of the clergy and
the break-up of the parish-based civilization that had shaped France.38
The familiarity of this questioning of Catholic identity is curious. If in
Guy Michelat’s article we were to change “Catholics” to “Jews”, we
would find some of the same emphases on questions of identity that
we associate with Jews. However, that is where the similarity ends.
Beyond the act of personal faith, being Catholic means belonging to
a group, whereas for a Jew, neither the act of faith nor belonging to a
group are sufficient, even together, to define Jewish identity.
The sense of an identity crisis does not come, (as in the Catholic case)
from any lack or erosion of interest in religious feeling. On the con-
trary, (as will be shown in results of the empirical survey) synagogues
in France have never been so full. The problem is thus elsewhere, in
the depths of consciousness. For someone who defines himself as both
a Jew and an atheist, a Jewish identity defined by faith is meaning-
less. For Jews who are geographically or culturally isolated, what does
belonging to a group mean? And for those who claim nothing—no
belief or sense of group belonging—yet are still considered Jews, what
is this Jewish identity?
At first, the identity question appears to lead to a dead end, or to
an endless loop of objective and subjective arguments. Robert Misrahi
goes to the heart of this issue right at the beginning of the introduc-
tion to his highly influencial book La condition réflexive de l’homme juif
[ The reflexive condition of the Jewish man]. He postulates that “. . . objec-
tively there is an interest in the Jewish fact in contemporary thought,”39
despite its tiny political and demographic scope. In this statement
36
On this subject see the Biblical story told in the section Vayetzeh (Genesis 23:1–7),
in which the patriarch Jacob besieges shepherds like himself with questions, and how,
according to the Midrash they “get rid of him” by suggesting he go talk with Rachel,
(Midrash Rabbah).
37
Michelat (1990a, 1990b).
38
Hervieu-Léger (2001); Hervieu-Léger & Davie (1996).
39
The concept of “Jewish fact”, a highly heuristic concept, deserves an histori-
cal analysis in its own right. Léon Askénazi used this phrase as early as 1948 in his
examination of traditional Jewish concepts of the name for the Jewish collective. Cf.
Askénazi (2005: 245).
18 chapter one
Misrahi is not simply noting the disproportionate attention given to

Jews: his choice of words is telling. Here he uses the phrase “Jew-
ish fact” rather than “Jewish condition”, as in the title of his book.
Later in the book he further complicates matters by adding another
phrase, “Jewish phenomenon” which he uses interchangeably with
“Jewish fact”.40 One could certainly differentiate between a “fact” and
a “phenomenon”—the classic distinction sets the fact of what is against
a phenomenon, or what appears to be. In this way, the “Jewish fact”
should be clear-cut, defined, with its contours delineated, unchanging
and stable, whereas the “Jewish phenomenon” would be more fluid,
moving from one fact to another.41 Misrahi’s indiscriminate use of
the phrases indicates the difficulty of trying to define the Jewish ‘fact’,
‘phenomenon’ and ‘condition’.
Jews have always handled their search for identity in a radical man-
ner. “To be Jewish is to have to justify your existence”, wrote Edmond
Jabès.42 This is the essence of the issue, and it is particularly true in
France, where Jews have had to choose: between Universal Man
and Jew; between French and Jewish; between religious and secular;
between France and Israel. Thus whether they like it or not, Jews live
a permanent state of identity confusion, and it is this confusion that
brings on the persistent self-questioning. It would appear that there is
something in the Jewish consciousness that is forever disturbing and
preventing any repose. To illustrate, we quote one example (taken
from among thousands of others) of how this disarray and identity
crisis is articulated in French literature. In La greffe de printemps,43 one
of the novels by Roger Ikor, the protagonist Yankel, a Polish immi-
grant (referred to as a “Pollack” in the novel ), is going to have a child.
Ikor writes, “No, it’s not because of hygiene that he would circumcise
Fernand. Not just because of hygiene. For memory’s sake. So that the
little one would never be tempted to forget his origins, to repudiate his
own. French by nationality, yes; but also Jewish.—No, not Jewish as
a noun, like French; Jewish as an adjective, like Christian. So Jewish by
religion? No! Oh no! When a Frenchman says he is Catholic or Prot-
40
The discussion of what differentiates a social fact from a phenomenon and
the sociological and philosophical implications of these concepts for Jewish identity
is revisited in the chapter French Jewish Philosophical Writings on Jewish Identity,
pages 149–182.
41
Lalande (1988: 765).
42
Jabès (1963: 77).
43
Ikor (1955).
estant, that does not necessarily mean that he goes to church, that he
does what the priest or vicar tells him. It means . . . Actually, it doesn’t
matter what it means. Fernand will not be a French Jew but a Jewish
Frenchman, just like there are Protestant Frenchmen. That’s it!”44
This internal dialogue of a Polish Jew who came to France between
the two world wars is still relevant. We can understand that in this
question and answer session, every word, every letter, every part of
speech (adjectives, nouns) have their own importance. Because these
minor details reflect a world, a view of life. We can see here that this
dialogue, in all its simplicity, sets up all the basic ingredients of the
self-questioning. However, the cornerstone, the raison d’être of the
questioning is how it is passed on. It is in the effort to understand and
ensure one’s paternity (in the case of Yankel ), or the permanence of a
tradition (in general cases) that the search for Jewish identity is played
out. In the best of cases, it brings on a sort of uneasy feeling, and in
the worst case, a real identity crisis.
It would not in fact be serious if the identity problem did not take
on the appearance of an acute crisis in times of uncertainty. In Europe
in the 1930s it was obvious that one should not announce publicly
one’s Jewish origins. In France today one no longer needs to hide
one’s Jewish identity, even if the first years of the new millennium
have been difficult. Yet the same unease about affirming one’s Jew-
ish identity is still present, just it has another look. This excerpt of an
interview with a Parisian couple in their fifties conveys the confusion
unease surrounding even the basic question of whether or not they are
religious. She is a housewife and tries to maintain some traditions. He
is a doctor and clearly “very French”, and does not like being asked
if he is religious.
Husband: We are not at all observant. Not Shabbat.45 Or the rest . . .

Wife: So everything I do to mark the Shabbat counts for noth-
ing!!! . . . Ever since the mad cow disease you have been eating Kasher.
Husband: No, that’s not it. It’s that we are eating kasher meat on
plates that are not. We don’t have two sets of crockery. We are not
really kasher . . . The children didn’t go to the Jewish school, they went
44
Ibid., p. 301.
45
Translator’s note: the Sephardi spelling has been adopted throughout, to reflect
the majority of the surveyed population.
20 chapter one
to the Alsatian one. But since we’ve had children, we have said the
Shabbat prayers on Friday night and eat kasher meat. And that’s about all
we do as far as religious observance goes under normal circumstances.
Wife: And the High Holy Days!
Husband: The High Holy Days. We keep Yom Kippur.
Wife: And Rosh Hashanah and the Seder on Pessach.
Interviewer: And with all that, you define yourself as non-observant?
Husband: Sure, yes! We do not eat kasher. I eat pork . . . Yes it’s
observance, but it is not really religious observance. It’s traditional
observance. It’s not as though when we had children we asked ourselves
how we could tell them we were Jewish if we didn’t do all that . . .
Interviewer: Yes, that’s clear. But what’s interesting is that you still consider
yourself non-observant.
Wife: I do not agree with my husband that he defines us as non-
observant. Let’s rather say we are not very observant. What we do is
very close to the tradition.
Husband: On Yom Kippur my father both worked and fasted. That
was the only religious education I received during my childhood. My
mother used to give my father a glass plate: just manage, this is where
you eat your seafood. And that’s how it was. A Jew lives with his
contradictions.
Interviewer: An entirely “mainstream” attitude!
Wife: You know, the Diaspora leads to craziness. My grandmother
was completely kasher and all that. But on Sunday morning she got up.
She went to find oysters that she brought in on a dish for my father.
Interviewer: So if I have understood correctly, though non-observant you still
follow the tradition much more than your parents.
Husband: My father did not make Kiddush on Friday night. Of
course he knew it. I don’t know it and I do it. He knew and didn’t
do it.
Interviewer: And how would you now define your children?
Wife: Our two daughters do not eat prohibited foods. And now
with their little Sephardi girlfriends, my husband feels obliged to have
kasher meat every day. However, when at their grandparents they are
obliged to adapt so as not to hurt their feelings.
The challenge is to prepare a sociological presentation of the “Jew-

ish fact” which finds itself, as Raymond Aron wrote in his Introduction
à la philosophie de l’histoire, “de-individuated, rationalized and sometimes
even systematized”46—that is, a reality in which the objective mind

asserts priority over the individual mind and creates a community. In
creating this community, “Communal representations achieve clarity
in and by individuals; communities are created in and by them, which
always precede and go beyond them.”47 Thus, while systematizing the
“Jewish fact”, the sociologist must consider that its representations in
the Jewish community are created by its members and yet are larger
and longer-lasting than any individual. “These facts are immanent
to each person, made up of voluntary behavior, often crystallized by
habit or imposed by barely conscious ideas or convictions. However,
we adopt such behavior spontaneously, we are aware of its usefulness
or function for us. It puts us in line with others and with social rules,
though we do not know its origins or history . . .”48
Following Emile Durkheim’s The Rules of Sociological Method,49 a soci-
ologist who is studying a social reality must consider such essential
and limiting social facts, which he defined as “. . . ways of acting, think-
ing and feeling, external to the individual, which are invested with
a power of coercion, as a result of which imposes itself on the indi-
vidual.” The social fact, according to Durkheim, consists of the sum
total of individuals in the social group. Each individual is fundamen-
tally different from the social group, but at the same time is impacted
by it. In this way, the Jewish fact must be considered as a “thing” in
its own right, distinct from the ways in which individuals perceive it,
but constituting the sum total of those individuals. Thus, the “Jewish
fact”, to paraphrase Durkheim, takes into account the ways of acting,
thinking and feeling of individuals who define themselves as Jews. At
the same time, in the final analysis, this Jewish fact, which impacts
the ideas individual makes about their Jewish existence, pre-exists the
individual and is external to individual consciousness.
Shmuel Trigano changes the Jewish fact into a cultural fact: “The
Jewish fact is the entire reality of being, existence, the development
of the Jews, and their modus operandi. It is not actually structured by
compliance with an outside standard, but rather by its recurrence and
internal regularity. Within the Jewish fact are to be found sections,
political, legal, spiritual, economic and more (each of which might
46
Aron (1948: 74).
47
Ibid., op. cit., p. 94.
48
Ibid., op. cit., p. 90.
49
Durkheim (1977).
22 chapter one
be motivated by different tactical currents); and each of which are

underpinned by original processes of formation, endurance and bal-
ance, which suppose a special understanding of reality. It is the unity
of the Jewish fact that makes possible the reciprocal comparisons of
the manifestations of Jewish history, making them comprehensible and
comparable within the same epistemological matrix.”50
So the sociologist must consider the Jewish fact in its own right,
separate from the conscious subjects that picture it, and also exam-
ine it externally, “like a thing”, because that is how it appears to us.
However, we are well aware of the criticism aroused by Durkheim’s
approach. Gaston Bachelard cautions against the dangers of a naïve
and magical approach to facts: “It was sufficient to speak of an object
for us to believe we were objective,” he writes at the beginning of La
Psychanalyse du feu (The Psychoanalysis of Fire).51 This is not sufficient for
a scientific mind. As Bachelard writes, “. . . irrespective of what one
might assume, in the life of a science, problems do not arise by them-
selves. It is precisely this that marks out a problem as being of the true
scientific spirit: all knowledge is in response to a question. If there were
no question, there would be no scientific knowledge. Nothing proceeds
from itself. Nothing is given. All is constructed.”
In more direct terms, an examination of the Jewish fact poses two
questions. The first is inward facing, intimate and concerning the
meaning being Jewish for the individual. The second is public and
outward facing, asking what social or communal duties are imposed
by the Jewish condition.
To further complicate matters, it becomes necessary to differentiate
between “Jewishness” and “Jewry”, as noted by Albert Memmi for
whom Jewry means “. . . all Jewish people; either, in a broad sense, the
totality of Jews dispersed around the world, or a local, geographical
grouping of Jews . . . .” while Jewishness is the “. . . fact of being Jewish,
all the sociological, psychological and biological characteristics that
make up a Jew.”52 Jewry thus refers to a Jewish group, while Jewish-
ness concerns the individual Jew. In his writings, as a general rule,
Memmi uses “we” to speak about Jewry and “I” in reference to Jewish-
ness. However, this apparently clear distinction itself poses numerous
50
Trigano (1984: 26).
51
Bachelard (1938: 9).
52
Memmi (1966).
questions: How do those individuals that we put together under the

overall concept of Jewry define themselves? Inversely, how does the
Jew define himself outside of the Jewry to which he belongs? What is
the essence of this Jewishness? Does it pre-exist Jewish reality? What
should one think of “the Jewishness of the Jew” (a phrase which could
make one think there are Jews without Jewishness). In Memmi’s writ-
ings, the concept of Jewishness goes through various metamorphoses.
At the beginning of his book Portrait d’un Juif: l’Impasse (Portrait of a
Jew: An Impasse), Memmi portrays Jewishness as an individual process,
“. . . the fact of being Jewish, all the characteristics (. . .) that make up a
Jew.”53 By the end of the book, the definition of Jewishness is broader
and less individual: “. . . a group of facts, behaviors, institutions, that I
find within myself but especially outside of me, throughout my life.”54
And in his subsequent book La libération du Juif ( The Liberation of the Jew),
Jewishness becomes “. . . the manner in which each Jew lives, both sub-
jectively and objectively, his belonging to both Judaism and Jewry.”55
Thus, the definition is both attitudinal (the subjective part of belong-
ing) and behavioral (the objective dimension). This distinction recalls
two essential terms in the sociology of groups as developed in Ameri-
can sociology, namely reference groups and membership groups.56
In the sociological analysis presented in this book, we attempt to
consider these various approaches. We follow Durkheim in considering
the Jewish fact as a thing, and as a construct according to Bachelard.57
We investigate the various ways in which Jews define themselves,
individually and as part of the group, and thus explore the “fact” of
French Jewishness and Jewry.
53
Ibid., p. 17.
54
Ibid., p. 264.
55
Ibid.
56
Cf. on this topic the works of Shibutani (1955) and Schmitt (1972).
57
Certainly, as Raphael Lellouche has commented, “Religion is not a “fact”, that’s
the trouble! (it’s a value)” (Lellouche, 2004). However, the two approaches are less
contradictory than they appear. Religion is a value: for whoever follows and practices
it. However, when that religion is followed and practiced, it becomes a fact for oth-
ers, and it would appear for itself too. Cf., Trigano (2004); Hervieu-Léger & Willaime
(2001); Bauer (1999).
24 chapter one
5. Juif and Israélite: Shifting Representations of Identity
In France there have historically been two main terms by which one
may identify as Jewish: Juif and Israélite.58 These two terms have dif-
ferent connotations and—to further complicate the issue—there has
been a certain amount of slippage or shifting in their connotations
over time. The ‘official’ definitions of the two terms are similar. Littré, a
leading French dictionary, defines the “Jew” as someone who belongs
to the Hebrew People, which once inhabited Palestine, or someone
who follows the Jewish religion; the word “Israélite” refers to someone
who belongs to the People of Israel. Another well-regarded dictionary,
the Petit Robert, defines “Jew” as the descendents of Abraham, namely
a monotheistic, Semetic people who used to live in Palestine, while
“Israélite” means the descents of Israel. As these dictionaries do not
distinguish clearly between the two words or between related concepts
such as “Palestine” and “Israel” or “Jewish” and “Hebrew”, the defini-
tions are not very enlightening for our purposes.
The use of term Israélite may be traced back two pivotal events in
French history. One was Count de Clermont-Tonnerre’s famous state-
ment in 1789 that everything should be given to individual Jewish
citizens, but nothing to the Jews as a collective group within the nation.
The Constituent Assembly thus rejected the historical dimension of the
Jew and prohibited French Jews from organizing as a national group.
On March 8, 1807, the Grand Sanhedrin assembled by Napoleon
invoked the term Israélite when they “. . . met today under his powerful
protection and in his great city of Paris. We number 71 doctors-in-
law and notables of Israel, and we constitute the Grand Sanhedrin, in
order to find between us the means and the strength to make the reli-
gious decision in accordance with our holy laws, which would serve as
both a rule and an example for all Israélites. Such rulings will teach the
nations that our dogmas can be reconciled with the civil laws under
which we live, and do not separate us from the rest of society.”59
Thus during the Revolution, the “Jew” metamorphosed into the
“Israélite”, fully accorded civil rights including the right to practice
their religion, but with no rights as a group. The Jews were offered the
58
These two terms are also used in other European countries. It would be enlight-
ening to investigate their usages and meanings.
59
http://www.napoleon-juifs.org/DecretReponse.htm.
route to emancipation and, correspondingly, to assimilation. At this

time, therefore, the term “Jew” referred to someone strongly dedicated
to religious practice and tradition, whereas the Israélite was fully inte-
grated into French society. In his definition of trends within Judaism—
Assimilationism, Israélitism, Reform, Orthodoxy and Zionism—Rabbi
Philippe defined Israélitism according to the traditional consistorial
approach. Israélitism is seen as the desire to simultaneously assume
the religious and the civic dimension at the price of watering down
the religious dimension. According to Haddad, “The Israélite is an opti-
mist in his relationship with the university ( Joseph in Egypt) . . . the
Israélite compromises between the faith of the Hebrews and the values
of modernity, while the Orthodox takes the techniques from moder-
nity but rejects its values. The Israélite takes History as it comes, placing
responsibility on man in the face of God. . . ”
In present day usage the term “Jew” does not necessarily refer to
someone who is voluntarily and actively following the Jewish religion.
Similarly, the term “Israélite” is not consistently used for someone with
a passive and largely assimilated relationship with Judaism. At the end
of the 1970s, André Harris and Alain de Sédouy, in their book Juifs
& Français ( Jews & Frenchmen), found the concept of “Israélite” to be
almost non-existent among the people they questioned, who called
themselves either French Jews or Jews in France.60 However, Domin-
ique Schnapper found both terms in use in her study Juifs et Israélites,
which was conducted around the same time. Schnapper found that
self-identification as a “Jew” was defined by practices (religious, cul-
tural or activist), whereas self-identification as “Israélite” was character-
ized by a malleable identity lacking in vigor.
André Neher in L’existence juive, solitude et affrontements ( Jewish Exis-
tence) deems the term Israélite to be just a “universal term”.61 Israélites,
he writes, have lost sight of their true individuality and personality,
in favor of universal values. Emmanuel Lévinas, in Judaïsme privé
(Private Judaism), a reflection about the efforts of Diaspora Jewry to
create a vita nuova, ignores the concept of “Israélite” which he deems
an impossible enterprise.62 Similarly, writers such as Robert Misrahi
and Albert Memmi gave little or no consideration to the “Israélite”.
60
Harris & de Sédouy (1979: 6).
61
Neher (1962: 253).
62
Lévinas (1950: 293).
26 chapter one
Even Rabi, a perceptive observer of post-war French Jewry, did not

emphasize the Jew—Israélite dualism. He was more concerned about
identifying primary aspects of contemporary Jewish ritual (individual
ritual, group ritual, and a historical dimension), that can be seen in
“the retention of a certain calendar that is both religious and his-
torical, that makes up the elements of a group religious observance in
which faith is not always present.”63 Thus Rabi anticipated perhaps by
20 years the roots of the well-known phenomenon of “Yom Kippur
Jews” who join the community, essentially, once a year.
We shall introduce here a third option, the simultaneous, rather
than dualistic, use of the terms, and identifying as “Jew and Israélite”.
As will be shown in greater detail later, those refusing to make a choice
are becoming increasingly numerous, indicating that there is no irrec-
oncilable difference between the two terms. At the same time, there
has been constant erosion in self-definition as Israélite in favor of Jew.
If “Israélite” is seen as a subset of “Jew”, respondents tended to chose
the broader rather than the narrower definition. If there is no other
conclusion concerning the use of the concepts “Jew” and “Israélite”, we
can state that they have changed over time.
6. Previous Surveys of French Jewry
In addition to philosophers investigating the “Jewish fact”, political

scientists, psychologists and sociologists also have much to say about
Jewish life in France. But it is necessary to pause and acknowledge that
two of the main tools employed in these fields, statistics and demogra-
phy, pose problems of cardinal importance. The methodological ques-
tion of how to count the Jews conceals another much more complex:
who should be counted? Even once the definition of the subject has
been settled (even partially), another question must be addressed with
delicacy: How does one identify subjects and create a representative
sample of the French Jewish population without invoking the trauma
associated with the counting of the Jews carried out by the Vichy
authorities under Nazi occupation? Sociologists of French Jewry are
not faced with an easy task.64
63
Rabi (1962: 318).
64
For more details see especially Bensimon & Della Pergola (1986: 11–21). The
chapter includes a good bibliography. See also Tapia (1977).
Since the emancipation of the Jews of France in 1791, the French

authorities have tried on several occasions to count the number of
Jews in their territory. Beginning in 1830 the Ministry of Religion has
attempted to count the Jewish population. There were three general
censuses of the population under the Second Empire—in 1851, 1861
and 1866—with each including a question about religious affiliation.
The last census on the state of religion was in 1872.65 At that time
eighty-six thousand Jews were counted in mainland France, compris-
ing 0.2% of the total population of thirty-nine million. Thereafter,
apart from some lists drawn up in Alsace and Lorraine, there were
no censuses of Jews until the Vichy government headed by Philippe
Pétain ordered a census of the Jews of France. A memorandum dated
July 10, 1941 reminds census takers of what methods to use and notes
“a very poor motivation concerning the next census of the Jews.”66
Thus we see that research about the Jews of France has long taken
place, but the early surveys did not include figures on socio-economic
structures or cultural features. Without such data it is difficult and
even dangerous to have a structured discussion about issues such as
emancipation, integration and assimilation.
How does one assess the number of Jews in France? Today, the
official French census, by law, does not record religious affiliation. Nei-
ther can a “master list”67 be constructed from lists drawn up by Jewish
organizations because, according to the leaders of French Jewish orga-
nizations, their membership is only estimated at 10% of the Jewish
population. At any rate, the membership lists are usually confidential.
Given these conditions, the criterion adopted in most statistical surveys
of French Jews over the last 25 years has been the self-identification or
self-definition of the interviewee as a Jew. This methodological choice
comes at a price: persons not meeting the rabbinical definition of who
is a Jew68 could be included in the sample thus created, while others
who meet all the criteria of Jewish law might not identify themselves
as Jews, and therefore are not counted. Nevertheless, this seems to be
the most feasible method for ascertaining who comprises the Jewish
population of France.
Some of the major demographic and sociological surveys of French
Jewry conducted over the past several decades will be summarized here,
65
Bourdrel (1974: 191).
66
Bourdrel (1974: 571).
67
Schnapper (1987: 328–329).
68
According to rabbinic law, children of a Jewish mother are Jewish.
28 chapter one
along with excerpts from interviews with some of the head researchers,
giving insights into the methodologies employed, the issues covered,
and the researchers’ insights into French Jewish society and their pre-
dictions for its future.
6.1. A Political Approach to Jewish Identity: Anatomy of French Judaism

(1962)
Vladimir Rabi’s Anatomie du judaïsme français [Anatomy of French Judaism]
was one of the first attempts at a political approach to Judaism. Rabi’s
work does not directly address the question, “What does it mean to
be Jewish?” (even though the problem is to be found in his work), but
rather “Why remain Jewish?” Rabi posited that there is a biology of
history. He considered Judaism in terms of vitality and not of dogmas,
not calling his book Autopsy but Anatomy of French Judaism. He analyses
the ‘anatomy’ of French Jewry after it was left ‘bloodless’ from the
loss of an estimated quarter of its population during WWII (against
the background of the far greater losses throughout Europe), then was
re-infused by the mass immigration of North African Jews.
Rabi starts with a broad, historical recapitulation starting on Sep-
tember 27, 1791, the date French Jews became French citizens, and
ending about one hundred and fifty years later at the end of the Sec-
ond World War. He concludes with this sentence that says everything,
“The Liberation for us was not a day of joy, it was a day of truth.”69
Rabi speaks of “the great test”: faced with the destruction of Euro-
pean Jewry, it would be a matter of retaining at least this single claim,
“Remember that I was innocent”. Rabi was in fact asking, while the
memory of the Shoah and WWII is certainly present in the second
generation, what will be with the third? In order that the third gen-
eration does not forget, it is imperative that the Jew connects with
memory. This leads one to suppose that the Jew belongs effectively to
a human group united by history, and having taken everything into
account, “the true basis of Jewish identity would therefore be history.”
This “great test” seems to be behind the persistent question that runs
through this work from beginning to end: does French Jewry have a
chance of survival? What is more, asks Rabi, does the world really
need the Jews, their testimony, their affirmation?
69
Rabi (1962: 147).
The second part of Anatomy is an exhaustive political analysis of the

structures of French Jewry, of the Jewish-Christian dispute, antisemi-
tism and the Israel-Diaspora dialogue. All the religious, cultural, social
and political institutions of French Jewry are reviewed. The author
also carries out an international comparison, which sharpens under-
standing of the special nature of French Jewry, which he says provides
a direction: “A Judaism founded upon optimism, a capacity for action,
and enthusiasm for new values and a moral code that governs relations
between people.”70 Rabi concludes that if “American Jewry can define
itself by its structural framework, Israeli Jewry by its connection with
the Holy Land, Soviet Jewry by resistance to duress,”71 then Euro-
pean Jewry must transform its weakness into strength. French Jewry
in specific, “on the go since 1791, constantly defining and redefining
itself, stumbling on the contradictions of society and the fundamental
paradoxes of its condition”,72 does a constant balancing act between
integration and assimilation, between the development of communal
structures and the definition of Jewish ethical content, and between
the universal and the particular. Rabi asserts that it is for the Jew to
reinstate the course of history while maintaining an open Judaism.
Clearly, he knows that this is insufficient and he remains aware of the
danger of seeing “particularism” dissolve into the “universal.” Thus
the author states that if recourse to ethics is needed, it alone will not
be enough to ensure the existence of a community.
Closely studying the French Jew, Rabi reckons that the future of
Judaism is to be found in the balance between the ethical and the
practical: “In the synthesis between ritual and prophecy, both are
equally necessary.”73 Rabi notes three levels of contemporary Jewish
ritual: first, personal ritualism, with brit mila (circumcision), chupa (the
traditional marriage ceremony) and kaddish (the prayer said on the
anniversary each year for the dead), second, group ritualism marked
by the fast of Yom Kippur, the festivals of Chanukah and Purim, and the
Passover seder and lastly an historical dimension with the commemo-
ration of the revolt in the Warsaw Ghetto and of the independence
of the State of Israel. Rabi is in fact sketching a first draft of what he
calls Neo-Judaism. This Neo-Judaism “is seen in the retention of a
70
Ibid., p. 321.
71
Ibid., p. 320.
72
Ibid., p. 321.
73
Ibid., p. 311.
30 chapter one
certain religious and historical calendar, which makes up the elements

of a group ritual in which faith is not always present.”74 In a way, a
secular Judaism based upon practice whose sacred elements have been
removed, and this definition, 50 years later, is still topical.
To the question regarding the point of remaining Judaism in a non-
Jewish, often hostile, environment, he gives a secular answer based
upon the will and independence of the individual: “Everything occurs
as if the Jewish world remembered, instinctively, that the vital process
leads the individual to the group, and not vice versa.”75 In our days
the formula negates what is called communitarianism,76 understood
as a necessary membership of a group. However, for Rabi it was the
individual in a free and voluntary movement that joins a group. It is
this membership that ties him to history, thereby ensuring the Jewish
fact is long-term. This is provided, of course, that history is understood
not as a frozen past but as a permanent aspect of the future. As an
example Rabi offers the Minyan, which “links the Jew to his brethren in
space”, whereas “Yizkor, the prayer said in memory of the dead, links
Jews to their ancestors.” He provides another example with the slavery
of the Jews in ancient Egypt, which has educational value because it
has been included in religious texts such as the Seder ceremony, thereby
continually inserting this aspect of Jewish history into sacred time.
6.2. The Sofres Studies (1976 & 1980)

In 1976, Sofres (a leading French marketing and opinion group), headed
by Emeric Deutsch, carried out a survey of French society, and which
addressed the religious and ethnic identities of respondents. The sur-
vey consisted of six rounds during which a total of 23,554 people were
contacted. Among the interviewees, 326 declared themselves “Jewish”
and/or “Israélite”.77 Making allowance for sampling errors, Deutsch
estimated that French Jewry in 1976 came to between 600,000 and
700,000.78 However, the higher estimate was widely quoted, particu-
larly in the popular media. For example, the daily information bulletin
74
Ibid., p. 318.
75
Ibid., p. 318.
76
“Communitarianism” in France is currently employed to describe a sub-group
that separates itself from the wider society.
77
See footnote 3 and discussion of terms on pages 24–26.
78
Deutsch (1977).
of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency published the results on February

11, 1977 under the headline Who are the Jews of France?79 in which it was
written: “The Jews of France represent 1.38% of the French popula-
tion aged over 15. Extrapolated to the total 51 million Frenchmen and
women (in 1976) who have an individual, main address (communities
excepted), the Jewish population of France is about 700,000 people,
of whom 380,000 are in the Paris region.” The Editor-in-Chief of the
Jewish Telegraphic Agency emphasized the importance of the event.
“For the first time in their history, the Jews of France have been sur-
veyed, resulting in an exact portrait of this national minority.”80 The
continuation of his comments seems to be even more important:
“While community leaders and sociologists have until now estimated
the numbers at between 450,000 and 550,000, the survey has revealed
that there are in France about 700,000 Jews.”
Beyond the numeric estimate (and the controversy surrounding it),
the Sofres survey provided many interesting details about the socio-
demographic aspects of the Jews of France. It was found that the Jewish
population was relatively younger than the overall French population
(27% under the age of 25 in the Jewish population, as against 21%
in the overall population). The age pyramid of course makes sorry
reading, revealing the impact of the exterminations during the Second
World War. At the socio-professional level, there were relatively few
Jewish manual workers, storekeepers or industrialists. However, Jews
were becoming increasingly well-represented in the professions and
among senior management. Additionally, the survey showed that in
1976 intermarriage was already one of the French Jewish community’s
main concerns, with one third of couples being mixed.
To go deeper into these results, in 1980 Deutsch carried out
another survey—the first to address specifically the number and socio-
demographic make-up of France’s Jewish population. A sample of
400 Jewish homes was selected at random from the records of the
Fonds Social Juif Unifié. Interviews, conducted in person, addressed the
degree of involvement with the community, attitudes towards Israel,
levels of religious practice and attitudes towards mixed marriages.81
In an interview we conducted with Deutsch, he discussed some of the
79
Ibid.
80
Ibid.
81
A summary of the results of this survey was published in an article in L’Arche
(1980).
32 chapter one
challenges and limitations of these surveys, and gave his insights into
French Jewry based on his research experience.
Deutsch: We carried out two surveys, the first by polling, the second
with a sample of Jews in contact with the community . . . . Unfortu-
nately, since then no survey employing the same reference method
has taken place in France. We therefore have no way of measuring
any changes. It is true that this type of survey is very expensive. It
involves contacts within the framework of repetitive surveys that are
known as omnibus, each one addressed to 2,000 representative adults
from the French population, dealing with a range of different subjects.
During these surveys, the persons interviewed were asked to identify
themselves with one or more ethnic or religious groups from a list, of
course including the groups “Jew” and “Israélite”. The 326 Jews who
were referenced in this way thus represent 1.38% of the French popu-
lation. Today, to find the same number of Jews would require many
more contacts, corresponding to the growth of the general French
population. The only interest in such a survey would be to analyze
the changes. In fact all the samples used in surveys by polling involve a
bias, from which derives the interest to compare results obtained using
the same method in successive periods.
– When you carried out the survey in 1976, were you aware of these problems?
Deutsch: Of course, I made it quite clear that my sample was not
at all representative of all French Jews, but only of those who were in
contact with the community. Which by estimate is around one third.
– But you are talking about the second survey.

Deutsch: Yes. In the first survey, the method used was the only cor-
rect one from a statistical point of view. Then, we defined a Jew as
someone who identifies himself or herself as such. And today, propor-
tionally, there might perhaps be more that would identify themselves
as Jews, because at that time it was not so respectable to identify your-
self in that way.
– Did the question of affiliation surprise or embarrass anyone?

Deutsch: The interviewers did not get that impression. Incidentally,
some identified themselves as both Israélite and Jew. However, there
were certainly some Jews who censored their Jewishness, whereas
today there might perhaps be a tendency to boast about it. The Jew
is better rated than back then. So I believe that overall our results
reflect well the present reality . . . Sergio Della Pergola found less Jews
using purely theoretical calculations. However, we have a base whose
statistical value we know. . . . If we had been able to work on 40,000
contacts that would certainly have been more accurate. That is to say,
the margin for error would have been smaller. But I am of the opinion
that it was the only method, and today it is still the only way if you
want to do serious work.
– However, of the 600–700,000 range, it is the figure of 700,000 that is

remembered.
Deutsch: I am not responsible for that. That suited the media, the
number was more spectacular. However, I stated quite clearly that in
an estimated range of 600 to 700,000, the result was close to 650 and
not 700.
– How was this estimate received in France and within the community?
Deutsch: It did not make waves! There were discussions about the
breakdown by age, profession, level of education, that’s what was inter-
esting. Because the educational level of Jews was considerably above
the average. Whether there were 600,000 or 700,000 Jews in France,
I do not see how that changed anything.
– Notwithstanding that the figure impacted on people.

Deutsch: Because you have to refer to something. Personally, I have
spoken of the range when I have presented things. It was IFOP82 that
always spoke about election surveys from the mid-point of the range.
Yet statistically there is no mid-point, there is a range, and that’s it!
There is a tendency to confuse precision with accuracy and to think
that what is apparently precise is also accurate. The range of 600 to
700,000 expressers very well the statistical uncertainty of the estimate.
– Did anyone reckon the estimate too low?

Deutsch: I don’t think so. On the contrary, if you consider the poten-
tial of the Jewish organizations. If in fact there are 600,000 Jews in
France, that in any case makes 120–130,000 homes. The FSJU list has
about 38–40,000 and that of the Consistory approximately the same
82
French Institute of Public Opinion.
34 chapter one
number. As the two lists largely confirm each other, the large margin
that exists between the Jewish population and that covered by these
two major organizations can be seen. These results thus allowed us to
put numbers on a phenomenon we had previously only felt, the dis-
tancing of Jews from communal bodies, and the trend only to interest
themselves in them in times of crisis. Like today, for example, there is
certainly a stronger community sense than at the time of our survey.
– How would you analyze today the situation of French Jewry?

Deutsch: What has been happening in Israel and antisemitic acts
in France have conditioned attitudes beyond religious positions. A
part of the Jews are drifting further and further away from the Jewish
community—because they are opposed to the policies of the State of
Israel. They have adopted a position close to that of the French Left.
This group would appear to represent about a quarter of the Jewish
population. The other part supports Israel and is becoming increas-
ingly aware of its Jewishness. In some cases this goes as far as to feel
cut off from the national community. On the other hand, a unique
phenomenon is noted, religious radicalization that affects just a small
minority but is no less sensitive for that. A similar trend exists in all
Jewish communities, including in Israel.
– Does this mean that the core of the community would be made up of 60% of
the Jews of France?
Deutsch: No, that seems to be an overestimate to me. The hard core
is about 20 to 30% of the Jews of France. The rest are on the periph-
ery, nearer or further from this core. Furthermore, the organized com-
munity does not really offer them anything attractive. In fact, it must
not only respond to requirements, but must also be able to anticipate
them. As my father used to say, a community’s market is supply and
not demand. It is one of the Consistory’s major problems that it man-
ages requirements, whereas a Jewish community must also be able to
predict and stimulate demand among those who theoretically make
it up. In a nutshell, there is nothing on offer—supply—suited to Jews
who are far removed.
– If one compares it with the 1976 results, nothing has really changed, many Jews
have become assimilated while a small, hard core maintains a community life.
Deutsch: This core appears to be larger and more varied today. How-
ever, I believe that Jewry is measured not by quantity but by quality.
Because all that is needed are a few initiatives that innovate and have
an influence. Jewry has never excelled in numbers, but rather by its
qualitative contribution.
– OK, but how do you visualize the French Jewish community in 20 years time?
Deutsch: Firstly, I would say that if you had asked me in 1970
if I would give a cent for the future of French Jewry I would have
hesitated a great deal. Whereas in 1970 following the arrival of the
Jews from North Africa, the picture started to change. At that time I
thought that since a large proportion of them spoke French and were
even French citizens, that would give them a good start for quicker
assimilation than their European brethren. However, I was mistaken.
I had misconstrued the strength of their attachment to traditions and
their lack of complexes when faced with western culture. On the other
hand, the Israeli victory in the Six Days War had a catalyzing effect
on Jewish awareness.83 You can see the difficulty in making forecasts
about Jews. This apart, it seems to me that this polarization between
the trends of assimilation and religious radicalization will continue.
Further, as France is going through a process of Islamization, this will
pose serious problems for part of the Jewish population. Young people
will be looking to leave, though only some will settle in Israel, with
most preferring the USA or Canada. Aside from Islamization, Europe
is in decline and the Jews do not like that.
– If you had to redo a new survey today about the Jews of France, aside from the
issue of the method to be used, what would you want to know?
Deutsch: Three things. The first is the level of fear, concerns and
anxiety for the present and the future. I would be extremely interested
to build an anxiety scale and to be able to compare positions over time
on such a scale. Not anxiety for today, even though in some areas
life has become impossible, but anxiety for the future, both personal
and communal. The second thing I would like to know is the level of
attachment to Israel, the points of attraction and the reasons. This is
all the more important since, apart from the Orthodox who live their
Judaism through practice, it is after all Israel that makes the heart race
of most Jews who are not very observant. The third major theme is
more complex. This is the way in which they live their Judaism. For
83
See Cohen, 2011, pp. 81–120.
36 chapter one
example, in the 1976 questionnaire I asked about the attitude towards

intermarriage. How do they feel and do they observe Shabbat, the fes-
tivals, kashrut? How open are they to Jewish knowledge? I would like
to know not just about practice, but the differences they feel in their
lives between the holy and the secular. In other words, the way they
view their Jewishness. Such a survey ought to take place every four or
five years to monitor developments. If we had such a tool available,
we could work on and think about the future of the community based
upon hard data, rather than being satisfied with guesses based upon
speculation.
6.3. The Jewish Population of France: Social Demography and Identity (1984)
Doris Bensimon and Sergio Della Pergola carried out the second
major socio-demographic survey of the Jews of France. Though the
survey was carried out between 1972 and 1978, the results were only
published in 1984, almost seven years after the Sofres survey. Roberto
Bachi, at that time professor of statistics and demography at the
Hebrew University of Jerusalem, analyzed with exemplary clarity the
mass of data provided by Bensimon and Della Pergola.84 Bachi wrote,
“It emerges from this analysis that the Jewish population of France is
in general multifaceted, with at the extremes some highly orthodox,
small groups and at the other end of the spectrum people for whom
their Jewish origin has almost no impact on their way of thinking, liv-
ing and acting.”85
This illustrates how during the 1970s the Jews of France were sub-
ject to countervailing forces that pulled some closer to the heart of
the community and pushed others away. Bensimon and Della Pergola
suggested treading with caution regarding the “Jewish revival” com-
monly accepted to have been triggered by the massive influx of Jews
from North Africa. They wrote, “If by ‘Jewish revival’ is meant greater
religious observance, this survey shows us that the majority of Jews
actually observant are recruited from among those who had always
remained faithful to the religious side of Judaism. If we were to extend
the idea of ‘Jewish revival’ to Judaism’s varied cultural, national and
ideological aspects, we would note that most French Jews are looking
for new expressions of their identity, which would allow them to live as
84
Bensimon & Della Pergola (1986).
85
Roberto Bachi, in Bensimon & Della Pergola (1986: 7).
Jews in the Diaspora.”86 In other words, centripetal forces work in favor

of those who were traditionally religiously observant; others, under the
effect of centrifugal forces, seek new forms of Jewish identity.
As far as method was concerned, Bensimon and Della Pergola also
chose the interviewee’s self-definition as Jewish, though in their case,
the survey unit was the family. Bensimon and Della Pergola deemed
a Jewish household, “any domestic group that included at least one
member who identified himself or herself as Jewish. The individuals
making up the household thus constituted the Jewish population in
the broadest sense.” As far as the referencing of interviewees, the two
authors opted for the “onomastics of Jewish names”. The method
employed was to draw up a list of 18,000 Jewish names from the lists
of various French Jewish organizations, and then to divide the names
into three categories. Firstly the “certain” Jewish names that appeared
several times on the lists, then the “dubious” Jewish names that only
appear once, and finally names that are typically non-Jewish. Finally
the sample was made by drawing the “certain” Jewish names that
appeared on the electoral rolls, to whom were added a very small
percentage of typically non-Jewish names.
The story of this survey is fascinating in its own right. Towards the
end of the 1960s, the project was launched as a scientific coopera-
tion between INED (the French National Institute of Demographic
Studies) and the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. Very quickly the
INED project coordinator, Claude Levy, met resistance from some
leaders of the French Jewish community; they considered themselves
French and could not understand why a public body should carry out
a survey of the Jews of France. In the end, INED dropped out of the
project. Since the questionnaires, method and a trial run had already
been updated, Sergio Della Pergola rescued the project. In 1972 he
suggested cooperating with a central institution of French Jewry, the
FSJU, as he had previously done with the Committee of Italian Jew-
ish Communities for a survey of Italian Jewry. To restart the project,
Della Pergola teamed up with the sociologist Doris Bensimon, who
was already experienced in the sociology of French Jewry.
It should be noted that this survey did not cover the entire country.
The two researchers chose to concentrate on those areas with large Jew-
ish populations. In Paris, 15 out of 20 of the capital’s arrondissements
86
38 chapter one
were fully covered87 in two surveys held in 1972 and 1974. The Paris
suburbs were covered in 1976 by a representative sample of 18 locali-
ties out of the 278 local councils making up the Greater Paris region.
Then in 1977–78 the survey was carried out in five cities outside the
Paris region with a presumed Jewish population of over 10,000 (Lyon,
Marseille, Nice, Strasbourg and Toulouse). The results were processed
over the next three years, 1979–1982, and published officially in 1984.
Sergio Della Pergola explains that from this point of view the survey
was atypical, because it covered a period of six years. The method
employed, however, was consistent. He added that the purpose was less
the accuracy of the numbers than determining certain trends. Bensimon
and Della Pergola estimated French Jewry consisted of some 535,000
people representing 1.1% of the total population.88 France’s Jewish
population had been estimated at 225,000 in 1950, and 360,000 in
1960, an increase of 60%. The Bensimon and Della Pergola survey
indicated that between 1970 and 1980 the French Jewish population
stabilized around 535,000. The reason for this relatively stability was
the gradual drying up of immigration, a drop in the birth rate89 and
erosion caused by intermarriage. Paradoxically, it was not the trends
noted but the number of Jews in France that aroused interest.
In an interview Sergio Della Pergola linked the controversy over the
Sofres study with the question of the number of French Jews.
Della Pergola: Sofres published its survey when we were analyz-

ing our Paris data and completing our own poll. The Sofres data did
not appear at all acceptable to me in terms of method. There were
two or three points that were completely unacceptable for a demog-
rapher. This was a survey based exclusively on adults, from which
were extrapolated figures for the entire population, without taking into
account possible differences in the age structure. That was my main
criticism, but there were other things, in particular the definition of
87
Excluding arrondissements 1, 7, 8, 11 and 13.
88
Ibid., p. 35. See below the estimates of Della Pergola and his colleagues for the
years 2000–2010. These are very close to those of this survey.
89
In 1967–71, the birth rate in the Paris region was 1.7 and 1.2 children per Jewish
woman born respectively in North Africa and Europe (ibid.: 143). These figures apply to
women who are still in the younger, child-bearing age group. For women aged 40–45,
the averages were: total for Jewish women, 2.6; women with a European background,
2.0; women from North African backgrounds, 3.1. Women aged 40–45 in 1975 would
today be aged 70–75. For them we found a very similar fertility rate: 2.42. In 2002,
we found an average of 1.99 children per adult Jewish woman of any age.
the group. It in fact pushed me to publish a summary of our results

in an article.90
– So in 1984 you officially published the results in an enormous volume entitled

The Jewish population of France: social demography and identity. How did the
French Jewish community accept this survey?
Della Pergola: It was received with very mixed feelings. It should be
noted that in the chapters about numerical growth and those on the
history of the French Jewish population, we also used other sources.
Doris Bensimon had worked on historical demography in both France
and Algeria. Her contribution thus provided a perspective that I lacked.
I could thus make an estimate of the number of Jews in France based
on the data we had gathered, supplemented by other sources such as
international emigration, and analysis of Aliyah, as well as Israeli and
historical data. Accordingly, the result was quite different from Emeric
Deutsch’s at Sofres. Of course, just the number of Jews in France
attracted attention, eclipsing everything else. I have to say that we
have a difference of almost two hundred thousand people. Inciden-
tally, Emeric Deutsch had been asked about those 700,000 French
Jews, and he stated that he had never announced the number 700,000,
but more or less 600,000. Of course, it had become perhaps 700,000.
Our assessment had been 535,000. In the Tribune juive or Information
juive 91 Deutsch completely demolished our work. The article’s subtitle
was, “What a nerve!” I had enormous respect for Deutsch—my criti-
cism was not personal, demography has certain laws—but you cannot
invent a community. It can only be read and understood in con-
text and subject to gradual development, which Deutsch had totally
ignored. He had discovered a Jewish community out of the blue. It
must also be said that Emeric Deutsch was not just a statistician; he
was also someone very influential and active within the Jewish institu-
tional community. (. . .)
In any case, the scientific community received our study very well.
The CNRS92 does not publish such a work93 without providing a
reviewer, because it is a scientific and academic publication. In fact,
in terms of analytical detail there are many results that are not to be
90
Della Pergola & Bensimon (1978).
91
Translator’s note: two leading French Jewish newspapers.
92
The French National Center for Scientific Research.
93
40 chapter one
found in the majority of scientific works. It was of course an analysis

of a sample, however, we pushed to the limit the degree of resolution
of the analysis with a detailed presentation of the sampling errors. It
must also be said that it was based almost exclusively on cross-tabula-
tions. I did not use multi-variable analysis, while at the time I was not
acquainted with the methods of Guttman.94 It was therefore a classic
data text, presented in the most conventional way, even though on
certain points such as the calculation of the total fertility rate, it was
an analysis that went beyond the plain, cross-tabulated data. In my
opinion, based upon current works on the Jews of France, this work
is still applicable.
– What is interesting in the analysis of your data is that Roberto Bachi notes
two issues. Firstly that France’s Jewish population is undergoing a process of
polarization, while on the other hand the claimed large-scale Jewish renewal is
non-existent. Didn’t his conclusions stimulate debate?
Della Pergola: No, because the results apparently conformed to the
view of the situation held by community leaders. The truth is, I do
not know how many people actually read the work that came out in
1984, aside from a group of researchers. Yet in any case it was a very
interesting stage in the inter-communal dynamic.
– What is your reading of the current situation of the Jews of France?

Della Pergola: There are two discussions. The first is about socio-
demography and identity. What strikes me about what we have learned
from subsequent surveys of the Jews of France is the continuity. It must
be acknowledged that the French Jewish community can maintain itself,
which cannot at all be said about the Jewish communities of Western
Europe that have disappeared or the American Jewish communi-
ties, where the erosion processes of the Jewish population are much
greater. There are of course regressive trends within the French Jewish
population, but they are not extreme. The second discussion is about
the socio-political and socio-cultural context in France. While this does
not depend upon demography, it can affect it. On the one hand we see
the Jewish community at the peak of a successful integration process
and social climbing. Every indicator confirms this: the virtual disap-
pearance of manual workers, the growth in mixed marriages among
94
This refers to the Facet Theory and related methods developed by Louis Gutt-
man. These are discussed in the methodology chapter on page 56.
new immigrants and a general drop in the birth rate in the Jewish
population. Notwithstanding all that, this is a strong community. On
the other hand, we could speak of the Jewish community’s lack of con-
fidence in the State. There is a sort of rupture, which some perhaps for
the first time express as a desire to leave France. Today it is a matter
of a crisis of confidence between the community and French society,
though this might still change. The construction of a European area
might represent a chance for the Jewish communities.
In fact, in this connection, a Jewish European identity and a space
accorded the Jews might not be impossible, at least in conceptual
terms. I had a very interesting experience. For the first time in my
life I agreed to go to Germany, for a conference organized by the
Central Council of Jews in Germany. And I have to say that in Berlin,
where I was only two days, I saw a city with about thirty monuments
to the Shoah, which were very visible and could not be ignored. It’s
very impressive. The central site is the size of a football pitch, and
while it may not be very lovely, it is still located just 200 yards from
the Brandenburg Gate. Imagine a football pitch size Shoah memorial
200 yards from the Louvre in Paris. Secondly, there are other, more
discreet monuments, but it is just as remarkable that they are spread
throughout the town. So it has to be acknowledged that the Germans,
in public, and perhaps in Berlin more than elsewhere, have carried
out a task of thinking things through and working them out, which
is reflected not only explicitly but also courageously. The Austrians
have done nothing and the French very little. Where is the Vel d’Hiv?95
I visited the place and saw a very attractive residential area. There
might be a plaque somewhere, but it is not very visible. Yet if Ger-
many views the new Europe this way, it is nonetheless encouraging. In
this connection, it is difficult to know what choices France will make,
because Muslim immigration has become irreversible. France can no
longer limit the damage. By the way, I find the anti-veil legislation
quite ridiculous. It is exactly what not to do, even if I know that dis-
playing a religious sign in school goes against France’s secular values.
But I would rather permit displaying signs of identity as part of respect
for law and order.
95
Short for Vélodrome d’Hiver the Bicycle Racing Stadium in Paris that was
used as a holding station for Jews to be deported to the concentration camps during
WWII.
42 chapter one
– If you had to carry out a new survey on the Jews of France, what would you
be looking for?
Della Pergola: That’s not very complicated. Two things have to be
done in a survey. Firstly, you have to ensure the comparability of data,
thereby creating an historical series of indicators in order to study
trends. For example, you have to see how typologies change. But you
also have to add questions that come up. The question to be examined
in greater depth today is that of potential emigration to other coun-
tries: on the one hand Israel, and on the other, the USA, Canada or—
why not—Germany. We need to see how Jews behave in a situation
that is stronger than they are. There is in fact a dependency, with the
Jewish public basically depending upon the state’s institutional frame-
work. We tend to forget that and think we are independent. In the
future, Jewry might also become dependent on the European frame-
work, if the nation- state becomes less dominant and Europe starts to
take on a personality of its own. Which, however, is not yet evident.
For example, does the European constitution provide room for reli-
gious values? The draft European constitution only includes Europe’s
cultural, religious and secular values; but why should it not guaran-
tee European paganism, which is considerably older? There are thus
efforts on one side and countervailing forces on the other side, and the
future will tell if Europe will be capable of providing minorities such
as the Jews, who have no territorial representation on European soil,
with a consolidated, institutional space. If Europe can grant such a
space, the Jews will perhaps have opportunities in Europe, but if not
there will no place for Jews there.
It is this second hypothesis, that there will not be a place for plural-
ism, which characterizes France for us. My final observation is about
how far behind are the Jews of Europe and their leadership. They
have to understand that what is needed is a European communal
organization within the European Union. There needs to be a Union
of Jewish Communities of the institutional European Union and not
a virtual Europe between Lisbon and Vladivostok, by way of Casa-
blanca and Istanbul.
6.3.1. Jews and Frenchmen (1979)

André Harris and Alain de Sédouy conducted a study, published under
the title Juifs & Français ( Jews and Frenchmen), in which they wrote, “We
went out looking for ‘French people of the Jewish persuasion’, as it is
still known in official terminology, and we found a community that
above all considered itself ‘Jewish’. Many to whom we spoke referred

to themselves as ‘French Jews’, while others used ‘Jews in France’.”96
It could be argued that the authors of Jews and Frenchmen (who are not
Jewish) suffered from an illusion, even a methodological presupposi-
tion that would find its source in the misleading “official terminology”?
Based upon their stated “. . . concern to get to know this community
better . . .” it seems that perhaps they only approached interlocutors
who identified themselves as Jewish. Additionally, the book is based
on face-to-face interviews, better suited to revealing identity than tele-
phone surveys.
At any rate, the authors’ “discovery” of the Jews of France in the
early 1980s provoked astonishment. They concluded that Israélites had
become Jews, and that they comprise a distinct community. At the
beginning of the book, they quote a provocative, even subversive,
statement by one of the young French Jews they interviewed: “For
me, France is nothing more than a passport . . .” The authors cite the
end of “Republican messianism” as one of the main consequences of
the Third Reich and Vichy. Making this statement at that time, in
fact, required a certain amount of courage. Jews and Frenchmen came
out a few years Michael Marrus and Robert Paxton’s exposé study of
the Vichy regime, which stimulated a debate that shook the French
Republic to its foundations.97 It took almost another 15 years before
President Jacques Chirac acknowledged the responsibility of France
regarding the Vichy regime, and the eternal debt the country had to
the victims and their heirs.
Jews and Frenchmen showed that almost 40 years after Liberation, the
Jews of France were still victims of anti-Semitism, what the authors call
“. . . the distortion that the prejudiced apply to reality.” They note that
Charles de Gaulle was aware of the impossibility of completely stamp-
ing out anti-Semitism in France and that, while he himself was not an
anti-Semite, “. . . that did not prevent him from being totally impervious
to the true nature of Jewish identity.”98 While the anti-Semitism
encountered at the time of this study was certainly less violent than
that manifest under Vichy, it was nonetheless biting and gnawing, as
expressed in the words of one of their interviewees: “There are days
96
97
Marrus & Paxton (1981).
98
44 chapter one
when I tell myself, ‘You are above all French,’ when I think my Jew-
ishness is just a culture, a religion. And then, hardly a week later, I
was stuck in a traffic jam at the entrance to the Bois de Boulogne, and
a jogger passes between the cars and calls out to me, ‘Get a move on,
with your dirty Jewboy face!’ That day I felt just Jewish.”99
Thus Jews and Frenchmen reflects the renewal of the Jewishness of
French Jews, or the attrition of the national feeling among French
people of the Jewish persuasion. There was a re-found pride in the
fact of being Jewish, coupled with a sense of a promise betrayed by
France.
A statement by another interviewee underlined the eternal sense of
insecurity experienced by the French Jewish community: “What do I
feel today? Difficult to say. But I often feel much more Jewish than
French. I have never forgotten what happened to us under Vichy,
when the quota system was instituted. I was put in a school where
there were only Arabs. My father, who had kicked up a fuss at the
time, came to fetch me during class, and with a whole hullabaloo took
me away saying, ‘You’re not French, you’re Jewish, get out of here!’100
Jews and Frenchmen offers an irrevocable diagnosis, “For today’s Jews
everything has changed and nothing has changed.”101 That is per-
haps the most surprising thing in this account. In the French-Jew, the
“mental androgyne”, to use the expression of Harris and de Sédouy,
the Jew is essential and the Frenchman accidental. As one young
woman asked herself, “Can you get to no longer feeling Jewish?”102
Yet another interviewee told the researchers, “I do not consider myself
French. I am the son of Russian and Polish emigrants who shuttled
from one ‘haven’ to another, and I am only French by an accident of
history. I am Jewish, totally Jewish, and not at all French.” In other
words, Jews and Frenchmen is not the description of a pair in which both
partners are equal.
6.3.2. Jews and Israélites (1980)

Dominique Schnapper continued the work done by Harris and de
Sédouy on the relations between the Jews and France. Her book Juifs et
Israélites ( Jews and Israélites) could have been the sequel to Juifs & Fran-
99
100
Ibid., p. 299.
101
Ibid., p. 33.
102
Ibid., p. 116.
çais. However, Schnapper adds an inside look at the Jews of France,

given her Jewish background. The analysis is based on 90 interviews
conducted between 1975 and 1978 with French citizens who defined
themselves as Jewish. Jews and Israélites is based upon observation and
anthropological analysis, not survey statistics. That being the case,
Schnapper has certainly ensured a certain degree of representative-
ness by diversifying the origins of the interviewees to include seven
distinct sub-populations: the community of French origin in Lorraine;
the community in the Southwest which was originally Ashkenazi but
which has become a Sephardi majority; the Sephardi community in
the Paris region; the Parisian activists; leaders of national organiza-
tions; new Israélites; and lastly the working class community.
One of the most significant contributions of the book is her typology
of French Jewry. The author concedes, “I have no pretension of deal-
ing exhaustively with the problem of Jewish identity and the various
ways of being Jewish, what became the special traditions of Jewish
culture today in France among those who declare themselves Jewish.”103
Schnapper based her typology on the differences in practice, letting
the respondents define how they wished to address their Jewish iden-
tity. Deeming Judaism to be a way of life based upon an ethical code
and metaphysics, the author constructed three model “types” defined
in relation to the Jewish traditions: 1) the observant, who practice the
religion; 2) activists, who have passed Judaism’s ethical code and meta-
physics into the political arena; and 3) Israélites, by which she refers to
“a weakened, sometimes ambiguous form of identity and participa-
tion, whether imposed or assumed.”
Each of these model types spawn sub-groups based upon a series of
five essential variables: number of generations one’s family has been
in France (reflecting the successive waves of Jewish immigration);
relationship to Judaism; relationship to Israel; communal member-
ship; and cultural level. Within the ‘observant’ model type, Schnap-
per distinguished between local observant “. . . who have been educated
in France” and transplanted observant, whose “approach to Judaism has
been developed in another social and cultural context.”104 Looking at
‘relationship to Judaism’ enabled a differentiation between the tradition-
ally religious and the newly religious. ‘Relationship with the community’
103
Schnapper (1980: 29).
104
Ibid., p. 55.
46 chapter one
distinguishes those associated with the community from those who are mar-
ginal. Within the activist model type, the relationship with Israel pro-
vides an essential differentiation between pro-Israelis and anti-Israelis.
Among the Israélites, the cultural level determines two subgroups: new
Israélites at a higher social level, and business people.
Schnapper states that within each of the three model types (obser-
vant, activists and Israélites) the sense of belonging to the Jewish People
is maintained, even with the disappearance of specific practices. She
says this happens “. . . as if the reduction in compliance with Jewish
law was compensated by a strengthening of the Jewish character of
certain behavioral types.”105 This phenomenon is particularly marked
among Israélites. The new Israélites are mainly assimilated in objective
terms; nevertheless, they retain a very strong sense of a community
of destiny. The second Israélite subgroup, the business people, who are
largely lacking in anything Jewish, still continues to maintain a Jewish
social circle. In other words, among the Israélites there is “compensa-
tion between loss of faith and religious practice on the one hand, and
on the other hand the perpetuation of Jewishness, which is seen as a
culture or series of practices and attitudes.”106 The two other catego-
ries (observant and activists) can be considered Jews with a high cultural
level and thus a special relationship with Jewish knowledge. Beyond
this description of categories of French Jews, Schnapper analyzes the
process that facilitates maintaining or returning to traditions and par-
ticularisms. She predicts that maintenance of tradition and a return to
special cultural practices will be increasingly common among French
Jews, facilitated by their economic progress and their high cultural level
in comparison to parallel social groups of non-Jews. In the modern,
industrial world, “. . . the return to special practices and beliefs, which
by definition are no longer experienced in the traditional way, can
only be the result of intellectual awareness and knowledge.”107 In mak-
ing this argument, she quotes Bernhard Blumenkranz, who posits that
the history of the Jews, through its special features, both announces
and summarizes the social transformations of the Western world: “The
minority group announces through its special experiences the overall
changes that are coming.”108
105
Ibid., p. 234.
106
Ibid., p. 234.
107
Ibid., p. 246.
108
Blumenkranz (1978).
Among four features that characterize industrial societies (mate-

rial prosperity, a special life style, entertainment, and the large-scale,
global raising of cultural levels), Schnapper emphasizes the influence
of the cultural level upon the maintenance or rediscovery of special
characteristics. It can thus be understood that maintaining traditions
or a return to special cultural practices will be very frequent among
Jews whose cultural level has always been higher than that of the same
non-Jewish social categories. In a nutshell, Schnapper posits that eco-
nomic progress and especially raising of the cultural level strengthens
the desire to express a personal identity that has becoming increasingly
difficult for them to express in their professional lives.
6.4. Reflection on the Jewish Questions (1984)

In Réflexion sur les questions juives (Reflections on the Jewish questions)109, 110 a
collection of the works of Annie Kriegel on the fact of being Jewish, the
author developed the concept of ‘community’ in contrast to a minor-
ity or micro-society. She defines a community as, “a type of group in
which the degree of belonging involves very variable degrees—from
practically 0 to 100; in which the means of belonging are also very
different in their outward manifestations.”111 Entry into a collective
structure of this sort is voluntary, as is departure, because “. . . partici-
pating in a very extended space that stretches from the center to the
periphery does not have the permanence of a perpetual commitment.”112
Even if participation in the community is voluntary, that does not
mean it has no repercussions. According to the author, the advantages
of a collective status go together with an acceptance of constraints.
In other words, “the distinctive sign that certainly characterizes com-
munity living is its dependence” on a reality that goes beyond it and
encompasses it. This means that the Jewish community must remain
aware of its connections with the Jewish world while remembering that
it is one of the components of French society.
109
Translator’s note: this title is a play on words on the original French title of
Sartre’s Antisemite and Jew, which in French was literally “Reflections on the Jewish
Question”.
110
Kriegel (1984).
111
Ibid., p. 131.
112
Ibid., p. 131.
48 chapter one
In October 1983 Kriegel was interviewed by Shlomo Malka, as part

of a series of interviews entitled To be Jewish today.113 The conversation
called ultima verba is the conclusion of Reflection on the Jewish questions.
Malka asked Kriegel “If Judaism does not just exist through antisemi-
tism, by what does it exist?” Kriegel answered, “Today, in the calm of
the coming age, for me the fact of being Jewish is to be in the living
stream of immemorial history, it is to be totally involved in passing
on what I have received as a heritage in an unbroken tradition, in a
word, continuity.”114
There are two elements within this simple yet powerful definition of
the fact of being Jewish. Firstly, there is a biographical element, when
Kriegel states, “In the calm of the coming age”. The perception of
the fact of being Jewish is also a generational matter, depending on
how the individual perceives his or her history. The second element,
related to the first, about the fact of being Jewish is “continuity”. It of
course depends upon what Kriegel intended by continuity. Later on
in the interview, the term ‘continuity’ seems synonymous with loyalty.
Kriegel explains that even if in one’s family religious feelings dry up,
the values remain the same, simply translated into a secular language.
This is why loyalty to marrying within the fold has remained strong.
What is notable is the connection Kriegel makes between continu-
ity in the biological sense and loyalty to values. This link between the
biological and spiritual is indeed present throughout the conversation.
Explaining that religious feeling has not been drained away, just con-
cealed, Kriegel uses her own physical handicap (deafness) as a meta-
phor for describe spiritual weakness: “Perhaps I am deaf from birth,
or through a lack of exercise and education in the religious music of
the soul.”115
6.5. Jewish Studies and Education in France (1991)

One of the key viewpoints from which to observe a group of people
is their educational system. In 1986–1988, I conducted a pioneering
national systemic study of the Jewish educational system in France.
The study provided a picture of the French Jewish community
through an in-depth examination of its educational institutions. Three
113
Malka (1984).
114
Kriegel (1984).
115
Ibid., p. 625.
main research questions were explored: 1) what are the services and
educational settings provided to the French Jewish community by its
institutions? 2) How do the decision-makers and professionals of the
community evaluate and analyze Jewish education? 3) What are the
attitudes and behaviors of the French Jewish public regarding Jewish
education?
Eight distinct types of Jewish education were covered in the
survey: a) Jewish day schools; b) Talmud Torah (supplementary or
Sunday schools); c) youth movements and organizations; d) summer
and winter camps; e) Jewish studies programs and research at universi-
ties; f ) ulpanim (intensive Hebrew studies programs); g) Jewish student
associations; and h) informal study groups. Each of these settings was
studied separately, as a single approach would not applicable across
such a wide range in terms of students’ age, program intensity and
goals, etc. Questionnaires and interviews were designed and adminis-
tered as appropriate for each. Some 2600 individuals were surveyed
or interviewed, including people in positions of authority on the
national, regional and local level. Additionally, 524 decision-makers
participated in a panel organized as part of the study. In this way,
the study included people on all levels of involvement, from student
through national decision-maker, individuals of both genders and of
all ages, from kindergarteners through senior citizens, living in every
geographic region of France.
This was the first study of its kind carried out by the French Jewish
community or indeed anywhere in the Jewish world. It was commis-
sioned by three partners: the Jewish Agency, the American Joint Distri-
bution Committee (which has been active in France since WWII), and
a special committee on Jewish education in France (which included
representatives from all the major organizations including the Fonds
Social Juif Unifié, the Alliance Israélite Universelle, the Consistoire Israélite,
and the chief rabbi of France).
Ten separate reports, consisting of some 1200 pages, were prepared.
The main results were published (in French) under the title L’étude et
l’éducation juive en France, ( Jewish Studies and Education in France). Twenty
years later, this study still provides basis for analysis of the Jewish
educational system in France. It also informed parts of the survey of
Jewish heads of households (in 2002 and the follow-ups in 2005 and
2007) which dealt with issues of education. The institutional part of
the 1986–88 study of Jewish education emphasized the educational
setting as the unit of study. In the latter studies, the unit considered
50 chapter one
was the family. This second approach enabled us to follow the educa-
tional itinerary as students move through different types of educational
settings.
One of the main findings of the survey was that participation in
Jewish education has been enormous. In 1988, when the survey was
conducted, 44% of young French Jews were in contact with some Jew-
ish educational body (Talmud Torah, summer camp, youth group116 or
Jewish school ). Almost three quarters (74%) of French Jews between
the ages of 20 and 29, said they had received a partial or complete
Jewish education by the time they reached 19 years of age. Further,
this survey documented the undeniable growth of Jewish schools in
France during the 1980s. In 1988 almost 16,000 Jewish children and
youngsters attended Jewish schools full-time. The significance of this
figure is clear when compared with previous decades: in 1972 the
figure was less than half this (7,992 students). In 1950 there were only
400 students who attended a Jewish school in France full time.
The growth of Jewish schools also represented a change in identity.
When Jewish schools in France reopened their doors in 1945 they
were virtually exclusively Orthodox. However, this changed with the
arrival of the North African Jews and the forging of a connection with
the State of Israel. Students were increasingly recruited from tradi-
tional but not Orthodox backgrounds.
The 1991 study found that the institutions that manage the educa-
tional network of France’s Jewish community were varied, from ortho-
dox to traditionalist to liberal and the Jewish educational opportunities
they provided came in various forms. It included a formal system (kin-
dergarten, full time Jewish schools under contract to the State, inde-
pendent Talmudic schools, with professional teaching), a semi-formal
structure (Talmud Torah) and informal structures ( Jewish youth groups
and organizations, study groups, summer camps). Thus, the influence
of Jewish education was not limited to that of religious tradition.
The survey identified three concentric circles of users of the French
Jewish educational system: observant (15%), traditionalists (49%) and
non-observant (36%). However, it is difficult to compare these results
of the two previous surveys (1976 and 1984), because Sofres did not ask
the question of denominational affiliation, and the survey by Doris Ben-
simon and Sergio Della Pergola did not include the same categories.
116
There are only a few serious, scientific studies of French Jewish youth groups.
We would mention the doctoral thesis by Auron (1979).
The survey of Jewish education found that Jewish schools were con-
sidered to be of high quality and that there was amazing potential
for expanding participation. 68% of the parents of school-aged Jewish
children surveyed in 1988 stated that if a good, free Jewish school
opened in their neighborhood, they would have no problem in prin-
ciple in sending their children there.117 This indicates a major shift, as
sending one’s children to public school had long been considered a
basic value in French society.
The discovery of the rapid growth in Jewish education in France
called into question the widespread belief that French Jews are not
interested in belonging to a community. The survey showed that the
Jews of France have a pragmatic approach to communal structures.
Even if they are not amenable to being committed to institutions, they
are nevertheless major consumers of communal services. They dis-
tance themselves when they have no need and get closer in accordance
with life cycle events (birth, marriage, death). In this context the Jewish
educational network plays a central role. Educational organizations
are seen as a communal service that provides children what their par-
ents are unable to do at home.
The growth of Jewish educational structures causes a parallel and
reciprocal strengthening of communal life. In 1988, 22% of French
Jews said they regularly (once a month or more) attend a Jewish com-
munity institution. This group, comprising the core of the community,
comprises the major consumers of organized communal life and com-
munity activists. Another 30% of French Jews said they attend com-
munal institutions a few times a year. This group is made up of what
is called in communal circles, “occasional visitors”. The other 48% of
the French Jewish population—those who never or only rarely attend
communal institutions, are at the far periphery of the community,
sometimes called “Yom Kippur Jews”.
The previous studies and explorations of French Jewish identity pro-

vide a basis and context for the large-scale national survey of French
Jews which is the main focus of this book. The current study explores
various facets of the demographics, community structure, identity, and
values of French Jews based on empirical data analyzed in the histori-
cal, political and cultural context outlined above.
117
Cohen, E.H. (1992).
CHAPTER TWO
EMPIRICAL STUDY OF THE JEWS OF FRANCE AT THE

TURN OF THE MILLENNIUM
1. Methodology
1.1. The Surveys

The majority of the data presented in this study was collected in the
course of a large socio-demographic and attitudinal survey conducted
among a representative sample of French Jewry during the month
of January 2002. This study was undertaken at the initiative of the
Fonds Social Juif Unifié, the United Jewish Appeal of France, the Aliyah
Department of the Jewish Agency for Israel, with the support of the
L.A. Pincus Fund for Jewish Education in the Diaspora. This com-
prehensive survey included questions on issues such as Jewish identity,
Jewish life, Jewish education and relationship to Israel. Potential inter-
viewees were selected on the basis of family name.
Using a list of over 85,000 donors provided by the AUJF in Feb-
ruary 2001 and another list provided by the Rabbinical Council of
Nice in April 2001, we drew up a geographical distribution of valid
names and addresses. Ten Jewish family names (five Ashkenazic and
five Sephardic) were chosen. We searched for these names in every
French Department on the lists of electronic directories available on
the Internet. A comparison of the two lists indicated that the geo-
graphic distribution of the AUJF donors was basically the same as
that of the ten selected patronymics. The number of Jewish patronym-
ics was then increased to 50 (25 Ashkenazic and 25 Sephardic)—the
same patronymics as had been previously used in the survey of Jewish
education in France.1 Inclusion of all variant spellings and compos-
ite forms of these names generated 685 distinct patronymics. Families
with these 685 names represent approximately 17% of the households
in the AUJF list.
1
Cohen, E.H. (1991).
54 chapter two
Thirty French Departments were then selected for the survey: the
seventeen that had been included in the 1988 study, plus thirteen
additional Departments from across the country. Using Minitel (an
online service provided by the Poste, Téléphone et Télécommunications), we
searched for these 685 patronymics, identifying 32,026 addresses in
the 30 departments. From this preliminary list, names were randomly
chosen from each department. Each address was given a random
number ranging from 1 to 10 million. The addresses for each depart-
ment were then put in order according to the random numbers. For
each region, we selected the first x addresses (x being proportionate to
the total number of addresses in that region). The final sample thus
reflected the regional presence of Jews of France. The list of names
selected from the electronic directories and the AUJF list yielded virtu-
ally the same structure of regional distribution.
A pilot study of 15 households taken from the random lists was
conducted in order to enable adjustments to the final questionnaire.
Once the questionnaire was finalized, the full study was conducted via
telephone between January 13–31 2001 by a team of 23 interviewers,
supported by three administrators and five examiners. A total of 7,907
phone calls were made. There were two requirements in order to be
included as a participant in the study: potential interviewees had to
be Jewish and/or Israélite according to their own self-definition and
they had to be either the head of the household or his/her spouse.
The response ratio to the phone survey was 1:7. The scientific com-
mission that oversaw the survey considered this ratio to be more than
sufficient to ensure that the sample and the data were accurate and
representative.
3,447 potential interviewees were absent at the time of the call. 262
telephone numbers were incorrect. 351 were not heads of households
and therefore did not meet the criteria for participation. 1130 poten-
tial interviewees (25.3%) refused to participate in the study after hear-
ing the interviewer’s introduction, even before answering the initial
question concerning self-definition. This refusal rate was higher than
that in 1988, which was 16.2%. It is possible that the climate of hostil-
ity felt by the Jews of France on the street and in the media in recent
years dissuaded some from taking part in the study. 580 asked that the
interview take place at a later date, but were not contacted again. 54
people began the interview but did not complete it, and therefore their
responses are not included in the final analysis.
empirical study of the jews of france 55
The first question asked was whether or not the potential intervie-
wee is Jewish. The patronymic approach was only a first screening, as
clearly not everyone in the phone directory with a last name common
among Jews is necessarily Jewish. Of those individuals with Jewish pat-
ronymics who were contacted, 846 said they were not Jewish (18.9%
of those contacted).2 In the 1988 survey, 15.5% of those contacted said
they were not Jewish or Israélite. None of those contacted who said they
are not Jewish or Israélite was included on the AUJF national list. It is
therefore plausible to say that the populations contacted in the course
of the two studies are comparable.
1132 phone interviews were completed with heads of household in
the 30 geographical French Departments. A comparison of the per-
centage of certain categories with absolute numbers available on Jew-
ish life in France provided an external validation. We strove to achieve
gender balance (577 men and 555 women participated in the study)
and age distribution reflecting the percentages of the previous study.
The data gathered in the study was weighted in order to accord with
certain traditional socio-demographic distributions. A table presenting
the main socio-demographic indicators before and after weighting is
given in the appendix.
1.2. Additional Studies

A follow-up study commissioned by the Jewish Agency was conducted
between January 25 and February 24 2005.3 We were able to re-
interview 600 (53%) of the heads of households interviewed in the first
study, ensuring a high level of representation of the survey population.
In a very few cases the spouses of the original respondents were inter-
viewed in the follow-up study.
Additional data considered in this analysis are drawn from an
ongoing survey of participants in Israel Experience youth educational
2
It might be hypothesized that the reason why these individuals replied in this
fashion was out of fear or suspicion as to the survey’s bona fides. It must be said that
all of those contacted by phone were able to check the survey’s credentials with the
FSJU. However, in total just 15 people called the phone number for the FSJU office
in order to check that this was in fact a survey being undertaken by French Jewish
community institutions. This figure strengthens the assumption that these 846 people
were not Jewish.
3
Cohen, E.H. (2005a).
56 chapter two
tours;4 a survey of French tourists commissioned by AMI in 2004; a

study commissioned by the Jewish Agency in 2005 concerning attitudes
towards Israel and particularly towards immigration among French
Jews practicing “liberal professions” (primarily law and medicine;5 a
study of French students (high school and post-high school ) studying
in Israel commissioned by Sacta-Rashi Foundation; and last but not
least, a study commissioned by the Fonds Social Juif Unifié conducted
in January–February 2007 among 980 heads of Jewish households
(national sample). We have also drawn on certain items that were
confirmed in a survey commissioned by the Sacta-Rashi Foundation
about the needs of French Jewish high school students in Israel.6 This
study, which appeared in the Observatoire du monde juif in 2006, high-
lights the special nature of the Aliyah of young French Jews in recent
years. This book is thus the sum total of data gathered and analyses
undertaken about the Jews of France in the years 2002–2007.
1.3. Data Analysis Methods

The analysis is based on Facet Theory, a systematic approach provid-
ing a rationale for a hypothesis of a correspondence between a defini-
tional framework and an aspect of the empirical data. The two main
FT data analysis techniques utilized are described in brief.7
1.3.1. Smallest Space Analysis (SSA)

Smallest Space Analysis graphically portrays the structure of data by
plotting a set of variables in a cognitive map (‘smallest space’ ) accord-
ing to their correlations.8 SSA begins with the construction of a cor-
relation matrix for the selected variables. The correlations range from
–100 to +100, with 0 indicating no correlation between a pair of
4
Cohen, E.H. (2008).
5
Cohen, E.H. (2005b).
6
Cohen, E.H. (2006a).
7
For more detailed explanations see; Guttman, (1959, 1982a); Levy & Elizur (2003);
Levy, (1994). For a mathematical guide to use of Facet Theory techniques see: Amar
(2005). For a comprehensive bibliography of Facet Theory publications see: Cohen,
E.H. (2009) http://www.facet-theory.org/files/wordocs/Bibliography2009.pdf.
8
Guttman (1968).
variables.9 A computer program10 then plots the variables as points in

a cognitive map (a Euclidean space called ‘smallest space’ ) in such a
way that closely correlated variables are close together and weakly or
negatively correlated variables are far apart.
The program simultaneously takes into account the entire correla-
tion matrix for all the selected variables. The computer program can
generate a number of SSA maps in various dimensions and along
various axes. The researcher may consider several possible maps to
determine which shows the structure of the data most clearly. In SSA,
the lower the dimensionality necessary to recognize a structure, the
stronger it can be said to be. In general, it is preferable to find a struc-
ture in two or three dimensions.
Once the map is generated, the researcher looks for contiguous
regions of semantically related variables. The researcher does not
look for clusters defined only by distance, but regions that respond
to a semantic criteria and which form a coherent overall structure.
While the placement of the points is objective, based on the corre-
lation between the data, the interpretation of the map is subjective,
reflecting the theoretical basis of the analysis.
The regionalization of SSA maps is analogous to that of geographic
maps, whose fixed features may be divided into regions according to
political boundaries, natural features, population density, etc. For
example, towns which span the borders of France, Belgium, Luxem-
bourg and Germany are in different regions according to maps divided
along political boundaries but would be in the same region of a map
showing natural habitat types. The divisions are determined according
to the purpose of the map.
9
I have found the monotonicity correlation (MONCO) to be particularly appli-
cable. MONCO is a regression-free, non-linear coefficient of correlation. MONCO
measures whether or not two items vary in the same direction (i.e. both increase)
(Guttman 1986: 80–87). It recognizes a wider variety of correlations as ‘perfect’, and
therefore MONCO correlations are always higher in absolute value than linear cor-
relations. An SSA may also be done successfully using the more common Pearson
coefficient.
10
The Hebrew University Data Analysis Package HUDAP data analysis software
package developed by Reuven Amar and Shlomo Toledano, Computation Author-
ity of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. A manual on the use of HUDAP (Amar
2005) may be downloaded free of charge from: http://www.facet-theory.org/files/
HUDAP%20Manual.pdf.
58 chapter two
1.3.2. Comparing Sub-Populations: External Variables in the SSA Map

Using the graphic representation of the set of primary variables as a
base, sub-groups of the survey population may be compared by intro-
ducing them as ‘external variables’.11 This is a unique feature of the
SSA procedure, and distinguishes it from other multi-dimensional data
analysis tools.
A correlation array is calculated between each external variable and
the set of primary variables. The external variables are then introduced
into the map, which is ‘fixed’ so that its structure is not affected. As
with the primary variables, external variables are placed in such a way
that they are close to items with which they are strongly correlated and
far from those with which they are weakly or negatively correlated.
In placing each external variable, the computer program considers its
correlation with all the primary variables simultaneously.
1.3.3. Partial Order Scalogram Analysis with Base Coordinates (POSAC)

POSAC ranges profiles of the survey population and graphically
portrays the structure of the set of profiles. A profile consists of the
individual’s responses to each of the selected variables. Profiles may
be comparable or non-comparable. A pair of profiles is comparable if one
profile is higher the other on at least one item and not lower on any
other item. Two profiles are non-comparable if and only if one profile
is higher on at least one item while the other profile is higher on at
least one other item. For example, the profiles 1-1-1 and 2-1-1 are
comparable (the second being ‘higher’ ). 1-2-1 and 2-1-1 are not (it
cannot be determined which is higher). Since in empirical studies sets
consisting of all comparable profiles are rare, POSAC was designed to
deal with sets of comparable and non-comparable profiles by finding
the ‘best fit’ among them. POSAC preserves as accurately as possible
the ‘partial order’ (the order in a set of comparable and incomparable
profiles) in as few dimensions as possible.
11
Cohen & Amar (2002).
2. Demography of the French Jewish Community Today
2.1. Size of the Population

As seen in the discussion of the previous surveys, the question of how
many Jews live in France is a complex and controversial one. A statis-
tical study of Jewish community organizations (synagogue, community
center, association) omits those who are not members of community
institutions. A survey of larger social circles in which Jews are present
entails the inherent problem of locating and accessing these circles.
Interviewing a representative sample of the entire French population
and asking interviewees if they consider themselves Jewish or if they
were born Jewish would be exorbitantly expensive in terms of money
and time. It was therefore necessary to adopt a research strategy that
was both reliable on the scientific level and realistic on the operational
level.
In order to ensure the highest possible degree of accuracy, we used
three methods to estimate the number of Jews in France. The first
two take a conventional, reliable approach. The third method is more
innovative but also more problematic. We mention it nevertheless
because it evaluates the number of Jews of France in a reasonably
range close to the first two evaluations.
The first method is the patronymic, based on family names, as
described above. This method was used in the study carried out
between 1972 and 1978 by Bensimon and Della Pergola as the pri-
mary tool in the creation of their sample. Based on this method, they
estimated that at the time there were 535,000 Jews in France.12
In our online search for the 685 Jewish patronymics identified, we
found 32,026 listings in the 30 selected Departments, representing
approximately 17% of Jewish households in France, that is, a total
of 188,388 households.13 We made a complementary Minitel search
based on the ten most common Jewish family names in all 95 Depart-
ments, including those overseas. In this search we identified 16,164
12
Bensimon & Della Pergola (1986: 35). To simplify matters, this study, which was
undertaken in the field from 1972 to 1978, will be referred to in subsequent tables by
the average date of 1975. See also the estimates by Della Pergola, Rebhun and Tolts
(2000) for 2000–2010. These figures are very close to those of the present study.
13
The figures were 50 baseline patronymics and 685 variants and derivatives gen-
erated by these patronymics.
60 chapter two
addresses. Of these, those households identified in one of the 30

Departments covered by the in-depth study represented 82.2% of the
total population. While we know that Jewish culture and education
are much less developed in the 65 Departments not covered in the
study,14 an estimation of 17.8% of French Jewish households in these
65 Departments seems high; however, as no other figures are avail-
able for these Departments, we shall adhere to this estimate. Thus,
adding to the 188,388 Jewish households mentioned above 17.8% for
the other Departments, we obtain a figure of 229,182 households. As
we learned in the survey, the average density of the households in
the Departments covered by the present study is 2.57 (again, assum-
ing that Jewish households in the other Departments have the same
average density); hence, we arrive at an estimation of 588,997 Jews
in France.
The second method is based on the number of students in Jewish
schools. In 2002, 28,391 Jewish children studied in Jewish schools in
France.15 We also found that 26.2% of children and adolescents who
live in households covered by our study attend a Jewish educational
institution. We therefore obtain a figure of 108,400 for the number
of Jewish children in this age group (3–18). The children of this age
group represent 22% of people in the households studied. We thus
obtain a figure of 492,000 for the number of Jews in France. To this
figure, we must add 17.8% as above, thereby obtaining a figure of
598,540 for the number of Jews in France. Finally, the survey revealed
that due to intermarriage, approximately 13% of members of Jewish
households are non-Jews. Subtracting this 13% yields a final estimate
of 520,730 Jews in France.
The third method was suggested to us by our colleague Chris Kooy-
man, of Stichting Joods Maatschappelijk Werk (a Jewish organization based
in the Netherlands). This method uses an algorithm to estimate the
total population based on a comparison of two independent lists, in
14
For example, Jewish schools are practically non-existent in these departments,
as they lack a minimum student population. According to the figures of the Depart-
ment of Education of the FSJU, only 426 students who attend Jewish schools live in
one of the 65 Departments not covered by the in-depth study, representing 1.5% of
the population of Jewish schools in France. Furthermore, the rate of intermarriage is
higher in these 65 Departments.
15
Personal communication, Patrick Petit-Ohayon, Department of Education,
FSJU, July 2002.
this case the Minitel and the AUJF.16 Using this method, we obtained
an estimate of 559,848 Jews in France. This methodology, while inter-
esting, has two problematic aspects. The first relates to the particular
nature of the Alps-Maritime region, which cannot be generalized to
other regions with any certainty. The second problem is even more
serious. In the framework of the present study, it was not possible to
verify whether or not members of various sub-groups (i.e. age groups)
were equally likely to be included in one of the sample populations.
The results are, therefore, only indicative. Nevertheless, as the esti-
mate is in fact similar to the estimates of the other two methodologies,
it further strengthens our estimate. A summary of the findings using
the three methods is shown in Table 1.
As already noted, the 65 Departments not covered by the in-depth
survey undoubtedly represent less than the 17.8% of the Jewish pop-
ulation of France. It is thus plausible to conclude that in 2002 the
population of the Jews of France was approximately 500,000.17 If
Table 1: Population of the Jews of France: A summary of the methodologies

Weight of selected Extrapolation from number of Minitel/AUJF
Patronymics students in Jewish day schools comparison
Estimated 512,427 520,730 559,848
population
16
The algorithm used to compute the population is as follows:
a) number of identical patronymics = x population 1
b) population 2 = total population x
See also Bishop, Feinberg & Holland (1975); Seber (1973: 59–70); Smit, Brunenberg
& van der Heijden, (1996).
17
Della Pergola et al. (2000) came up with the following results (projected average
birthrate, zero migratory balance—assuming that the number of immigrants and those
returning from Israel correspond to the figure of new immigrants from France).
Population Year ( January 1)
525,000 1995
520,000 2000
502,000 2010
482,000 2020
455,000 2030
62 chapter two
non-Jewish spouses are included, the “expanded” Jewish community

may consist of approximately 575,000 individuals.18
This estimate represents a decrease of 6.5% compared to the evalu-
ation made 25 years ago by Bensimon and Della Pergola. It should be
noted that the present study covers 30 Departments, thereby facilitat-
ing a more accurate estimation. That being the case, there are demo-
graphic factors, which may be responsible for the decline in the Jewish
population of France. First, the rate of reproduction has declined. In
1967–71, the birth rate in the Paris region was 1.7 children among
Jewish women born in North Africa and 1.2 children per Jewish
woman born in Europe. In 2002, we found the following rates for the
number of children with mothers in these age groups: 18–29 years:
0.49; 30–39 years: 1.67: 40–49: 2.22; 50–59: 2.41; 60 years and over:
2.42. It is known that, in order to ensure the reproduction of a popula-
tion, an average of 2.1 children per woman is necessary.
Second, over the last 20 years, the Jewish population has grown
older (as will be discussed later), thereby lowering the rate of natural
increase. The third reason is emigration. Between 1975 and 2002, more
than 35,000 French Jews migrated to Israel (though some returned to
France), and an unknown number settled in other countries, particu-
larly in North America. Since the late 1960s, Jewish immigration to
France practically ceased, though there were small numbers of immi-
grants from Morocco and the former Soviet Union in the 1990s.
Nevertheless, the figures for the Jewish population of France are very
stable. Commenting on the results of this survey, demographer Sergio
Della Pergola said, “We are a long way from the revolutions that took
place in Eastern Europe, with the departure of 1,400,000 Jews, while
at the same time in Israel and Germany the Jewish population sud-
denly jumped on account of the same migratory movements.”19 He
18
Deutsch’s estimation in the 1977 Sofres study that there were 600,000 to 700,000
Jews in France was based on the level of belonging to Jewish identity through culture,
conviction or tradition. In this discussion, reference must be made to Schnapper’s
(1987) comment about the demography of the Jews, which in connection with an
IFOP study of the Protestants underscored the problems of studying a small group
which is scattered throughout the overall French body. The IFOP study identified two
million individuals with close connections to Protestantism, while sociologists generally
estimate their number at 800,000. The difference in estimates explains the “standard
elasticity of a group’s symbolic identity.”
19
Della Pergola (2003a: 13) He proved that French Jewish community was the
largest in the Diaspora today after that of the USA, and larger than that of the com-
munity in the Former Soviet Union, where today there are about 395,000 Jews. See
http://www.jpppi.org.il/publications_and_press/publications_category.asp?fid=419).
noted that the number of French Jews had declined by only 5% since
the start of the 1990s. This is not the case in many other Diaspora
populations, as documented in the comparison between 1970 and
2004 figures published by the Jewish People Policy Planning Insti-
tute (2005). For example, a number of Diaspora communities, such
as the US, Argentina, Hungary, South Africa and the former Soviet
Union (particularly Russia and the Ukraine), are experiencing signifi-
cant demographic decreases. In a few, most notably Canada, Brazil,
Mexico, Australia and New Zealand, the Jewish population has grown
over the last several decades. However, as will be seen, stable does not
mean static.
Having established a reasonable estimate of the number of Jews in
France (between 500,000 and 550,000 Jews), we may begin to exam-
ine the makeup of this population in greater detail.
2.2. Country of Birth

Twenty years ago, the Jewish community of France consisted largely
of new immigrants from North Africa since between 1955 and 1965
the Jewish population of France doubled with the arrival of Jews from
Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. By the end of the 1960s, immigration
of Jews to France quickly dropped off. In 1988 60% of the heads of
French Jewish households were born outside metropolitan France. By
2002, this number had dropped to barely over half (50.25%). Taking
into account the number of children under the age of 18 in Jewish
families, most of whom were born in metropolitan France, one can say
that, in terms of absolute numbers, the majority of French Jews were
born in metropolitan France. The largest percentage of those born
outside metropolitan France was born in Algeria, followed Morocco
and Tunisia. It should be noted that almost 2% of heads of Jewish
households residing in France today were born in Israel. Virtually
all (96.34%) are French citizens. Table 2 shows the place of birth of
French Jews and, for immigrants, the year of immigration.
2.3. Geographical Distribution

French Jews tend to concentrate in certain geographic regions of the
country. 72% of the Jewish population of France lives in just nine
of the 30 Departments studied. More than a quarter of French Jews
(25.81%) resides in Paris. Four Departments in the Paris region
are home to relatively large percentages of the Jewish population:
64 chapter two
Table 2: French Jewish population by place of birth and year of immigration

France Morocco Algeria Tunisia Others Total
Percentage of Sample 49.71% 11.69% 20.75% 10.71% 7.14% 100%
Migrated in 1920–1955 – 8% 15% 6% 37% 15%
Migrated in 1956–1961 – 23% 26% 38% 21% 27%
Migrated in1962 – 6% 52% 8% 4% 26%
Migrated in 1963 – 4% 4% 6% 2% 4%
Migrated in 1964–1970 – 26% 1% 36% 5% 15%
Migrated in 1971–present – 34% 1% 6% 31% 14%
Total – 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Hauts-de-Seine (7.10%), Val-de-Marne (6.75%), Seine-St-Denis

(5.63%) and Val-d’Oise (3.52%). Other major Jewish population cen-
ters are Lyon, Marseilles, Nice and Strasbourg. The majority of the
remaining 28% of the Jewish population is distributed among the
other 21 Departments studied. Few live in the other Departments. In
the provinces, the highest Jewish populations are found in Bouches du
Rhone (8.72%), Alpes-Maritimes (6.68%), Rhone (4.08%), and Bas-
Rhin (3.80%).
We found that the Jews living in Paris are somewhat more economi-
cally and culturally integrated than those living in the periphery of the
capital or the provinces. The reasons for this need to be examined in
future research.
2.4. Age
Like the French population as a whole, the Jewish population of
France has grown older in recent years, as shown in Table 3. Indeed,
the “papa-boom” is even more pronounced among the French Jews.
However, while there are a slightly higher percentage of people over
the age of 65 among French Jews as compared to the general French
population, there is also a slightly higher percentage of French Jews
under the age of 20. As shown in Table 4, in 2002, 29.16% of French
Jewish households were headed by someone 65 or older, up almost
five percent from 23.39% in 1988. During the same time period, the
percentage of French Jewish households headed by someone under
thirty dropped from 14.62% to 12.29%, perhaps also indicating delay
in marriage and starting a family.
Table 3: Age distribution of the general population of France (1990 and 2002)
and the Jews of France (2002)
Under 20 20 to 64 65 and over Total
General French population 1990* 27.8% 58.3% 13.9% 100%
General French population 2002* 25.3% 58.5% 16.2% 100%
2002 Jews of France 27.9% 53.1% 19.0% 100%
* data from INSEE
Table 4: Distribution by 5-year age groupings of heads of households in

the population: Study of the Jews of France 1988, 2002 and general French
population 1999
Jews of France Jews of France General French
2002 1988 population* 1999
Ages 18–19** 0.72% 0.47% 0.40%
20–24 4.17% 4.56% 3.50%
25–29 7.40% 9.59% 7.40%
30–34 9.48% 11.11% 9.00%
35–39 11.35% 12.16% 9.70%
40–44 7.40% 10.18% 9.80%
45–49 7.54% 5.96% 10.10%
50–54 9.63% 7.49% 9.70%
55–59 7.47% 6.67% 6.80%
60–64 5.68% 8.42% 6.70%
65–69 7.97% 5.96% 7.10%
70–74 9.55% 5.15% 6.80%
75+ 11.64% 12.28% 13.10%
Total 100.00% 100.00% 100.00%
* Data from the INSEE
** In the INSEE 1999 survey this includes ages 15–19
2.5. Marital Status

The majority of heads of Jewish households in France are married
(58%), as shown in Table 5. However, since 1975, there has been a
constant, though slight, increase in the number of couples cohabiting.
As with the rest of the French population, the phenomenon of divorce
is increasing among the Jewish population. One third of the heads
of Jewish households do not have spouses or partners (i.e., they are
single, separated, divorced, or widowed). This figure is similar to the
national average.
66 chapter two
Table 5: Marital status of Jewish heads of households, 1975, 1988, 2002

2002 1988 1975
Married 58% 63% 63%
Cohabiting 9% 4% *
Widowed 10% 9% 6%
Divorced 9% 7% 1%
Single 14% 17% 30%
Total 100% 100% 100%
* The question was not asked
Table 6: Marital status of Jewish heads of households according to gender, 2002

Male head of household Female head of household
Married 69% 48%
Cohabiting 6% 11%
Widowed 4% 15%
Divorced/Separated 6% 12%
Single 15% 13%
Total 100% 100%
When the data are broken down by gender, as shown in Table 6, we see
a greater percentage of female heads of households who are widowed,
divorced or living with their partners. This probably reflects a tendency
to define married men as the “head of household.” Female interviewees
who identified themselves as “head of household” were more likely to
be unmarried, thus affecting the distribution of these results.
2.6. Size of Family

In 2002, the average size of the Jewish households stood at 2.57,
slightly higher than that for the general French population, as shown
in Table 7. According to the population census conducted by INSEE
(1999), the average size of French households has tended to decrease
in the last twenty years (2.7 in 1982, 2.6 in 1990 and 2.4 in 1999).
Large families are not a characteristic of the Jewish community of
France. As seen in Table 8, the average is just 1.89 children. Large
families with four children or more represent no more than 15% of the
total number of Jewish households. Fifty percent of Jewish households
have two to three children. Almost one quarter of Jewish families have
no children (23%). This pattern is similar to the non-Jewish French
population.
Table 7: Number of people per household according to the gender of head of

household
Male head of Female head of Jews of France General French
Jewish household Jewish household 2002 Total population
2002 2002 1999*
One 22% 32% 27% 31%
Two 39% 29% 34% 31%
Three 13% 13% 13% 16%
Four 14% 14% 14% 14%
Five 8% 9% 9% 6%
Six and over 4% 4% 4% 2%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
* Data from the INSEE survey March 1999
Table 8: Number of children per family in Jewish-French households, 2002

Number of Children Percentage
None 23%
One 15%
Two 29%
Three 21%
Four 7%
Five and over 5%
Total 100%
Our sample enabled us to count 700 children aged 3 to 18. The dis-
tribution of these children by school age is indicated in Table 9. The
pyramid of children’s ages would seem to indicate a rise in the birth-
rate in recent years.
2.7. Level of Education

French Jews have taken an avid part in the country’s higher educa-
tion system. In fact, the educational level of the Jews of France is
considerably higher than that of the rest of the population. It should
be noted that the figures for the Jewish population apply to the stated
educational level of heads of families or their spouses aged 20 or over,
while the figures for the general French population apply to the entire
population and to diplomas acquired. While the INSEE data and
68 chapter two
Table 9: Distribution by age of children in Jewish-French

households, 2002
Age Percentage
1 8.14%
2 6.57%
3 6.96%
4 5.20%
5 5.20%
6 5.78%
7 5.88%
8 5.10%
9 4.41%
10 8.33%
11 4.12%
12 5.98%
13 4.90%
14 4.51%
15 6.67%
16 4.61%
17 3.33%
18 4.31%
Total 100.00%
that collected in our survey of heads of households are not strictly

comparable, they do provide a general picture of the educational level
of the Jewish population and the general French population.
Two thirds of French Jews have at least a bachelor’s degree, com-
pared to only 29% among the general French population. The figure for
Jews residing within Paris is even higher: 73%, compared to 50% of
the general population. Table 10 shows the level of education among
French Jews and of the general French population in Paris and around
the country.
According to the figures published by the Ministry of Education, the
educational level of the French population has risen steadily over the
past several decades. In 1911, only 1.1% of college age Frenchmen
obtained a bachelor’s degree. By 1970 this number had risen to 20%.
Already then French Jews were attending college in far greater num-
bers, and in 1970, 61% of French in the appropriate age group had
a bachelor’s degree. During the 1980s, as a result of increased invest-
ment in education, participation in higher education rose significantly.
In 1989, 38% of French students in this age group earned a bachelor’s
Table 10: Level of education of Jewish heads of households aged 20 and over and in
general French population
Level of Education Entire country City of Paris
French Jewish General French French Jewish General French
population population population population
2002 199920 2002 1999
Less than Bachelor’s 34% 71% 27% 50%
degree
Bachelor’s degree 18% 12% 12% 12%
Bachelor’s degree +2 17% 8% 13% 10%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 11: Level of studies of Jewish heads of households according

to age
Level of Education Aged Aged Aged Aged Aged
18–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60 +
Less than Bachelor’s degree 15% 19% 23% 33% 55%
Bachelor’s degree 21% 11% 20% 22% 18%
Bachelor’s degree +2 24% 27% 25% 18% 6%
Bachelor’s degree +4 39% 44% 33% 28% 20%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
degree. This rose to 63% by 1995 and 70% by 2000. 82% of college-
aged French Jews went on to earn a bachelor’s degree.21
20
The INSEE data refer to diplomas/degrees, not to levels of education as is the
case in the present study. This obviously makes an accurate comparison of the two
populations more difficult. However, two comments must be made regarding any wish
to compare the two populations in terms of bachelor’s degree qualifications. In the
case of French Jews who reported that they had achieved an educational level of bach-
elor’s degree +2 or +4, it would appear obvious that in all such instances, they must
have gained their bachelor’s degree. Along the same lines, in the case of those French
Jews who said that they had not achieved bachelor’s degree level, they might have
a diploma but certainly not the bachelor’s degree. Hence there is still some question
about those respondents who said that they had the baccalaureate, where we do not
actually know whether or not they have this qualification. However, since this group
is very small, it does not call the entire comparison into question.
21
Data downloaded from France’s Education Ministry site: http://www.education
.gouv.fr/default.htm. See also the speech by M. Xavier Darcos, Minister with Special
Responsibility for School Education, at the conference on “High School Students in
France 1802–2002” organized by the University of Paris IV—Sorbonne, Wednesday
July 10, 2002. http//www.education.gouv.fr/discours/2002/lycees.htm. According to
70 chapter two
The phenomenon of increased higher education from generation to

generation can also be seen in the different level of education achieved
by the various age groups, shown in Table 11.
These figures show a particularly high level of education for the
Jewish population of France. We shall see later the consequences of
this level of education on modes of Jewish identification.
2.8. Employment
Just over half of Jewish heads of households in France (53%) are
employed, very slightly less than the level of employment among the
general French population (55.1%).22 One should note that members
of the lowest and highest age groups (under 20 and 65 and over),
that are usually not employed, are greater in number in the Jewish
population of France than is the employed age group (20–64). Thus,
the non-employed group (students, retirees, and the unemployed) rep-
resents 44.50% of heads of Jewish households. In 1988, 34% were
non-employed. This represents a radical change, most likely explained
by the age shift within the Jewish population, rather than by increased
unemployment among those of working age. As discussed above, the
older and younger age cohorts have both grown in recent years;
hence, there are more pensioners and students among the French
Jewish population than there were 15 years ago. As in other parts of
the Western world, there are serious social and policy issues related to
care of the elderly.23
Table 12 shows the breakdown of types of employment held by
French Jews, showing the relatively high representation of French
Jews in academic, executive, managerial and liberal professions. This
is even more obvious in Table 13, which only takes into account those
who are employed. Table 14 shows changes in field of employment
the SOFRES data, 24.4% of the French population for heads of households aged 18
or more have a bachelor’s degree or more (information provided by Prof. Emeric
Deutsch).
22
INSEE (1999).
23
This made headlines in a particularly tragic way when almost 15,000 people in
France, mostly elderly, died during a heat wave in August 2003. The high death toll
was largely attributed to elderly left alone while their families went on vacation, as well
as understaffed medical facilities during the vacation season Cheung (2003); Kosatsky
(2005). Date of submission: The death toll among the French Jewish population mir-
rored that of the general population (Carmel, 2003).
Table 12: Socio-professional status of Jewish heads of households, 2002

Profession Percentage
Artisans 1.65%
Merchants 5.22%
Managers 3.15%
Senior executives 6.08%
Liberal professions 7.08%
Middle executives 7.30%
Intellectual professions 7.87%
Employees24 13.45%
Unskilled Workers 0.93%
Retired 30.26%
Seeking employment 2.43%
Unemployed 11.52%
Students 2.72%
Total 100.00%
Table 13: Socio-professional distribution of employed Jewish heads of house-

holds, 2002
Profession Percentage
Artisans 3.00%
Traders 9.96%
Managers 6.00%
Senior executives 11.46%
Liberal professions 13.78%
Middle executives 13.78%
Intellectual professions 15.01%
Employees 25.24%
Workers 1.77%
Total 100.00%
over the last quarter century. The percentage of French Jews who
are workers or merchants has steadily dropped, while employment
as senior executives and in the liberal and intellectual professions has
grown.
24
Employee positions by way of example: air conditioning technician, civil servant,
commercial assistant, commercial traveler, computer graphics designer, consistorial
assistant, cultural center employee, dental assistant, driver, food attendant, freight
clerk, hotel maintenance, investigator, legal secretary, management assistant, nurse,
72 chapter two
Table 14: Evolution of socio-professional categories of the Jewish population

of France, 1975–2002
2002 1988 1975
Artisans
Traders
Industrialists/Managers
3.00%
9.96%
6.00%
}18.96% 8.30%
19.40%
2.80%
}30.50% 21.40%
Senior executives/liberal & 40.25% 38.90% 25.30%

intellectual professions
Middle executives 13.78% 18.10% 18.40%
Employees 25.24% 11.10% 24.50%
Workers 1.77% 1.30% 10.30%
Farmers 0.00% 0.10% 0.10%
Total 100.00% 100.00% 100.00%
A study of French Jews practicing the “liberal professions” (physi-

cians, dentists, medical experts and advocates) found that these indi-
viduals, particularly those in the medical profession, are more actively
involved in their local Jewish communities and are more open to the
idea of immigration to Israel than the general French Jewish population.
However, professional and economic obstacles prevent many from actu-
ally making this move, or to delay the move until after retirement.25
2.9. Ethnicity
Among the demographic changes being undergone by the Jewish pop-
ulation of France, the Ashkenazic/Sephardic divide is continuing to
evolve in favor of Sephardim, as seen in Table 15.
Whatever socio-cultural differences between Sephardim and Ashke-
nazim exist are becoming less marked than in the past. The Sephardi
immigrants who came to France in the 1950s and 1960s are somewhat
less integrated than the Ashkenazim, who have been in France for
several generations. Thus, the Sephardim have somewhat lower levels
of education and income.26 However, compared with other migrant
presenter/demonstrator, production technician, salesperson, secretary, social worker,

stylist, technician.
25
26
In this respect, it may simply be stated that, as far as profiling is concerned, place
of birth (in France or outside Metropolitan France) is slightly more useful in making
distinctions than ethnic origin (Ashkenazic or Sephardic).
Table 15: Distribution of Ashkenazi and Sephardi in French Jewish Popu-

lation 1988 and 2002, and educational level of Ashekenazi and Sephardi
French Jews in 2002
Ashkenazic Sephardic
Percentage of the French Jewish
population 1988* 34% 50%
Percentage of the French Jewish
population 2002* 24% 70%
Level of education, 2002
Less than the baccalaureat 27% 37%
Baccalaureat 15% 18%
Baccalaureat +2 18% 18%
Baccalaureat +4 40% 27%
Total 100% 100%
Family Income
Low 21% 34%
Average 57% 55%
High 23% 11%
Total 100% 100%
* The figures do not total 100% because a small percentage of respondents in each
year declared themselves either both Sephardi and Ashkenazi or neither.
populations in France, the Jews from North Africa are well integrated
and assimilated into French society.
2.10. Political Tendencies

Respondents were asked to indicate their political position within the
spectrum from extreme left to extreme right. Only a tiny minority
define themselves as either ‘extreme right’ or ‘extreme left’. However,
as seen in Table 16, there has been a distinct shift towards the right
among France’s Jews. In 1988, 44% described their political tendency
as ‘left’; by 2007 this had fallen to 20%. The percentage describing
themselves as ‘right’ rose from 14% to 38%. Cumulatively, those who
left-of-center fell from 59% to 30% while those right-of-center rose
from 24% to 57%. Those who described themselves as centrists fell
by 5%.
The political shift to the right of France’s Jews was reflected among
the larger society, as seen in the elections of 2007, when Nicolas
Sarkozy of the center-right UMP Party (Union pour un Mouvement Popu-
laire) defeated the Socialist Party candidate.
74 chapter two
Table 16: Political tendencies of heads of French Jewish households,

1988, 2007
1988 2007
Extreme left 1% 1%
Left 44% 20%
Center-left 14% 9%
Center 17% 13%
Center-right 9% 19%
Right 14% 38%
Extreme right 1% 0%
Total 100% 100%
2.11. Political Attitudes Regarding Israel

While French Jews expressed almost universal support for the exis-
tence of the State of Israel, they were divided in their opinion regard-
ing specific political questions in Israel. In 2002, almost half of Jewish
heads of households said they favored the idea of Israel handing over
territories in exchange for a credible peace with the Palestinians, while
39% opposed the idea. The remaining 14% said they think it is not up
to Jews living in France to give an opinion on the issue.
It should be noted that the educational level of the people inter-
viewed impacted the positions they took on the conflict. 60% of the
Jews of France who completed university studies favored handing over
territory in exchange for peace, while only 35% of those who do not
have a bachelor’s degree share the same view. This is indicative of the
dominant attitudes towards Israel in the French academic world: even
if French Jewish academics are generally supportive of Israel, they are
likely to take more left-leaning positions.
3. Jewish Identity
3.1. What it Means to be Jewish

According to Halakha ( Jewish law), a person is Jewish if he/she was
born to a Jewish mother or is a convert to Judaism.27 For sociologists,
27
Ben-Rafaël, 2001.
the question is more complex. In this study, any respondent who iden-
tified him/herself as Jewish is considered Jewish, regardless of halakhic
status (which, in any event, we could not verify in the framework of
this survey). This reflects a subjective feeling of belonging to the Jewish
people, rather than a legalistic definition.28
There are numerous sociological approaches to the concept of iden-
tity. One such approach emphasizes definition of group boundaries
and the system of social relations.29 According to this approach, an
individual may express different identities depending on the set of cir-
cumstances. Another approach considers identity within the group, the
values, behaviors, and attitudes which define the internal social context.
Identification may be based on the network of relationships between
people or affiliation to a given group (based on race, ethnicity, religion,
language, etc.). Since relationships within and between groups are often
inconstant, the evolutionary nature of identity should be considered.30
28
In the framework of the present study, it is possible for somebody whose mother
is Jewish not to consider themselves Jewish. Similarly, somebody whose mother was
not Jewish may consider themselves Jewish.
29
Schlesinger (1987: 235) says, “Identity is as much about exclusion as it is about
inclusion, and the critical factor for defining the ethnic group therefore becomes the
social boundary which defines the group with respect to other groups . . . not the cul-
tural reality within those borders. . . . All identities are constituted within a system of
social relations and require the reciprocal recognition of others. Identity . . . is not to be
considered a ‘thing’ but rather a ‘system of relations and representations’ . . . Identity
is seen as a dynamic, emergent aspect of collective action.” On constructing ethnic
identity see also Nagel (1994). On the threshold that separates difference from similar-
ity and names given to these differences, particularities, resemblances and similitudes,
see Peressini (1993: 16): “It is precisely because it constitutes a simplifying fiction,
which creates homogeneous groups with the heterogeneous, clear-cut borders with the
continuous, and which turns groups into immutable essences, that identity is necessary
and essential to social actors. Like the concepts which we use in order to name things
and express ideas, categories of identity make it possible to grasp and understand real-
ity. Faced with a world in constant flux, it is these which make it possible, nevertheless,
to name oneself and to name others, to make oneself an idea of what we are and of
what others are, and lastly to determine our place and that of our fellow human beings
in the world and in society.”
30
As de Montaigne observed over four hundred years ago: “I have nothing to say
entirely, simply, and with solidity of my self, without confusion, disorder, blending,
mingling, and in one word, Distinguo is the most universal part of my logic . . . We are
all framed of flaps and patches and of so shapeless and diverse a texture that every
piece and every moment plays its part. And there is as much difference found between
us and ourselves as there is between ourselves and others.” In Michel (1990).
76 chapter two
How do the Jews of France identify themselves?31 In relation to

whom and what do they identify themselves? We examined forms of
identification among Jews as well as modes of identification of Jews in
relation to non-Jews. This process enabled us to establish the basis for
a typology of the Jews of France and thereafter to draw a picture of
Jewish identity.
3.2. Jewish/Israélite
As discussed in the introduction, there are two terms in French for
a member of the Jewish people: “Israélite” and “Juif ( Jew)” Each has
its own connotations, as a result of which they have gained or lost
popularity during various phases of recent history. Following the
French Revolution, the term “Israélite” widely replaced “Juif,” which
at the time often bore derogatory connotations. The term Israélite was
thought to represent a synthesis of respect for the French Republic,
which emancipated its Jews, and loyalty to the Mosaic religion. It rep-
resents a sort of “regenerated Judaism,” in the terms of the French
Revolution: an essentially denominational Judaism, whose members
have the status of co-religionists to one another. Schnapper used the
term Israélite to designate “Jews who, for the most part, were born
in France to French parents, are neither observant nor militant, and
adopt the manners of non-Jews of the same social background.”32
The Jews from Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia who immigrated to
France in the 1950s and 1960s were much more traditional and reli-
gious than native French Jews. While they quickly assimilated into
French culture in many ways, North African Jews did not fully accept
consistorial Judaism, which allows Jews to be Jewish in the synagogue
and at home but to be only French in public. For the North African
Jews, family, tradition and community were equally important as state,
31
Levinas (1963: 73) notes an inherent paradox in studies of Jewish identity: “To
ask questions about Jewish identity is already to lose it. But it also means to care about
it, for without this one would not ask questions. Between what was and what is still
to be, one finds the extremity, stretched like a tight rope, on which the Judaism of
Western Jews dares to venture.” Ultimately, . . . we can never truly objectify identity
and we can only grasp at the traces it leaves when it expresses itself—the material or
spiritual signs and symbols that incarnate identity in social life,” (Simon 1998: 16).
32
Schnapper (1980).
Table 17: Self-definition of identity by Jewish heads of households 1977,

1988, 2002
1997 1988 2002
(SOFRES)
Jewish 57% 63% 67%
Israélite 32% 5% 5%
Both 11% 32% 28%
Total 100% 100% 100%
nation and democracy. On the whole, they did not adopt the term
“Israélite.”33
As shown in Table 17, in 1977, one third of the Jews of France still
preferred the term “Israélite.” By 1988 only 5% defined themselves as
“Israélite” and 32% used both terms. As of 2002, use of the term Israé-
lite continued to diminish. While the percentage that prefers the term
Israélite remained unchanged at 5%, the percentage of those who use
both terms fell slightly.
Furthermore, in 2002 we found a difference in propensity to use the
two terms among respondents from various age brackets. A full 50%
of those who called themselves Israélite were 60 years or older; 41% of
those who used both terms were in the oldest age bracket. Table 18
shows the frequency of the use of the identity-terms among the vari-
ous age groups. The term “Jew” alone was the most common choice
among all ages. Older respondents were more likely to call themselves
Israélite, either using this term alone or, more frequently, in conjunc-
tion with the term “Jew”. The dual term was chosen by a full third of
those aged 60 or older.
Given the implications of the terms, this shift may express a very
real and profound change in the norms, values and consciousness of
the Jews of France, a hypothesis explored by Mesure and Renaut.34
Alternatively, it may be that the term “Israélite” was never truly inter-
nalized by the Jews of France. As expressed by Simone Veil, mem-
ber of a well-established Jewish-French family and active in French
and European political institutions, “We never used the word Israélite.35
33
On this issue, see Bensimon (1996).
34
Mesure & Renaut (1996: 15).
35
Veil (1998: 55).
78 chapter two
Table 18: Self-definition of identity by Jewish heads of household, 2002,

by age
18–29 30–39 40–49 50–59 60+ Total
Number 170 287 209 239 490 1395
Jew 72% 74% 71% 64% 61% 67%
Israélite 2% 2% 5% 6% 7% 5%
Both 26% 24% 24% 30% 33% 28%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 19: Self-definition of identity and observance of Kashrut, 2002

Jew Israélite Both
Always 24% 21% 62%
Often 12% 14% 9%
Rarely 10% 15% 8%
Never 44% 40% 22%
Total 100% 100% 100%
I never heard this word in our home. We would say ‘We are Jewish,
we are French.’ We were one hundred percent French. Even patriots.”
Her recollection reveals the public nature of the term “Israélite.” It was
not used at home, the most private of domains. This sheds light on the
28% of respondents who say they use both terms. Self-identification
depends on the context. It may be that in private, they define them-
selves as Jews while in public they define themselves as Israélite.
To further examine the implications of these terms, we may look at
the practices of those who define themselves as Jews, Israélites or both.
The results show that the simplistic dualism of Jew as traditional and
Israélite as assimilated is insufficient to describe the complexity of the
ways in which the terms are used. Those who defined themselves as
both Jewish and Israélite were by far the most likely to say they always
keep kosher. This group was also (to a less dramatic degree) the most
likely to be in an endogamous marriage. Those who called themselves
Israélites were in fact only slightly less likely to say they keep a kosher
home or to be in an endogamous marriage than were those who chose
the term Jew to define themselves.
We found that the behavior of “Jews” and “Israélites” are also simi-
lar in terms of communal attendance: “Jews” are not more numerous
than “Israélites” in visiting communal institutions. This further refutes
Table 20: Self-definition of identity and marriage patterns, 2002

Jew Israélite Both
Spouse Jewish 64% 68% 82%
Spouse non-Jewish 36% 32% 16%
Never married 44% 40% 22%
Total 100% 100% 100%
Table 21: Self-definition of identity and communal attendance, 2002

Jew Israélite Both
Never or rarely 41% 46% 25%
Occasionally or quite 34% 28% 24%
often (2–5 times/year)
Very often 25% 26% 41%
Total 100% 100% 100%
the a priori assumption that “Israélite” would be the term employed

by assimilated Jews, while more active ones in terms of identity would
prefer “Jew”. Again we see that the group which is the most distinctive
at the behavioral level is the one choosing to define as both “Jews and
Israélites”. Their contacts with community institutions are much more
frequent: 41% visit ‘very often’—they are the closest to the community
core. Those who opt to define themselves either as “Jew” or “Israé-
lite” are further away; just over a quarter of them may be considered
the community core based on attending community institutions ‘very
often’.
3.3. ‘Born Again As…’

As another way to explore the attitude of French Jews towards Israel,
we posed a hypothetical question to the people we interviewed regard-
ing the religious identity and nationality they would chose, if given
a choice. The results are shown in Table 22. This question enables
respondents to express attitudes about their feelings about Israel,
France and Judaism without taking practical issues into account.
42% of heads of households said they would prefer to be born
again as Jews in France or in another Diaspora country. People in this
group, apparently, believe that their identity as Jews is compatible with
the French political system and culture and that it is unnecessary for
80 chapter two
Table 22: If you could be born again, how would you wish to be born?
Percentage
Jewish in the Diaspora 42%
Jewish in Israel 38%
Identity and place are not important 19%
Non-Jewish 1%
Total 100%
them to abandon either their specific ethnic-religious identity or their

nationality, both of which they acknowledge. A slightly lower percent-
age, 38%, would choose to be born again as Jews in Israel. Whether or
not they in fact move to Israel, these French Jews express a feeling that
being Jewish in the Jewish state would be somehow preferable. Almost
one fifth says that nationality and religion are not important to them.
These French Jews seem to have internalized universal values. Only
1% of respondents would specifically prefer not to be Jews.
3.4. Jewish Education

Choice of school is another important indicator of French Jewish iden-
tity, with deep and far-reaching implications. Public schools socialize
students to French ideals of citizenship, universalism and secularism.
Sending one’s children to a religious school is viewed by some as bor-
dering upon the unpatriotic.36 However, the institutionalized secular-
ism of the public schools may present problems for traditional families.
For example, neither students nor faculty members are allowed to dis-
play outward signs of religious affiliation such as tzitzit or a kippah and
classes are held on Saturdays.37 Non-religious Jewish families may opt
for private school because of the atmosphere of violence, drugs and
anti-Semitic incidents that plague some public schools.38
The Jewish school system, essentially destroyed by the end of World
War II, has been rebuilt and is growing at an exponential rate. The
36
Laborde (2001); Shurkin (2000).
37
Shurkin (2000); Wasserstein (1996).
38
In a follow-up survey of the Jews of France, commissioned by Fonds Social Juif
Unifie which I conducted in 2007, it was found that up to a third of French Jews send
their children to non-Jewish private schools, predominantly Catholic schools (Cohen,
E.H. 2007). The reasons for and implications of this finding require further investiga-
tion. The figure was quoted in Lefkovits (2007).
1991 survey found that 15,907 students were enrolled in the Jewish
educational system.39 By 2005 over 30,000 children attended a Jew-
ish day school in France, an increase of over 88% over the last 15
years.40 The development of the French Jewish educational system has
strengthened the nucleus of the community, and its momentum has
not yet slacked.
The families included in the comprehensive survey included 817
school-aged children. Of these, 134 are enrolled in Jewish day schools,
while the other 633 are not. The majority of the latter attend public
school, though some attend other private schools or are schooled at
home.
A comparison of the attitudes expressed by parents whose children
were enrolled in Jewish day schools and those whose children were not
revealed significant and interesting differences, highlighting the con-
nection between Jewish education and identity (Table 23).
Those with children in Jewish day schools were more religiously
observant and more involved in the local Jewish community than those
whose children were not in Jewish day schools, although almost half of
the families with children in public or other schools describe themselves
as “traditional.” Parents who enrolled their children in Jewish day
schools were more like to say they feel close to Israel. They were far
more likely to be considering moving there and/or to say they would
encourage their children making Aliyah. In response to the hypothetical
question discussed in the previous section, in which respondents were
asked what religion and nationality they would choose if they could
be born again, a much higher percentage of parents with children in
Jewish day schools said they would prefer to have been born Jewish in
Israel. Those whose children are not enrolled in Jewish schools were
more likely to say that they do not care into which religion and nation-
ality they would be born. In addition, they were less firmly opposed to
their children marrying non-Jews and more likely to be intermarried
themselves. Each of these last items may be considered an indication
of internalization of the universal values emphasized in the French
public school system.
39
Cohen, E.H. (1991).
40
The conclusion of the previous study indicates that in 1986–1988 it appeared
that “counting on 50%–100% extra Jewish pupils in Jewish schools is a perfectly
plausible hypothesis” (ibid.: 153).
82 chapter two
Table 23: Comparison of behaviors and attitudes among parents of chil-

dren enrolled in French Jewish day schools and parents of children in other
French schools
Children not Children Total population
in Jewish day in Jewish of parents of
school day school school-aged
(kindergarten, children
elementary or
secondary)
Number 629 188 817
Traditional 47% 68% 52%
Orthodox 9% 29% 13%
Always eat kosher at 48% 95% 59%
home
Regularly light Shabbat 55% 95% 64%
candles Friday night
Regularly make Kiddush 60% 98% 69%
Friday night
Regularly refrain from 49% 87% 58%
working on Shabbat
Feel “very close” 43% 66% 48%
connection to Israel
considering making 5% 30% 11%
Aliyah “very soon”
Considering making 17% 34% 21%
Aliyah “later”
Would encourage my 44% 60% 48%
children to make Aliyah
“If you could be born again, what would you choose to be?”
• Jewish in the Diaspora 36% 23% 34%
• Non-Jewish 0% 0% 0%
• Jewish in Israel 44% 72% 50%
• Identity and place not 19% 5% 16%
important
Participate in local Jewish 34% 72% 42%
community very often
Volunteer in the Jewish 25% 48% 30%
community
Religion of partner
• Jewish 66% 99% 74%
• Non-Jewish 33% 1% 26%
Would vehemently 24% 58% 32%
oppose my children
marrying non-Jews
4. Forms of Solidarity
4.1. Community and Solidarity

Expressing identification and solidarity with a specific ethnic, religious
or national group is a delicate and controversial concept in French
Republican society. The term “communtarian” has generally negative
connotations and is used to indicate someone whose loyalty lies with a
minority group rather than with the State. In contrast to this negative
notion of “communitarianism,” Weber defines a process of “commu-
nalisation,” formation of a social relationship based on participants’
subjective feelings of belonging to the same community.41 The notion
of community involves a shared vision of a common goal, the existence
of norms, and a concrete form of solidarity between its members. Bou-
don and Bourricaud try to resolve how “diffuse forms of solidarity”
are sustained—for example, by dedicating time and resources to com-
munity affairs.42 It must be remembered that the solidarity of which
we speak is primarily voluntary.43
While there are complex sociological and theoretical discussions
regarding the nature of various types of solidarity our main goal in
this study is to understand the basis on which Jewish solidarity is built
and to define the form of relationship the Jews of France have with
one another.44 What are the major principles on which the percep-
tion and expression of solidarity is based in Jewish households? Is the
emphasis on personal or communal motivations?
The data from the survey includes a number of items which may be
considered indicators of solidarity with the Jewish people: participation
in the local Jewish community, philanthropy to Jewish/Israeli causes
and institutions (particularly as compared with donations to general
charitable causes), commitment to Israel (indicated by visits, attitudes
41
Weber [1914] (1971: 41).
42
Boudon & Bourricaud (1982).
43
This development regarding concepts of community, communalization, solidar-
ity (both mechanical and organic), to mention just a few, is obviously brief and pre-
liminary. Reference should also be made to the classic works of Karl Tönnies, Max
Weber, Alain Touraine, Etienne Balibar, Claude Tapia, and others.
44
Durkheim ([1893] 1984).
84 chapter two
towards Aliyah and political position on Israeli politics), and the level
of importance attached to Jewish education.45
4.2. Participation in the Local Jewish Community

Community participation, like all social phenomena, is multi-
dimensional. A well-developed community with diverse members offers
multiple opportunities for involvement. Jews may participate in their
local communities for a variety of reasons, which may be character-
ized as religious, familial, cultural, or social.
The surveys of French Jews carried out between 1988 and 2002
consistently included a series of questions on religious practice and
communal attendance. Based on the results, three groups were defined
within the French Jewish population. The outer periphery covers those
who during the year “never” or only “very rarely” attend at the insti-
tutions or bodies of the French Jewish community. Next is the middle
band, covering those who visit “occasionally” or 2 or 3 times a year,
or “quite often”, which is 4 or 5 times a year. The communal core
is made up of the loyalists who attend communal institutions “very
often”. This approach was inspired by Annie Kriegel, one of the first
sociologists to perceive Jewish belonging as a scale, from the center to
the periphery.46
This quasi-geographical approach facilitates locating commitments
in relation to the intensity of contacts: the more numerous the con-
tacts, the more important the proximity of the interested party to com-
munal institutions. It will need to be verified whether this relationship
also extends to cultural and religious identity practices. For the time
being, this approach proposed by Kriegel considers communal prac-
tice to be voluntary, without the permanence of a perpetual commit-
ment. Our surveys in 1988 and 2002 on the frequency of community
45
It cannot be denied that the importance attached to financial contributions and
children’s Jewish education is indicative of “attitudes.” However, the same visits can
be interpreted as expressing an attitude of solidarity. Many studies have been under-
taken in the United States into philanthropy. Inter alia, we can cite Rimor & Tobin
(1991: 51) who have come to the conclusion that synagogue membership and visit-
ing Israel are factors which are more indicative of philanthropy than having Jewish
friends, the level of religious observance, and religious affiliation: “It seems that the
four variables—synagogue attendance, organizational membership, synagogue mem-
bership, and visiting Israel—are more basic in explaining contribution behavior than
having Jewish friends, religious practices, and denominational affiliation.”
46
Kriegel (1984: 131).
visits confirmed that the overwhelming majority of French Jews have

an instrumental approach to communal institutions and services. At
a family event such as a birth, marriage or the death of a relative,
French Jews increase the number of contacts and come closer (also in
a physical sense) to the communal core. When such family obligations
end, they tend to distance themselves. We could talk about an “elastic
Judaism”. The behavioral approach to the means of identification of
French Jews tells us different things.
Almost 30% of the heads of Jewish households surveyed stated that
they participate frequently (once a month or more) in activities within
a Jewish community setting. 18% said they never participate. These
figures indicate a slight increase in participation in local community
events since the 1988 survey, when 28% said they participate frequently
in local Jewish community events and 35% said they never participate
in the local Jewish community. The percentage of those who said they
participate occasionally or frequently (between 2–5 times a year) rose
by 5% between 1988 and 2002. The percentage of those who par-
ticipate ‘very frequently’ and therefore may be considered part of the
community nucleus rose by 8%.47 These findings confirm the feeling
expressed by many community leaders that there has been a strength-
ening of the community nucleus in recent years. This may be seen as
an acceleration of the process of communalisation.
This process, however, is not unilinear. In a previous study I used
the concept “Jews in eclipse”, which took into account the intensity
and elasticity of community participation.48 In Kriegel’s definition of
47
During several visits to Nice during the Jewish New Year (Rosh Hashana) period,
I had the opportunity to be present at an event which undoubtedly deserves to be
studied on its own. This is the Tashlich ceremony, during which Jews symbolically cast
all the faults of the previous year into a deep place (hole, river, etc.). Some 15 years
ago, I attended a tashlich ceremony conducted on the beach by the late Chief Rabbi
Jean Kling. There were some 80 to 100 people, all men, at the water’s edge. There
is no denying that the presence of these men, most of them bearded and garbed in
festival attire, at the water’s edge, surrounded on either side by practically nude men
and women, was a very striking sight. But that was not the main point here. In 2002
I had another opportunity to attend tashlich in Nice. Imagine my surprise when I saw
more than two thousand people there, men, women, children, ultra-Orthodox and
traditional alike, a few men—not very many—without a skullcap, listening to the Sho-
far and a sermon by Chief Rabbi Mordekhai Bensoussan, most of which was about
Israel. This was a very remarkable community event, a virtual community center, the
chance to have a pleasant get-together, where many people were there before the
ceremony started and just as many stayed on after the ceremony was over.
48
Cohen, E.H. (1991: 82).
86 chapter two
community, “…the level of belonging can vary from almost 0 to 100

degrees … the place where each person chooses to position himself on
a very broad scale extending from the center to the periphery does not
have the fixed character of a permanent commitment.”49
Synagogues are by far the most common community institutions in
which French Jews are likely to be involved: for 80% of France’s Jew-
ish population, Jewish communal participation means going to syna-
gogue. Fewer numbers are involved with community centers, Jewish
associations, or study groups.
Heads of households who frequently participated in a local Jewish
community institution tended to identify themselves as religious and
even as more religious than their parents while those who participated
less frequently were less likely to identify themselves as religious. They
described themselves as either equally religious as their parents, or less
religious than their parents.
In respect to religious observance, we found a correlation between
attendance at communal institutions and observance of religious tradi-
tion: 77% of those who never visit Jewish communal institutions do
not keep kashrut at home, while 79% of those who attend very often
do. However, even if the correlation is clear, it is difficult to answer
the question of what comes first.
Another general trend found among French Jews is that all param-
eters of community life (community attendance, Jewish education,
respect for kashrut, etc.) were stronger in large families and, particu-
larly, in families where children study in the Jewish educational net-
work. It appears that those with children in Jewish day schools were
also the main users of Jewish community institutions in France.
4.3. Philanthropy
Contribution of money and time are another indicator of the level
and direction of involvement in the social arena. The generosity of the
Jews of France towards general (i.e. not Jewish or Israeli) charitable or
social institutions and organizations was found to be almost identical
to that of the larger French population.50 French Jews’ contributions
49
Kriegel (1984: 131).
50
The questions in the two surveys were not phrased in exactly the same words,
but were similar enough to allow for a comparison. On the SOFRES survey, the
question was: “Do you help through financial gifts, gifts in kind or by devoting time,
Table 24: Comparison of contributions to general (not specifically Jewish or

Israeli) charitable organizations by general French population and French
Jewish population
Frequency of Contribution General French French Jewish
population (SOFRES population
2000) 2002
Several times a year 28% 27%
Approx. once a year 21% 19%
Every two or three years 3% 3%
Less often 6% 9%
Never 41% 42%
Total 100% 100%
to specifically Jewish or Israeli organizations were much higher, as

seen in Table 24.
4.4. Connections to Israel: Tourism, Family and Aliyah

Connection to Israel is a particularly complex issue. As mentioned,
affiliation with any political entity other than the French Republic is
perceived negatively in French culture and “dual loyalties” are subject
to suspicion. Support for Israel, specifically, is highly controversial.
Nevertheless, the Jews of France in general have strong ties to Israel.
86% said they feel close to Israel and 49% “very close.” This con-
nection was not hypothetical, but is based on family connections and
frequent visits.
It is important to note that the much discussed “Israel-Diaspora
relationship” is far from homogenous. In comparative studies of vari-
ous Diaspora youth populations, I have consistently found that French
Jewish youth not only feel ‘close’ to Israel, they also have a realistic
organizations, causes or people in distress who are not members of your family or
friends?” In our survey of French Jewish heads of households we asked “How often
do you make financial contributions or do voluntary work to non-Jewish or non-Israeli
organizations or institutions?” It should be noted that the question asked by SOFRES
concerned all forms of solidarity (contributions in the form of money, time or kind).
In the present study, we asked two specific questions: one on financial donations,
the other about time and voluntary work. If we take these two questions together—
financial donations and volunteer activities by Jewish heads of households and outside
the Jewish community—the data become comparable with the overall French popula-
tion (SOFRES, 2000).
88 chapter two
image of Israel, particularly compared to that of American-Jewish

youth. For example, in a study conducted in the summer of 2000,
shortly before the outbreak of the Al-Aqsa Intifada, I explored the
differences in the images of Israel found in various Diaspora commu-
nities. In questionnaires distributed to 5,648 young Jews at the outset
of “Israel Experience” tours, participants were asked to indicate which
items from a list of places, names and symbols expressed their image of
Israel. While the American participants had a highly idealized image
of Israel as the Holy Land and a pilgrimage site, the French partici-
pants held a much more balanced image of the modern State of Israel
and were far more likely to consider Israel as a possible home.51
Almost three quarters of French Jews have relatives living in Israel:
6% have children living there, 47% have other close relatives in Israel,
and 23% have more distant Israeli relatives.
More than three quarters of the surveyed heads of Jewish house-
holds have visited Israel at least once. Nearly 30% have made six or
more visits, for vacation (59%) or to visit family (38%). In the follow-
up survey of French Jews conducted in 2005, we asked respondents
the year of their most recent visit to Israel. Almost a quarter (24%) had
visited Israel within the previous year. 16% had visited most recently
between 2000 and 2003. This illustrate that even during the worst
years of attacks against Israeli civilians during the Al-Aqsa Intifada,
when overall tourism rates to Israel declined drastically, significant
numbers of French Jews continued to visit. 30% visited most recently
between 1982 and 1999, while 9% visited most recently before 1981.
Only 21% said they had never visited Israel.
In October 2004, I directed a survey of French tourists in Israel.
We interviewed 2,109 French Jewish tourists aged 15 years and older
who were vacationing in seven major Israeli cities. These tourists had
strong Jewish identities. Most defined themselves as traditional, were
frequent participants in their local Jewish community, and enrolled
their children in Jewish educational settings.
As a major result of this last survey, using the data gathered among
the sample, together with general data from the Ministry of Israel
Tourism, it was possible to establish that at least a quarter of the
Jews of France visited at least one time Israel during the single year
51
Cohen, E.H. (2003).
of 2004.52 The majority said they considered making Aliyah. Three-

quarters of the adolescents surveyed said they do not envision their
future as being in France, and a third hoped to make Aliyah “very
soon.” Three quarters of the tourists surveyed said they hope their
children will come to study in Israel.
Thus we see that tourism and Aliyah are linked phenomenon among
French Jews, as repeated visits serve not only as vacations or religious
pilgrimages, but also as preliminary steps towards a more permanent
move among those who are considering Aliyah.
Aliyah: Intention of settling in Israel. One important area of interest in
a sociological study of French Jews concerns attitudes and practice
regarding Aliyah. Aliyah refers to immigration to Israel, but the Hebrew
term, which literally means ‘to go up’, has strong ideological connota-
tions, intimately linked with Zionist ideology. Making Aliyah, of course,
is a major step with large and complex implications, economically,
logistically, personally, and ideologically.53
Data provided by the Jewish Agency for Israel show that between
1948 and 2009, a total of 88,792 Jews from France have made Aliyah.
This may be broken down as follows: from the founding of the State
of Israel in 1948 until the Six Day War of 1967 (widely considered a
turning point in Diaspora-Israel relations), 10,316 French Jews moved
to Israel; from 1968 to 1987, the figure more than tripled, to 38,665;
and between 1986 and 2009, another 41,161 French Jews moved to
Israel. The period of the surveys was one of high Aliyah, with a peak
in 2005, when over 3000 French Jews made Aliyah.
In the surveys conducted in 1988 and 2002, respondents were asked
their intentions regarding the possibility of moving to Israel. As seen
in Table 25, only a small percentage of French Jews said they intend
to make Aliyah “very soon”, but this figure doubled between 1988 and
2002. At the other end of the spectrum, the percentage who said they
have no intention of making Aliyah also grew to over half (an increase
of 18%), showing the extent to which opinions on this issue are polar-
ized. In fact only a minority said they had never thought about it, and
this minority grew smaller during the years between the two surveys,
from 21% in 1988 to 16% in 2002.
52
Cohen E.H. (2005c).
53
Making Aliyah does not necessitate renouncing one’s French citizenship, as it is
possible to hold dual French and Israeli citizenship.
90 chapter two
Table 25: Immigration of French Jews to Israel since the creation of the state
of Israel. Data from the Jewish agency for Israel Annual Report
Year N Year N Year N Year N
1948 640 1964 731 1980 1430 1996 2052
1949 1665 1965 830 1981 1430 1997 2279
1950 672 1966 700 1982 1682 1998 1990
1951 401 1967 893 1983 2094 1999 1557
1952 246 1968 2523 1984 1539 2000 1366
1953 196 1969 5292 1985 1017 2001 1144
1954 201 1970 4414 1986 927 2002 2481
1955 206 1971 3281 1987 888 2003 2083
1956 199 1972 2356 1988 920 2004 2415
1957 267 1973 1473 1989 900 2005 3005
1958 274 1974 1345 1990 864 2006 2838
1959 326 1975 1382 1991 966 2007 2717
1960 371 1976 1416 1992 1182 2008 1876
1961 372 1977 1226 1993 1372 2009 1894
1962 580 1978 1302 1994 1512 Total 88792
1963 546 1979 1648 1995 1933
To simplify the analysis, we classified the respondents into three

categories. The first group, those who said they intend to make Aliyah
“very soon” may be considered candidates for Aliyah, with a high prob-
ability of moving to Israel within the next ten years. The second cat-
egory, those who are favorably disposed towards Aliyah in principle, but do
not necessarily intend to make this move in the near future, includes
1) Jewish heads of households who answered that they want to make
Aliyah though not immediately, 2) those have considered Aliyah but
decided they cannot currently make the move (this may be, for exam-
ple, due to family obligations or financial considerations, rather than
ideological opposition to Aliyah) and 3) those who have not really con-
sidered Aliyah, but are not opposed to the idea. Lastly, there emerges
from the data a third group, those opposed to Aliyah. This category brings
together those who reject the idea of emigrating to Israel and have no
intention of making Aliyah.
According to this categorization, in 2002 6% of French Jews could
be considered candidates for Aliyah. Together with those who are favorable
to Aliyah, 42% of French Jews said they are, to varying degrees, open
to the idea of living in Israel.
The collected data refers only to the heads of families. If we want
a real picture of the impact of Aliyah, we must consider the entire
Table 26: Intention of making Aliyah (settling in Israel ) among French Jewish
heads of households, 1988 and 2002
2002 1988
Yes, very soon 6% 3%
Yes, later on 12% 19%
I have considered it, but relinquished the idea 8% 17%
Have not thought about it yet but not against 16% 21%
No intention of making Aliyah 58% 40%
Total 100% 100%
Table 27: Intention of making Aliyah (settling in Israel ) among French Jewish
heads of households, 1988 and 2002 (simplified categorization)
2002 1988
Candidates for Aliyah 6% 3%
Favorable to Aliyah 36% 57%
Opposed to Aliyah 58% 40%
Total 100% 100%
household (parents, children and other family members). Extrapolating

from the data, the percentage of candidates for Aliyah among the French
Jewish population reaches approximately 7.2%. Based on the estimate
of a French Jewish population of 500,000, this means that in the near
future 36,000 French Jews can be expected to settle in Israel. Based on
the same principle, French Jews who are favorable to Aliyah rises to 39%
(about 195,000), while those Jews who are opposed to Aliyah goes down
to 53.7% (290,000 people). (This is because those who are opposed to
Aliyah tend to have smaller families).
There is an empirical connection between attitudes regarding Aliyah
and the reality of moving to Israel. We saw that in the 1988 surveys
3% of the respondents said they intended to make Aliyah soon.54 That
figure represented 15,000–20,000 candidates for Aliyah. The data pub-
lished by the Jewish Agency confirms this estimate, because between
1988 and 2002, 20,382 French Jews made their Aliyah, which is a bit
more than 3% as established by the independent survey. This data
suggests that we should take extremely seriously the 2002 estimates of
54
Cohen, E.H. (1991).
92 chapter two
the 6% of French Jews who have announced their intention of settling

in Israel.
To give another perspective on these findings, we may compare the
data on intention to make Aliyah with responses to the hypothetical
question regarding what religion and nationality French Jews would
choose if given the chance. Most respondents in the category of candi-
dates for Aliyah also said would have preferred to be reborn as Jews in
Israel (84%), as did over half (57%) of those who were favorable to Aliyah
(57%). In contrast, only 20% of Jews opposed to Aliyah would want to
be reborn in Israel, while 54% said they would choose to be reborn
as Jews in the Diaspora and 26% replied that place and identity were
unimportant. This gives further confirmation for our Aliyah forecast,
and shows that intention to make Aliyah corresponds to the desire to
realize a strongly felt dream.
4.4.1. Socio-Cultural and Economic Impacts on Attitudes towards Aliyah

There were no fundamental socio-economic differences between the
heads of household included in these three categories of attitudes
towards Aliyah. For example, where people live (Paris, the Paris sub-
urbs, away from Paris) did not appear to have any direct impact. Jews
are neither more nor less Zionist in Paris than in the suburbs or out-
lying areas. However, one can note that Jews opposed to Aliyah tended
to have more academic degrees and higher incomes while candidates
for Aliyah tended to be younger and have lower incomes (though the
differences between the three categories is not great). Professional and
economic success in France likely serves as a deterrent to moving to
Israel, while young adults less firmly established may be more willing
to consider relocating.
It is important to note that if we also consider residence, there was
even less difference between those in the three categories, highlighting
the lack of influence of place of residence on the attitudes of French
Jews towards Aliyah.
4.4.2. Religious Practice

If as we have seen socio-economic influences were weak, the influ-
ence of ideological and religious attitudes was fundamental. Almost
all those who wanted to make Aliyah very soon (candidates for Aliyah)
defined themselves as traditionalists or orthodox in terms of religious
practice. We can indeed say that in France, secular Zionism is not
Table 28: Attitudes to Aliyah and level of religious observance, heads of

French Jewish households, 2002
Candidates Favorable Opposed
Non-practicing 0% 14% 42%
Reform 6% 13% 18%
Traditional 78% 64% 39%
Orthodox 16% 9% 1%
Total 100% 100% 100%
popular. None of the candidates for Aliyah defined themselves as non-

practicing Jews and only 6% as reform (liberal ) in practice. At the
other end of the spectrum, 60% of those who were opposed to Aliyah
defined themselves as non-practicing or reform.
The correlation between the various levels of religious practice
and the intention to make Aliyah is consistent: considering Aliyah goes
together with a deep commitment to the Jewish tradition. A few exam-
ples will serve to confirm this point. Candidates for Aliyah were more
likely to say they observe Kashrut and Shabbat as compared with those
who were opposed to Aliyah. 88% of the candidates for Aliyah said they
fully observe the laws of kashrut at home and 68% also kept kosher
when eating outside their home. Among Jews who were opposed to Ali-
yah only 24% said they observe kashrut at home and 14% outside
the home. The trend is identical for keeping the Sabbath. On Friday
night, 91% of French Jews who are candidates for Aliyah regularly light
candles, (while only 34% of those opposed to Aliyah do); 92% regularly
recite Kiddush (compared to 34% of those opposed to Aliyah), and 86%
said they regularly have a family Shabbat meal (48% of those opposed to
Aliyah). We should note lastly that there is an even stronger correlation
between Aliyah and a return to religion or intensification of religious
feelings. That those contemplating making Aliyah said they feel more
religious than their parents and more religious than they themselves
were in past years.
Considering the issue of intermarriage, it was found that 60% of
the Candidates for Aliyah was firmly opposed to the idea of one of their
children marrying a non-Jew. Only 27% of those favorable to Aliyah and
9% of those opposed to Aliyah were opposed to the idea of their children
intermarrying. The contrast between the three categories of attitudes
towards Aliyah is so marked that we can advance the theory that fear
of intermarriage might be one of the main motivations for Aliyah.
94 chapter two
Table 29: Attitudes to Aliyah and religious feelings compared with parents,
heads of French Jewish households, 2002
More religious 50% 28% 12%
AS religious 35% 41% 42%
Less religious 15% 31% 46%
Total 100% 100% 100%
Table 30: Attitudes to Aliyah and level of religious feelings compared with
recent years, 2002
More religious 70% 43% 18%
AS religious 23% 45% 60%
Less religious 6% 13% 22%
Total 100% 100% 100%
4.4.3. Jewish Social Relationships and Aliyah

Even more than the level of Jewish religious observance, looking at pat-
terns of participation in the Jewish community is a key to understand-
ing motives for making Aliyah. For instance, we found that the more
French Jews took part in local communal life, the greater was their
desire to make Aliyah: one third of the candidates for Aliyah come from
the “hard core” of the Jewish community. As noted, the synagogue is
the most attended Jewish institution in France; this is particularly true
for the candidates for Aliyah, 91% of who attend synagogue. Other com-
munal institutions were also frequently attended by candidates for Aliyah.
Jewish study groups and circles were attended by 38% of candidates
for Aliyah (compared to 14% of the entire French Jewish population).
Attendance at Jewish organizations was 34% among candidates for Ali-
yah (25% for the whole population).
Forging and emphasizing Jewish social relationships was strongly
correlated with candidates for Aliyah. This included both marriage
(endogamy) and friendships with other Jews. None of the candidates
for Aliyah had a non-Jewish spouse. By comparison, among those who
were opposed to Aliyah, there was a 37% intermarriage rate. In the same
way, candidates for Aliyah have created around themselves a type of “mini
Jewish community”. One third of them only have Jewish friends.
We also asked French Jewish heads of households how they would

react if one of their children decided to make Aliyah. This gives addi-
tional insight into the attitudes of French Jews towards the idea of
immigration to Israel. Adults with homes and businesses may not think
they can consider making Aliyah themselves, yet may hope that the
next generation will do so. Almost 70% of respondents said they would
be happy if their children moved to Israel. Another 13% say they
would not be happy but would not oppose the idea.
Taken together, the findings show that for the Jews of France, Aliyah
is not circumstantial but rather the result of a long process of identity
building. Identity building in France today is mainly achieved around
religious and traditional practice. Participation in French Jewish com-
munal institutions (which are mainly religiously oriented) seems to
function as a preparation for the Aliyah process. In other words, the
decision to settle in Israel is generally one that has matured and been
prepared over a long period of time. Aliyah is often only the final act
in the gradual but systematic creation of a Jewish social fabric, of a
Jewish environment.
4.4.4. Jewish Education and the Potential for Aliyah

Yet another indicator that the desire to move to Israel grows from a
process of communal identity-building is the clear correlation found
between attitudes to Aliyah and Jewish education. The percentage of
those considering making Aliyah rises to 12% if one takes into account
only households with school-age children and to 28% for households
where children are educated in Jewish schools.
The fact that candidates for Aliyah have received a more extensive
Jewish education (both formal and informal ) than those opposed to Ali-
yah is highly significant. Their Jewish education certainly provided
them with the tools for considering Aliyah. It is indubitable that French
Jewish schools provide a setting where the idea of Aliyah is formed and
strengthened. Over half those French Jews who are candidates for Aliyah
went to Jewish schools (51%), compared to only 20% of those opposed
to Aliyah. The same goes with attendance at a Talmud Torah (68% of
candidates for Aliyah and 39% of those opposed to Aliyah). The results are
no different in respect to informal education. For example, 46% of can-
didates for Aliyah were active in Jewish youth movements, as compared
to 33% of those opposed to Aliyah. In addition to their own educational
backgrounds, we found that the candidates for Aliyah were more likely
96 chapter two
Table 31: Attitudes to Aliyah and type of schooling for children, 2002
Parents of children Parents of children
who do not attend in Jewish schools
Jewish schools
Candidates for Aliyah 5% 30%
Favorable to Aliyah 43% 52%
Opposed to Aliyah 52% 19%
Total 100% 100%
to enroll their children in Jewish schools. As seen in Table 31, among

parents of Jewish day school students, 30% were candidates for Aliyah.
4.4.5. Social Concerns and Aliyah

In general we found that for French Jews, the desire to make Aliyah does
not result from social or economic distress. On the contrary, the data
shows that the French Jews who planned to make Aliyah in the com-
ing years (candidates for Aliyah) were significantly more likely to describe
themselves as happy and satisfied with their lives than were those who
rejected the idea of Aliyah (opposed to Aliyah). However, half the candidates
for Aliyah said the personally experienced anti-Semitism within the pre-
vious five years. Interestingly, only a quarter of those favorable to Aliyah
and even an even smaller percentage—17%—of those opposed to Aliyah
said that they had recently suffered from anti-Semitism. (One reason
for this difference may be that the candidates for Aliyah are more likely
to send their children to Jewish schools and to attend synagogue, and
such Jewish settings are targets of anti-Semitic acts).
While these figures do not necessarily mean that the rise of anti-
Semitism in France is a primary reason for considering Aliyah, it does
indicate that the recrudescence of racist intolerance and anti-Semitism
in France has contributed to a polarization of the position of French
Jews in regards to Aliyah. As will be discussed in greater detail later,
(pages 103–106 and Figure 4), the concerns and worries of French
Jews may be grouped into two general categories: general or universal
concerns (such as pollution, food security, unemployment, AIDS and
drugs) and those fears more specifically related to Jewish life, such as
the future of Israel, intermarriage, racism, terrorism, anti-Semitism,
the Islamic movement and foreigners. In a structural analysis of this
data we found that those who were opposed to Aliyah were more closely
associated with universal concerns. It is logical that those primarily
concerned with these types of issues would not consider leaving France
for Israel, since these problems exist everywhere and a move to Israel
would not seem to offer a solution. Those who were favorable to Aliyah
were most closely linked with situational concerns such as foreigners
and Islam, which for years have pushed many French Jews to state
that they are pessimistic about their own future in France. They were
expressing a deep discontent with France and were considering emi-
grating because have trouble envisioning their future there. We could
say that some were more favorably disposed to emigration in general
than to Aliyah in specific—that is, some were considering moving to
other places, such as the USA or Canada. The candidates for Aliyah
expressed concern for issues traditionally linked to Judaism (racism,
anti-Semitism, intermarriage, and Israel’s future). Considering a move
to Israel is one way of addressing such concerns. “Tell me your fears
and I will be able to perceive your relationship with Israel” is the mes-
sage that emerges from this analysis.
4.4.6. Diaspora or Israel: A Topic of Discussion among French Jewish Youth

It should not be thought that the decision to make Aliyah is an easy
one. Rather, it emerges from an identity strengthening process in
every sense of the word (educational, cultural, religious, institutional ).
While the candidates for Aliyah expressed concerns regarding their future
in France, this cannot conceal a serious discussion about the difficulties
of Aliyah, such as the economic, political and social situation of Israeli
society and separation from one’s family. There is also, of course the
issue of the importance of maintaining Jewish life in the Diaspora.
One way to portray discussion regarding Aliyah among young
French Jews is to give a sample of the questions and comments posted
on internet chat sites:55
16/10/2004–7:00, szdavid: I would like to make Aliyah under the

Law of Return by starting with the status of temporary immigrant;
no one in fact can guarantee that I will integrate into society, that
I will find a job in IT in which I could blossom. I’m in my final year
of computing studies. Could you tell me a bit about the formalities,
55
http://www.uejf.org/modules/forum/viewtopic.php?start=15&t=524 retrieved
in October 2005.
98 chapter two
the documents to be provided, the time necessary for the bureaucracy

in France?
19/10/2004 11:14, Avi S.: Could you just tell us your reasons for
Aliyah? Religious, activist?
29/10/2004 6:30, szdavid: Not activist, of that I am certain; a bit
religious, but above all because I love that country, in the same way
that I am also tempted by Quebec.
30/10/2004–8:49, Franck Waserman: Your position is interesting.
I love that country, and even much more than that. But going to live
there seems to me a very difficult decision to take, and I must confess
that I am convinced that if I settled there, I would miss France. And
you should know that in Canada the problems of antisemitism are as
serious as elsewhere, contrary to what some others seem to believe!
02/11/2004–6:37, szdavid: I am not in fact leaving France out of
fear of antisemitism, but for the affection I have for that country,
though I think the comment about Quebec is interesting. It’s true one
doesn’t hear it spoken about much.
08/11/2004–3:51, rudy_n: I must say that your “contributions” on
this forum make me think of mental masturbation, which is totally
symptomatic of your Diaspora pathology. So dear “activists”, I have
some advice for you: If you want to be useful to yourselves, to the
readers on this forum and the entire Jewish people, make Aliyah!
09/11/2004–8:59, FranckW: I am scared by what you write, rudy_n.
Firstly, I want to state, for myself, that I in no way suffer from a
claimed Diaspora pathology. I consider myself to be profoundly Zion-
ist, as much as you, even if it is true that we are not at the same stage.
Contrary to others, I do not believe the Diaspora holds any interest
whatsoever for Jewry. Remaining in the Diaspora is not the result of
an ideological choice. It is more an easy solution. Rudy_n, I am not
going to teach you that life in Israel is very hard. Some Israelis want to
leave, you know. Do not be so quick to criticize the Jews who still live
in Galut,56 the world is not made up of saints! I hope that’s clear.
11/11/2004–12:38, Avi S.: The peril for Jewry exists as much in
Israel as in the Diaspora, just it appears differently. In fact, in France,
according to a survey by the Fonds Social Juif Unifié, mixed marriages
affect 30% of the French Jewish population, and 40% of those between
the ages 18–30. In the USA today Jews marry more with Christians
56
Translator’s note: Diaspora; literally Exile.
than with Jews. The intermarriage rate is 52% (a more conservative

calculation gives 47%, but the demographic effect is essentially the
same). In 1970 the rate was 8%. Moreover, according to this survey,
among couples that are not mixed, only one in four was brought up
in the Jewish tradition. The sole future for Jewry in the long-term is
clearly in Israel. For all that, while waiting the coming of the Messiah,
there must always be a Diaspora, however small it might become, on
the one hand to let the world understand the importance of retaining
the memory of what once was, and on the other hand the importance
of maintaining as many historical Jewish places as possible that today
are threatened, especially in the Ukraine and in most Eastern Euro-
pean countries, but also in France, with continuous attacks affecting
for example the status of the Rue des Rosiers,57 and lastly to have a
single argument for Jewry and the State of Israel.
11/11/2004–10:15, FranckW: rudy_n writes, “You are playing at
the teaching others what to do”. I cannot of course support you vis-
ceral rejection of France, which I feel I detect as I read you. In my
previous post, I deliberately tried to distort your idea about the histo-
ries of languages. Clearly, your reply was well taken and deserved. On
the other hand, by adopting the same strategy, you lay yourself open
to the same consequences. When I spoke of the difficulties of mak-
ing Aliyah, I was not speaking about the difficulty of going to live in
Israel. Going there has in fact never been easier. I was speaking about
the difficulty of living in Israel… unfortunately, Israeli society is far
from being the ideal society we dreamed of, and on a daily basis the
war situation with the Palestinians makes things even more difficult.
I am not speaking from personal experience, but am relying on what
members of my own family there have told me. But clearly, Rudy,
you know all this… To wind up, I would say that I am not convinced
what is the role of the Diaspora. It still exists, and the maximum must
be done so that Jewish identity in the Diaspora can be retained and
develop under the best possible conditions—is that not so? Rudy, do
you disagree with that?
12/11/2004–1:00, rudy_n: I in fact believe that everything has to
be done to preserve and develop Jewish identity among Jews in the
Diaspora communities. It’s a way of “winning over” a generation or
two, as against the mortal danger of assimilation. It’s a transitional and
57
Translator’s note: Once perhaps the best known Jewish street in Paris.
100 chapter two
provisional solution. The real answer to the Jewish Question is the one
that has proven its success, Zionism. To be a free and independent
people, on the historic Land of Israel, a full and equal member of
the community of nations. Your solution isn’t one. I see it more as a
means, which like all means has an end. Strengthening Jewish iden-
tity must be achieved through Aliyah and the Return. Certainly not
with the objective of just managing to exist and letting communities
give themselves the illusion that authentic Jewish life is possible in the
Diaspora; an illusion that in any case has started to fade away over the
last 4 years. In fact, the events of the last four years have been very
worrying and have begun an historic change in the relationship of
the world and the old, Christian Europe in particular with the Jewish
people. We need to know how to get a handle on this and to make
the decisions that need to be taken. Rudi.
12.11.04–4:30, FranckW: Rudi, there are things that attract me to
Israel, and other things that keep me back in France, in particular my
family, who would not necessarily leave with me. I know that Israel
has been built by people who have been torn from their environment,
who have lost their roots. But you have to admit that the circum-
stances were different. In France, I miss Israel; in Israel I would miss
France, definitely so though doubtless in a different way. France or
Israel, there perhaps is the biggest choice and the one with the most
consequences in our lives. Rudy, if it is easy for you, understand not
everyone has the same luck as you! The choice, Rudy, is all the more
painful, and here I think we would agree, because in truth, for a Jew
there is no alternative…
As seen in the previous email discussion, being favorably disposed to

Aliyah can sometimes take surprising routes. We would like to end this
discussion of Aliyah with a tribute to a French Jew whose relationship
to the concept of Aliyah illustrates the complexity of the issue. Charles
Mopsik, editor of a series of Jewish texts in French (including the Zohar
and Maimonides’ Guide to the Perplexed) was widely recognized as a lover
of France. However, among the many reports received after his death
in June 2003, that of the publisher Michel Valensi provides a new
light on Mopsik’s relationship with Israel. “There is also another way,
which he could only talk about but not do, and he told me about it
just a few days before he died, at which point it represented his most
cherished desire: to finally find a land for this heaven of letters whose
contours he had sketched out. For a long time that land had for him
been France. I remember how he would say, “I am doing that for

France”, which had a Gaullist touch to it, and he knew how to laugh
about it too. However, France distanced itself from this heaven, and
he thought for some time of leaving it to come (perhaps) to settle in
Israel, not just as someone who was a political Zionist, but because
here could now be the place where he thought that lightness of spirit
might be able to take hold. I no longer ask myself the question, whither
France? Because there is no longer a France. There is just a mum-
mified France, which has usurped the name and tries to pass itself off
as it. I think that in Israel there is still some common sense. Which is
totally missing in France, which has lost its way and does not even see
that it is drowning”, he wrote to me at the end of April.”58
4.5. Marriage and Endogamy

The choice of spouse in a reference group is a widely used indicator
of identity and group affiliation.59 In general, intermarriage is con-
tinuing to rise among the Jews of France. As seen in Table 32, the
data gathered by the present survey shows that 69% of Jewish heads
of households had a Jewish-born spouse, compared to 75% in 1988.
Looking more deeply into the social dynamics of endogamy, the data
collected in this study shed light on a complex situation.
First, it seems that cohabitation (i.e., without wedlock) is a form of
sidestepping the problem of intermarriage. Of those who were mar-
ried, three quarters had a Jewish spouse, while of the couples who
cohabit (9% of the survey population), only 17% had a Jewish partner.
Additionally, intermarried couples were less stable than endogamous
couples: endogamous marriages had a divorce rate of 8.2%, while
exogamous marriages had a divorce rate of 20%. French Jewish men
were more likely to marry non-Jews than were French Jewish women.
This has important consequences for future generations, given that,
according to Jewish law, Judaism is matrilineal.
Jews living in the provinces had a higher intermarriage rate than
those in Paris or the area right around the capital, reflecting the
greater likelihood of meeting a Jewish partner in the marriage market
58
Written on the death of Charles Mopsik 13 Sivan 5763 (13 June 2003).
59
Blau, Beeker & Fitzpatrick (1984); Reitz (1980); Romano (1988); Spickard
(1989).
102 chapter two
Table 32: Religion of spouses of Jewish heads of household, by marital

status
Married Cohabitating Widowed Divorced Total
Separated
Jewish spouse 76% 17% 87% 50% 69%
Non-Jewish spouse 24% 83% 12% 46% 30%
Converted spouse 1% 0% 1% 4% 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
in a place where there is a greater concentration of Jews and these are

more likely to be involved in the local community.
The birthrate in marriages of two Jewish parents was higher than in
mixed marriages. 20% of those in exogamous marriages had no chil-
dren, as against only 7% of those in endogamous Jewish marriages.
In-married Jews had significantly higher levels of religious obser-
vance than out-married Jews and had stronger social ties to the Jewish
community. They were far more likely to regularly attend community
events and synagogue, and had a greater proportion of Jewish friends,
underscoring the interrelationship among the various indicators of
community affiliation.
In their 1977 study of intermarriage in France, Bensimon and Laut-
man noted that “intellectual circles undoubtedly represent a partic-
ularly favorable terrain for Jewish-Christian marriages.” As seen in
Table 33, this was clearly the case among French Jewish women, with
endogamy sharply declining among women with the highest level of
education. In fact, although Bensimon and Lautman noted that cou-
ples in which the wife was Jewish and the husband non-Jewish were an
exception to the rule, endogamy rates were essentially the same among
men and women with two or more years of study past the bachelor’s
degree. However, we did not find a consistent correlation between
education level and intermarriage among French Jewish men. While
it is true that those with the highest level of education (BA + 4) were
more likely to be married to non-Jews than those without higher edu-
cation, those who continued for two years past the level of bachelor’s
degree had higher rates of endogamy than those with just a bachelor’s
degree. This unexpected result indicates that the relationship between
education and intermarriage is more complex than anticipated, and
deserves further exploration through a specific in-depth study.
Table 33: Endogamy and educational level (percentage with Jewish spouse)
Less than Bachelor’s Bachelor’s +2 Bachelor’s +4
Bachelor’s degree
degree
Among entire Jewish 75% 70% 75% 59%
population
Among Jewish men 66% 58% 73% 59%
Among Jewish women 84% 82% 74% 58%
Taken together, these findings show how a behavioral approach is

advantageous in stipulating the methods of identity affirmation. The
scale of communal participation, for example, was highly revealing of
the religious and cultural practices of France’s Jews. A clear correla-
tion exists between the level of attendance at communal institutions
and the level of religious or cultural practice. Similarly, we find that
intermarriage was much more frequent on the outer periphery of the
community and in the middle band (almost half of marriages), whereas
in the communal core it was almost non-existent (7%). Of course we
cannot really know what is cause and what is effect; that is, if people
who chose partners outside the group were then less inclined to visit
communal institutions, or if because those who were less communally
involved were more likely to out-marry.
5. Social Issues
5.1. Happiness, Satisfaction and Worry

This chapter addresses the psychological well-being of the Jews of
France and the social issues with which they are primarily concerned.
We asked Jewish heads of households in France whether they were
happy, worried or satisfied with their lives. We compare the answers
with objective parameters (age groups, income level, and marital sta-
tus). The matrix of correlations (see appendix) showed that while hap-
piness or “subjective wellbeing” strongly correlated with satisfaction
with life, the two concepts are not completely synonymous.60 Even
60
Veenhoven (1997).
104 chapter two
Table 34: Happiness, satisfaction and worry by age groups

18–29 30–39 40–49 50+ Total
Very happy 34% 30% 26% 17% 23%
Happy 63% 64% 68% 72% 69%
Not happy 3% 6% 5% 9% 7%
Not at all happy 1% 0% 0% 2% 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Very satisfied 18% 19% 12% 15% 16%
Satisfied 77% 73% 73% 73% 74%
Not satisfied 5% 7% 11% 10% 9%
Not at all satisfied 0% 1% 3% 2% 2%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Very worried 12% 9% 9% 13% 11%
Worried 47% 50% 58% 56% 54%
Not worried 32% 32% 25% 25% 28%
Not at all worried 9% 9% 8% 6% 7%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 35: Happiness, satisfaction and worry by income level

Low income Average income High income Total
Very happy 19% 28% 27% 21%
Happy 69% 69% 71% 69%
Not happy 11% 3% 2% 9%
Not at all happy 2% 1% 0% 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Very satisfied 13% 20% 17% 15%
Satisfied 72% 76% 83% 74%
Not satisfied 12% 4% 0% 9%
Not at all satisfied 3% 0% 0% 2%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Very worried 13% 10% 5% 12%
Worried 53% 54% 56% 53%
Not worried 26% 32% 27% 27%
Not at all worried 8% 4% 11% 7%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
more, being happy and satisfied with one’s life does not mean to be
free of worries. While the large majority of the Jews of France said that
they were happy, they also articulated deep feelings of concern, thus
expressing a state of “worried happiness” as Veenhoven calls it.
Table 36: Happiness, satisfaction and worry by marital status

Married Cohabitating Widowed Divorced Single Total
Very happy 26% 29% 10% 12% 20% 23%
Happy 68% 66% 65% 72% 71% 68%
Not happy 5% 5% 19% 14% 8% 7%
Not at all happy 1% 0% 6% 2% 1% 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Very satisfied 20% 10% 8% 6% 13% 16%
Satisfied 73% 82% 74% 66% 76% 74%
Not satisfied 6% 7% 13% 25% 10% 9%
Not at all satisfied 1% 2% 5% 3% 2% 2%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Very worried 11% 12% 18% 10% 10% 11%
Worried 55% 40% 56% 65% 51% 54%
Not worried 27% 40% 21% 21% 31% 28%
Not at all worried 7% 9% 5% 4% 9% 7%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
In general, the Jews of France are happy and satisfied with their
lives. Indeed, 92% of Jewish heads of households affirm that they are
happy (23% very happy). Similarly, 90% of Jewish heads of house-
holds affirm that they are satisfied with their lives (15% very satisfied).
On the other hand, 65% of the respondents said they are worried,
11% “very worried.”
As seen in Table 34, the older cohorts are progressively less likely
to describe themselves as “very happy” than the younger heads of
households, and were somewhat less satisfied.61 Table 35 shows that
those with average or high incomes were happier and more satisfied
than those with below-average incomes, thus confirming a slight cor-
relation between happiness and educational and income levels. Ruut
Veenhoven, for his part, affirms that, in rich countries, the correlations
between educational and income levels are weak. Interestingly, worry
does not seem to follow the same pattern. Among the Jews of France,
even the happiest, most satisfied groups also express high levels of
worry.
The only factor which seemed strongly linked to worry was mar-
ital status, as seen in Table 36. Those with a partner (married or
61
This goes against Veenhoven’s (1997) hypothesis which states that “contrary to
general opinion, life does not seem less satisfying with age, even in very old age”.
106 chapter two
cohabiting) were the least worried, while those who were divorced
and especially those who were widowed were the most worried. Those
with partners were also happier and more satisfied than those alone
(whether through divorce, death or never having been married).
5.2. Issues of Concern

What specifically worries the Jews of France? We gave respondents a
list of possible issues of concern and asked them to indicate to what
degree they worry about each. Among those issues directly related to
Jewish identity that most worry the Jews of France, terrorism, anti-
Semitism, racism, and the future of Israel topped the list, highlighting
the troubling political-social climate of contemporary France, includ-
ing the sometimes aggressive hostility of certain sectors of the French
population as a result of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (see Table 37).
In addition, 21% of heads of households affirmed having personally
suffered from anti-Semitism during the last five years. It should be
noted that “foreigners” were not an issue of concern for the Jews of
France. Indeed, some interviewees said they didn’t understand the
question since they themselves had been foreigners. The phenomenon
of intermarriage, however, was at the bottom of the list of worries,
which leads us to presume that the Jews of France are primarily wor-
ried about what they feel are external threats to Jewish existence.
Table 37: Issues of concern for French Jews, 2002 (percentage answering
“very worried”)
Issue of concern Percentage ‘very worried’
Terrorism 77%
Anti-semitism 76%
Racism 70%
Future of Israel 64%
AIDS 50%
Drugs 50%
Islam 46%
Unemployment 32%
Pollution 31%
Food insecurity 22%
Intermarriage 24%
Foreigners 11%
6. Values: An Axiological Typology
6.1. Values of French Jews

In the next section, we deal with the basic values held by the Jews of
France. Rather than focusing on specifically Jewish values (which were
dealt with in the section on Jewish identity), we selected universal val-
ues, similar to the lists of values included in such international surveys
such as the World Values Survey62 and the European Values Study.63
In this way, we were able to create an axiological typology of the Jews
of France comparable to typologies of other populations.
The term “value” is used here in the sociological sense of “the cri-
teria by which a group or society judges the importance of people,
models, goals and other socio-cultural objects”.64 According to Boudon
and Bourricaud, “Values are nothing more than collective preferences,
which emerge in an institutional context and which, because of the way
they develop, contribute to the regulation of this context.”65 Rokeach
defines a value as the persistent belief that a specific mode of conduct
or life goal is personally or socially preferable to another.66 Guttman
and Levy define a value as a particular type of attitude toward any
object that is judged in greater or lesser terms of importance.67
We asked heads of Jewish households in France to assess the impor-
tance of imparting various values to their children. The results are
shown in Table 38. At the top of the list, one finds behavioral quali-
ties directed at others: tolerance, sense of responsibility, and generosity, and a
personal, behavioral quality: perseverance. These are followed by quali-
ties related to personal expression and creativity: spontaneity, imagina-
tion, independence. Religious faith, obedience and sense of economy received the
lowest ratings.
This same question has been posed, for some years, in the French
section of an international survey (EVS, European Value Survey) and
carried out by ARVAL (the Association for Research on Systems of
62
Inglehart (2004).
63
Halman (2001).
64
Fichter (1971).
65
Boudon & Bourricaud (1982: 644).
66
Rokeach (1976).
67
According to Guttman and Levy, the range for replies (from very important to
not at all important) itself defines the subjects of the question in terms of the values
attached to them. See: Guttman (1982); Levy (1990, 1994).
108 chapter two
Table 38: Importance of qualities which parents should impart to their

children as assessed by French Jewish heads of households, 2002
(average rating: not important = 1, important = 2 or very important = 3)
Quality to be imparted to children Average rating
Tolerance and respect for others 2.78
Sense of responsibility 2.61
Generosity 2.48
Determination, perseverance 2.46
Dedication to work 2.39
Good manners 2.38
Independence 2.28
Imagination 2.22
Spontaneity 2.16
Religious faith 2.06
Obedience 2.03
Sense of economy, not wasting money or things 1.94
Values).68 The system of values of the Jews of France is, in general,

similar to the system of values of the society in which they live, as seen
in Table 39. This confirms a finding of Wach and Hammer (2003)
who, using Schwartz’s model to analyze the values of the approxi-
mately 6,000 French interviewed during the period 1994 to 2000,
found a similarity between the structure of values of the French and
the Jewish population.69
The top two values chosen by the Jews of France were the same as
those chosen by the French in general: tolerance and respect for others and
sense of responsibility (although a higher percentage of the general French
population selected each of these). There were, however, a number of
differences. Most graphically, the Jewish population put more empha-
sis on instilling religious faith in their children, compared to the strongly
secular general French population.70 In addition, the Jews of France
gave somewhat more emphasis to values that contribute to individual
68
The survey was administered by Research International between March 23 and
April 10, 1999 to a national sample of 1,615 individuals who were representative of
the French population, aged 18 and above, and supplemented by a sub-sample of
206 young people aged 18–25 (total number of people: 1,821). Representativity was
assured by a quota method (sex, age, occupation and socio-professional categories).
69
Schwartz & Bilsky (1987).
70
Prof. Paul Ritterband (CUNY, Haifa University) has confirmed that in the USA,
Jews tend to be less religious than their non-Jewish counterparts.
Table 39: Qualities which parents consider “very important” to impart to their
children: Comparison of European Values Survey 1981, 1990, 1999 and survey
of the Jews of France 2002
EVS EVS EVS French Jewish heads
1981 1990 1999 of households
2002
Tolerance and respect for others 59% 78% 85% 79%
Sense of responsibility 39% 71% 73% 62%
Good manners 21% 53% 68% 43%
Dedication to work 36% 53% 50% 42%
Generosity 22% 40% 41% 49%
Determination, perseverance 18% 39% 39% 48%
Sense of economy 54% 36% 37% 18%
Obedience 18% n/a 36% 23%
Independence 16% 27% 29% 35%
Imagination 12% 23% 18% 32%
Religious faith 11% 13% 7% 36%
success: independence, determination and perseverance and imagination and less

emphasis on obedience and good manners. They placed more emphasis
on generosity and significantly less on thriftiness (sense of economy)—an
interesting point in light of common stereotypes of Jews.
In addition, we asked the interviewees to assess 14 values by scale of
importance. The average of the responses to each is shown in Table
40. The responses to this list of values form the basis for a typology of
French Jewry, to be discussed in depth in the next sections.
The two values which had the greatest importance to the Jews of
France were related to the family nucleus: honor your parents and founding
a family—two fundamental traditional values. Parents and family have
always been considered the principle pillars of social organization and
they involve values such as respect and authority. Next came two ele-
ments related to the individual: studying and being oneself. These were
followed by two variables relating to social law: Helping others and Being
useful to society. Lastly one finds the values: caring for one’s appearance, going
away on holiday, engaging in sport and earning a lot of money.71 These values,
egoistic in the real sense of the word, were not considered among the
most important among by the Jews of France.
71
On the computer-generated map, we gave the name “region” to a set of vari-
ables characterized by a common semantic criterion.
110 chapter two
Table 40: Importance of values, French Jewish heads of households, 2002

(average rating: not important = 1, important = 2 or very important = 3)
Value Average rating
Honor your parents 2.73
Founding a family 2.61
Studying 2.55
Being oneself 2.52
Helping others 2.42
Enjoying life 2.37
Doing what I like 2.31
Being useful to society 2.24
Having a good time with friends 2.18
Believing in God 2.14
Going away on holiday 2.04
Caring for one’s appearance 2.01
Engaging in sport 1.76
Earning a lot of money 1.70
6.2. Structure of the Value System of the Jews of France

To further investigate the value structure of the Jews of France, sev-
eral multi-dimensional data analysis techniques were used. Smallest
Space Analysis (see data analysis methods page 56) was used to graphi-
cally portray the correlations between the values as expressed by the
respondents. In the matrix of correlations among the 14 variables
(given in the appendix), there were only three relatively weak negative
correlations. This confirms that we are dealing with a coherent system
of values.72
The correlation matrix is then plotted in a cognitive “map” according
to an intuitively understandable principle: strongly correlated variables
are plotted close together and weakly correlated variables are far apart.
This map allows the researcher to recognize distinct semantic regions.
Its apparent simplicity simultaneously represents the spatial relation-
ship between the correlation pairs. The cognitive map of the responses
of French Jews to the 14 value items is shown in Figure 1.
The distribution of the variables over the entire graph shows that
the semantic terrain was well covered by the questionnaire. Six axi-
ological regions emerge. At the center of the map is a region consist-
72
Gratch (1973); Guttman & Levy (1982).
AUTHENTICITY SOCIAL LIFE
Alt
rui y
sm om
Studying ton
Au
ALTRUISM
Being oneself Friends

Doing what I like
Community
RECREATION
Helping others
Making the
most of life Going away for holiday
TRADITION
Family
Engaging in sport
Parents
Belief in God
Caring for one’s appearance
ri ty Eg
tho ois
Au Earning a lot of money m
MATERIALISM
Figure 1: Axiological Graph, Geometric Representation (WSSA1) of the Values of the Jews
of France
ing of one value: Making the most of life. The multi-faceted nature of
this largely consensual value enables individuals to impart different
meanings to it. For some it means enjoyment and for others it may
mean enrichment through study or work.73 Surrounding this center
73
Making the most of life is a value which is undoubtedly linked to an ethic of the
present which is extremely important in Judaism, and profoundly grounded in Jewish
awareness. To cite just two examples, we will first quote the comment by Neher (1962:
262), to the effect that Jewish metaphysics is set apart by a “geotropism which prevents
it from becoming disembodied, on whatever level. Neither theology, nor ethics, nor
collective history, or the individual’s existential destiny are envisaged, in Judaism,
outside the physical universal and its progress.” Some might advance the contrary
argument by referring to the concept of Olam ha-Ba (the world to come), which would
be the reward of all those who have lived according to the principles and rules of the
Torah. This comment was frequently directed at Yeshayahu Leibovitz, who would
reply that the notion of Olam ha-Ba is not to be found in any of Judaism’s texts, or even
in the Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashana prayers. However, Leibowitz (1999: 274) gave an
explanation for this concept by quoting Rabbi Chaim of Volozhin, one of the disciples
of the Vilna Gaon. “Our Masters say: all of Israel have a part in the world to come.
112 chapter two
are five regions: materialism (caring for one’s appearance, earning a lot of
money); tradition (belief in God, honor your parents, founding a family); altru-
ism (helping others, being useful to society); authenticity (being oneself, studying);
and enjoyment. The enjoyment region is divided into two sub-regions:
recreation (going on holiday and engaging in sport) and social life (having a
good time with friends, doing what I like).
In modern society, the values of autonomy, subjectivity, and self-
fulfillment have become largely consensual. One might have expected
to find the variable Being oneself at the center of the graph of values. But
for the French Jewish population self-fulfillment is not a nodal value.
Instead it is linked to study and training, through which an individual
forges his future. Similarly, the value most directly linked to individual
liberty, Doing what I like, is correlated with social conviviality, Having a
good time with friends. One may thus assume that Doing what I like does
not mean exercising one’s freedom or having total power over one’s
destiny, but relates more to a value that represents relaxation, plea-
sure, a state in which an individual frees himself from social constraints
and moves towards autonomy.
The same graphic representation may be interpreted complemen-
tarily in another way. (An important feature of the SSA technique
is that, while the placement of the variables is objective, based upon
the correlations between the data, the interpretation of the map is
subjective, enabling the researcher to look at the same set of results
from different theoretical approaches.) The graph of the values of the
Jews of France may be read according to two diagonals that represent
choice of values: a political diagonal, which deals with collective life in
an organized group and a social diagonal, dealing with relationships
with others.74 We may thus define four poles that organize the graph
of values, as indicated by the arrows in Figure 1.
They say: in the world to come, and not part of the world to come, which would make
it sound as if the world to come exists as something on its own, ready from the outset,
and part of which is granted, as reward, to the righteous. In truth, the world to come
is the work of man himself, who by his acts extends, increases and builds up his own
part.” Thus, the world to come is given this name because an individual is not born
in that world but reaches it through his works which are guided in heaven’s name.
See an interesting letter of Yeshayahu Leibovitz where he explains this notion of “the
world to come” as built up by deeds in the here and now (1999: 274). Lastly, some
see in the notion of “making the most of life” a response to the Holocaust, a 614th
mitzvah or commandment!
74
Lalande (1985: 101, 412).
The two poles of the political diagonal are:
* Autonomy: an individual (or a collective) defines his own principles

of behavior and obeys only the rules chosen after examination. (Hav-
ing a good time with friends, Doing what I like, Studying, Being oneself );
* Authority (heteronomy): an individual (or a collective) looks to the
outside for principles and rules. This is the pole of values that are
imparted; it is thus the pole of tradition and authority. In other
words, duty, discipline, and respect for values based on imitation
and continuation (Founding a family, Honor your parents, Belief in God).75
The two poles of the social diagonal are:
* Altruism: an individual (or a collective) places the most emphasis

on the wellbeing of others (Being useful to society and Helping others).
* Egoism: an individual (or a collective) makes the interest of the
individual the main guiding force of his behavior (Going away on
holiday and engaging in sport, Caring for one’s appearance and Earning a lot
of money).
This interpretation of the map is particularly useful, as it defines core

issues within the French Jewish community and, indeed, within many
communities and societies today.
6.3. Axiological Typology: Profiles of the Jews of France

This structure of values was then used as the basis for an axiological
typology of the Jews of France. The axiological typology presented
here differs in several important ways from previous typologies of the
Jews of France. Nevertheless, these previous studies provide an impor-
tant basis for the current study and are worth briefly reviewing. The
best known is the distinction made by Schnapper between observers
75
Reflecting on identity, Kundera (1993: 21) asks two questions. What is an indi-
vidual? Where is that individual’s identity to be found? In order to provide some form
of answers to these questions, Kundera refers to Thomas Mann, who observes that
it is memory and myths which guide us from what he calls the “well of the past”:
“We will find ourselves facing a phenomenon which we would be tempted to call one
of imitation or continuation, a view of life according to which everyone’s role is to
resuscitate certain mythical outlines drawn up by our ancestors, and enable them to
be reincarnated.”
114 chapter two
(representing a continuation or return to tradition), militants (who pass

on tradition by political means), and Israélites (who associate primar-
ily with non-Jews of the same social group).76 More recently, Han-
noun distinguishes between militant Jews, spectator Jews and indifferent
Jews.77 This intuitive methodology is limited because it is essentially
based on the level of attendance at community institutions. Others
prefer a scientific approach. Azria examines the typology of traditional
practices and distinguishes two axes.78 The first is based on traditional
Judaism, Halakha ( Jewish religious law) as opposed to Minhag ( Jewish
traditions). The second axis distinguishes between individual and col-
lective practices. The advantage of this methodology is that it does
not consider modernity as the antithesis of religion. Indeed, Azria
believes that modernity produced two apparently inversed results: the
decline of religion and, simultaneously, its reactivation in the form of
new modalities. Hers is a typology that is based on adherence to the
law and has, as its center of reference, the observant Jew or world of
observance.79
An axiological typology presented here has several advantages over
typologies based on religious practice or ethnic behaviors. First, as
previously mentioned, the question of values presented to the Jews
of France has already been investigated among other populations,
enabling development of a universally applicable typology which may
be used in cross-cultural comparisons. Second, the axiological typol-
76
Schnapper (1980).
77
“First of all there are militant Jews. Those who are aware both of their Jewish-
ness and of the duties that it requires, play a more or less active role in the life of
social, religious, cultural, sports etc. community organizations. These militant Jews are
to be found in all age groups, from childhood (normally via their parents) to adoles-
cence and adulthood. These are the ones whose beliefs are an integral part of their
day-to-day lives. Secondly, I would refer to the onlooker Jews. They have an aware-
ness of their Jewishness, but this does not always make them want to put it into prac-
tice. They accept others, but rarely give of themselves. They are the ‘thought Jews.’
Rarely the Jews of action. Lastly, the third face, which is also represented in the Jewish
community, is that of the indifferent Jews. They are the ones who, although aware of
their Jewish origins, do not allow any consequences of the latter to affect their lives in
terms of how they think or act in any form in terms of such implications as cultural,
social, religious, philosophical or others. They happen to be Jews but essentially do
not experience any difference between them and the non-Jews. In this since it would
be wiser to call them un-different rather than indifferent.” Hannoun (2000).
78
Azria (1991, 2003).
79
We would also draw attention to the work of J.W. Berry, who addressed the
dynamic of how the migrant population relates to the surrounding culture and the
original culture: Berry (1990, 1997); Berry & Sam (2003).
ogy avoids the debate on the nature of Judaism (a body of practices

or a feeling of belonging, a religion or a culture, etc.). In this sense,
it is scientifically more objective and more neutral, as it does not pre-
suppose an “ideal” Jewish model. Third, as we shall see below, the
axiological typology enables the construction of non-hierarchical cat-
egories. The typology avoids classifying the populations according to a
one-dimensional scale (along the lines of more religious/less religious,
more observant/less observant, etc.), offering instead a multidimen-
sional approach.
Several previous typologies of values conducted among general (not
specifically Jewish) populations guided this analysis.80 Rokeach identi-
fies 36 values which he divides into two categories: personal or social
end values, and moral or beneficial instrumental values.81 Schwartz
and Bilsky82 expand the list to 56 values and propose a division into
ten groups: autonomy, universalism, kindness, conformism, tradition,
security, power, self-fulfillment, hedonism and stimulation. Finally
Schwartz and Bilsky identify four major moral positions: the desire
to surpass oneself, conservatism, self-improvement and openness to
change. Guttman and Levy depicted the various axiological tendencies
on a geometric graph as polarities, with the different domains revolv-
ing around a center.83 The main polarities on this graph are: author-
ity/autonomy; altruism/egoism. This basic structure has been verified
many times all over the world, indicating that the universe of values is
fundamentally structured in the same way in all human societies.
The current typology was developed using a combination of multi-
dimensional scaling techniques. Other data analysis procedures were
used to transform the regions of the SSA map into indices, which were
then used to identify various profiles of the interviewees. Based on an
analysis of the values of the Jews of France according to a procedure
described in the appendix84 we were able to distinguish four profiles
among the Jewish population of France.85 These are used to further
80
See for example: Epstein (1989); Kluckhohn (1951); Levy (1990).
81
Rokeach (1976).
82
Schwartz & Bilsky (1987).
83
Guttman & Levy (1982).
84
For details on these procedures see: Canter (1985); Cohen & Amar (2002); Gutt-
man (1968); Levy (1985, 1994); Shye (1978).
85
The way that these different groups define themselves as well as their preferred
approaches is an interesting case of social representation along the lines of the theory
developed by Moscovici (1981, 1988).
116 chapter two
examine the issues related to French Jewry discussed in previous

sections.
Profile 1 indicates those who placed emphasis on the values Going
away on holiday, Engaging in sport, Earning a lot of money and Caring for one’s
appearance, which are related to pleasure, self-gratification, material
comfort and personal satisfaction of the individual. One may even call
them egotistic and hedonistic values. We call this group Individualists.
Those in Profile 2 placed emphasis on autonomy and favors sociabil-
ity values based on independence and the freedom to choose, explore
and create, such as Having a good time with friends, and Doing what I like.
The individual is not an end, but a means, a part of the whole and
society in general. Thus we chose to call this group Universalists.
Profile 3 refers to those who placed emphasis on Belief in God, Honor
parents and Founding a family. It could be said that they defer to an
external authority for their concept of existence, behavior and feelings.
Their system of values was not linked with individualistic or liberal
notions. They rejected values such as Doing what I like, a value that is
characteristic of contemporary society, favoring submission to rules
and respect for tradition. We have called them Traditionalists.
Profile 4 bridges the poles of Authority and Autonomy: individuals
fitting this profile put as much emphasis on belief in God, parents, and
family as on conviviality between friends and freedom. This is a profile
with a double heritage: Jewish tradition and Republican tradition. We
call this group Revivalists.86
Table 41 shows the distribution of these four profiles among the
surveyed Jews of France. It should be noted that these four profiles are
balanced, with only a slightly higher representation of Traditionalists.
The four profiles identified may be used to better understand some
of the general issues discussed in previous sections, such as religious
observance, community participation, attitudes towards Israel, etc.
Significantly, there is no correlation between the profiles and politi-
cal leanings (right/center/left) of the interviewees, as seen in Table 42.
86
In this connection we would draw attention to one of the conclusions of Guy
Michelat’s study about the Catholic identity of the French: “In the old days, there
were few differences between the parents’ religious system and that of the children.
Today, this is no longer the case: the strictly religious content is being watered down
and losing its structured nature, and there are more and more instances where indi-
viduals patch together [Michelat uses the verb bricoler, from bricolage] a personal version
of their religion, combining the system that they have inherited with elements from
other systems” (Michelat, 1990b: 630).
Table 41: Distribution of the four axiological profiles among the survey
population
Profile Percentage
Profile 1: Individualists 22%
Profile 2: Universalists 24%
Profile 3: Traditionalists 31%
Profile 4: Revivalists 23%
Total 100%
Table 42: Political tendencies and the profiles of French Jewry

Individualists Universalists Revivalists Traditionalists
Extreme left 0% 3% 1% 1%
Left 42% 47% 40% 46%
Center-left 12% 16% 15% 14%
Center 22% 14% 15% 17%
Center-right 12% 10% 9% 6%
Right 12% 11% 18% 16%
Extreme right 0% 0% 2% 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
This is a somewhat unexpected result, for one could put forward the
hypothesis that political tendencies reflect fundamental value choices.
But this hypothesis does not hold for the Jews of France. The Tradi-
tionalists were just as likely to espouse leftist politics as the Univer-
salists; the Universalists were just as likely to espouse center-right or
rightist tendencies as the Traditionalists. This seems to indicate that
the traditional left/right division in politics is no longer an accurate or
relevant way to distinguish social groups, at least not among the Jews
of France. The categories of political tendencies are not relevant to the
values held by French Jews.87
In preliminary presentations to various Jewish groups in France, this
typology was met with widespread favor and intuitive understanding.
It is hoped that it can be further verified among Jewish populations in
other parts of the world and among non-Jewish populations in France
and in other countries, possibly leading to the development of a universal
87
Indeed, it may be that these political categories are not relevant to the values
held by the general French population, and their usefulness as social categories are
outdated.
118 chapter two
axiological typology. Rather than seeing social stratification along lines

of political ideology and assuming that certain sets of ideas and doc-
trines are particular to a given social group or class, it appears that
sets of general values are more useful in differentiating between groups.
One may even talk about an ideology of values. Indeed, Boudon and
Bourricaud describe the major function of ideologies as offering a justi-
fication for values on which a consensual social order may be founded,
particularly in societies where the social order is not traditional.88
A summary of each profile is given, followed by a series of tables
(Tables 44–47) in which the data for a wide selection of the items
included in the survey, according to the profiles, are given.
6.3.1. Individualists
Respondents in this profile were most commonly born in the 1940s
(i.e., in their 50s or 60s at the time of the survey). The majority were
born outside metropolitan France and therefore educated for at least
some of their school years outside France. They have an average level
of education and average or lower than average income. They have
a fairly high rate of intermarriage (40%) and consider it acceptable
for their children to marry non-Jews. Their Jewish educational back-
ground was similar to that of the Universalists, but with slightly higher
percentages who attended more intensive settings, such as Jewish day
school or Talmud Torah. They were somewhat more likely to attach
importance to giving their children a Jewish education, although only
a small minority (13%) enrolled their children in Jewish day schools.
They are well integrated socially, with many non-Jewish friends,
though they have a somewhat higher rate of participation in the local
Jewish community than the Universalists. They are distinctly more
traditional than the Universalists, but less so than the Traditionalists
or Revivalists. Their level of contribution to non-Jewish institutions is
similar to that of the Traditionalists and Revivalists, while their level
of contribution to Jewish/Israeli institutions is similar to that of the
Universalists. Despite their lower economic status, the Individualists
visit Israel more often than the Universalists. This may be related
to their age and their greater likelihood of having close relatives in
Israel. Like the Universalists, the Individualists tend to prefer the social
88
Boudon & Bourricaud (1982).
Table 43: Comparison of the values of Ashkenazi and Sephardi individualists

Ashkenazic Sephardic
Individualists Individualists
Belief in God
Not important 65% 39%
Important 32% 46%
Very important 3% 15%
Total 100% 100%
Honor your parents
Not important 2% 2%
Important 63% 52%
Very important 35% 46%
Total 100% 100%
aspects of Judaism to the religious ones (i.e. family Shabbat dinners

as opposed to refraining from working on Shabbat). Close to half said
they can read Hebrew, though far fewer speak or write it, indicating
the emphasis on Hebrew as a language of prayer and study. Few were
considering making Aliyah.
Interestingly, we found a distinct difference between Ashkenazic and
Sephardic Individualists regarding the importance of belief in God and
honoring one’s parents, as shown in Table 43. While strongly linked
to material values and diametrically opposed to the altruistic values,
the Sephardic individualists were far less likely to say that belief in
God is not important and were more likely to say that honoring their
parents is very important. This relative traditionalism even among
“secular” Sephardic Jews has been noted in other surveys, such as a
study of Israelis in public high schools.89 The Jews of North Africa did
not experience the ideological split of the European Enlightenment,
during which the rationalist and secular worldview became opposed
to a religious worldview; in other words, secular Sephardic Jews are
not necessarily atheists. However, such a graphic difference in values
between Sephardic and Ashkenazic Jews was not found in the other
three profiles, and the relative prevalence of these two traditional val-
ues among Sephardic Individualists may be linked to the fact those
fitting this profile were somewhat older and therefore more closely
linked to the traditional North African culture.
89
120 chapter two
Individualists were the least likely to say they are “very happy” and
“very satisfied.” The social isolation which may result from an indi-
vidualistic worldview tends to lessen their happiness and satisfaction
with life.90
6.3.2. Universalists
Of those fitting the Universalist profile, the majority was born between
1960 and 1970 (i.e., are between 30 and 40 years old at the time of the
survey). Most were born in France. This is a function both of their age
(the waves of immigration from North Africa having already dropped
off by the time most respondents fitting this category were born) and
of the relatively high representation of Ashkenazic Jews among the
Universalists. In Paris there was a higher percentage of Universalists
than of any other profile.
Only half the heads of households fitting this profile were married,
the lowest rate of the four profiles. They were the most likely to be
cohabiting, and the most likely to have no children. They tend to have
an above average level of income and were the most likely to have
completed higher education.
They are well-integrated into general French society, with many
non-Jewish friends and the lowest rates of participation in the local
Jewish community. They were the most likely to regularly donate to
non-Jewish organizations, indicating a mark of gratitude towards the
general French society and expressing a certain emotional distance
from the Jewish community. When asked the hypothetical question
about being able to choose a religion and nationality if they could be
reborn, one third of Universalists answered that identity and place of
birth would be of no importance. Half would wish to be reborn Jewish
in the Diaspora and a little less than a quarter Jewish in Israel. They
indicated that they were largely happy and satisfied with their lives,
and were the least worried of all the profiles.
90
See Gauchet’s conclusion (1985: 302): “The cost of the decline in religion is
the difficulty of being oneself. [. . .] Because this is a society which is psychologically
exhausting for individuals, where nothing helps them or provides them with support
any longer in the face of the question which constantly hammers them [. . .]. What
am I to do with my life when I am the only one to decide? [. . .] We have vowed to
live henceforth naked and in anguish, which is something that we were more or less
spared since the beginning of the human adventure through the grace of the gods.
Every one has to work out his own responses on his own behalf.”
The level of observance among Universalists was the lowest of all

the profiles, and they were the most likely to describe themselves as
“non-observant.” Half said they are less religious than their parents.
They have the highest rate of intermarriage and only one in ten would
disapprove of one of their children marrying a non-Jew, illustrating
the Universalists’ weak ties to Jewish traditions. Nevertheless, even
among this relatively non-religious sub-group over a quarter described
themselves as religiously traditional. 36% said they regularly have a
family Shabbat meal, 24% regularly recite Kiddush and 20% regularly
light candles on Friday night, confirming the prevalence of religious
tradition, not strict observance, among French Jews. The number is
lower regarding the religious aspects of Shabbat: only 10% said they do
not watch television on Shabbat and even fewer (6%) regularly attend
synagogue on Shabbat. The Universalists have the weakest Jewish edu-
cational backgrounds, far less than the Traditionalists and Revival-
ists and slightly less than the Individualists, although 65% did receive
some form of Jewish education. Few speak or write Hebrew and just
over a third can read Hebrew. They were the least likely to have their
children enrolled in Jewish day schools and expressed little interest in
doing so, even if a free, quality, convenient Jewish day school were
available. They were the most likely to say giving their children a Jew-
ish education is “not important.”
The Universalists were the least likely to be considering making
Aliyah. They were the most likely to say that Israel should exchange
territory for a peace treaty. At the same time, over three quarters of
Universalists described their connection to Israel as very close or fairly
close, and two thirds have visited Israel at least once. Though some-
what weaker than the connection seen among the more traditional
profiles, this indicates that like French Jewry as a whole, they have a
strong connection to Israel.
In summary, this group is characterized by a high level of social
integration within the general society. It could be said that Universal-
ists are the heirs of the traditional Israélites as defined by Dominique
Schnapper: that is, Jews who have adopted the values of their social
environment. However, 80% preferred the term “Jew” to “Israélite,”
the highest of any of the profiles. This seems to indicate that the term
“Israélite” may no longer have the same connotations it once had, and
that the younger generation of integrated French Jews do not relate
to this term even if they embody the attitudes it once represented. It
122 chapter two
seems that “universalist French Jew” is today a more appropriate way

to describe this group than “Israélite.”
6.3.3. Revivalists
Like the Universalists, this profile was most common among younger
heads of households, particularly those between the ages of 30 and 40
at the time of the survey. However, the Revivalists were more likely
to be Sephardic. They also had a lower average income and level of
education.
The majority of Revivalists defined themselves as traditional and
they are far more similar to the Traditionalists than to the two other
profiles. They have a relatively low rate of intermarriage (less than
20%) and were slightly more opposed than Traditionalists to the idea
of their children marrying a non-Jew. Interestingly, the higher endog-
amy rate among women mentioned earlier does not hold true for the
Revivalists: among this profile the males had a slightly higher rate of
being married to another Jew.
Most Revivalists abide by the laws of kashrut in and out of their
homes and adhere to the laws and traditions of Shabbat. The number
of Revivalists who never watch television or work on Shabbat was only
slightly lower than that of Traditionalists. Their level of participation
in the local Jewish community was almost equal to that of Tradi-
tionalists, and almost half were part of the community nucleus. They
have the highest levels of Jewish education and attach great impor-
tance to giving their children Jewish education. Over a third sent their
children to Jewish day schools, four times the rate found among the
Universalists. Their social life includes many Jewish friends. Almost
one-quarter said all their friends are Jewish. They donate frequently
to Jewish organizations. A greater percentage of Revivalists than of
any other profile said they feel very close to Israel. They were the least
likely to have never visited Israel, the most likely to have visited six or
more times and the most likely to be considering Aliyah. They have the
greatest proficiency in Hebrew.
The Revivalists were the happiest and most satisfied with their lives.
This may be because they are connected with a cultural/religious tra-
dition and community while at the same time well-integrated into
general French society. At the same time, the Revivalists were more
concerned with every one of the problems in the list than were those
in the three other profiles. (Interestingly, although the percentages of
respondents in each profile who indicated they are very worried about
the various issues varied, the order of priority is essentially the same
among all four profiles.) Their involvement in both Jewish and general
French society may widen the range of issues with which they are con-
cerned. Revivalists were also the largest group to say that they have
personally suffered from anti-Semitism in recent years.
6.3.4. Traditionalists
This profile was most common among those aged 50 and older with
lower income and level of education. The majority of Traditionalists
was born outside metropolitan France and has a relatively low level of
education and income. 44% do not have a bachelor’s degree. In the
areas surrounding Paris and in the provinces the Traditionalists were
more numerous than any other profile.
The Traditionalists are religiously observant, the large majority
adhering to the rules of kashrut both in and out of their homes and
keeping Shabbat.91 They have a high level of Jewish education and one-
third sends their children to Jewish day school. They are active in the
local Jewish community. We find in this group the highest proportion
of those who define themselves as Orthodox, although the vast major-
ity defined themselves as traditional. It must be remembered that the
profile Traditionalist cannot be equated with the traditional religious
stream, but rather indicates a traditional set of values which does not
necessarily include religious observance.
Almost fifty per cent of Traditionalists said they are more religious
than in the past, yet barely one-third said that they are more religious
than their parents. (The rest are equally divided between those who
said they are as religious and those who said they are less religious
than their parents.) This may indicate a return in middle age to the
religious behavior patterns with which they were raised, which may
have played a lesser role in their younger years.
The Traditionalists indicated that they feel far closer to Israel than
do the Universalists and Individualists, but somewhat less so than the
Revivalists. Their Hebrew skills are only slightly less than those of the
Revivalists. Again, we see an emphasis on reading over writing and
91
We found that the watching television on Shabbat is a significant discriminating
practice among the French Jewish population. This indicator differentiates between
those who have family traditions surrounding Shabbat but do not strictly adhere to the
laws concerning work on Shabbat, and those who rigorously observe religious laws and
therefore do not watch television on Shabbat.
124 chapter two
Table 44: Regional distribution of the four profiles of French Jewry

Individualists Universalists Revivalists Traditionalists Total
Paris 20% 33% 25% 23% 100%
Paris region 26% 17% 23% 34% 100%
Provinces 21% 23% 22% 34% 100%
Table 45: General demographics and the profiles of French Jews

Gender
Male 59% 53% 45% 42%
Female 41% 47% 55% 58%
Ethnicity
Ahkenazic 34% 33% 16% 15%
Sephardic 60% 58% 80% 80%
Both 6% 9% 4% 5%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Marital status
Married 58% 50% 60% 65%
Cohabiting 10% 12% 9% 5%
Widowed 9% 6% 7% 15%
Divorced/ 7% 10% 9% 8%
Separated
Single 17% 22% 15% 8%
(never married)
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Number of children
None 25% 33% 25% 14%
One 15% 15% 14% 14%
Two 35% 34% 25% 22%
Three 16% 14% 20% 28%
Four 4% 3% 10% 12%
Five or more 4% 1% 6% 9%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Family income
Below average 24% 25 40 38
Average 62% 54 52 54
Above average 13% 21 8 8
Educational level
Less than bachelor’s 34% 18% 37% 44%
degree
Bachelor’s degree 20% 14% 18% 20%
Table 46: Jewish identity indicators and the profiles of French Jewry
Preference for term

Jew 70% 80% 58% 61%
Israélite 6% 4% 3% 5%
Both 24% 17% 38% 34%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Friends
None are Jewish 7% 10% 6% 4%
Most are NOT 31% 36% 12% 15%
Jewish
Half are Jewish 33% 29% 24% 26%
Most are Jewish 21% 20% 33% 33%
All are Jewish 7% 5% 24% 22%
Participation in local Jewish community
Rare 47% 57% 22% 26%
Average 37% 29% 33% 33%
Part of community 15% 14% 45% 41%
nucleus
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Level of religious observance
Non-observant 41% 59% 11% 11%
Liberal 18% 13% 13% 15%
Traditional 40% 27% 70% 64%
Orthodox 1% 1% 6% 10%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Hebrew skills
Can read Hebrew 46% 37% 61% 53%
Can speak Hebrew 16% 18% 31% 28%
Can write Hebrew 10% 13% 31% 28%
Donate to Jewish or Israeli organizations
Several times a year 36% 35% 59% 57%
Once a year 17% 18% 16% 19%
Every two-three 4% 4% 3% 5%
years
Less 11% 8% 6% 5%
Never 31% 35% 15% 15%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Size of donations to Jewish or Israeli organizations
No contribution 53% 54% 32% 34%
Small contribution 18% 19% 17% 16%
Average 19% 14% 25% 21%
contribution
Large contribution 9 8 17 21
Very large 2 4 9 8
contribution
Total 100 100 100 100
126 chapter two
Table 46 (cont.)
Donate to non-Jewish organizations

Several times a year 17 26 17 14
Once a year 24 26 24 18
Every 2–3 years 3 5 3 4
Less often 13 10 8 8
Never 43 34 48 56
Total 100 100 100 100
Table 47: Jewish education and the profiles of French Jews

Jewish educational background

Attended 67% 65% 79% 75%
any Jewish
educational
institution
Jewish day school 23% 18% 36% 34%
Talmud Torah 43% 36% 53% 49%
Jewish youth 32% 34% 49% 43%
movement
Jewish camp 27% 28% 36% 30%
Yeshiva 2% 3% 4% 6%
Jewish student 7% 14% 17% 14%
movement
Currently have 13% 8% 34% 33%
enrolled their
children
in Jewish
educational
system
Would enroll 64% 33% 9% 85%
children in
a good, free,
convenient
Jewish day
school
Importance of giving children Jewish education
Very important 34% 32% 77% 73%
Fairly important 46% 38% 19% 21%
Not important 20% 30% 4% 6%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Preferred level of Jewish observance of Jewish day school for one’s children
Total observance 14% 12% 21% 29%
Mostly observant 28% 21% 40% 38%
Partial observance 46% 49% 37% 28%
No observance 12% 18% 2% 4%
Table 48: Intermarriage and the profiles of French Jews

Religion of spouse
Jewish 58% 52% 79% 80%
Non-Jewish 40% 48% 19% 20%
Convert to Judaism 1% 0% 2% 0%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Jewish men with 56% 47% 83% 75%
Jewish spouse
Jewish men with 44% 53% 25% 17%
non-Jewish spouse
Jewish women with 66% 58% 80% 83%
Jewish spouse
Jewish women with 34% 42% 20% 17%
non-Jewish spouse
Table 49: Indicators of connection to Israel and the profiles of French Jews
Connection to Israel
Very close 36% 31% 64% 57%
Fairly close 46% 46% 27% 34%
Fairly distant 16% 15% 8% 7%
Very distant 3% 8% 1% 2%
Family or friends in Israel
Children 5% 2% 7% 8%
Close relatives 43% 36% 58% 52%
Distant relatives 24% 27% 21% 20%
Close friends 8% 12% 6% 6%
No-one 20% 23% 8% 14%
Number of visits to Israel
None 27% 33% 19% 25%
One 22% 16% 11% 15%
Two 13% 13% 11% 9%
Three 6% 9% 8% 8%
Four 4% 6% 8% 7%
Five 3% 5% 6% 5%
Six or more 25% 20% 37% 32%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
128 chapter two
Table 49 (cont.)
Intention to make Aliyah

Very soon 3% 0% 10% 9%
In the future 5% 4% 21% 17%
Considered it but 7% 7% 9% 8%
changed my
mind
Not considering it, 16% 12% 15% 19%
but not opposed
to the idea
No intention 69% 77% 45% 47%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Attitudes towards children making Aliyah
Would be happy 33% 33% 54% 53%
and encouraging
Would be happy 40% 38% 34% 36%
but cautioning
Would not be 23% 19% 9% 7%
happy but would
not oppose
Would not be 4% 9% 3% 3%
happy and
would try to
dissuade
Would strongly 1% 1% 1% 1%
oppose
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Should Israel exchange territory for credible peace guarantees?
Yes 56% 61% 36% 42%
No 28% 25% 53% 46%
It is not up to Jews 16% 14% 11% 11%
living in France
to say
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 50: Satisfaction, happiness and worries of French Jews, by profile

Happiness
Very happy 15% 22% 33% 22%
Happy 77% 70% 60% 68%
Not happy 7% 8% 6% 8%
Not at all happy 1% 0% 2% 3%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 49 (cont.)
Satisfaction
Very satisfied 10% 18% 21% 15%
Satisfied 79% 73% 72% 72%
Not satisfied 10% 8% 6% 11%
Not at all satisfied 1% 1% 1% 3%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Worried
Very worried 8% 5% 13% 16%
Worried 53% 50% 54% 57%
Not worried 31% 35% 27% 22%
Not at all worried 10% 10% 6% 6%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100%
Very worried about
Terrorism 63% 72% 89% 83%
Antisemitism 58% 69% 89% 83%
Racism 59% 66% 85% 71%
Future of Israel 54% 52% 75% 72%
AIDS 38% 48% 64% 51%
Drugs 37% 41% 63% 55%
Islam 41% 36% 61% 47%
Unemployment 24% 28% 44% 33%
Pollution 21% 30% 41% 32%
Food insecurity 14% 19% 34% 23%
Intermarriage 12% 8% 36% 38%
Foreigners 4% 8% 17% 13%
speaking, attributable to the importance of being able to read Hebrew

prayers and religious texts.
Traditionalists are slightly more likely to say they are not happy or
satisfied. The Traditionalists who are unhappy and dissatisfied with
their lives (still a small minority, less than 15% of those fitting this pro-
file) may be unable to bridge the cultural gap between the traditional
society in which they were raised and the modern, predominantly
secular culture in which they live.
It is worth noting here that the data on attitudes towards Jewish
education shown in Table 40 indicate possible developmental strate-
gies for Jewish schools. There is a large pool of parents of potential stu-
dents, particularly among the Traditionalists and Revivalists who are
discouraged from sending their children to Jewish schools by distance
and cost. There also seems to be a significant number of Individualists
130 chapter two
Alt
rui y
sm om
Studying ton
Au
ALTRUISM
Being oneself Friends Universalist

Doing what I like
Community
RECREATION
Helping others
Making the
TRADITION
Family
Engaging in sport
Parents
Revivalist
Belief in God
Individualist
Traditionalist Caring for one’s appearance
o rity Eg
ois
th
Au Earning a lot of money m
MATERIALISM
Figure 2: Axiological Typology with Profiles as External Variables
and, to a lesser extent, Universalists who, in addition to these material

difficulties, prefer a school that is not overly religiously observant.
6.4. Profiles of French Jews in the Structure of Values

These four profiles were introduced as external variables into the graph
of the values, as shown in Figure 2. External variables are introduced
into an SSA map in such a way that they do not affect the structure
of the primary variables.
The Traditionalists are located at the periphery of the map, at the
authority pole of the political diagonal, in the tradition region. The
Universalists are in the Social life region, close to the Autonomy pole
of the political diagonal. The Individualists are between the Materi-
alism and Social Life regions, close to the Egoism pole of the social
diagonal. They are disassociated with the political concepts of author-
ity and autonomy. The Revivalists are also in the Tradition region,
but closer to the center of the map. Their position near the center of
the map indicates an equally strong correlation with all (or most) of
the values listed. They create a synthesis between the political poles
of authority and autonomy (though with a slightly stronger empha-
sis on authority) and between egoism and altruism (though with a
slightly stronger emphasis on altruism). Within the context of French
Jewry, the Revivalists may be said to have an integrative approach to
identity while the Traditionalists and Universalists have oppositional
approaches to identity. The individualists may be said to have a pas-
sive approach to identity.
These four profiles may be seen as two sets of oppositions: Univer-
salists who stress the principle of autonomy opposite Traditionalists
who stress the principle of authority; and Individualists who constitute
a rather “disconnected” profile opposite Revivalists who combine all
the elements together. These value systems represented by these pro-
files impact the modes of identification and varied practices of the Jews
of France and expressions of feelings of solidarity.
The order of the profiles on the graph does not indicate the charac-
ter of the members of the group. This geographic organization simply
highlights tendencies, propensities, which we call the dominant traits.
This does not mean that the members of these profiles are authoritarian
or autonomous. It means that these profiles have a greater tendency to
conform to principles of authority or autonomy.
It should be noted that no profile is positioned close to the altruism
pole. This does not mean that the expression of Jewish identity does
not take into account the welfare of others. It simply means that it is
the pole that is least correlated with the profiles. Can we see, in this, a
sign that traditional community activism (for Israel, human rights, the
liberation of Soviet Jews, etc.) has lost strength as an identity modality?
This may be linked to the decline of voluntarism in favor of the grow-
ing professionalism of community institutions.92 A concrete expression
of this may be seen in the virtual disappearance of youth movements
from the community landscape, previously a site for community mobi-
lization. The decline in such informal educational structures may be
expected to have a profound influence on the values of the Jews of
France.
92
“The return to specific practices and the specifically Jewish reinterpretation of
Judaism which has been taking place in the last decade are very striking, insofar as
they appear to call into question an age old development . . . Right now, the heads of
the [ Jewish] organizations are more likely to be observant than militant.” Schnapper
(1991: 112).
132 chapter two
The Individualists are primarily distinguished by their antipathy to

authoritarian values and the low level of importance they attach to
such traditional values as faith in God, family and parents. They are
passive regarding values of autonomy, not a militant group that is
actively promoting social individualism. Their main characteristic is
a negative attitude towards traditional values, which they nevertheless
have not fully rejected and which they maintain to some extent. Their
level of religious observance is relatively low, and yet there are as
many Individualists who define themselves as religiously traditional as
those who say they are non-observant. To some extent they are still
tied to the values of more traditional societies, yet emphasize individu-
alistic values.
6.5. Profiles of French Jews and Socio-Economic Factors

The SSA program was used to graphically portray the relationship
between several basic socio-economic features of the French Jewish
community: age, educational level, income and whether they were
born in or outside metropolitan France. The map, shown in Figure 3, is
structured along two axes. The vertical access corresponds to age; the
horizontal axis corresponds to both income and education levels. The
four axiological profiles were then introduced as external variables.
Each profile occupies a distinct place in the socio-economic structure,
indicating that values are simultaneously linked to education, economic
status and age. The Universalists and Traditionalists are of a similar
age group, but the Universalists have a much higher level of education
and income. Therefore we can say that, among this generation, higher
level of education corresponds to adoption of more universal values,
and rejection of traditional values.
Yet similar levels of education and income do not necessarily pro-
duce the same value structure among different generations. The Indi-
vidualists and Revivalists are similar in terms of education and income
level, yet the Revivalists, who tend to be much younger, are more closely
tied to tradition, and balance between values that emphasize the indi-
vidual and those that emphasize religion and community. It seems that
for the older generation, education and economic success was tied to
rejection of traditional values in favor of individualist values among
the middle socio-economic class, and in favor of universalist values
among the highest educated and most financially successful. Among
the younger group of French Jewish heads of households, however,
Individualist
Age +
60 plus
Born outside of
metropolitan France 50–59
Very high income
Less then the Baccalaureat
Traditionalist Baccalaureat
40–49
Average income Bac +4
Low income High income
Universalist
30–39
Bac +2
Born in
metropolitan France
18–29
Revivalist
Age –
Educational level – Educational level +

Income level – Income level +
Figure 3: Geometric Representation (WSSA1) of the Socio-Cultural Positions of the Jews

of France with the Axiological Profiles as External Variables
education is not tied to a rejection of traditional values, but rather to

the development of a value structure blending their religious tradition
with the universalist and individualist values of the society in which
they were raised.
6.6. French Jews Born in Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia: A Comparative

Analysis of Values
Because of its unique history, France’s Jewish community represents
a meeting of the political culture rooted in French Republican values,
which France’s Jews largely accept, and the more traditional Jewish
values brought from North Africa by the waves of immigrants in the
1950s–1970s. How has the radical demographic shift influenced the val-
ues of the Jewish community in France? To what extent has the tradi-
tional religious value system developed in North Africa persisted and to
what extent has the Republican value system of France been adopted?
Can the North African or “Maghreb” Jews be viewed as a homogenous
134 chapter two
population, or are there differences between the values and assimilation

of immigrants from the various North African countries?
This chapter explores the values, attitudes and behaviors expressed
by Maghreb Jews living in France and compares between those from
Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. Among the previous studies of this
population93 there were no sociological studies which specifically
dealt with their value structure. The data and analysis of this pioneer
research may, therefore, provide a baseline for future studies, which
will hopefully further contribute to our collective knowledge of this
important and fascinating segment of Diaspora Jewry.
6.6.1. Jewish Communities of North Africa: A Brief History

The Maghreb: During the colonial era, France established its influ-
ence throughout much of North-west African, including the Medi-
terranean countries of modern-day Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia.
Though the Jewish populations in each of these three countries had
its own particular history, which impacted reasons for migrating to
France and which give each a distinctive character within the larger
community of Jewish citizens of France, several common themes and
trends may be noted for the Jewish experience across North Africa.
We cannot here deal in detail with the rich and varied history of the
Jews in the Maghreb throughout the centuries.94 This brief historical
note is given as background for the more immediately relevant histori-
cal events of the 19th and 20th centuries that preceded and led to the
migration of significant portions of these populations to France.
Jews have been documented as living in North Africa for over two
millennia, since the earliest days of the Diaspora. In the 7th cen-
tury BCE, the Muslims conquered North Africa. As neither Muslims
nor ‘infidels’, the Jews were accorded a second-class citizen status.
Depending on the nature of the successive local Muslim rulers, the
Jews’ political and economic security and freedom to practice their
religion waxed and waned throughout the centuries. They were often
restricted to mellahs (ghettos) and taxed heavily. Many worked as
93
Abitbol & Astro (1994) deals with some of the historical aspects of the migration
of North African Jews to France. Other sources on North African Jewry in France
include: Deldyck (2000); DellaPergola (2003b); Pinkus & Bensimon (1992). See also
the anthropological analysis of Bahloul (1983) and the numerous books published by
the Dahan Center at Bar Ilan University. See also Laskier (1994).
94
For more information on the history of the Jews in North Africa, see: Hirschberg
(1974); Levy (2002); Stillman (1979).
traders or artisans. In the 15th and 16th centuries, large numbers of

Jews fled to North Africa from the Inquisition in Spain and Portugal,
altering the character of the local Jewish communities. In addition to
their religious basis in Talmudic (rabbinic) and Kabalistic (mystical )
teachings, the North African Jewish communities were influenced by
the many cultures with whom they came in contact: Arab, Berber,
Spanish, Portuguese, and Italian.
As the French established control of the Maghreb in the 19th cen-
tury, they generally improved the status and conditions for local Jews.
A French Jewish organization, the Alliance Israélite Universelle, established
schools emphasizing secular education and assimilation into French
culture. Many Jews living in North Africa became French citizens,
mainly those living in Algeria, who were granted French citizenship
in 1870 with the Crémieux Decree.95
Nationalistic movements, distinctly Arab and Muslim in character,
gained momentum in the mid-20th century. Since Jews were perceived
to be associated with the French colonial power, the situation of North
African Jews’ was threatened. As each of the countries became inde-
pendent, large percentages of the Jewish populations emigrated. After
Israel’s Six Day War (1967), violence broke out against the remaining
Jewish populations, and most left at this time. The majority went to
either Israel or France, and many extended families were split between
these two. Only a few thousand Jews remain in North Africa today.
Several million Muslims also migrated to France before and after inde-
pendence.
Morocco: Jews have been in Morocco longer than in the other two
countries, first settling there after the destruction of the First Temple
in Jerusalem (586 BCE). In 1912 Morocco was divided between
French, Spanish and international ‘zones of influence’.96 In the French
region Jews were granted citizenship, though they were still subject to
periodic bouts of violence.97 Morocco became independent in 1956
and established ties with other Arab nations, making uncertain the
future for its Jewish population. Jewish emigration was prohibited
from independence until 1961. When the prohibition was lifted, a
large percentage of Morocco’s remaining Jews fled. Most went either
95
Named for its originator Adolphe Crémieux, first president of the Alliance Israélite
Universelle and minister of justice in the French Second Republic government.
96
Bureau of Intelligence and Research (1961).
97
Sand (2004).
136 chapter two
to Israel or to France, though some went to other European countries:

the US, Canada, and Latin America.98 Most of the remaining Jews left
after Israel’s Six Day War in 1967. A population of several thousand
Jews remains in Casablanca today.
Tunisia: Jews have lived in Tunisia since at least the second cen-
tury BCE. Unlike the other two countries, Tunisia received an influx
of Jewish immigrants from Italy in the 16th century and the Jewish
community became divided between the native Tunisians and the Ital-
ian immigrants.99 Tunisia became a French protectorate in 1881. After
the First World War, Tunisian Jews were offered French citizenship,
and approximately a third became French citizens between this time
and Tunisian independence.100 During WWII the Germans invaded
Tunisia, and deported much of the Jewish population to labor camps
and seized their property. The Jewish community began to rebuild
itself following WWII, but when Tunisia became independent in 1956,
they declared Islam as the state religion and outlawed or destroyed
most Jewish institutions. Today there is a small Jewish community in
Tunisia with several schools and synagogues.
Algeria: Algeria, too, had a Jewish community for more than two
thousand years. During the years of the Spanish Inquisition Spanish
Jews migrated to Algeria (as to other North African countries). France
took over Algeria in 1830. The history of French rule in Algeria—and
therefore the experience of Jews living there—differed from that of the
other two countries discussed. Unlike Morocco and Tunisia, many
French, Spanish and Italians settled in Algeria ( pieds-noirs) and land
grants were given to encourage settlement by Europeans. Throughout
the colonial era there were periodic rebellions and oppositions to French
rule, and French response to the rebellions was heavy-handed (régime
du sabre). In 1848 France annexed Algeria, making it into three civil
administrative units (departments) of France, as opposed to a colony.
As such, French citizenship was available to residents of Algeria. Citi-
zenship meant acceptance of the French legal code, which conflicted
some traditional and religious laws and customs. Few Muslim Algeri-
ans became French citizens. However, following the 1870 Crémieux
98
Sand (2004); Gold (2004).
99
Rosenzweig (2001).
100
Shaked (2000).
Decree, the 40,000 Jews living there accepted French citizenship. This
set them further apart from the Muslim population. Because of Alge-
ria’s status as a part of France and the large number of pieds-noirs living
there, Algeria’s war for independence was met with more resistance
than that of Tunisia or Morocco and was far more drawn-out and
bloodier. The war in Algeria is still considered traumatic in France.101
Almost the entire population of pieds-noirs (by this time numbering a
million people) and Algerian Jews left en masse when independence was
declared in 1962.102 Since the Jews of Algeria had already obtained
French citizenship, they were not officially considered ‘immigrants’;
they moved between departments of the French state. It is estimated
that fewer than 100 Jews remain in Algeria.103
6.6.2. North African Jews in France

Thus, at the time of immigration, many North African Jews had
already taken advantage of the opportunity to become French citizens
and the rest were able to gain citizenship after taking up residence in
metropolitan France. Most already spoke French and were familiar
with French culture from their education in the Alliance Israélite Uni-
verselle school system. At the same time, while most have embraced
Republican ideals and the political rights granted them, North African
Jews tend to express a stronger public Jewish identity than Jews who
were raised in secular French Republican society.104
In this chapter, we compare sub-populations of French Jews born
in France and in each of the three North African countries, which
had previously been under French jurisdiction. In order to better
determine the influence of the single variable of country of birth, only
data from French Jewish heads of household who identified them-
selves as Sephardi are included in this section of the analysis. The axi-
ological typology described above is applied to examine the differences
between French Jews born in Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria and those
born in France.
101
Smith (2003).
102
Metz (1993); Alba & Silberman (2002).
103
U.S. Department of State (2000).
104
Bernheim (1997); Shurkin (2000).
138 chapter two
Table 51: French Sephardi Jewish heads of household, by country of birth and
year of immigration
France Morocco Algeria Tunisia Other Total
Percentage of sample 49.71 11.69 20.75 10.71 7.14 100
Migrated in 1900–1954 – 3% 13% 5% 10% 8%
Migrated in 1955–1962 – 32% 81% 47% 34% 58%
Migrated in1963–1966 – 14% 6% 26% 0% 12%
Migrated in 1967–1972 – 18% 0% 18% 7% 9%
Migrated in 1973–present – 33% 1% 5% 48% 12%
Total – 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
6.6.3. Demographic Comparison

Among the sample, half the heads of Sephardi French Jewish house-
holds were born in France and half in other countries, overwhelmingly
the three North African former colonies. Table 51 shows the breakdown
of country of birth among our survey sample and the pattern of immi-
gration over time.
The Jews born in Algeria were most likely to have immigrated dur-
ing the war leading to that country’s independence or in 1962, the
year Algeria became independent. Few are more recent immigrants.
Of the 7% who moved to France after 1962, it is likely that they may
not have remained in Algeria, but rather migrated first to Israel or
another country before taking up residence in France.
The bulk of Jewish immigration from Tunisia to France began with
Tunisia’s independence in 1956 and culminated around the time of
Israel’s Six Day War, when there were riots against Jews in Tunisia.105
Though a wave of immigration followed Morocco’s independence,
also in 1956, Moroccan-born Jews are the most recent immigrants to
France, 63% of them having come later than 1962. Of the Jews who
have come to France since 1971, 57% were born in Morocco. Only
6% came from either Tunisia or Algeria in the past three decades.
Most of those in the “other” category, which includes almost half of
the most recent Sephardi immigrants, were born in various European
countries, the former Soviet Union, or Israel.
Few of these immigrants retained citizenship in their birth country
(only 6% of those from Morocco and Tunisia). The Algerian Nation-
ality Code passed in 1963 did not allow Jews or pieds-noir to retain
105
Bard (2005).
Table 52: Selected demographic and social data on Sephardi

French Jews, by country of birth
Education
Less than baccalaureate 23% 39% 51% 49% 15% 37%
Baccalaureate and four 34% 28% 23% 18% 31% 27%
or more
Family status
Married 55% 69% 58% 70% 59% 61%
Living together 16% 6% 4% 1% 9% 8%
Widowed 1% 8% 19% 16% 3% 9%
Divorced 6% 13% 13% 9% 6% 9%
Single 21% 5% 6% 4% 24% 12%
Intermarriage
Married/living with non-Jew 34% 22% 25% 17% 13% 26%
Algerian citizenship.106 4% of Moroccan-born Jewish French citizens

hold dual citizenship in the State of Israel, compared to only 1% of
those born in Algeria or Tunisia.
The various sub-populations of Jews in France were not spread
evenly throughout the country. Certain groups were concentrated in
certain departments. Algerian Jews were more integrated into depart-
ments with populations of native-born French Jews, while the Moroc-
can and Tunisian Jews were concentrated in other areas. Historically,
the Jews in Algeria were quite assimilated into the French colonial
political structure and culture, which has apparently facilitated their
integration into French culture in France.107 Table 52 shows some
basic demographic and social data on the various sub-groups of
Sephardi French Jews.
Of the three groups of North African immigrants, the Jews born in
Morocco had the highest level of education. French-born Jewish heads
of households were significantly more likely to be single or living with
a partner than those born in any of the North African countries. The
higher percentage of widows among those born in Algeria is likely a
demographic result of the age of this population, who migrated at least
forty years ago. Rates of intermarriage or living with a non-Jewish
106
Parolin (2009: 95).
107
Stillman (1979).
140 chapter two
partner were similar for Jews born in Morocco and Algeria: lower
than for French-born Sephardi Jews but higher than for those born
in Tunisia.
6.6.4. Political Tendencies

In terms of political attitudes, French Jews born in the three North
African former colonies were similar to one another and to the Sep-
hardi Jews born in France. Almost none from any of the sub-groups
defined themselves as either extreme left or extreme right (see Table 53).
In 2002, over half called themselves leftists. All three of the North
African-born populations were more likely to consider themselves left-
ists than the French-born Jews. Moroccan and Tunisian-born were
slightly more likely to identify as right-wing than those born in Algeria.
As noted earlier, there has been a distinct swing to the right among
French Jews: future studies may track the political shift among these
particular sub-groups.
Table 54 shows the responses of the various sub-groups to a number
of questions related to religious practice, belief and involvement in the
local Jewish community. Overall, the Jews born in the North African
countries were more traditional (but not Orthodox) than those born
in France. The Algerian-born Jews were found to be less traditional
than those born in Morocco or Tunisia. Their responses were simi-
lar to those of Sephardi French born Jews, though they were slightly
more likely than the French-born to keep a kosher home, perhaps due
to family concerns. They were also somewhat more opposed to their
children marrying non-Jews. The Algerian-born were the least likely
to have children enrolled in Jewish day schools, even in comparison
to the French-born. Their level of participation in Jewish community
institutions again fell between that of Jews born in France and those
born in Morocco or Tunisia.
French Jews born in all of the Maghreb countries were significantly
more likely to have close family in Israel than are those born in France.
As mentioned above, when the Jews left North Africa, many families
were split between France and Israel. The Moroccan and Tunisian
French Jews were both more likely to have visited Israel, and to have
visited multiple times, than either the Algerian French Jews or the
French-born. The Algerian born were the least likely to be considering
making Aliyah to Israel, even fewer than among the French born who,
in this case, were similar to the Moroccan and Tunisian-born Jews.
Jews from Tunisia were the most likely to say they would have pre-
ferred to have been born in Israel. Those from Morocco and Algeria
Table 53: Political attitudes of Sephardi French Jews, by country of birth, 2002
Extreme left 1% 0% 1% 0% 0% 0%
Left 40% 47% 49% 50% 35% 45%
Left center 13% 18% 14% 10% 15% 13%
Center 20% 7% 19% 13% 15% 17%
Right center 6% 9% 6% 10% 15% 8%
Right 18% 17% 11% 18% 19% 16%
Extreme right 2% 2% 1% 0% 0% 1%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
Table 54: Religious practice, belief and community involvement of Sephardi French
Jews, by country of birth
Non practicing 22% 15% 22% 10% 19% 19%
Liberal 18% 6% 14% 13% 16% 14%
Traditional 52% 71% 61% 70% 65% 61%
Orthodox 7% 8% 3% 7% 0% 6%
Always keep kosher at home 44% 59% 48% 67% 45% 51%
Always keep kosher out 32% 43% 32% 44% 32% 36%
Vehemently opposed to 21% 32% 16% 33% 26% 23%
intermarriage re their
children
Children in Jewish day school 23% 26% 17% 28% 12% 23%
Participation in JC often/very 41% 60% 50% 59% 59% 53%
Table 55: Attachment to Israel, by country of birth

Never visited Israel 29% 12% 25% 16% 20% 23%
Visited Israel three or more 48% 64% 45% 60% 49% 53%
Have very close family in Israel 40% 65% 63% 66% 64% 55%
Considering Aliyah (soon, later) 24% 27% 15% 26% 37% 23%
Would prefer to be born in Israel 39% 50% 51% 62% 32% 47%
are similar (half would chose to be natives of Israel ). Almost 40% of

those born in France would prefer to have been born in Israel.
A comparison of the responses to the list of values as ranked by
respondents born in the various countries shows the strong emphasis
on family values among all of France’s Sephardi Jews. Those from
Morocco and Tunisia were most likely to value honoring their parents
142 chapter two
Table 56: Values of Sephardi French Jews, by country of birth

Values
Honoring one’s parents 74% 83% 79% 83% 82% 78%
Starting a family 68% 75% 67% 69% 82% 69%
Studying 61% 61% 45% 52% 65% 55%
Being oneself 63% 52% 46% 46% 71% 54%
Helping others 47% 53% 44% 45% 58% 47%
Belief in God 43% 60% 47% 59% 53% 50%
Making the most of one’s life 45% 41% 36% 36% 38% 40%
Doing what I like 43% 45% 31% 21% 43% 37%
Contributing to society 22% 43% 33% 30% 38% 30%
Having a good time with friends 28% 30% 22% 25% 35% 26%
Going on holiday 22% 25% 19% 23% 32% 22%
Caring for one’s appearance 15% 28% 22% 18% 21% 20%
Engaging in sports 17% 15% 14% 8% 12% 14%
Earning money 11% 9% 8% 6% 3% 9%
and those from Morocco were particularly likely to choose the value
‘starting a family’. A closer look reveals the complex nature of Jewish
identity among French Jews born in North Africa. For example, along-
side their strong values of family, community and belief in God, the
Jews born in Morocco were also the most likely to value individualist
values such as ‘doing what I like’, ‘going on holiday’ and ‘caring for
one’s appearance’.
At the same time, those born in Morocco placed significantly more
value on contributing to society, having a good time with friends and
helping others than any of the other groups. They also placed a higher
value on caring for one’s appearance than the other groups did, which
may be linked to community standards. Their emphasis on study is
the same as that among Sephardi French-born Jews, and higher than
either the Algerian or Tunisian-born. Those born in Tunisia were
similar to the Moroccan-born in terms of family and religion, but were
far less individualistic. Interestingly, Jews born in Algeria were most
similar to French-born Jews in terms of ‘belief in God’ but in other
cases were more like those born in Tunisia (‘being oneself’, ‘making
the most of one’s life’, ‘contributing to society’ ). They placed the least
value on studying, friends or going on holiday.108
108
It would be interesting to compare the values of Jews who immigrated to France
from North Africa with those of Muslims immigrants from the same former colonies.
Table 57: Profile of Sephardi French Jews, by country of birth

Individualist 18% 17% 21% 22% 15% 19%
Universalist 25% 13% 20% 10% 18% 19%
Traditionalist 30% 34% 40% 47% 30% 36%
Revivalist 27% 36% 20% 21% 36% 26%
Total 100% 100% 100% 100% 100% 100%
The relationship between self-definitions, stated values and reported

behavior is complex. For example, though 70% of the French Jews
born in Morocco said they are religiously ‘traditional’, their reported
level of practice of some basic traditions such as keeping kosher and
Shabbat show a more liberal or casual adherence to the mitzvoth than
one might expect. The self-label ‘traditional’ therefore must indicate
something other than a simple link to traditional religious practice.
Table 57 shows the percentage of each sub-population that fits
each of the four profiles in the axiological typology. Of the various
sub-groups, the Moroccan-born Jews have the highest percentage of
Revivalists, who combine traditional and autonomous values. They
have almost as many Traditionalists as Revivalists (approximately a
third corresponds to each of these types). The other two types, Indi-
vidualists and Universalists, were less well-represented among the Jews
born in Morocco.
Among the Tunisian-born Jews, we found the highest percentage of
Traditionalists and the lowest percentage of Universalists. Those born
in Algeria were most likely to be Traditionalists, with the remainder
evenly divided between the other three types. French-born Jews were
most likely to be Traditionalists, followed by Revivalists, Universalists
and finally Individualists.
Figure 4 shows SSA representation of values with sub-populations
according to country of birth introduced as external variables. Those
born in the North African countries emerged as quite similar to each
other in terms of values. Compared to those born in France, all three
of the North African-born populations are closer to authoritarian
values such as belief in God, family and parents. Nevertheless, some
A study of attitudes of French Muslim women found that even discussions of issues
directly related to Muslim identity were often couched in the terms and ideals of
French culture rather than of traditional North African culture. See Killian (2006).
144 chapter two
Unhappy
General concerns
Not satisfied
Individualist
Very satisfied
Food insecurity Foreigners

Universalist
Jewish-Israeli concerns
Pollution Islam
Drugs
Unemployment
AIDS Very happy
Revivalist
Terrorism
Traditionalist
Intermarriage
Antisemitism
Racism Future of Israel
Figure 4: Geometric Representation of Values of Sephardi French Jews, with Countries

of Origin
differences may be perceived. Those born in Morocco are the furthest

from the autonomy side of the autonomy-authority axis. They are
approximately equidistant from altruism and egoism. Jews born in
France are closest to the center of the map.
We see that no simplistic images can accurately portray the complex
reality of the Maghreb Jews of France, which in fact contains several
distinctive sub-populations. The Jews born in Algeria are a particularly
interesting case, as they were found to be more like native-born French
in some respects, while similar to their Moroccan and Tunisian-born
compatriots in others. While generally more traditional and religious
than the Jews born in France, North African French Jews also value
autonomy and individual freedom, and even these first-generation
immigrants have adopted to a large extent the core values of French
society. It will be of great interest and importance to see what direction
the French Jewish community takes over the next few decades as the
children of those surveyed here take their places as the heads of the
next generation of Jewish families in France.
6.7. Issues of Concern among Profiles of the Axiological Typology

Figure 5 portrays the structural relationship between the items on the
list of concerns. There is a clear distinction between general concerns
(AIDS, pollution, etc.) and those more directly related to the Jewish
community (anti-Semitism, future of Israel, etc.) This indicates that the
Jews of France, concern with terrorism, Islam and racism are linked
with other concerns related specifically to the Jewish community. The
item “foreigners” lies on the border between the two, hinting at the
ambivalent or conflicted perception the Jews of France may have of
this issue given the high percentage of immigrants among their own
population.
Alt
rui y
sm om
Studying ton
Au
ALTRUISM
Being oneself Friends

Metropole Doing what I like
Community
RECREATION
Helping others
Making the
TRADITION
Family
Tunisia Engaging in sport
Parents
Belief in God
Caring for one’s appearance
rity Eg
utho ois
m
A Earning a lot of money
Algeria
Morocco
MATERIALISM
Figure 5: Graphic Portrayal of Concerns of the Jews of France with Axiological Profiles,
Happiness and Satisfaction as External Variables
146 chapter two
Individualists and Universalists are more closely correlated with

general worries. The Universalists are at the extreme edge of the
map, far from the specific Jewish-Israeli concerns. The Traditionalists
and Revivalists are more closely correlated with concerns related to
the Jewish community and Israel. However, both these profiles, and
particularly the Revivalists, are close to the center of the map, indicat-
ing that the general issues concern them also.
The “very happy” respondents are closer to the Jewish Israeli con-
cerns, while the “very satisfied” are in the region with the general
concerns. In studies of subjective wellbeing, researchers have gradu-
ally begun to include multiple indicators of this complex psychologi-
cal phenomenon, differentiating between satisfaction (general and with
specific life areas such as family or work) and happiness (experiencing
pleasant emotions, lack of negative emotions).109 The unhappy and not
satisfied are also in the region with the general worries, far from the
Jewish Israeli concerns.
7. Summary of the Empirical Survey
The ongoing in-depth research of French Jewry presented here has

revealed a comprehensive picture of the community not readily appar-
ent even to those living in France. Research on French Jewry has
evolved, methodologically and conceptually, from early studies essen-
tially limited to demographic descriptions, through the development
of increasingly sophisticated indices and typologies of Jewish identity
and community belonging.110 The current survey has built on these,
including both a rigorous investigation of demographics and a multi-
faceted exploration of identity.
The French Jewish community, concentrated in Paris and the sur-
rounding departments, consists of slightly more than half a million
individuals. The population has experienced a slight decline over the
past quarter of a century due to low birth rates, the end of the waves of
immigration, and the parallel emigration of French Jews (primarily to
Israel ).111 The French Jewish population is overwhelmingly Sephardi:
109
Diener (2000).
110
Especially Schnapper (1980) and Hannoun (2000).
111
As Bensimon (1989: 265) noted: “While in the past French Jewry always had the
possibility of renewing itself through the influx of immigrants from traditional com-
made up of immigrants from North Africa and their descendents. Their

immigration, mainly in the 1950s–1970s, revitalized Jewry in France
after the psychological trauma and physical destruction of World War
II. Their relatively open and public style of Judaism has raised fun-
damental questions regarding the nature of French Jewish identity,
which must be addressed against the background of the public debate
regarding French identity and the accommodation of ethnic-religious
minorities in the Republic.
French Jews are a highly educated, financially successful and socially
well-integrated population, generally happy and satisfied with their
lives. Yet they are also deeply worried about terrorism, anti-Semitism,
racism and the future of Israel, indicating a level of disquiet with the
current atmosphere in France.
The survey of basic values among provides a universally applicable
instrument to explore the specifics of the French Jewish community.
The typology developed based on multi-dimensional analysis of the
core values held by French Jews provides a framework for understand-
ing the dynamics within the community. This typology of four catego-
ries (Individualists, Universalists, Revivalists and Traditionalists) seems
more useful in describing segments of the population than do classic
divisions such as the political left/right spectrum.
munities, today these migratory waves have virtually ended. French Jewry must now
find the strength to affirm its Jewishness and to fight against the demographic factors
that threaten it from within its own ranks.”
CHAPTER THREE
FRENCH JEWISH PHILOSOPHICAL WRITINGS

ON JEWISH IDENTITY
We may note that French authors referring to the Jewish theme often
use the phrases “Jewish question” or the more ominous “Jewish prob-
lem”. To discuss questions of identity in terms of a “problem” suggests
that there is something complex, awkward and cumbersome in the Jew
of which he needs to divest himself; that the Jew needs to solve this
identity problem. Similarly, the “Jewish question” indicates a need for
some sort of answer, and as Maurice Blanchot writes in The Infinite
Conversation,1 “The question awaits the answer, but the answer does not
appease the question, and even if it puts an end to it, it does not put
an end to the expectation that is the question of the question.”2
So in this context, how is one to evoke the written and spoken words
that count in the identity debate? How is one to read or reread the
works? How to hear and listen to the comments? These texts about
the question of Jewish identity are carefully lined up, and sometimes
forgotten, on the bookshelves of the Jews of France. You could bring
them all together in an immense library; they represent a literary
genre in their own right, and reading them draws us into an identity
labyrinth.3 What would be the criterion for choice of reference books
on the identity question? Some of these are being revisited almost half
a century after their publication. The ink dried and the pages yel-
lowed, time has done its work, and we have to retrace their historical
context in order to invest them with some freshness, and put them in
perspective. Some of these reflections appear dated or, in retrospect,
naïve. However, others have no need for putting back into context
because the questions they ask are fundamental and they still retain
an amazing depth and honesty.
These writings are not merely simple accounts about Jewish iden-
tity. There are no monographs or narratives; most of these books are
1
Blanchot (1969).
2
Ibid., p. 16.
3
Parienté (1999).
150 chapter three
true acts of thought about the fact of being Jewish. As such they are
open to comment, which for over two centuries has not been lacking.
Indefatigably, Jews observe themselves and ask themselves questions.
They ask themselves from where comes this imperative to identify, to
distinguish and to separate. They look themselves up and down and
want to know what they are, who they are and why they are. “In any
case we are well and truly Jewish, even before being in a position to
talk about it. Amazing. It has worked like this here for a long time,
a morbidity that is at the same time a source both of affliction and
gratification. . . . Now, the narratives are coming thick and fast. Contact
has been made with the pre-Holocaust period . . . Bit by bit, memory is
being formed. The buzz of stories goes together with placing a new
Jewish existence in perspective.”4
The covers of some of the most widely known books give a first
indication of how the issue of being Jewish is portrayed. For example,
the cover of Le Juif imaginaire (The Imaginary Jew) by Alain Finkelkraut
has a small boy drawing a multi-colored Star of David with chalk on
the sidewalk, making the reader wonder: Is it a game? Are there other
children around this Jewish “hopscotch”? The photo suggests at least
two things: Judaism is pluralist (as indicated by the multi-colored Star)
and it is something with which one is involved in creating and inter-
preting from childhood. Another striking example is Juifs & Français
( Jews & Frenchmen). The title is in thick, black letters on a white cover
with the & in red. What do these scarlet graphics say? Is it a connec-
tion or juxtaposition? Is it a question, a provocation or quite simply
is this color is letting us know about the discovery of something new
and unique?
Such books have provoked, initiated and fed the debate on being
Jewish. They provided support and moved the survivors after World
War II and then fascinated a demanding youth that explored them
and annotated them in smoke-filled cafés. Today they are commented
on, studied and taught by an entire generation that has been brought
up in a community environment. These books inform, exasperate,
reassure, comfort and provide a dialogue with a Jewish community
that is eager to know itself.
Among the features of this dialogue are public declarations of affili-
ation with Judaism and ruminations on what that means, particularly
4
Rabinovitch (1979: 63).
french jewish philosophical writings on jewish identity 151
for non-religious Jews. Journalist and author Michèle Manceaux, for

example, officially claimed her Jewish identity in the daily Le Monde 5
and, in her subsequent book entitled Histoire d’un adjectif (History of an
adjective),6 she wrote “Today I am Jewish. I declared it in the Le Monde
newspaper on August 31, 2001. Today I highlight that adjective and
apply it to myself. Yet what does it mean to be Jewish? Apart from
Jews for whom it is firstly a faith and a religion, the initial, general and
spontaneous reaction of atheists can be summed as, ‘It’s complicated.’
There follows a simple consequence, the natural tendency to banish
complications, not to ask yourself any more questions.”7
To stop questioning and not even try to understand anymore means
to take refuge in a radical strangeness, the strangeness of perpetual
wandering which does not reveal a refusal but a lack of identity. As
author and filmmaker Georges Perec put it, “I do not know exactly
what it is to be Jewish, what it does to me to be Jewish. It is something
obvious, but of rather poor obviousness, a label that does not connect
me to anything particular, to anything concrete; it is not a sign of
belonging, it is not tied to a belief, a religion, observance, culture, folk-
lore, history, destiny or language. It would more likely be an absence,
a question, a questioning, a looseness, an anxiety; an anxious certainty
behind which is silhouetted another certainty that is abstract, heavy
and unbearable, that of having been singled out as a Jew, and because
a Jew, a victim, owing life only to chance and exile.”8
The form and purpose of the questioning attest to a permanent
identity issue. The disarray of identity was not born with the Shoah.
It started with Emancipation when Jews, suddenly escaping a con-
dition that had been imposed upon them, were faced with choices.
Those who had never had to choose were suddenly called upon to
decide on their identity: Jew, Universal Man or French Citizen.9 While
5
Le Monde, 31 August 2001.
6
Manceaux (2003); the title refers to a comment by Soviet Jewish writer Isaac
Babel, that if he wrote an autobiography he would title it “History of an Adjective”.
7
Ibid., p. 17.
8
Perec (1979: 53).
9
In 1889, at the centenary of the French Revolution sermons were preached in
every synagogue in France. Collected and published by the Community, one can read
there this terse statement by Rabbi Kahn of Nimes, “It is our exodus from Egypt, it is
our modern Passover” (Mossé, 1890: 100). The French Revolution was the undeniable
basis of the collective Jewish presence in France. It is the source of the ritual side of the
call to or use of the revolutionary mythology of 1789, because it was to the drum rolls
of the Jacobins that the Jews entered the land of modernity. It is therefore not at all
152 chapter three
these three options are not necessarily mutually exclusive, the need to
choose prompted by the Emancipation and the political culture of the
French Republic caused a split in the identity of the Jews. It would
appear that the need to pose questions was born of this split. While
the split began with Emancipation, during the second half of the 20th
century the identity question has taken on a special form and intensity.
The sharpness of the questioning appeared following the conjunction
of two events, the Shoah10 and the creation of the State of Israel; as
discussed in the analysis of the empirical survey Israel and Auschwitz
were found to serve as widespread symbols, anchors of French Jewish
identity.
Georges Perec insists that identity questioning is not necessarily
done vis-à-vis non-Jews. It is not always a matter of measuring the gap
with the ‘other’ or the distance with someone who is far off. Sometimes
one has to gauge the gap that exists with someone close, with someone
who ought to be the same. In such a case, being Jewish is not so much
being different from others, but rather different from one’s own. Perec
notes the torments caused by the integration gap. Generation after
generation, children do not resemble their parents. The grandfather
surprising that this change-advent stayed so long in the Jewish imagination as some-
thing particularly happy. We should bear in mind that the French Revolution was
clothed in traditional Jewish messianic symbols. The Festival of Pessach (Passover) acts
in the Jewish historical and spiritual consciousness as the founding myth of Hebrew
identity. The Revolution of 1789, wrote Isidore Cahen, “There is our second giving of
the Law at Sinai,” (Cahen 1880: 363). In the same vein, the historian Maurice Bloch
(1904: 20) stated that “the Messianic Age had arrived with the French Revolution!
The Messianic Age came with this new society, which replaced the old Trinity of the
Church with another trinity whose names we read on every wall. Liberty! Equality!
Fraternity!” For a reaction that could be diagnosed as cognitive dissonance (wanting
to stay Jewish and assimilate at the same time), French Judaism solved this dilemma
by positing that the Revolution was true and a liberator, in a word messianic: you do
not lose your identity by assimilating into the larger project of France. On the con-
trary, you fulfill yourself! For other quotations in this vein see Marrus (1971). Trigano
(1982: 99–100) insists on the fact that “it is this intertwined fantasy that is the bluff,
the ideology.”
10
We have chosen the Hebrew term “Shoah” (meaning catastrophe), because it
is theologically and psychologically neutral, and which today is generally accepted in
Jewish circles, for example, Neher (1977: 154–188). See also issue 97 of the journal
Hamoré, October 1981, pp. 8–40, whichis given over almost entirely to the teaching of
the Shoah, and the film Shoah of Claude Lanzmann. The term Holocaust that is gener-
ally used to describe the extermination of the Jews by the Nazis is laden with dubious
theological innuendos that are unacceptable to many Jews, as the word is rooted in a
Greek word for a religious sacrifice. Scherr (1980) wrote in anger against the use of
the term Holocaust because the death of six million Jews was not an expiatory sacrifice
offered up to redeem an evil intention!
was a Polish or a Tunisian Jew. The father became a French Israélite.

The children defined themselves as French Jews or at least of Jewish
origin, and they are grappling with difficult questions of identity.
In the 1960s, a number of prominent texts dealt with Jewish identity
issues. The titles alone give a good indication of the direction of the
discourse at the time (some of these works are discussed in more detail
below): Anatomy of French Judaism; The Jewish Existence; Portrait of a Jew;
Difficult Liberty; The Reflexive Condition of the Jewish Man; End of the Jew-
ish People?; De Gaulle, Israel and the Jews; Is it Possible to be Jewish Today?11
The following decade saw other works come out, no less essential for
understanding the place of Jews in French society: To Be a People in
Diaspora; The Jews and the Modern World; Jews and French; Jews and Israé-
lites.12 And during the 1980s Between Crystal and Smoke; The Testament
of God, The Jewish Imagination and The Republic and the Jews13 became
etched in people’s memories.
In the past two decades, few texts of this type have been written.
On the other had, it is interesting to note the proliferation of transla-
tions of basic, classic texts of the Jewish tradition. During the 1980s
Editions Verdier launched its “Les dix paroles” series, edited by Charles
Mopsik, with the publication of Guide to the Perplexed by Moses Maimo-
nides.14 Under the headline, Jewish Tradition and Greek Philosophy, Shmuel
Trigano presented the work in the Le Monde newspaper15 by asking
the question, “Why bring out Maimonides again today?” His answer
was significant, because he suggested that a new age was opening up
for French Jews. “He (Maimonides) attempted the same enterprise as
Philo of Alexandria or, in a way, Spinoza . . . to open up Judaism to
the Greek tradition by acclimatizing one to the other . . . Such attempts
always appear at turning points in Western history, and they start, as
in the cases mentioned, a new era (for Philo, ten centuries of Christian
philosophy, for Maimonides, an important role in the period preceding
11
The original French titles are: Anatomie du judaïsme français; L’existence juive; Portrait
d’un Juif; Difficile liberté; La condition réflexive de l’homme juif; Fin du peuple juif ?; De Gaulle,
Israël et les Juifs; Peut-on être juif aujourd’hui?
12
Original French titles: Etre un peuple en Diaspora; Les Juifs et le monde moderne; Juifs
& Français; Juifs et Israélites.
13
Original French titles: Entre le cristal et la fumée; Le testament de Dieu; Le Juif imaginaire
and La république et les Juifs.
14
Moses Maimonides, Guide for the Perplexed, translated into French from the Arabic
by Salomon Munk, followed by The Eight Chapters, translated into French from the
Arabic by Jules Wolf. New edition revised by Charles Mopsik.
15
Trigano (1980).
154 chapter three
the Renaissance, and for Spinoza, modernity). There can be no doubt

that today we are living in such an age. That is why it is completely
normal that a figure like Maimonides appears on the horizon and is
so appealing . . .” Another forty or so translations of traditional Jewish
texts into French would follow, including Aggadot of the Babylonian Tal-
mud, Lessons of the Fathers and of course the Talmud and Zohar.16
Naturally, this overview of French Jewish writing is not meant to be
exhaustive or comprehensive. In this format, only a sample of some of
the most important books and authors can be briefly noted. Similarly,
there is no attempt to fully represent the philosophy of individual writ-
ers. For that, the reader is encouraged to refer to the various authors’
full works, which are increasingly—if belatedly—becoming available
to English readers. Also, we do not refer here to history books17, novels
or autobiographies.18 The purpose here is to give an overview of the
discussion in France on the subject of Jewish identity, as articulated by
French Jewish intellectuals and philosophers. A few common themes
may be noted. They all address fundamental questions of what makes
a person a Jew, whether or not Jewishness can be escaped or evaded,
16
The reader in French has four translations of the Bible. La Bible, Complete text,
1899 translation of the French rabbinate or “Zadoc Kahn” for the name of the Chief
Rabbi who led it at the end of the 19th century; La Bible des belles lettres, Complete
text, Samuel Cahen, original translation dating from the French Revolution, on which
Zadoc Kahn is said to have relied inter alia for his own translation; La Bible from
Pléiade, under the direction of Edouard Dhorme. The first volume of this Bible
brought out in the “Bibliothèque de la Pléiade” series includes the Pentateuch in its
entirety, and the second volume the Four Great Prophets. La Bible, Complete text,
André Chouraqui. A translation that stays close to the original Hebrew and thus
makes the text very different from the classic translations. Today there are also no
less than three French translations of the Talmud. There is the one of Artscroll, the
Rabbinate’s edition under Elie Munk, and that of Adin Steinsaltz (note that this edi-
tion was a joint initiative of the Israeli Institute for Talmudic Publications, the Ramsay
publishing house and the Fonds Social Juif Unifié).
17
There is no lack of history books or monographs about the Jews of France. We
shall only mention some of the best known general studies. Benbassa (2000); Bensi-
mon (1989); Hannoun (2000); Hyman (1979, 1988); Korcaz (1969); Schechter (2003);
Schnapper (1991); Strenski (1997); Szajkowski (1970); Trigano (2006).
18
We shall mention an arbitrary selection of several novels and autobiographies:
Arnothy (1997) J’ai 15 ans et je ne veux pas mourir; Bober (1993) Quoi de neuf sur la guerre?;
Goldman (1975) Souvenirs obscurs d’un juif polonais né en France; Gray (1997) Au nom de
tous les miens; Halter (1983) La mémoire d’Abraham; Joffo (1973) Un sac de billes; Lunel
(1926) Nicolo Peccavi, L’affaire Dreyfus à Carpentras; Modiano (1968) La Place de l’Étoile;
Modiano (1981) Livret de Famille; Modiano (1978) Rue des Boutiques Obscures; Moscovici
(1995) Voyage à Pitchipoï; Schwarz-Bart (1959) Le dernier des justes; Uhlman (1978) L’ami
retrouvé.
how being a Jew corresponds to being a French citizen and to being

a universal human.
1. Réflexions sur la question juive [Anti-Semite and Jew] (1946)
Jean-Paul Sartre’s famous book Réflexions sur la question juive was piv-
otal for post-war French Jewry.19 It may be asked whether this book
should be included in a list of books on Jewish identity, since Sartre
was not Jewish and Sartre’s work does not deal with Jewish identity.
However, he analyzes the image of the Jew in the anti-Semitic imagi-
nation, which clearly influenced generations of Jews, from the Libéra-
tion from the Nazi occupation until today. Numerous Jewish writers
and philosophers reacted to Anti-Semite and Jew, a book, which in a way
made the century.
For Sartre, at the end of the Second World War, if asked what the
contemporary Jew is, you would have to ask the Christian conscience,
“What have you done with the Jews?” This is a nuanced question,
because it posits acceptance of the Jew as a fact without looking to
make a problem out of the Jewish condition, and directs the issue to
the world’s conscience. Sartre’s thesis is thus aimed at the anti-Semite
and not at the Jew, who is largely ignored. This disregard respects the
Jew’s choice without seeking to impose upon him a solution. Sartre
explains that anti-Semitism is not a commitment triggered by experi-
ence. Rather, for the anti-Semite, it is the preconceptions about Jews
that create an experience. This leads Sartre to state that “if the Jew did
not exist, the anti-Semite would invent him”.20 He has to invent the
Jews because the anti-Semite is “. . . someone who is afraid. Definitely
not of Jews; of himself, his conscience, his freedom, his instincts, his
responsibilities, solitude, change, society and the world, of everything
except Jews. He is a coward who does not want to admit to his cow-
ardice, a murderer who represses and censors his tendency to murder
without being able to hold it in check, only dares kill in effigy or from
the anonymity of a crowd, a malcontent who does not dare revolt out
19
Published under the English title Anti-Semite and Jew, though a more direct trans-
lation would be Reflections on the Jewish Question.
20
Sartre (1954: 14).
156 chapter three
of fear of the consequences of his revolt. An anti-Semite has not just

adopted an opinion, he has selected a persona for himself.”21
Anti-Semitism is made up of hate, anger and disgust. This commit-
ment upon encountering the Jew is based on nothing. In fact it is not
a matter of an opinion about Jews, but an emotion, even affection.
And what is more, this emotion has not been provoked but clearly
chosen. It is exaggerated and fed by the pleasure or pain felt or imag-
ined in something. The anti-Semite contents himself with the idea of
a Jew. In other words, there is no need for a Jew to make an anti-
Semite. The conclusion of Anti-Semite and Jew does not concern Jews
directly, but denounces the anti-Semite and through the phenomenon
of anti-Semitism, the very nature of society. In fact, the essay defended
republican and democratic principles. In any case, this is how Sartre’s
approach needs to be understood. In the conclusion to Anti-Semite he
writes, “No Frenchman will be free as long as the Jews do not enjoy
their full rights. No Frenchman will be safe so long as a Jew, in France
and anywhere in the world, has to fear for his life.”22
In Anti-Semite and Jew, Sartre illustrates that he knows next to noth-
ing about Judaism, its history, thought traditions and laws. The author
is incapable of extracting himself from the fictitious Jew created out
of the anti-Semite’s reality. Sartre’s Jew only exists in the perception
accorded by the anti-Semite. This is a person we love to hate. If Sartre
exactly identifies the historical and religious nature of every commu-
nity, he has a problem understanding that the Jews form a community
not only because they are all in the same situation. When he tries to
define Jews as a community, Sartre grants them the status of commu-
nity, however, an “abstract community”, because, as he writes, “these
twenty centuries of dispersion and political powerlessness prevented
them from having an historical past. If it is true, as Hegel said, that
a community is historical insofar as it has the memory of its history,
the Jewish community is the least historical of all societies because the
only memory it has is of a long martyrdom, which is a long period of
passiveness. It is neither their past, nor their religion, nor their land
that unite the children of Israel. However, if they have a shared con-
nection, if they all deserve the name Jew, it is because they share a
common situation as Jew, that is to say they live in a community that
21
Ibid., p. 62.
22
Ibid., p. 185.
considers them Jews.”23 There can only be a de-realization of the Jew

because there is still no Jewish community and no longer a Jewish
people. “The Jew is someone who others consider to be a Jew: here
is the simple truth that must be the starting point. In this sense, the
democrat is right when against the anti-Semite, because it is the anti-
Semite who makes the Jew.”24
Nevertheless, Sartre does note one of the fundamental points about
Jewish identity—the impossibility of ridding himself of it. Whatever
he does, Sartre explains, the Jew is launched upon a route. “He can
decide to be brave or cowardly, sad or happy, he can decide to kill
Christians or love them. But he cannot choose to not be a Jew. Or
rather, if so chooses, if he declares that the Jew does not exist, if he
denies—violently and desperately—that he has the Jewish character,
it is exactly here that he is Jewish. Because I am not a Jew, I have
nothing to deny or prove; instead, if the Jew has decided that his race
does not exist at all, it is for him to prove it. Being Jewish is to be
thrown into the Jewish situation and forsaken, and at the same time
to be responsible in and by his own persona for the destiny and very
nature of the Jewish people.”25
Emmanuel Lévinas was one of the first French Jewish writers to
react to this book. The philosopher gave credit to Sartre and to exis-
tentialism. “It is obviously very pleasant when, being Jewish—authentic
or not—one hears someone of the talent and breadth of Sartre utter
amicable truths that nonetheless were not pronounced in order to
flatter.”26 In fact, what at bottom pleased Lévinas was that Sartre’s
Anti-Semite and Jew “returned the Jewish problem from outdated hori-
zons where it is often to be found, to the heights of where the true and
fascinating history of the 20th century is taking place. The anachro-
nism is complete.”27
However, notwithstanding its wide success, Sartre’s approach has
troubled a large number of Jewish intellectuals. For example, Marek
Halter was beside himself after having read Anti-Semite and Jew. He
decided to go to Sartre to lay out his objections. “Why has he taken
23
Ibid., p. 81.
24
Ibid., p. 84.
25
Ibid., p. 107.
26
Lévinas (1947, 1994).
27
Lévinas (1994: 104).
158 chapter three
from me, a Jew, a stranger, this freedom? Why does he delineate me

by religion or by the attitude of others?”
“Yes, it’s true”, replied Sartre, “but because I analysed the situation
of the Jews from outside, you need to analyze it from the inside.”28
Roger Ikor was the most critical. In Can you be Jewish today? Ikor
writes, “Outside of history, which is outside of Time, a point of acces-
sible truth for whoever attempts to understand human facts. . . . That’s
why Anti-Semite and Jew by Sartre on the Jewish question, with best
and most generous of intentions, when it crosses path with the truth,
is constantly wrong, and above all leads only to a void.”29
André Neher is calmer in the face of Sartre’s hypotheses. “The Jew
is neither ‘as he sees himself ’ nor ‘as he is seen by others’, but ‘as he
is seen by God’.” Living the life of a Jew is not a misfortune but a
privilege, a difficult happiness, continues Neher.
Lastly, Annie Kriegel, a seasoned observer of the situation of the
Jews in France, abandons the inaccessible horizon of the identity ques-
tion fashioned by Sartre’s Anti-Semite and Jew. She prefers to speak,
making a play of words on the French title of the book, changing it
to Réflexion sur les questions juives, with a reflection (in the singular) on
Jewish questions (in the plural ). Kriegel in fact believes that the Jewish
question in the singular sounds like a “quasi-metaphysical question that
exists in the heaven of philosophical speculation and has hardly any-
thing to do with the actual behavior of flesh and blood individuals.”30
The “Reflection” proposed by Kriegel, as against the “Reflections” of Sar-
tre, is evidence of the persistence of the questioning. In her opinion,
permanence and constancy would best define the questioning about
Jewish identity.
2. L’existence juive: Solitude et affrontements [ Jewish Existence] (1962)
This classic text on Jewish identity, though somewhat dry, had the
greatest impact on its times and the questions it poses continue to be
important. To define the place of Jewish Existence, André Neher pro-
poses starting at the beginning: analysis of the Jew “. . . should be sub-
28
Halter (2002).
29
Ikor (1968: 25).
30
Kriegel (1984: 10).
ject to the methods of rhetoricians. When they examined a problem,

they asked an a priori question, the justification, what was the basis of
the problem? An sit? the doctors of Latin used to say. Does the object
exist? In the circumstances, history and psychology combine to make
necessary this a priori question, is there Jewish Man? Can we talk about
a Jewish Man? Does the Jewish Man exist?”31 A radical question, but
before answering, Neher notes that something complicates his situa-
tion, and “That something is suffering.”32
In another work33 Neher adds that after Auschwitz, the shame of
being complicated the Jew’s situation. “To be Jewish after Auschwitz
firstly means to be. Existing an existence that ought to have been the
Being of six million Jews, but who were criminally cut down—and
why was I not murdered? Why did I survive? The sense of survival
goes beyond the raw fact of being. By placing survival in me, I am the
spokesperson, and the ‘silence-person’34 of the six million, whose stifled
dream might be born again in the future through my presence, a Jew,
whose life at this very moment is ipso facto proof of Hitler’s failure. The
first submission of an infinite responsibility. To exist after Auschwitz
is to have to exist.”35
However, Neher understood very well that to define a Jew solely by
suffering, tragedy and persecution is inconceivable and inconclusive.
Almost ten years later, Neher took up again the theme of Jewish iden-
tity in a small work for laymen,36 in which he concludes that many
Jews claim the epithet “Jew” neither adds nor changes anything in
their condition as a person. And yet, adds Neher, “history and experi-
ence teach us that the Jew is not a myth, he is a real being of flesh and
blood, that a Jew is not just a man, but rather something complicates
the simplicity of his human condition.”37
31
Neher (1962: 131).
32
Ibid., p. 132.
33
Neher (1989).
34
The French contains a play on words that indicates the duty of witnessing and
the impossibility of doing so because it is impossible to put it into words.
35
Ibid., p. 15.
36
Neher (1977).
37
Ibid., p. 9.
160 chapter three
3. Portrait d’un Juif: l’Impasse [Portrait of a Jew] (1962) and

La libération du Juif [Liberation of the Jew] (1966)
Albert Memmi’s works on Jewish identity offer a view of the iden-

tity that has been rarely equaled for its relevance. The first book, as
suggested by the title is personal, while the second book deals with
the Jew in general. In these two books Memmi examines Jewishness,
oppression and liberation asking “Is there a way out of the Jewish
condition?” For Memmi, this question is apparently insoluble, as the
Jew will remain a Jew whether he likes it or not. This is the sense in
which Albert Memmi speaks of the misfortune of being Jewish, as it is
an emphatic condition.
The first book, Portrait of a Jew, caused a controversy, though it was
a controversy based on a misunderstanding. Portrait of a Jew—an indi-
vidual—was widely understood to mean Portrait of the Jew—a type.
The actual title used by Memmi is more personal and rings truer. The
misunderstanding was compounded when the second book, Liberation
of the Jew was published. In the second case, Memmi indeed wrote,
as the unchanged title suggests, about the Jew in general. However, as
the public was not always aware of the subtleties of French, the two
books were widely misunderstood.
He goes on to pose the question: Is there a difference between “sep-
aration” and “difference”? In Portrait of a Jew, Memmi asserted that as
a Jew he was indeed separate,38 and that this separation is dynamic.
“Despite the protestations of this large number of curious Jews, who
claim both their original identity and their complete integration, who
for example deny any hostility, yet I am well aware that there is a
clear dialectic between the two terms: separation calls upon and feeds
difference; difference accentuates and appears to legitimize separation.
When separated, the Jew can only sense difference and others can only
end up concluding that he is different. Could I in some way figure
out the frequent uneasiness of the non-Jew faced with a Jew? I can
understand if not justify his impatience when faced with this troubling
witness, who has been there for centuries.”39 He concludes that what
is important to know is that it is neither good nor bad to be different.
After having examined all the hypotheses, the conditional Jew, the
38
Memmi (1962).
39
Ibid., p. 67.
Jew defined by the anti-Semite etc., he says it is possible at last to be

simply aware of the self, to be aware of oneself as different, because
“to be is to be different.”40
Thus Memmi finally arrives at the essential point of the issue, and
decides to address it positively. “I say he exists, all in all, someone who
wants to live as a Jew. I discover it in myself, I discover it around me,
among others of the Jewish corpus. You can talk about it, be surprised
about it, minimize it or make an issue of it, but first you have to
acknowledge the fact: this people is stubborn, it persists in living within
an astonishing continuity that it is made to recognize by others, and
recognize itself over so many centuries.” In passing, Memmi replies
scathingly to Sartre’s Anti-Semite and Jew, writing, “Believe me, the Jew
exists, Jewishness resists.”41 In other words, Memmi ended Portrait of a
Jew with this assertion of the wish to live as a Jew that does not need
to justify itself, because evidently it was present in the consciousness.
Yet it was this very obviousness that clashed with social reality. Being
oppressed, the Jew is separated from himself and separated from oth-
ers, “a being torn apart in its culture and its history.”
Portrait of a Jew is not very optimistic, to say the least. In the second
volume, published four years later, The Liberation of the Jew,42 Memmi
introduced a bit of hope into this view of the Jew, namely through
Zionism. In this book Memmi manifests his belief that, “the special
liberation of the Jews is a national liberation, and for the last ten years
this national liberation has been called the State of Israel.” However,
Memmi sees this not really as a solution but rather a necessity in the
face of an insoluble problem: since it is impossible for the Jew to live
among others—that is, to assimilate with others—he has to distance
himself, to withdraw.
4. Difficile liberté: Essais sur le Judaïsme [Difficult Freedom:

Essays on Judaism] (1963)
Essays and articles written by Emmanuel Lévinas between 1949 and

1963 were brought together in a collection that appeared under the
40
Ibid., p. 76.
41
Ibid., p. 244.
42
Memmi (1966).
162 chapter three
name Difficult Freedom: Essays on Judaism.43 It is not just the thought

of Emmanuel Lévinas that can be read in these pages, but also the
dilemmas and discussions that at that time disturbed the communal
atmosphere. Lévinas was a prominent figure in the French Jewish edu-
cational system,44 schooled in both Talmud study45 and philosophy.46
Difficult Freedom was Lévinas’ first book about Judaism.47 In it, he
formulates as one of the main questions: “How is Judaism possible?”48
He postulates as unequal the share of energy given over to France (the
nation, public order and political life), and that for intimacy (religion,
the private, interior life). He finds that Judaism has been reduced to a
religion with no resonance in daily life and that the Divine has been
domesticated, leaving only “a private chat with God.” The essay Pièces
d’identité (Identity documents) is among the most important parts of
Difficult Freedom. In this essay he formulates the opinion that a Jewish
cultural policy in France must be built on educational texts and not
on religious “relics or the silt of the past”.49
Lévinas grapples at length with the paradox of Jewish identity, stat-
ing that, “Asking yourself about Jewish identity is to have already lost
it. However, it is still there, without it we would avoid the question.
Between the already and the still the limits are demarcated, stretched
43
Lévinas (1963).
44
Starting in 1946 he ran the Ecole Normale Israélite Orientale, belonging to the Alli-
ance Israélite Universelle, with which he was associated for 30 years. The Alliance Israélite
Universelle was set up in 1860 and still today is one the main international organizations
in the field of education and Jewish culture. Its objective remains the spread of Juda-
ism that remains faithful to its tradition, but that is tolerant and open to the modern
world. The Alliance also contributes to promoting French language and culture out-
side France. It is involved as a major player in the fight to defend human rights and
in inter-faith dialogue. It works through its network of schools, the College of Jewish
Studies, the Library and its publications.
45
Lévinas studied Talmud with M. Chouchani (see Salomon Malka, Monsieur
Chouchani, Edition Jean-Claude Lattès, Paris, 1994) and others, which expanded his
horizons.
46
Through force of circumstances and with regret, Lévinas put aside his Jewish
studies. He published a number of important philosophical writings which are not
directly connected to Jewish identity. In 1930 Lévinas put aside his Jewish studies.
In 1930 he published The Theory of Intuition in Husserl’s Phenomenology. He continued his
work with the publication of Totality and Infinity.
47
More works on Jewish studies followed, along with other philosophical texts. In
1968 Quatre lectures talmudiques (Four Talmudic Readings), in 1975 Du sacré au Saint cinq
nouvelles lectures talmudiques (From the Sacred to the Holy: five new Talmudic Readings), and in
1982 L’au-delà du verset (Beyond the verse).
48
Lévinas (1963: 267).
49
Ibid., p. 275.
out like a tightrope on which the Judaism of Western Jews ventures

out and puts itself at risk.”50 He developed the concept of “Jewish
facticity”51 by which he describes an identity that is “radical”, “tear-
resistant” and “a belonging that precedes any allegiance.”
The reader who is reassured that simply by posing the question he or
she is still Jewish is misunderstanding an incomplete thought, because
Lévinas’ continues with an even more important question: what Jewish
identity does he or she have? His answer brooks no appeal. “People
are the same because, prior to any comparison, they are themselves.
So you are in Jewishness as you are in yourself. You do not even join,
because joining would refer to too much prior distancing. It does not
possess you, because belonging bends within destiny. The radical inti-
macy that connects the Jew with Judaism is seen through the wrong
it even inflicts on itself, and can be perceived as the daily, professed
happiness, or if you prefer, as a choice.”52
Lévinas’s conclusion comes as a provocation, “You are born Jew-
ish, you do not become Jewish.” We can already hear the cries of
racism, for does not this statement link belonging to the Jewish people
to blood ties? However, Lévinas explains, “Because you well and truly
become a Jew, but you become it as though there had never been
a conversion. Does one belong to being human? Some Jews have a
way of saying ‘Jew’ when you would have expected ‘Man’, as though
they took Jewishness as the subject and humanity for the predicate.”53
Lévinas thus states that it is this belonging without an act of joining
that the West cannot bear. He in fact glimpses what the West does
not wish to accept, identity without choice. Thus refusal, expressed
for example by the Existentialists, involves a complex approach. It is
that of the reflexive condition described by Robert Misrahi (further
discussed below), through which, as Lévinas states it, “You must now
accept yourself spontaneously, and accordingly distance yourself from
yourself, look at yourself from outside, think about yourself; compare
yourself to others, thereby reducing this personal identity for which we
have so many signs, attributes, content, qualities and values; to analyze
50
Ibid., p. 73.
51
This concept was introduced in the famous text Pièces d’identité [Identity Papers], in
the collection Journées d’études sur l’identité juive [Study days on Jewish identity], published
in 1963 by the French Section of the World Jewish Congress. It was then taken up
in Difficult Freedom.
52
Ibid., p. 74.
53
Ibid., p. 74.
164 chapter three
yourself.”54 Lévinas warns us that this manner of identification, this

summary of what we are and what we feel comes with a price: that is,
a “Judaism that is compromised, alienated, forgotten or disturbed or
even dead for the essence of Judaism,” constituting a type of identity
that Lévinas describes as an “original belonging” which only refers to
itself and ignores the attributes.55 In addressing the question of iden-
tity, the Jew always comes up against something irreducible and dif-
ficult to comprehend.
5. La condition réflexive de l’homme juif [The Reflexive Condition of

the Jewish Man] (1963)
Robert Misrahi’s book The Reflexive Condition of the Jewish Man was writ-
ten as a reply to Sartre’s Anti-Semite and Jew. The back flap of the book
summarizes its essence in a single sentence: “We have been led to
attempt a phenomenological description for a social fact.”56 Misrahi
introduces a relatively important element into the identity discussion.
He takes up again the theses of existentialism: it is not the ( Jewish)
essence that precedes ( Jewish) existence, but the reverse. “Being Jewish
is not a matter of belonging to a class of Jewish beings, nor of deploy-
ing within the being a particle of Jewish substance, nor being oneself a
substance or thing whose entire essence is in fact Jewishness.”57 A Jew
is not a thing, he is the wish following due consideration to make him-
self Jewish. But how? “Starting with an initial minimum of Jewishness
(defined by family and past), Jewish man, ever since the Emancipation,
has been constantly sent back into himself by others, at the very time
when he is coming out of himself.”58 The phenomenology of the social
object is applied to the Jew. A Jew is someone who considers himself
Jewish (reflexivity), subject to having family antecedents. Misrahi posits
the affirmation of Jewish identity as the negation of something else,
54
Ibid., p. 75.
55
This concept of “original belonging’ recalls similar concepts in other French
Jewish writings, such as Léon Askénazi’s “evidences that do not require elucidation”
(http://www.manitou.org.il ), the “resistance of Judaism” or “familiar evidence” of
Albert Memmi, the “indeterminate particularity” in Robert Misrahi, the “irreducibil-
ity” of Roger Ikor and the “magical obviousness” described by Alain Finkelkraut.
56
Misrahi (1963: 23).
57
Ibid., p. 251.
58
Ibid., p. 252.
hence the Jew ought first to accept what he has of the universal in
him. Thus, sought out in his individuality, the Jew responds with his
universality. As Misrahi puts it, “The fundamental problem today is
to know whether the Jew is identical to the non-Jew.”59
However, paradoxically, as soon as it is asked, this questioning desta-
bilizes the search for the identical and irremediably attracts attention
to the differences. “For me, the beginning is a negative act if I look for
its meaning in the other. The mirror of my question, the other who
ought to be the friend is surprised, takes a step back, in his turn dis-
tances himself and asks himself, to what purpose? Why my question,
why my thought, why my movement? Friendship should exclude my
question; I deny the friendship from the moment I am determined to
be a Jew, I turn back in on myself and deny I am a non-Jew. In other
words, before even explaining myself (and I must explain myself ), the
Christian, the communist, the democrat, the intellectual all contest
my undertaking in the name of friendship; and me, it’s in the name of
friendship that I undertake it! They perceive a sort of subtle aggression
in what for me is only the expression of confidence and movement of
thought: at the very time that I try to approach them, they feel that I
am distancing myself.”60
Thus, Misrahi poses the Jewish question from the viewpoint of
assimilation as conceived by the non-Jew. “This represents a negation,
an annihilation, and an identification of the minor substance with its
major substance.”61 In other words, Jews efface themselves when they
identify themselves.62 “Beneath the mask of culture and liberty, it was
a matter of the very existence of the Jews.”63
Misrahi’s analysis starts to take shape with the entry of a fourth
person, who joins the non-Jew, the assimilated Jew and the Orthodox
Jew: this is the anti-Semitic Jew, today defined as a self-hating Jew,
a Jew seeking in the hatred for his fellows that freedom that would
provide him with entry to the majority group. Misrahi says that the
anti-Semitic Jew he is afraid “of being irremediably Jewish among the
Jews.”64 In this way, the assimilated Jew provides a mirror image of
59
Ibid., p. 15.
60
Ibid., p. 7.
61
Ibid., p. 27.
62
From the point of view of the orthodox Jew, the question is clear. It is effacement
or elimination through absorption.
63
Ibid., p. 32.
64
Ibid., p. 77.
166 chapter three
the anti-Semitic Jew. “The assimilated Jew “meditates”; he turns on

to himself that attention he had previously addressed to the other and
asks himself quite naturally the radical question, and what about me?
‘And what about me’ means from the viewpoint of the Jew’s thinking
that a possibility exists that his universalism too has a special style,
a concrete form, without real resolution. Just as a Jew can be anti-
Semitic as a Jew, could not he also be quantenus (to use an expression
of Spinoza meaning “in his capacity as” )—cultivated, assimilated, uni-
versal, identical and integrated, but in his capacity as a Jew? Misrahi
concludes that it would be exactly there, in that strange, unresolved
specialness that the ontological status of the French Jew is located. The
assimilated modern Jew has no theoretical or cultural content, and
according to Misrahi is only an “affirmative awareness.”
6. Peut-on être Juif aujourd’hui? [Can you be Jewish today?] (1968)
In the title of his book Roger Ikor asks Can you be Jewish today? 65 He
answers more emotively than rationally. His answer is negative and
the book is a blistering attack, leaving the reader troubled. According
to him the choice lies between assimilation and emigrating to Israel.
The book was written at the height of the crisis that followed Israel’s
Six Day War with Syria, Lebanon, Jordan and Egypt. The Jews of
France were being questioned about dual allegiance. The positions
taken by the Gaullist establishment required them to answer whether
they considered themselves Jews or Frenchmen. They had to decide,
to make a choice and take sides. Many showed their solidarity with
Israel, rediscovered a lost identity and a certain pride. Some became
volunteers in Israel at the time of the Six Day War or in the Yom Kip-
pur War in 1973.66 The question does not only concern the possibility
of being Jewish in the contemporary world. It also involves something
deeper, the very enigma posed by the “Jewish condition”. Ikor asks
himself about this persistence. How is it that I continue, against all
odds and every danger, to identify as a Jew, when it is impossible to
sort out what is Jewish and what is French in me? Ikor considers this
Jewish part to be irreducible, because, as he says, there is no way to
65
Ikor (1968).
66
Cohen, E.H. (1986).
get rid of it. So there is nothing left but to make use of it. The author
does not lay claim to this irreducibility through any herd instinct, or
from religious conviction, or even to conform to some idea of the com-
munity. No, explains Ikor, “what I retain by continuing to lay claim
to my Jewishness is my self-respect, to the extent that it forces me not
to reject those who have made me what I am, not to be ashamed of
myself for being ashamed of them, not to erase from me that part of
my being that is them. Which part? I do not know, and it is irrelevant,
since I know it is irreducible.”67
In other words, he concludes, “I am Jewish because my parents
made me that way, a link in the chain, the last one in a roped together
group. A roped together group that is not connected to the ‘collec-
tive Being’, but rather to the ancestors, to men taken one at a time”.
Beyond this recognition of enduringness, Ikor says a great deal more
about it when he describes the irreducible part of his Jewish being,
the part that refuses assimilation. He refuses to betray those who were
“victims” dressed in the clothes of the “master” or even in those of the
“executioner”. Here we get closest to the question. Identity is neither
a little, internal secret nor what is hidden or buried deep within the
self. The Jewish part of identity for Ikor is that which expresses itself,
presents and indicates. “I cannot accept what disfigures me and erases
their mark.”68 In other words, paradoxically what betrays is what iden-
tifies. This Jewish part of the being is also the ‘weakest’ part, because
the face is the uncovered part of the body and thus never hidden.
Can the Jew escape his exceptional lot? “Will he manage to find
again a normal life of man like the others? That of course without
being obliged to retract. To be what you are without being over-
whelmed by it, to be what you are without others turning that into a
crime or a defect, that is exactly what I call to live normally.”69 For
Ikor the choice was clear, because a Jew must not remain ambiguous.
A religious person should be religious, as Christians are. Others, the
non-observant, must choose between what he calls integration and
nation. If the Jew opts for integration he is first and foremost French.
If he chooses nation, he must choose Israel. “Lastly, I do not see in
either French or Yiddish a term that would let me, an unbeliever,
67
Ikor (1968: 249).
68
Ibid. p. 250.
69
Ibid. p. 135.
168 chapter three
name another Jew in a relevant manner. Compatriot, fellow citizen,

coreligionist, none work. Should I invent a word? That could only be
‘Co-Jew’, which quite frankly acknowledges within its own structure
the complete inability with which we find ourselves to define what is
a Jew; my ‘Co-Jew’ is Jewish like I am, and Jewish is Jewish, that’s
it.”70 However, if the Jew leaves his “portable ghetto”, that does not
mean adopting a pride and identity super-awareness. For Ikor, who
was non-observant but had a heartfelt solidarity with Israel, clear-cut
behavior did not mean assimilation. What characterized “the most
striking change in the Jewish mentality since the war”,71 he wrote,
was the refusal to keep up the Marrano status of the hidden Jew. We
thus understand better the answer offered by Ikor to the question,
“What is a Jew?” that is true for everyone: it is simply a matter of
being yourself.
7. Etre un peuple en Diaspora [To Be a People in Diaspora] (1975)
Written amid the volatility of the 1970s and its extreme left, separatist
and regional movements, Richard Marienstras’ book To Be a People in
Diaspora (published by an extreme left-wing imprimatur) positions Jew-
ish identity in the political debate of the period. Even today it is still
perceived as anti-establishment, and it offers an outlook that remains
up to date. The book’s title, from which the word Jewish is missing,
appears to summarize the author’s thinking. If in fact it is a question of
existence, it is not really of the Jew but of the people in the Diaspora.72
The author argues the case for the primacy of the Diaspora vis-à-vis
the Zionist principle of the centrality of the State of Israel. For him,
when claiming a special or unique identity, Jews are no different from
other minorities living within a greater national unit. He defends the
legitimacy of the identity question. Must all groups of peoples (Gypsies,
Catalans, Basques, Bretons, Indians, Slovenians, Armenians, Jews, in
this second half of the 20th century etc.) be helped to survive and to
continue and accentuate their differences? Yes, replies Marienstras,
because “the wish to live does not have to prove its right to life.”73
70
Ibid., p. 222.
71
Ibid., p. 217.
72
Marienstras (1975).
73
Ibid., p. 61.
Richard Marienstras opens his analysis with a long chapter about

Hitler’s genocide, which created a formative event (or ‘matrix’ event
as Marienstras called it, borrowing a phrase from historian Emmanuel
Leroy Ladurie) around which the unity of the survivors was recon-
stituted.74 This is a consideration of the uniqueness of the Shoah as
compared with other massacres. Was the Shoah unique because of the
scope of industrial means employed? Or was it because it supposed
the total extermination of a people, the final solution? One of the
central points in this reflection is the difficulty, if not sometimes the
impossibility of making others including some Jews understand what
was unique about the Shoah. “For many Jews in fact and for most
other people, the Nazi genocide of Jews was not quantitatively differ-
ent from thousands of other war crimes, which have been commit-
ted in various places.”75 The Shoah made French, Hungarian, Polish,
Romanian and other Jews understand that thinking they were citizens
like any others in their countries was an illusion. Thus by a strange
reversal of events, the Shoah reconstituted the historical unity of the
survivors. This formative ‘matrix’ event holds extreme implications for
the Jewish identity question. Following Emancipation, it seemed that
the time for assimilation had arrived because “. . . affiliation to Juda-
ism (as any religious affiliation) appeared to be a choice made by an
individual or a group, whereas affiliation to the majority culture was
felt to be a destiny. It was inevitable and hence natural to be French,
it was thus artificial to be Jewish.”76 However, in the second half of
the 20th century, following the shock of two world wars, the Shoah,
and the triumph of individualism, society developed in the opposite
way: minority identity became natural, while the majority culture was
74
The preface written by Pierre Vidal-Naquet (1975) to the book Etre un peuple en
Diaspora (Marienstras 1975), emphasizes the uniqueness of Auschwitz. “In the entrance
to the museum the visitor is informed that people of all nations and all religions were
deported here . . . The visitor will clearly quickly realize, because the museum, I repeat,
is an honestly presented documentary collection, that the innumerable papers, luggage
and clothes in glass display cabinets, do not mainly belong to Jean Dupont or Ivan
Popov, even though they too were also here, but to that indefinable yet recognizable
group called “Jews”, and of course to the Gypsies.” A comment that leaves no doubt
about the uniqueness of the Shoah, but which nevertheless leaves hanging a question
mark about Jewish identity itself. Why write Jew in inverted commas? Why is it Jews
that are nicknamed when that is not done for the Gypsies? Could there be some doubt
about the reality of the Jew?
75
Ibid., p. 10.
76
Ibid., p. 93.
170 chapter three
felt to be artificial. It should be noted within this trend that like the
Jews, other various regional movements first felt the sense of national
belonging before moving on to cultural reconstruction.
However, out of this identity work is born confusion and impasse.
“So, when several Jews get together to start off on one of their favorite
occupations, asking themselves who they are, what it is to be Jewish,
what is Judaism and Jewishness, they are in fact seeking to formulate
a definition that would allow creating a whole in which each part, on
the one hand defined with almost legalistic objectivity, would on the
other hand subjectively facilitate recognizing itself within the defini-
tion. This search is entirely contradictory and cannot succeed. It in
fact involves being Jewish according to a double definition: at one and
the same time as a stone is a stone—namely that one has an immu-
table essence wherein the ‘Jewishness’ is embedded—and as a French-
man is French—namely that one has a status defined by convention
and hence arbitrarily.”77 The concern about combining what appears
to be an immutable presence with a status acquired by convention
makes the identity quest become infinite. Using this double set of rules,
the Jew is not defined but rather in search of definition. Marienstras
states that we are Jewish according to a double mimicry: the repeti-
tion of previous Jewish teachings and the repetition of the customs
and language of the host society. The Diaspora Jew thus suffers from
structural imbalance. Each individual takes up the identity question
in the intimacy of his or her own conscience and “now the Jew could
only, in any circumstances, define himself through dialogue with that
which he is not—which is not him in himself, and which is not him
around him”.78 However, Marienstras warns that this internal dialogue
is not without consequences. “What allows us to say ‘us’ is not always
visible or detectable in the gesture or speech, but is no less valuable for
all that.”79 It is just enough that the “hidden will” provides itself with a
name, a form and institutional rules. Marienstras concludes, “Because
it is in the act that one is counted.”80
77
Ibid., p. 50.
78
Ibid., p. 50.
79
Ibid., p. 50.
80
Ibid., p. 52.
8. Le Juif imaginaire [The Imaginary Jew] (1980)
Everyone thinks they know the story of this imaginary Jew: a child
born at the Liberation, whose father, a Polish Jewish leather worker,
was a former deportee to Auschwitz. Yet the child was not trauma-
tized by it, “With Judaism I have received the most beautiful gift a
child could dream of after the genocide. I inherited a suffering that I
had not undergone.”81 Some books are the victims of their title. Thus
The Imaginary Jew became a concept; those who have never read it refer
to it or identify with it, and say that nothing in their Jewishness is real
and that what remains is virtual.
Yet that is not the sole theme of Alain Finkelkraut’s book. The
protagonist of The Imaginary Jew takes advantage of his situation. “It’s
true, from as far back as I can remember, Jewishness was never a
burden for me.”82 He took advantage freely of the moral high ground
that resulted from the suffering of his forefathers. Aware of this trick,
he defined himself and those of his generation in a not very flattering
way. What is Jewish in them is not the aspects they would like to think
of, such as the wisdom, the wandering and the sadness of persecution,
but rather the importance of a “fat baby, overprotected, dolled up,
pampered and talced, right up into old age.”83 This young Jew is more
the object of a protective Jewish mother than someone who has chosen
to be Jewish. Having loudly claimed his origins, the youngster realizes
that it is a sort of lie. The authenticity of origin says nothing for the
authenticity of content. Based on this quid pro quo between these two
authenticities, the exalted young person constructs his existence. Every
lie can be justified and Finkielkraut recalls the intellectual excuses he
gave himself. “I was a well-behaved young Jew, nicely settled in the
comfort of a revolt without dangers and an abstract nomadism, but I
felt no unease. Sartre had given me the wherewithal to feel praisewor-
thy, he had whispered to me the words of my own. Without having
done anything for it, I had come into possession of an amazing history,
and moreover I was entitled to find that difficult! I was enraptured by
my own image, I would immerse myself in a dream to which Réflexions
sur la question juive gave reality a rough and manly face: the thinker of
81
Finkielkraut (1980: 13).
82
Ibid., p. 17.
83
Ibid., p. 22.
172 chapter three
authenticity served my bravado, the man who knew how best to track
down the tricks of bad faith had for a long time authenticated my most
conceited, show-off attitudes. The expert had given his verdict: my
megalomania was shown to be legitimate, because my gestures were
acts and my theater a commitment.”84
Two moments, however, shook up this soft, Jewish ambiguity.
Firstly, the famous, “We are all German Jews!” chanted in the streets
of Paris in 1968 by students from the Sorbonne to Nanterre, destroyed
the harmonious awareness. The young man suddenly understood that
“the role of the just had become accessible to whoever wished to take
it on”85 and it was impossible to treat the others as usurpers without
including himself in that usurpation. The story of this imaginary Jew
is that of a Jew caught between a usurped authenticity and a lost
authenticity. To describe this usurped authenticity, Alain Finkielkraut
speaks of magical evidence, of an eternal decree, and of invisible separation.
The author in this way leads us to believe that the authenticity was
not really usurped so that it would be alien to him. On the contrary,
it is part and parcel of him, and like some family relic it pre-exists
deep within his consciousness. It is fact less a matter of authenticity
than of familiarity. The author thus has to divorce himself from his
double not in order to stop being a Jew, but “so that this identity does
not make me more the landlord of suffering or the official trustee of
absolute justice.”86
Into this beautiful spring landscape the thunderclap of a sum-
mer storm already announces the end of the adventure. The youth
becomes a young man and like everyone else sees the world changing
around him. His parents are getting older, and he understands that
this world he had not known, that had given him suffering and made it
interesting, mysterious and special was in the process of disappearing.
His parents would soon no longer be there to be its guarantors. The
very idea of this absence then made him realize something else that
was missing: evidence that also risked being swallowed up. The world,
history and culture of which his parents were the bearers would then
become a secret. “I now know that once my family will have disap-
peared, I will not be able to resuscitate the culture that in all frankness
84
Ibid., p. 16.
85
Ibid., p. 25.
86
Ibid., p. 44.
I had believed myself to be the heir. Innocent and stylish, I used to

put on Jewishness like a made to measure suit, until the day—late—
when I realized my parents were not immortal. So in fact the world
of which they were the bearers no longer seemed to me a fact, but
rather a secret, with a special, perishable quality, and that I would
never be able to take possession of it.”87 So after a long, subjective
detour, Alain Finkielkraut finally concluded that the question is not
“by what miracle, after what traumatic event, did I become a Jew,
because for longer than I could remember I had always been one. This
is the opposite question of what is at the beginning of the book, how
is it that I have come to miss the Judaism, the country where I thought I
had been born.”88
The reversal is amazing. The imaginary Jew, who had appeared
to be completely shallow and unsettled, abandoned his search for the
Jew and threw himself into the quest for Judaism. But at the same
time, at that point, facts start to look like secrets. The eternal decree,
the one that conferred an inalienable identity had changed its nature.
The facts become a secret, thereby taking away from the individual
all arranging of himself. “Judaism was not only a matter of expression
or personal sincerity.”89
9. La nouvelle question juive [The New Jewish Question] (1979)

and La demeure oubliée: Genèse religieuse du politique
[The Forgotten Home] (1984)
One of Shmuel Trigano’s first works concerning Jewish identity was

The New Jewish Question.90 Vacillating between concepts of “Jewish
existence”, “Jewish awareness” and “Jewish experience”—seen as the
re-appropriation of Jewish history—he writes, “There is no Jewish his-
tory, in the sense that history is a wish, going somewhere, a movement.
The entire future of Jewishness now appears to be being played out-
side of itself: in the look of the other—and it is its alienation because
it is from the other (and what “other”!) that its identity comes—,
in the empire of the other—and it is its servitude, because even in
87
Ibid., p. 209.
88
Ibid., p. 209.
89
Ibid., p. 208.
90
Trigano (1979).
174 chapter three
independence its destiny escapes its will.”91 His answer to ‘the new
Jewish question’ is what he terms the big return, which is Jewishness
taking leave of its exile. In concrete terms it is a matter of the return
to Zion through “the creation of an independent community that is
master of its own life, in which the Jewish idea will be incarnated,
among men, and no longer in the Institution.”92 Trigano refers to both
political Zionism—physical return to the modern State of Israel—and
a metaphysical Zion, representing redemption and the end of Exile.
A few years later, his book The Forgotten Home 93 introduced a new
set of questions. What is the relationship between Western and Jewish
modernity? How to take Jewish studies, the science of Judaism, back
to its roots in order to found a way of thinking “suited to answer the
new conditions of existence of the Jewish people and of awareness in
general”?94 He no longer simply offers Jewish politics as solution, but
rather promotes a way of thinking that would serve as a wake-up call.
Trigano thus changes tools and goes from politics to philosophy, from
the “Jewish question” to the “Jewish fact”. In this approach, the “Jew-
ish fact” is of course conceptualized, it is seen as a totality.
Trigano argues that the reality of the Jewish fact does not come
from its compliance with some outside norm, but from its “recurrence
and internal regularity”. The author explains this expression: “It is the
definition of what we understand by the Jewish universe, the concept
of a differentiated whole, of which the men who appear there are an
integral part, and which even structures their understanding of the
world, whether they want it to or not . . .” Here there is a repetition
of the calls made by Emmanuel Lévinas for the creation of a Jewish
culture produced by a new type of Jewish school, in which the texts
would teach and would no longer be considered “relics or silt from
the past.”95
Trigano takes note of the imperative nature of the Jewish fact, add-
ing to it the idea of totality, which he calls the “pertinence principle”.
This is expressed through various attributes: universal originality, central-
ity, universality, absolute understandability and presence. Two of these five
attributes appear to be essential. Firstly, universal originality, which is the
91
Ibid. p. 22.
92
Ibid. p. 211 et seq.
93
Trigano (1984).
94
Ibid. p. 25.
95
Lévinas (1963: 275).
irreducibility of the Jewish fact into anything else. Then presence, an

immediate of the Jewish fact that facilitates bringing together without
intermediary the archeological look with the prophetic vision. It thus
appears that Trigano is playing the entire question of intelligibility and
the meaning of Jewish history, because “it is a matter of showing at
each juncture the way in which the Jewish fact is present for itself, the
world and the observer.”96
10. Etre Juif: Etude Lévinassienne [Being Jewish] (2003)
Benny Lévy revisits the idea of the Jewish fact based on a consider-
ation Jewish being in a book called, quite literally, Being Jewish. In
this work Lévy starts, like Lévinas, by differentiating Jewish existence
that can only be understood by the past and modern existence that
only sees “the rupture of the present”.97 Lévy thus describes the same
process, only in more graphic terms. “Like a child pulling on a double
knot rather than untying it. To be in the modern world is to tear away
from the past. You tear the string. You cut the knot rather than care-
fully untying it.”98
For Lévy, Jewish history unfolds like this: “the horizon of assimila-
tion is the present, the Jewish horizon is the past.” Once the return of
being has been achieved, it remains to reveal the Jewish fact, which
forces Lévy to make the comment, “A fact cannot turn itself into an
act; it is done, always done. Jewish facticity: I have done well, I am
done, the lot is cast. The Jews are facts. A Jew is done—like a rat—
when he tries to escape the Jewish condition. The only problem is to
catch oneself, not too late, so that the price will not be too high.”99
Lévy noted, “the secret of the Jewish fact lies in the facticity of the
fact. That is Sartre’s starting point. From these first texts he suspects
a Jewish way of being in the world.”100 Sartre’s facticity is neither a
contingency nor a necessity, but a condemnation to freedom.101 Sartre
explains the paradox: “I cannot either totally refrain from what I am
96
Trigano (1984: 28–29).
97
Ibid.
98
Ibid.
99
Ibid.
100
Lévy (1984: 158).
101
Sartre (1943: 569).
176 chapter three
(for the other)—because to refuse is not to refrain, it is to take upon

oneself—nor suffer it passively (which in one sense is the same thing);
in the fury, hatred, pride, shame, the disgusted refusal or joyful claim
I must choose to be what I am.”102
Rereading Lévinas, Lévy concludes that Jewish existence is a radical
antecedence: “The Jewish question is a question produced by modern
thought, by the secularization of Christianity. We are not dealing here
with the Jewish question; it is the universal that is in question. The
universal question signifies the end of the world. The answer is Jewish,
which means that the Jew has anticipated the end of the world.”103
For Lévy, anticipation is a method of survival within the authentic,
within “the perpetuation of eternity” that is celebrated by the Jewish
calendar and liturgy. Lévy adds to his reflections on the Jewish fact a
historical dimension suggested by his reading of Lévinas. “I cannot not
be Jewish. Simple, we are in existing. There is nothing simpler than
existence; yet Jewish existence is differentiated from modern existence.
Jewish existence is a facticity that can only be understood based upon
the past, whereas modern existence can only be understood based
upon the torn shoelace, the rupture of the present. . . . The use made by
Hitler’s anti-Semitism of the racial myth reminded the Jew of relent-
lessness of his being. Not being able to flee his condition—for many
this was a form of dizziness. Through misfortune, because it has been
awoken!”104
By defining Jewish existence as facticity, Lévy picks up Husserl’s
meaning. The word designates the human condition, insofar as man
“is in the world” contingently since he does not choose to exist.105 “He
[Sartre] is perhaps right to question that the Jew has his own essence.
However, if Sartre leaves him a bare existence like all other mortals
and the freedom to make an essence for himself—whether by fleeing
or by accepting the situation created for him—we are entitled to ask
ourselves if the bare existence does not allow for any differentiation. Is
not Jewish ‘facticity’ nothing other than the ‘facticity’ of a world that
is to be understood based upon the present?”
In Jerusalem in January 2001, during his weekly seminar on “Time:
from phenomenology to messianic eschatology” given at the Institute
102
Ibid., p. 586.
103
Lévy (2003a: 26).
104
Lévy (2002).
105
Lalande (1985: 1249) in the supplement “Facticité”.
for Lévinas Studies, Lévy commented on Lévinas’s essay, “Being

Jewish”, which had appeared in 1947 in the journal Confluences. This
“grandfather text”, as Lévy calls it, ought to have remained secret
and therefore not to have appeared in Difficult Freedom. Lévy read it as
one would study a religious text, phrase by phrase, word by word,
and then posits the theory that this text remained in the shadows
because in it one can read the hesitation and even the tug that Lévi-
nas felt between philosophy and Judaism. In fact, Lévy stated, the text
“appears to deconstruct each proposal advanced that year in philo-
sophical writings.”106
In a final anecdote, during a seminar in July 2003 given by Bernard-
Henri Lévy at the Institute for Lévinas Studies, the theme selected was,
“In what way am I Jewish?” This topic so intrigued the public that
Benny Lévy, the director of the Institute, explained the choice by say-
ing that his two friends, Bernard-Henri Lévy and Alain Finkielkraut,
took so much pleasure making fun of his religious orthodoxy that he
had issued a challenge to Bernard-Henri Lévy and called on him to
answer the question, “In what way are you Jewish?” Bernard-Henri
Lévy accepted the challenge and firstly read out a long text,107 and then
patiently replied to a large number of questions. He firstly explained
that he had not been victim either of a mystical crisis, an initiation
event or a trauma brought on by anti-Semitism. No, “this Jew has
come to Judaism by a completely different process, which has nothing
to do with that—he came to Judaism after what I will call a thought
event.”108 This thought event has a name, God’s Testament, in which
he develops four basic themes: Totalitarianism, History, Evil and the
Subject, which structure his philosophy that is thus translated by a
refusal of historical optimism, progressivism, and great suspicion of
nationalisms and ideologies of roots. This response is interesting and
even exciting, but we have brought it here in order to position the
context of our account. In fact, in the final analysis it is a small phrase
stated in the middle of explanations and philosophical theories that
state best the “In what way am I Jewish?” of Bernard-Henri Lévy and
doubtless of many French Jews (or not): “I am Jewish by this invisible
pact that connects me to Jews throughout the world; Jewish despite
106
Lévy (2002).
107
See the chapter Comment je suis juif ? [In what way am I Jewish?] in Lévy, B-H.
(2004).
108
Lévy, B-H. (2004: 395).
178 chapter three
everything, Jewish despite myself, Jewish before having been, Jewish

without being it and Jewish after having been it; Jewish today and
Jewish by my philosophy.”109
11. The Oral Tradition
Finally, we cannot close this chapter on the identity question without

mentioning the oral tradition. Speech in fact plays a decisive role in
Judaism. It is not only a tool of communication, but above all is made
for listening and thereby constitutes a teaching tool. Since speech has
educational properties, the identity discussion is also carried out here.
What we will call identity teaching methods was practiced by men
such as Robert Gamzon (Castor), Itzhak Pougatsh,110 Paul Roitman,111
Edgard Guedj,112 and of course Léon Askénazi (Manitou).
109
Ibid., p. 413.
110
Isaac Pougatch was born in Kiev, where he escaped the 1905 pogrom. A year
later he found refuge in Switzerland and settled in Geneva. During the Second World
War, he ran a farm-school for Jewish children in the Tarn & Garonne department.
He returned to Geneva at the end of 1942 and looked of Jewish refugee children in
Switzerland. After the war he ran the training school at Plessis-Trevisse, and then
was the creator of the children’s magazine “Ami”. He died in 1987. Inter alia, read
Pougatch (1980).
111
Paul Roitman was born in 1920 in Tarnow, Poland. While still a child his
family settled in Metz. Towards the age of 14 he was active in the religious Zionist
youth movement (Bahad—Brit Halutzim Dati’im). At 18 Paul Roitman was active in
the Zionist Youth Federation at the national level and pro-Palestinian [ Jewish]. When
war broke out he took refuge in Bordeaux, but he was eventually arrested by the SS
during a mission and deported to the Drancy camp in 1942. Freed by miracle, he
returned to the Tarn area to help Jewish families living in hiding. A few months after
the Liberation, he settled in Paris. He gave up medical school for the Rabbinical Col-
lege. He then became involved in Jewish education and militancy among the youth.
In particular youth from North Africa who were arriving in France at that time.
112
Guedj Edgard. Originally from Algeria, he settled first in Morocco and then in
France. He was an administrator and educationalist, contributed to the development
of youth movements in Morocco by dreating the Educational Department for Jewish
Youth (DEJJ), which grew considerably up until the 1960s. Following his immigration
in France he helped set up community centers in the major cities. To develop the
cultural and educational side of the FSJU, he transplanted the DEJJ to France to help
in the integration the young members of families that recently settled in the country.
12. Robert Gamzon (Castor)
Robert Gamzon113 was born in Paris in 1905. He founded the first

Jewish scouts troop, which in 1923 became the Eclaireurs Israélites de
France, the Jewish Scouts of France. He was an officer in the French
Army in 1939–1940, and reorganized the Jewish scouts in the Free
Zone following France’s defeat by Germany 1940. In January 1942 he
was appointed to the Committee of the General Union of the Jews in
France (UGIF).114 In the summer of 1942 he set up an underground
network to save Jews from the Gestapo. In May 1943 he went to
Paris where he organized the activities of the Jewish Resistance. In
December of that year, using the code name “Lieutenant Lagnes”, he
set a maquis unit in the Toulouse region [the maquis were the French
anti-Nazi partisans]. The following year the network, which was well
trained, equipped and associated with the French Forces of the Inte-
rior (FFI), was made up of 120 combatants. On August 19, 1944, the
unit of the Jewish Scouts commandeered a munitions train of the Ger-
man Army and two days later took part in the liberation of the towns
of Castres and Mazamet. In 1946 Robert Gamzon set up the Gil-
bert Bloch d’Orsay School (Ecole d’Orsay). In 1949 he settled in Israel
together with a group of fifty Jewish scouts.
The teachings of Robert Gamzon do not pose the Jewish identity
question theoretically. A small booklet entitled Tivliout115 (Hebrew for
harmony) written at the end of the War and published in 1945 for
the Jewish Scouts of France dealt above all with generating educa-
tional activities and the bases for Jewish sociability in the Jewish Scouts
of France (EIF) movement.116 Even though the style was essentially
113
For the life of Robert Gamzon see Pougatch (1971).
114
By the law of November 29, 1941 the Vichy regime created the Union Générale des
Israélites de France, the General Union of the Jews of France. Set up within the office of
the Commissioner General for Jewish Questions, the UGIF’s mandate was to repre-
sent the Jews to the authorities. For the role of the UGIF, see Laffitte (2003).
115
Gamzon (1945).
116
Eclaireurs et Eclaireuses, Israélites de France (E.E.I.F.) ( Jewish Boy Scouts and Girl
Guides of France). During the summer of 1922, when visiting a camp of Protestant
Unionist scouts, Gamzon had the idea of creating a specifically Jewish scout move-
ment. This young Parisian, aged only seventeen, set up a first troop, whose “official”
inauguration took place on February 4, 1923. The growth of the movement was very
fast. In 1924 a first pack (for children aged eight to eleven) was set up in Paris, fol-
lowed in 1925 by a second troop, and in 1926 by a section of Girl Guides. From 1927
the movement ceased to be restricted to Paris with the creation of troops in Tunis,
Oran, Mulhouse and Strasbourg. Within a short time the Jewish Scouts became the
180 chapter three
educational, various basic principles can be elicited. In first place

came, as the booklet’s title indicated, harmony. Robert Gamzon,
under his scouting pseudonym Castor, provided a quick but very per-
ceptive definition of harmony. He believed the principle of harmony
to be essential in Judaism. “You have to live materially to love God;
life and happiness depend upon this love; the just reside within this
harmonious cycle. This happy life is possible, it suffices to follow the
law God has given us and which has been made us, men”.117
Thus at the end the Second World War and following one of the
greatest catastrophes to befall the Jewish people, Gamzon gave back
the hope of a full and happy life, and describes the Jewish people as
“the sum in space and time of all its children.”118 If we had to select
two terms to summarize the teaching of Robert Gamzon, we would
choose Harmony and Permanence. These two principles combined
are perhaps the key to the social life of the French Boy Scouts and
Girl Guides, which among themselves and in their actions they call the
“shared minimum”. A minimum to ensure being able to live together
(harmony) and to follow the rules of the past (permanence).
13. Léon Askénazi (Manitou)
Léon Askénazi was born in 1922 in Oran, Algeria, where his father
was Chief Rabbi, and was well known within the Jewish community
by his scouting pseudonym, Manitou. He was one of the key people in
the reconstruction of the Jewish community in France after the Second
World War. Manitou spent his life teaching. Those who attended his
lessons attested to the theoretical and conceptual richness of his think-
ing. Serious thought, but not free of humor. Manitou liked to play
with language, manipulating Hebrew and French, making original
meanings and concepts emerge. Thus like the Sages of tradition who
“did not break the connection between the thought and the words
that express it”119 Askénazi throughout his life developed a special rela-
tionship with the language in order to maintain intelligible and trans-
community’s largest youth movement. In 1930 it already had 1,200 members, reach-
ing 2,500 prior to the outbreak of WWII. See Orjekh (2001); Michel (2003).
117
Gamzon (1945: 10).
118
Ibid., p. 35.
119
Askénazi (1999: 28). See also Askénazi (2005).
missible thought. He liked quoting the Talmudic dictum, “the Torah

speaks in the language of Men. It is the certainty of this evidence that
alone can turn the thought of a Jew into Jewish thought. It is then of
little importance in what language it is stated, as long as it is still able
to speak of the Torah in terms of salvation, at a time when the world
needs the teachings of Israel.”120
Among many other endeavours, Askénazi—Manitou—ran the
Gilbert Bloch d’Orsay School (Ecole d’Orsay) between 1950 and 1959.
In 1967 he made the decision to settle in Israel, in Jerusalem, where
he lived until his death in 1996. A route from Oran to Jerusalem via
Paris, exemplified what he called a mutation of identity, “I was born
an Algerian Jew—though a French citizen—and throughout the entire
first part of my life, which took place in Algeria up until the Second
World War, I was known, without paying too much attention to such
definitions, as a Frenchman from Algeria of the Jewish religion. The
second part of my life—after the War—took place in France, where I
discovered the vast, sociological complexity of the Jewish people and
its history, when I encountered Ashkenazi Jewry (I am a Sephardi by
origin). The third part of my life is taking place in Israel, as an Israeli.
Thus it is a special style, an example of the mutation of identity that
in our time changes the Jewish People into a Hebrew Nation, or more
precisely, transforms a Jew into an Israeli.”121
In a way, this identity mutation formed the spinal column of Mani-
tou’s set of problems. However, this mutation is not the simple effect of
identity and geographic moves. It is supported and maintained within
a tradition, a history. For Askénazi this history took the form of a
text that is not merely current, but is a permanent revelation of iden-
tity. “Those who are familiar with the historical narrative of the Bible
know that when the Bible brings us a story from our ancestors, it is
not in order to tell us what existed in a past understood and desired
as a bygone past, but to tell us about problems with our profoundest
identity, as happens from the first occasion in history, so as to be that
man that the Bible calls Israel. Whatever the index of the cultural
period in which we are living, it is always this existence, this way of
being that is in play in our history.”122
120
Askénazi (1999: 28).
121
http://www.manitou.org.il/.
122
Askénazi (1999: 28).
182 chapter three
We should note a lesser known side of Askénazi’s contribution,

namely his penchant for sociology. He tried throughout his career to
truly understand the collective situation of the Jews at a given time and
specific place. He thus became fond of defining key concepts, thereby
making intelligible the analysis of the collective situation of the fact of
being Jewish.123 An example of the definitive remarks that during a
thought he inserts into his articles, “Since the time of Abraham, Israel
was destined for dispersion, foreseen not in the form that we have
lived it, but rather in the form of a vocation, a function (in italics in the
original ). A function is a vocation on a group scale, which perhaps at
the individual level is unconscious; it only becomes a vocation when
the person as individual is required by circumstances to be clearly
aware of it.”124
There is a recurrent theme in Manitou’s work, namely the compos-
ite nature of Jewish identity, “Wherever they are, Jews assume their
own being when they gather and don the ways of man, of all times
and all places.”125 Summarizing this attitude, he emphasizes, “Jew-
ish identity is a mixed identity. There has never been “Jew”; there
has only been a Jewish-someone else.126 It is a composite identity, of
several different aspects”.127 The same year, taking up the same idea,
Manitou summarized it in a lapidary formulation, “We have been the
Jewish-all of mankind”.128
123
See the chapters “La communauté juive traditionnelle” originally written in
1948, (Askénazi 2005: 241); “La notion de communauté”, originally written in 1961
(ibid., p. 237) and “De l’identité juive à la communauté”, written in 1963 (ibid., p. 247).
124
See the chapter “Golah d’Ismaël et golah d’Edom” [“Exile of Ishmael and exile
of Edom”], written in 1963, (ibid., p. 62).
125
“Le visage français de l’universel humain” [“The French face of the universal
man”], written in 1966, (ibid., p. 58).
126
The original idea is of hyphenated identity, namely “Jewish-someone else” and
also “Jewish-all of mankind”.
127
“L’identité d’un peuple” [“The identity of a people”], written in 1984, in ibid.,
p. 142.
128
“Les porteurs de l’unité” [“The bearers of unity”], written in 1984, ibid.,
p. 290.
CHAPTER FOUR
REFLECTIONS AND CONCLUSIONS ON THE JEWS OF

FRANCE AT THE TURN OF THE THIRD MILLENIUM
The Jewish population of France is experiencing a major transforma-

tion; yet another chapter of change in their long, rich and sometimes
difficult history. Studying the French Jewish community at this junc-
ture in its history and witnessing the changes firsthand is fascinating
and exciting. In this book I have endeavored to draw a picture of
the “Jewish fact” in France at the turn of the millennia, based on
empirical studies analyzed within the historical, political, philosophi-
cal and cultural context. At the same time, it may be acknowledged
that the observation of Jewish reality is not neutral, particularly if the
observer is Jewish. As a researcher, I also understand the culture from
within, having been raised in a Jewish family in France and educated
in the public school system through university. Since making Aliyah in
1973, I have closely observed the situation in France and its Jewish
community with both professional and personal interest. The issues
explored in this book are of primary concern not only to French Jews,
but by extension to both Jewish world at large and to Europe. They
relate to the large projects of nation-building and integration, and the
development of personal and social identities within a rapidly chang-
ing socio-political environment. To speak of Jewish identity is to speak
of social production and individuality in respect to social structures,
and to say, in the words of Pierre Bourdieu, that “habitus is socialized
subjectivity”.1
The principle of the existence of the Jews of France is based upon
socialized subjectivity. Shmuel Trigano, in L’avenir des Juifs de France
[The future of the Jews of France], describes it as a double impasse: “On
the one hand not to leave citizenship or disassociate oneself from the
1
Bourdieu (1992: 101). Bourdieu (1971: 183) defined ‘habitus’ as: “A system of last-
ing, transposable dispositions which, integrating past experiences, functions at every
moment as a matrix of perceptions, appreciations, and actions and makes possible the
achievement of infinitely diversified tasks, thanks to analogical transfers of schemes
permitting the solution of similarly shaped problems.”
184 chapter four
nation; on the other hand not to take advantage of the representa-

tion of the Jews committed to a communal life.”2 For Trigano, if one
of the terms in this equation changes, the entire existence of French
Jews is put into question. Socio-political analyses sometimes envisage
catastrophic scenarios. The approach of this book seeks to be differ-
ent and considers that irrespective of changes in the socio-political
environment in which individuals develop, they remain subject to the
rules of social logic.
1. Jews and Israélites
One of the most profound and at the same time perplexing findings
concerns the shifting uses and understandings of the terms “Jew” and
“Israélite”. The complexity of the issue became apparent to me when
I prepared to give a short lecture on use of the two terms; I realized that
it was almost impossible to explain current use of the terms based on
prior definitions. Someone employing the term “Israélite” is no longer
necessarily a non-religious, assimilated Jew, and the “Jew” is no longer
the subject and object of an institutional “communitarianism”.
After great consideration, I would advance a theory that those who
identify as “Jew” (an increasing proportion of the population) cor-
respond to the type which once was called “Israélite”, an assimilated
Judaism focused on the general society, while those actively practic-
ing a Jewish life built around religious and cultural traditions employ
a dual definition of “Jew and Israélite”. Does use of the dual term
“Jew and Israélite” represent adoption of a strategy of double identi-
fication representing the fundamental principle so dear to the Count
de Clermont-Tonnerre, limiting the Jew to the private sphere while
placing the Israélite in the public domain? If so, it may be that those
using both terms call themselves “Jew” within their community and
“Israélite” to the outside.
The generally accepted meanings and definitions do not explain the
complexity of the social phenomena. If the two terms are opposed to
each other, the duality does not leave much room for nuances. The
term Israélite would be the expression of the Judaism of the Consistory,
born in the 19th century, a faith practiced at the individual level,
2
Trigano (2006: 304).
reFLections and conclusions on the jews of france 185
without any group identification while the self-definition of Jew is the

expression of a collective cultural Judaism. Yet, the double term “Jew
and Israélite” is not what one might have thought at first glance, the
sign of a hesitant approach to identity. On the contrary, it denotes a
strong identity, irrespective of the parameters selected to account for
Jewishness. If the reality hiding behind the two terms is vague, the
duality nonetheless gives them a heuristic strength. The Jew—Israélite
identity pair has important implications for the research into the Jews
of France.
2. A Behavioral Approach: From Core to Periphery
While a typology of French Jewry based upon self-identification is

instructive in terms of expressing identity, it is nonetheless insufficient
for the reality and practice covered by the terms Jew and Israélite.
Such a typology, based upon a self-definition of the individual, says
almost nothing about the feelings, knowledge or behavior associated
with each identity choice. One could define oneself as a Jew and be
completely assimilated, or be very observant and choose the term
Israélite. Actual behavior has to be studied, measured and reported,
to see what lies behind the three terms, “Jew”, “Israélite” and “Jew
and Israélite”. Therefore, a large part of this study took a behavioral
approach, considering a set of voluntary, individual practices that vary
on a scale of intensity and frequency.
The behavioral analysis found that self-defined “Jews” and “Israélites”
are similar: the two groups display almost the same identity behaviors
and practices. They do not emphasize their differences from French
society. There is no process of ‘communitarization’ or withdrawal. Both
seem to have adopted the Consistory approach. We thus encounter a
paradox: those who chose each of the two ‘opposed’ terms of identifi-
cation resemble each other, while those who don’t make a choice, that
is, those who use both terms, are distinctive.
A behavioral approach has the advantage of stipulating the methods
of identity affirmation. Religious or cultural behavior is an excellent
identity marker, facilitating grasping the identification process. Obser-
vance of religious rituals is experienced as a way of setting oneself
apart. That is the essence of the laws and dictates of kashrut. From a
religious point of view, they are perceived as rites whose function in
Judaism is to delineate difference. Pierre Bourdieu notes that what is
186 chapter four
important with a rite is not the passage but rather the line it creates,
“thereby consecrating the difference”.3 At the same time, behavior
alone cannot tell us about the exact form of identification of individu-
als, nor can it explain their social aspects. The manner of identification
provides meaning to individual practices by placing them within the
logic of the reference group. The relationship between practice and
identity is the relationship between the individual and the group. To
identify oneself is to accept the choice of individual practices, which is
an individual, voluntary decision, and is part of the social context.
Based upon experience and empirical knowledge of behavior,
researchers coined another term, that of the “Yom Kippur Jew”. This
expression has enjoyed much success. It reflects what happens on the
Day of Atonement, when suddenly the synagogues, little visited during
the year, fill up to the point that there is no space left and overflow
services have to be organized in borrowed or rented halls. It should
be emphasized that the term “Yom Kippur Jew” does not indicate
“point zero” in the expression of French Jewish identity. Benny Lévy
said that if the Yom Kippur Jew is fully assimilated into modernity,
the return to the community on Yom Kippur nonetheless marks the
core of his or her identity.4 For Lévy, the Yom Kippur Jew is not an
atheist, or as he prefers to call it a “negative Jew”. In fact, the Yom
Kippur Jew also combines the two dimensions of Jew and Israélite,
but at the end of the behavioral spectrum with little daily practice or
community participation. The expression “Yom Kippur Jew” evokes
a sort of religious, denominational Judaism, which leaves aside secular
and cultural aspects of Jewish life. It suggests a characterization of the
Jews of France by the frequency of their institutional contacts: the
core-to-periphery approach described by Annie Kriegel and upheld
by the data on participation in Jewish settings. This facilitates locating
commitment in relation to intensity of contacts.
As we saw, the scale of communal participation is highly revealing
of the religious and cultural practices of France’s Jews. A clear cor-
relation exists between level of attendance at communal institutions
and level of religious or cultural practice. For the sociologist, what
is essential is what is missing. Interest is drawn to the meaning of
the intensity of identity practices. For the time being, this approach,
3
Bourdieu (2001: 176).
4
Lévy, Brenner, & Finkielkraut (2003).
following Kriegel, considers communal practice to be voluntary, with-

out the permanence of a perpetual commitment.
3. Values and the Axiological Typology
Although the behavioral approach described above characterizes

identity related behaviors such as marriage patterns, ritual observance
and community participation, it does not explain why individuals or
groups behave as they do. Many questions remain unanswered, such as
why some groups observe religious or cultural rules more than others.
It was shown that those who identified themselves as both “Jew and
Israélite” display more identity related behaviors such as endogamy,
keeping kosher, etc. and tend to be closer to the communal core than
those choosing only one of the identity labels. Why is this so? What is
the engine of identity behavior?
Explanation of behavior is made, according to Icek Ajzen and Mar-
tin Fishbein’s Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA)5 by observing atti-
tude and subjective norms that interfere with choices. An attitude is
thus made up of the favorable or unfavorable assessment of an indi-
vidual’s behavior. The subjective norm is the pressure exerted by the
surroundings on an individual’s decision, to behave in one way or
another. This norm depends to a large extent on the reference groups
with which the individual identifies and which provide the values sys-
tem underlying his or her attitude.
Taking into account the connection between attitudes, values and
behaviors, the typology of values and its four profile categories of
French Jews may help enrich the discussion of the dual Jew-Israélite
identity. The demographics and attitudes represented by each of the
four profiles tell us much about the nature and evolution of the French
Jewish community and help explain the manners of identification and
behavior identity. As discussed, the Jewish population of France may
be positioned along two axes: a political one, Heteronomy / Auton-
omy, which has to do with collective life in an organized group, and
a social axis, Altruism / Egoism, understood as the nature of relations
with others. These have allowed us to define four profiles: Individual-
ists, Universalists, Traditionalists and Revivalists.
5
Fishbein & Ajzen (1975).
188 chapter four
It seems that the older generation of heads of French Jewish house-

holds tend to be either Traditionalists or Individualists, while the
younger household heads tend to be either Universalists or Reviv-
alists. These profiles may reflect Azria’s observation that modernity
produced two apparently inverse results: the decline of religion and
its simultaneous reactivation in the form of new modalities.6 Like the
older Traditionalists, young Revivalists are religiously observant, but
they have integrated into French society to a greater degree and at the
same time Israel plays a relatively larger role in their Jewish identity.
They represent a bridge between the traditional religious value system
and the secular Republican value system alongside an intimate con-
nection with Israel.
Among the less observant pair, the older cohort tends to be Individ-
ualists while the younger cohort tends to be Universalists, an interest-
ing ideological and attitudinal difference. The former stresses personal
success and the interests of the individual as opposed to the collec-
tive. The latter stresses personal freedom and enjoyment, embracing
a global (or perhaps more accurately in this case French Republican)
worldview, as opposed to a particular Jewish worldview.
These axiological profiles help explain the manners of identifica-
tion and identity behaviors. For example, those who correspond to
the attitude poles of Autonomy and Egoism are most likely to dis-
tance themselves from the community’s institutions. It would appear
that the importance accorded to money, appearances, sport, vacations
and friends among these profiles does not encourage involvement in
French Jewish communal institutions. On the other hand, those who
accept the principle of authority, who subject themselves to an exter-
nal norm (heteronomy), for whom what is essential is faith in God,
6
“Traditionally, on the one hand we specify an array of knowledge inherited from
the past, accumulated over the centuries and handed down to our days in the form of
written and oral teachings. On the other hand, there is the whole array of practices
comprising gestures, rites, customs and beliefs, also handed down from one genera-
tion to the other. Jewish observance: a religious definition which will by necessity be
restrictive and normative. For the purposes of the restrictive definition, Jewish obser-
vance can be summarized as the practice of the religious prescriptions contained in
the Law (halakha) whereby the specific modalities for their implementation have been
laid down by acknowledged rabbinical authorities, for the time and place in question,
and by custom (minhag), a more or less extensive and non-normative definition. It
recognizes as Jewish observance any gesture, behavior, attitude, social practice, which
is part of the group’s culture, indicative of Jewish affiliation, identity, and specificity,”
Azria (1991: 63).
respect for parents, and family, are the most numerous within the core
of the community.
The importance that Universalists accord Autonomy tells much
about their flexible relationship with the rules of Jewish tradition. The
desire for autonomy marks an assimilationist trend. Universalists pre-
fer to do what suits them, rather than what the tradition tells them
to do. They are disinclined to keep kashrut with all the limitations that
it involves: the overwhelming majority of Universalists never or very
rarely keeps kosher at home. Similarly, they are more likely to marry
non-Jews. Their behavior is the inverse of those who advocate tradi-
tional values (belief in God, respect for parents, the family), and who
mainly keep kosher and marry Jews.
Considering the profiles of the axiological typology in relation to
the two classic terms of identification, it was found Traditionalists
and Revivalists were relatively more likely to use the dual term, while
Individualists and especially Universalists preferred the single self-
definition of “Jew”. Contrary to what one might have thought from
the previous connotations associated with the term “Jew”, this manner
of self-definition is widespread among Universalists and Individualists,
who demonstrate largely assimilated behavior and who embrace the
values of French society.
4. Youth and Education
Currently, less than half of French Jewish school children attend pub-
lic schools. This is highly significant, as public school is one of the fun-
damental cornerstones of French society, one of the setting in which
Republican values are most effectively transmitted. In the past, to send
one’s children to a parochial school bordered on betrayal.
However, the story is far from simple. Sixty percent of Jewish
children attend private schools, but only 30% attend private Jewish
schools. The other third go to private Catholic schools.7 This shock-
ing finding says much about the state of educational affairs and rep-
resents one unanticipated strategy of adaptation to the new cultural
landscape in France. The public schools, particularly in certain areas,
7
This data was found in the follow-up survey I conducted in 2007 among 980
French Jewish heads of household. The figure was quoted by Lefkovits (2004).
190 chapter four
have become unpleasant and even dangerous for Jewish students. A

ten-year old girl we interviewed talked about her brother being called
a ‘dirty Jew’, of threats and attacks by youth gangs near the school-
yard, of carrying pepper spray to protect himself. The newspapers are
full of similar stories. There has been a self-defensive withdrawal of
one’s children from such an environment. This problem is not anec-
dotal: in an official report submitted in 2005 Jean-Pierre Obin, Inspec-
tor General of the French Ministry of Education declared the situation
“extremely grave” and that “It is in effect, under our eyes, a stupefying
and cruel reality: in France, Jewish children—and they are alone in
this case—can no longer be educated in just any school.” (because of
anti-Semitic acts).8
It is clear why Jewish parents may pull their children out of public
schools: but why do so many opt for Catholic schools over Jewish ones?
Part of the answer is logistical. There is simply not enough space in
Jewish schools. It is true that the Jewish educational system in France
has increased manifold and has diversified over the past few decades,
but it is still not sufficient for the growing need. In some places, where
the Jewish population is low, there are no Jewish schools at all. In
places with high Jewish population, registration is effectively closed.
Starting new schools is time-consuming, costly and cumbersome. In
the meantime, many parents have elected to send their children to
private Catholic schools. These schools are widely available, academi-
cally strong, and are openly competing with the public schools for
new students. They have welcomed Jewish students, adopting a ‘soft’
approach to religious studies (allowing Jewish students to skip prayers,
and not making any attempt to convert them). In the absence of a
practical Jewish option, these schools may be seen as preferable to the
public schools; a strong statement in itself.
However, a clear difference was found in the characteristics of Jew-
ish heads of household with children in private Jewish and Catholic
schools. A third of those with children in Catholic schools are inter-
married. Overall, they resemble the parents whose children go to pub-
lic school. They are significantly less traditional than the parents who
send their children to private Jewish schools: they are less likely to
keep kosher, participate less frequently in Jewish community institu-
tions, etc.
8
http://www.nytimes.com/2006/03/26/international/26antisemitism.html.
Education, as mentioned above, is an excellent viewpoint from

which to observe a community. Tracking trends and changes in school
choice among France’s Jews is an important indicator of the situation
in the Jewish community and in the public schools.
5. Symbolic Departure
This withdrawal from the public school system is one symptom of a

larger ‘symbolic departure.’ The outbreak of violent anti-Semitism in
France which erupted along with the second Intifada in Israel took many
Frenchmen, Jewish and non-Jewish alike, by surprise. Yet the warn-
ing signs were there, and had in fact been noted by myself and others
intimately familiar with the political and historical context of French
Jewry.9 This resurgent anti-Semitism, along with the media portrayal
and government response to the ongoing Arab-Israeli conflict has led
to a level of alienation and insecurity among French Jews.
As a result, we are witnessing a kind of symbolic departure of the
Jews from France. Indeed, a rising number are considering the possi-
bility that their future, or their children’s future, may not be in France.
Aliyah rates are climbing. Travel to Israel is so common as to be virtu-
ally universal and seems, particularly among the younger generation,
to represent a sort of intermediary step or trial period for potential
Aliyah. Within France, involvement with local Jewish communities has
intensified, despite enduring Republican values which discourage such
“dual loyalties.”
The symbolic departure of Jews of France is far from the type of
mass exodus witnessed among the Jews of the former Soviet Union or
the Muslim nations of North Africa. Most French Jews are remaining
in France. However, the French society to which they so successfully
acculturated is changing rapidly, and the Jews, like their non-Jewish
French compatriots, must find ways to adapt to the new situation.
In her preface my book on Jewish education in France, Kriegel
wrote, “. . . under the shock of external and internal events and at the
end of a process full of hesitancy, circumvolutions, and rebounds,
as soon as this community began to reconstruct itself following the
Holocaust, it largely cut itself off from what was its destiny—that is,
9
Such as Trigano (2006).
192 chapter four
to slowly, inexorably, and inexcusably blend among the mass of the

French nation. We accorded this a metaphorical significance, for
the concept of community became charged with a reality that was
enriched, structured and much more stable than we believed possible.”10
Two decades afterwards, it seems that this prediction has been largely
confirmed.
6. Possible Implications of the Research and Analysis
In addition to their sociological interest and importance, the data and

analyses presented in this book have policy implications for the con-
temporary French Jewish community. The purpose of this chapter is
not to make specific policy recommendations, but rather to locate the
main issues that on the basis of my research, I concluded should be
considered by community leaders and policy makers. The empirical
data in this book may be used to inform the necessarily sophisticated
process of policy-making which involves the decision-makers, leaders
and policy researchers of the local community and is guided by a given
agenda and direction.
6.1. Frequency of Visits to Israel

As we saw, a large percentage of French Jews visit Israel on a very reg-
ular, even yearly, basis. Clearly, this information is helpful in under-
standing the character of French Jewry, particularly in comparison to
other Diaspora populations which do not visit Israel in equal numbers
or with equal frequency. The rate of visitation to Israel has a number
of policy implications. Lay and professional leaders in local French
Jewish communities may find that during vacation times a significant
percentage of their constituency is in Israel. In order to plan appropri-
ately, leaders and decision-makers should take note of whether a large
number of their community members are absent during vacations,
how many are regular visitors to Israel, and who remains at home
during the vacations. It may be that major campaigns and community
activities need be planned for other times of the year, when the vaca-
tioners have returned home. Activities conducted during the vacation
10
Cohen, E.H. (1991: 12–13).
months may need to be tailored for a subpopulation of the community

which is less likely to be visiting Israel. This may include the elderly,
those whose occupations do not allow for frequent trips to Israel, and/
or those with a less strong attachment to Israel.
Additionally, a community may choose to partner with organiza-
tions and institutions in Israel in order to offer activities (i.e. seminars,
workshops, Shabbat gatherings, etc.) specifically for French Jews. These
activities may be designed to also strengthen the local community in
France. In general, the activities and policies of the French Jewish
community should take into account the strong attachment of French
Jews to Israel.
6.2. Caring for the Elderly and Socially Isolated Individuals in the Community
My survey of French Jewry found that a third of the heads of French
Jewish households live alone. These are primarily elderly people, espe-
cially those who are widowed or divorced. Given demographic trends,
it may be assumed that this population will continue to increase. These
individuals are often socially isolated and disconnected from the com-
munity. The tragedy which befell France during the summer of 2002,
when thousands of elderly who lived alone died during a heat wave,
revealed the crucial importance of addressing the issue of caring for
the elderly and socially isolated. No less than for society as a whole,
this presents a major challenge to the French Jewish community.
Public and highly visible campaigns often bypass the needs of this
population. The work needed on their behalf is often virtually invis-
ible. However, this work touches on core values of the French Jewish
community (parents, family, caring for others). There are numerous
alternatives—organizing volunteers to visit the elderly in their homes,
hiring professional social workers, founding a community center with
activities specifically organized for the elderly with the necessary out-
reach to those who live alone. Community leaders and policy mak-
ers need to consider the best ways for their particular community to
address this growing issue.
6.3. Jewish Students in Catholic Schools

The survey found that approximately a third of French Jewish students
attend Jewish day schools and some 40% attend non-denominational
public schools. The remaining 30% are enrolled in other private
194 chapter four
schools, predominantly Catholic. That such a significant portion of

French Jewish children are being educated in religious, non-Jewish
settings is a surprising finding of this study, with profound and far-
reaching implications. Jewish leaders and educators must assess the
extent of this phenomenon within their own communities and decide
what course of action (if any) to take in order to address it. Is there a
need for expansion of the Jewish day school system? Is there a desire
for a wider variety of Jewish day schools (i.e. for various levels of reli-
giosity)? Are there problems of anti-Semitism in the public schools
which the Jewish community may address? Are the Jewish community
leaders and institutions going to try to discourage the enrollment of
Jewish children in non-Jewish private schools, and if so, how?
6.4. The Decline of Informal Education

For the past two decades there has been a steady decline in the extent
and impact of informal Jewish educational settings (youth movements,
summer camps, etc.) in France. In part, this decline is the result of
previous policy decisions. The budget for the entire network of infor-
mal Jewish educational settings in France is less than the budget of a
single Jewish day school. However, Jewish day schools are reaching
only a third of Jewish students. Informal and extra-curricular activi-
ties provide settings to reach a wider segment of the youth popula-
tion. For those who do not attend Jewish day schools, such informal
settings may be the primary or only Jewish education they receive.
Informal activities are equally important for those who are day school
students, adding an essential affective dimension to their Jewish educa-
tion. There is a wealth of research in Jewish Diaspora communities
around the world attesting to the importance and strength of informal
education.11
It should be stressed that it is not necessary to take an either/or
approach: a community may decide to simultaneously strengthen the
formal and informal educational systems, prioritizing and compro-
mising as necessary given budgetary and logistical restrictions. There
are numerous ways informal Jewish educational settings may be
11
See among many others Ackerman (1986); Chazan (1991); Cohen & Schmida
(1997); Cohen, E.H., (1992, 2008); Cohen & Horenczyk (1999); Kahane (1997) Lorge
& Zola (2006); Reisman (1990).
strengthened, including training counselors who may become future

community leaders, encouraging participation in group tours to Israel,
revitalizing youth movements, organizing summer day and sleep-away
camps, etc. Local leaders and policy makers may determine which
particular forms of informal education are most appropriate for their
community.
6.5. Endogamy/Exogamy
As in many other Diaspora populations, exogamy rates are climbing
in France. In particular, we found that a large majority of Jews who
are living with but not married to someone has a non-Jewish partner.
Exogamy has already become a crisis for the Jews of the United States
and even more so among the Jews of the CIS. Currently intermarriage
rates are lower in France, approximately 30% for the whole population
(varying, as noted, in different segments of the population according
to age, level of religiosity, education and more). I would suggest that
now is the time to formulate a policy on this issue. How may young
Jews be convinced of the importance of marrying a Jew? What social
opportunities to meet Jewish potential spouses may be offered? What
position will Jewish community institutions take regarding involvement
of non-Jewish spouses? How will they relate to children of intermar-
riages (particularly if the mother is not Jewish and thus the children
are not Jewish according to Halakha)? How will Jewish educational
settings present and address the issue of intermarriage?
7. Directions for Future Research
Many areas remain unexplored. In particular, the cognitive and affec-

tive aspects of identity should be addressed in greater depth. The
behavioral approach, documenting communal attendance, forms of
philanthropy and communal solidarity, religious observance, etc.12
cannot fully represent the holistic world of identity.13 Expression of
identity is made up of three combined dimensions: cognitive, affective
12
The behavioral approach has been emphasized in many previous studies of iden-
tity, such as Bubis and Marks, 1975; Chrisman, 1981; Petrissans, 1991; Wilder, 1996;
Wertheimer, 1997.
13
Horowitz (1999); London & Chazan (1990).
196 chapter four
and behavioral. The cognitive and affective dimensions represent the

psychological aspect of identity, while the behavioral dimension is the
sociological side.14
We still do not know how the Jews of France live on a day-to-day
basis, what makes up their cultural environment. Bourdieu’s classic
fieldwork revealed much about French society of the 1960s and 1970s
by focusing on the standards of distinction and taste.15 A similar explo-
ration could be made among French Jews. Do they prefer television,
movies or theater, reading or studying? We do not know their preferred
eating habits beyond observance of kashrut. Have they maintained the
culinary traditions of their parents’ countries of origins (gefilte fish,
couscous etc.) or do they eat the same style food as their non-Jewish
neighbors? Does the interior layout of their homes resemble that of
French non-Jews of the same socio-economic status or do French Jews
retain, adopt or create special styles? We have some general knowl-
edge of their professional, economic and social status, but we know
nothing about their habits as consumers. We know nothing about their
economic choices (credit, savings, expenses), the technologies they use
(telephone, computer, TV etc.), and their aesthetic choices (clothing,
vacations, entertainment etc.).
Further—and this seems essential—we only know a little about
the extent of their knowledge of French culture and Jewish culture.
There remains a host of questions about the spirituality and beliefs of
France’s Jewish population. It would be interesting to know if the Jews
of France believe in God, if they are waiting for the Messiah, what
they think about resurrection, and whether they regard the Bible as a
holy book or a history book.
It is hoped that the empirical surveys, literature reviews and analy-
ses presented in this book open the way for future explorations of
this population. Much is changing quickly: the growth of an ‘ultra-
orthodox’ (haredi) population in France; the increased rate of Aliyah,
the choices being made regarding schooling, community participation,
profession, residence, and more. We must be wary of conceptualiza-
tions of identity, as was shown regarding the shifting connotations of
the “Jew” and “Israélite” terminology. The Jews of France are not sim-
ply purchasing standardized “off the rack” identities. Their commu-
14
London & Chazzan (1990).
15
Bourdieu (1979).
nal and individual identities are being shaped by and simultaneously

reflect changes in French society and in the Jewish world. Based on the
observation that the Jews have always tended to adapt most quickly to
the dominant culture of the host society, Lipset16 recommended that
someone wishing to observe the political system of America should
study the Jewish community of America and thus will understand sys-
tem in its entirety.
The same may be applied here. As noted, the political shift to the
right of France’s Jews “predicted” the results of the 2007 election,
when Nicolas Sarkozy’s center-right party defeated the Socialist Party.
This is only one example. This is only one example. The relationship
of the Jews to the public institutions of France, to local Jewish com-
munity institutions, and to Israel, says much about the state of French
society as a whole. To understand France, understand her Jews.
16
Lipset (1963).
STATISTICAL APPENDIX
Table A: Geographic distribution of interviewees at different stages of

construction of sample
Paris Paris Region Provinces Total
1988 Study
50 patronymics 30.0 26.0 44.0 100.00
17 Departments
2002 sample
10 patronymics 24.6 28.6 46.8 100.00
95 Departments
2002 sample
50 patronymics 26.1 32.9 41.0 100.00
30 Departments
2002 sample
50 patronymics 26.8 34.7 38.5 100.00
17 Departments
List of donors
AUJF 32.9 35.6 31.5 100.00
2002 Study
(non weighted) 31.3 32.2 36.5 100.00
17 Departments
2002 Study
(weighted) 31.5 31.4 37.1 100.00
17 Departments
2002 Study
(non weighted) 27.4 29.1 41.5 100.00
30 Departments
2002 Study
(weighted) 27.7 29.7 42.5 100.00
30 Departments
200 statistical appendix
Table B: Details of telephone interviews

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
Wrong number
Departments
No résponse
Not head of
Incomplete
Interviews
household
Call back
interview
Non Jew
Refuse
Total
Fax
01 0 103 0 16 26 2 11 2 8 160
04 0 5 1 1 22 0 4 2 4 35
06 28 32 5 28 232 2 17 23 76 367
13 55 61 5 40 274 1 47 17 110 500
21 0 14 0 17 32 1 4 3 8 71
31 1 12 0 24 119 7 12 6 25 181
33 0 17 0 10 51 1 5 7 15 91
34 2 28 0 18 41 2 13 7 19 111
35 0 6 2 11 19 4 8 2 8 52
38 3 10 1 13 30 0 10 1 17 68
42 0 7 0 26 24 0 0 4 8 61
44 1 13 2 25 67 1 9 2 15 120
53 0 2 0 5 8 0 2 0 2 17
57 0 23 0 18 37 0 6 5 16 89
62 1 18 0 23 28 4 4 2 6 80
63 0 15 1 19 38 0 2 2 8 77
64 0 1 0 5 34 0 1 2 10 43
67 0 27 4 57 146 4 14 6 42 258
68 22 15 2 86 94 7 6 2 13 234
69 6 40 0 22 71 1 22 22 52 184
74 6 12 0 8 50 2 4 2 13 84
75 109 316 10 129 1128 46 197 75 311 2012
77 0 8 2 72 46 3 20 5 19 156
78 0 30 0 16 73 3 12 3 27 137
83 0 16 4 30 35 0 12 7 19 104
91 0 56 4 26 67 1 5 2 22 161
92 26 98 4 44 168 5 33 13 77 391
93 14 55 1 22 193 2 43 17 62 347
94 21 56 3 21 187 1 38 11 78 338
95 56 34 3 14 107 3 17 10 40 244
Total 351 1130 54 846 3447 103 580 262 1132 7907
1 – The person contacted does not fulfill the criteria of head of household.
2 – Interviewee refuses to participate in the study following the introductory presentation.
3 – Interview interrupted – the interviewee does not wish to complete the interview.
4 – The person contacted does not define him/herself as Jewish or Israélite.
5 – No answer.
6 – Fax.
7 – No time to answer the questionnaire; the interviewee asks to be contacted later.
8 – Wrong number.
9 – Completed interviews.
statistical appendix 201
Table C: Interviews carried out in the 30 departments, by gender, 2002

Departments Men Women Total
01 2 6 8
04 2 2 4
06 39 37 76
13 55 55 110
21 4 4 8
31 10 15 25
33 7 8 15
34 8 11 19
35 4 4 8
38 8 9 17
42 5 3 8
44 6 9 15
53 1 1 2
57 10 6 16
62 2 4 6
63 3 5 8
64 5 5 10
67 18 24 42
68 7 6 13
69 25 27 52
74 6 7 13
75 156 155 311
77 9 10 19
78 13 14 27
83 9 10 19
91 11 11 22
92 37 40 77
93 31 31 62
94 40 38 78
95 20 20 40
Total 555 577 1132
Table D: Postal codes of interviewees (N and %)

code # % code # % code # % code # % code # %
1000 1 .07 33360 3 .21 64260 1 .07 77340 1 .07 92800 5 .35
1210 1 .07 33400 1 .07 64320 1 .07 77440 1 .07 93000 4 .28
1220 2 .14 33520 1 .07 64600 1 .07 77550 3 .21 93100 3 .21
1280 1 .07 33600 1 .07 67000 34 2.41 77670 2 .14 93110 2 .14
1400 5 .35 33710 1 .07 67100 2 .14 77680 2 .14 93120 2 .14
1700 1 .07 33800 2 .14 67110 2 .14 78000 5 .35 93130 6 .43
1800 1 .07 34000 3 .21 67200 1 .07 78100 1 .07 93140 5 .35
4100 3 .21 34070 3 .21 67300 1 .07 78120 1 .07 93150 2 .14
4110 1 .07 34080 1 .07 67380 3 .21 78130 2 .14 93170 9 .64
4510 1 .07 34090 2 .14 67400 1 .07 78150 2 .14 93190 4 .28
6000 23 1.63 34110 1 .07 67500 5 .35 78180 2 .14 93200 2 .14
6100 14 .99 34130 1 .07 67600 1 .07 78220 2 .14 93220 4 .28
6110 6 .43 34160 1 .07 67700 2 .14 78230 2 .14 93230 1 .07
6140 2 .14 34170 1 .07 67800 3 .21 78240 2 .14 93240 1 .07
6160 3 .21 34200 2 .14 68000 1 .07 78260 2 .14 93260 2 .14
6200 4 .28 34280 3 .21 68100 6 .43 78280 1 .07 93300 2 .14
6250 1 .07 34350 1 .07 68160 1 .07 78310 3 .21 93310 4 .28
6270 7 .50 34420 1 .07 68300 3 .21 78320 1 .07 93320 2 .14
6300 3 .21 34500 1 .07 68400 4 .28 78400 3 .21 93330 1 .07
6400 15 1.06 34920 3 .21 68600 2 .14 78420 2 .14 93340 1 .07
6510 1 .07 35000 3 .21 69000 1 .07 78450 1 .07 93360 1 .07
6560 1 .07 35131 2 .14 69001 2 .14 78460 1 .07 93380 2 .14
6600 4 .28 35133 2 .14 69004 3 .21 78580 2 .14 93390 1 .07
6610 1 .07 35235 1 .07 69006 3 .21 78600 1 .07 93420 2 .14
6700 3 .21 35400 1 .07 69007 4 .28 78700 1 .07 93430 1 .07
6800 4 .28 35600 2 .14 69008 3 .21 78790 1 .07 93460 2 .14
13000 2 .14 35700 1 .07 69009 2 .14 78800 2 .14 93500 4 .28
13001 2 .14 38000 6 .43 69100 20 1.42 78940 2 .14 93600 3 .21
13003 2 .14 38100 4 .28 69120 1 .07 83000 2 .14 93700 3 .21
13004 4 .28 38130 2 .14 69150 2 .14 83100 2 .14 93800 5 .35
13005 3 .21 38170 3 .21 69200 2 .14 83140 2 .14 94000 21 1.49
13006 5 .35 38200 2 .14 69300 1 .07 83200 1 .07 94100 3 .21
13007 4 .28 38230 1 .07 69330 2 .14 83300 2 .14 94110 2 .14
13008 23 1.63 38330 1 .07 69350 2 .14 83400 4 .28 94120 6 .43
13009 8 .57 38400 1 .07 69360 1 .07 83440 3 .21 94130 7 .50
13010 12 .85 38500 1 .07 69500 1 .07 83500 5 .35 94140 3 .21
13011 6 .43 42000 2 .14 69530 1 .07 83520 1 .07 94150 1 .07
13012 5 .35 42153 4 .28 69630 1 .07 83690 1 .07 94160 3 .21
13013 13 .92 42300 5 .35 69660 1 .07 83700 1 .07 94200 6 .43
13014 2 .14 42400 1 .07 69800 1 .07 91000 2 .14 94210 2 .14
13066 1 .07 42700 1 .07 69960 2 .14 91080 2 .14 94220 5 .35
13090 3 .21 44000 7 .50 74000 7 .50 91140 3 .21 94240 2 .14
13100 2 .14 44100 2 .14 74014 1 .07 91160 2 .14 94270 2 .14
13122 1 .07 44300 1 .07 74100 4 .28 91190 1 .07 94300 5 .35
13127 1 .07 44320 1 .07 74160 1 .07 91210 2 .14 94320 1 .07
13130 1 .07 44340 1 .07 74200 2 .14 91270 2 .14 94340 5 .35
13170 2 .14 44400 2 .14 74220 1 .07 91300 2 .14 94350 2 .14
13200 2 .14 44600 1 .07 74240 1 .07 91350 2 .14 94360 1 .07
13260 1 .07 44700 1 .07 74550 1 .07 91370 3 .21 94370 2 .14
13290 1 .07 44770 1 .07 74940 2 .14 91380 1 .07 94400 2 .14
13300 1 .07 44800 1 .07 75000 4 .28 91390 2 .14 94440 2 .14
13340 2 .14 53120 2 .14 75001 1 .07 91560 1 .07 94490 1 .07
13390 2 .14 53150 2 .14 75002 3 .21 91600 1 .07 94500 6 .43
Table D (cont.)
code # % code # % code # % code # % code # %
13400 4 .28 57000 5 .35 75003 4 .28 91700 1 .07 94600 1 .07
13510 2 .14 57070 3 .21 75004 3 .21 91800 2 .14 94700 3 .21
13600 1 .07 57100 2 .14 75005 14 .99 91860 2 .14 94800 2 .14
13610 2 .14 57200 2 .14 75006 4 .28 92100 8 .57 95100 1 .07
13740 2 .14 57400 1 .07 75007 9 .64 92110 8 .57 95110 1 .07
13821 1 .07 57500 1 .07 75008 3 .21 92120 3 .21 95140 5 .35
21000 5 .35 57520 1 .07 75009 13 .92 92130 5 .35 95170 1 .07
21120 2 .14 57600 3 .21 75010 18 1.28 92140 1 .07 95200 24 1.70
21121 1 .07 57690 1 .07 75011 27 1.91 92150 1 .07 95350 1 .07
21150 1 .07 57720 1 .07 75012 39 2.77 92160 5 .35 95360 1 .07
21300 1 .07 62200 3 .21 75013 21 1.49 92170 2 .14 95380 2 .14
21430 1 .07 62360 1 .07 75014 14 .99 92190 2 .14 95400 3 .21
31000 11 .78 62400 1 .07 75015 31 2.20 92200 11 .78 95500 3 .21
31100 1 .07 62580 1 .07 75016 20 1.42 92220 3 .21 95560 2 .14
31170 2 .14 62920 1 .07 75017 25 1.77 92230 2 .14 95570 1 .07
31200 5 .35 63000 1 .07 75018 12 .85 92240 2 .14 95590 1 .07
31270 1 .07 63100 2 .14 75019 60 4.26 92260 2 .14 95800 2 .14
31280 2 .14 63160 1 .07 75020 39 2.77 92270 4 .28 95870 1 .07
31300 2 .14 63400 2 .14 75116 4 .28 92300 10 .71 99220 1 .07
31400 5 .35 63500 1 .07 77000 5 .35 92310 2 .14
31500 2 .14 63530 1 .07 77135 1 .07 92320 2 .14
31780 1 .07 63600 1 .07 77160 3 .21 92340 1 .07
33000 4 .28 63800 3 .21 77166 2 .14 92360 2 .14
33270 1 .07 64000 2 .14 77170 1 .07 92400 6 .43
33290 1 .07 64100 1 .07 77178 2 .14 92500 3 .21
33300 1 .07 64140 4 .28 77185 1 .07 92600 7 .50
33310 2 .14 64200 3 .21 77200 2 .14 92700 9 .64
Table E: Comparison of certain weighted and non-weighted variables

Non weighted Weighted
Men 51.06 49.22
Women 48.94 50.78
100.00 100.00
Provinces 44.26 44.07
Paris 27.56 26.01
Paris region 28.18 29.92
Total 100.00 100.00
Lessthan the Baccalaureat 35.03 34.14
Baccalaureat 17.96 17.78
Baccalaureat + 2 17.34 17.39
Baccalaureat + 4 29.67 30.72
Total 100.00 100.00
Table E (cont.)
Non weighted Weighted
Aged 18–29 12.58 12.21
Aged 30–39 20.52 20.83
Aged 40–49 15.43 14.94
Aged 50–59 16.59 17.17
60 and over 34.88 34.84
Total 100.00 100.00
Jewishspouse 75.05 68.28
Non-Jewishspouse 23.75 30.60
Convertedspouse 1.20 1.12
Total 100.00 100.00
Community participation
Never 15.48 19.97
Rarely 14.04 17.52
Occasionally 18.27 16.73
Frequently 19.35 16.65
Veryfrequently 32.85 29.43
Total 100.00 100.00
Ashkenazi 18.12 24.06
Sephardi 72.20 69.89
Neither 9.68 6.05
Total 100.00 100.00
Married 60.50 58.35
Live together 5.99 8.74
Widowed 9.56 9.59
Divorced / Separated 8.49 8.96
Singled 15.46 14.36
Total 100.00 100.00
Table F: Distribution of school age children by department, 2002

Departments School age
Jewish children
01 2.24
04 0.47
06 5.67
13 10.98
21 0.83
31 1.89
33 1.30
34 0.83
35 0.59
38 0.47
42 1.53
44 0.71
57 0.24
62 0.35
63 0.71
64 0.71
67 5.67
68 0.94
69 4.60
74 2.36
75 21.49
77 2.24
78 2.48
83 1.30
91 1.65
92 6.26
93 7.67
94 7.08
95 6.73
Total 100.00
Table G: Correlation matrix for the values of the Jews of France

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
+
Studying 1 | 100 44 45 9 29 23 5 25 57 28 27 16 36 41
Doing what I Like 2 | 44 100 21 32 45 40 –17 22 46 15 53 31 9 12
Family 3 | 45 21 100 28 18 19 53 12 38 63 34 19 33 47
Money 4 | 9 32 28 100 20 34 14 10 –5 16 28 41 –1 –2
Friends 5 | 29 45 18 20 100 54 –9 28 34 19 48 22 32 33
Vacation 6 | 23 40 19 34 54 100 2 34 24 11 44 33 13 6
Belief in God 7 | 5 –17 53 14 –9 2 100 7 8 67 13 31 20 42
Sports 8 | 25 22 12 10 28 34 7 100 32 17 35 29 2 6 22
Being oneself 9 | 57 46 38 –5 34 24 8 32 100 52 49 8 41 53
Parents 10 | 28 15 63 16 19 11 67 17 52 100 56 38 44 65
Making the most of life 11 | 27 53 34 28 48 44 13 35 49 56 100 44 34 38
Appearance 12 | 16 31 19 41 22 33 31 29 8 38 44 100 35 25
Community 13 | 36 9 33 –1 32 13 20 26 41 44 34 35 100 85
Helping others 14 | 41 12 47 –2 33 6 42 22 53 65 38 25 85 100
Typology: Methodology
The process by which we established a typology of the Jews of France

involved 11 stages, which we shall describe in brief.
We asked the interviewees to assess fourteen values. The question
was formulated in the following way:
I shall read you a list. Please assess whether the following are not important,
important or very important in your life?
Not Important Very

Important important
1. Studying 1 2 3
2. Doing what I like 1 2 3
3. Founding a family 1 2 3
4. Earning a lot of money 1 2 3
5. Having a good time with friends 1 2 3
6. Going away on holiday 1 2 3
7. Belief in God 1 2 3
8. Engaging in sport 1 2 3
9. Being oneself 1 2 3
10. Honor one’s parents 1 2 3
11. Make the most of life 1 2 3
12. Caring for one’s appearance 1 2 3
13. Being useful to society 1 2 3
14. Helping others 1 2 3
Stage 1: The examination of the values of the Jews of France enabled

us, with the use of the Smallest Space Analysis method of the HUDAP
statistical package, to create a very pertinent structural order for these
diverse values and present them graphically. Six regions with a central
value “Making the most of life” emerged. See the axiological graph
presented in the body of the study as Figure 1 on page 111.
Stage 2: The variables for the same region are semantically linked
and can thus be transformed into an index. Because the central vari-
able “Making the most of life” can be taken in many senses, it was not
retained in the following stages. Six indexes were thus constructed, one
for each region. For example, Index 1 adds together the variables 3,
7 and 10, all of which were placed in the region labeled Tradition in
the axiological graph.
Stage 3: Once the six indexes were constructed, we verified their
different frequencies. Since each of the three questions, which are the
basis of this index, consist of three categories, the minimum of their
total equals 3 and the maximum equals 9.
Here, for example, is the distribution of Index 1.
3 .09
4 .90
5 7.50
6 14.54
7 19.51
8 22.13
9 35.32
Total 100.00
Stage 4: We then calculated the average for each index. We found

an average of 7.6 for Index 1.
Stage 5: Each index was binarised, that is, transformed into two
categories: one category representing answers below the average and
one category representing answers above the average. In respect of
Index 1, answers 3 to 7 were transformed into 1: answers 8 and 9
were transformed into 2.
Stage 6: Using the POSAC (Partial Order Scalogram Analysis
with Base Coordinates), a unique program from the HUDAP statisti-
cal package, we were able to establish a partial order of the 64 profiles
assigned to each interviewee on the basis of the six indexes.
Below is the list of 64 profiles, their identity number, score, and
frequency.
Table H: Profiles of respondents by POSAC indices

id I I I I I I S Frequency
n n n n n n c
d d d d d d o
e e e e e e r
x x x x x x e
1 2 3 4 5 6
1 2 2 2 2 2 2 12 78
2 2 2 2 2 1 2 11 24
3 2 2 2 1 2 2 11 24
4 2 2 1 2 2 2 11 39
5 1 2 2 2 2 2 11 21
6 2 1 2 2 2 2 11 21
7 2 2 2 2 2 1 11 13
8 2 1 2 2 2 1 10 19
9 2 1 2 1 2 2 10 16
10 2 1 2 2 1 2 10 13
11 2 1 1 2 2 2 10 33
12 1 2 2 1 2 2 10 11
13 1 2 1 2 2 2 10 20
14 2 2 2 2 1 1 10 8
15 2 2 1 2 2 1 10 17
16 2 2 1 1 2 2 10 13
17 1 2 2 2 2 1 10 3
18 1 1 2 2 2 2 10 12
19 1 2 2 2 1 2 10 18
20 2 2 2 1 2 1 10 8
21 2 2 1 2 1 2 10 33
22 2 2 2 1 1 2 10 5
23 1 1 2 2 1 2 9 7
24 2 2 1 1 2 1 9 6
25 1 2 1 2 1 2 9 32
26 2 2 1 2 1 1 9 10
27 2 1 1 2 1 2 9 44
28 1 2 2 1 2 1 9 8
29 1 2 2 1 1 2 9 15
30 2 2 1 1 1 2 9 8
31 1 1 1 2 2 2 9 11
32 2 1 1 2 2 1 9 18
33 2 1 2 1 1 2 9 6
34 1 2 1 1 2 2 9 9
35 1 2 2 2 1 1 9 8
36 2 1 2 1 2 1 9 16
37 2 2 2 1 1 1 9 2
38 2 1 2 2 1 1 9 4
Table H (cont.)
id I I I I I I S Frequency
n n n n n n c
d d d d d d o
e e e e e e r
x x x x x x e
1 2 3 4 5 6
39 1 1 2 2 2 1 9 4
40 2 1 1 1 2 2 9 22
41 1 2 1 2 2 1 9 7
42 1 1 2 1 2 2 9 7
43 1 1 1 2 2 1 8 11
44 2 1 1 2 1 1 8 35
45 1 1 1 2 1 2 8 47
46 1 2 1 1 1 2 8 19
47 2 1 1 1 1 2 8 22
48 2 1 1 1 2 1 8 20
49 1 2 2 1 1 1 8 10
50 1 1 1 1 2 2 8 9
51 2 2 1 1 1 1 8 9
52 1 1 2 1 1 2 8 3
53 2 1 2 1 1 1 8 8
54 1 1 2 1 2 1 8 8
55 1 2 1 2 1 1 8 16
56 1 2 1 1 2 1 8 2
57 1 1 2 2 1 1 8 3
58 1 1 1 1 1 2 7 35
59 2 1 1 1 1 1 7 35
60 1 1 1 2 1 1 7 30
61 1 2 1 1 1 1 7 12
62 1 1 2 1 1 1 7 4
63 1 1 1 1 2 1 7 7
64 1 1 1 1 1 1 6 53
The non-linear correlations (MONCO) between the six indexes can

be seen in the following matrix.
Table I: Correlation matrix for the six indices

1 2 3 4 5 6
+
Index 1 1.00
Index 2 .03 1.00
Index 3 .24 .49 1.00
Index 4 .22 .30 .08 1.00
Index 5 .48 .29 .56 .13 1.00
Index 6 .08 .41 .24 .34 .21 1.00
The 64 profiles identified by the statistical package can be seen in

partial order in the following scalogram.
1
6
38
33 8
32
10
53 11
4
36 9
48 40
7
27
2
44 15
47 20
21
16 3
39
24 31 22
14
43
59
26 45
18
51
5
54 30
23
50
13
63 42
25
60 19
37
57
41
62
52
58
12
55
34
3517
46
29
28 49
61
64 56
Scalogram 1: The Spatialization of the Various Profiles

Profile 1 appears on the top right-hand side of the scalogram. This

is the “biggest” profile. Profile 64, the “smallest,” appears opposite it
diagonally. Between these two extreme profiles, the statistical package
identified the remaining 62 profiles, according to their partial order.
Stage 7: The statistical package enables one to make a more in-
depth analysis and to locate the axes of the scalogram.
It emerges that the axes are perfectly correlated with Indexes 1 and
2 (the first designates the index of variables, Belief in God, Founding a
Family, Honor one’s Parents: the second designates Doing what I Like, Hav-
ing a Good Time with Friends).
As a result, the statistical package divides the scalogram according
to these two indexes, as seen in the scalogram below.
1
6
38
33 8
32
10
53 11
4
36 9
48 40
7
27
2
44 15
47
20
21
16
3
39
24
31
22
43 14
59
26 45
18
51
5
54 30
23
50
13
63 42
25
60 19
37
57
41
62
58 52
12
55
34
3517
46
29
28 49
61
56
64
Scalogram 2: Regionalization of the Space of the Various Profiles

According to the Two Most Discriminant Variables
If one refers to the list of 64 profiles shown above, one can see that the
distribution is almost perfect. Nearly all the profiles below the horizon-
tal line fall into Category 1, Index 1. Similarly, nearly all the profiles
to the left of the vertical line fall into Category 1, Index 2.
Stage 8: On the basis of this result we created a new variable
(TYPO), including 4 categories. Each of these categories refers to a
specific region of the second scalogram. For instance, the profiles 26,
30, 45, 50, 51, 52, 54, 57, 58, 60, 62, 63 and 64 of the bottom-left
quadrant are included in category 1.
The distribution of the profiles into these four quadrants made it
possible to recognize four distinct categories of profiles, or profile-
types. The profiles below the horizontal axis have a weak correspon-
dence to the values belief in God, founding a family and honoring parents.
The profiles above the horizontal axis have a strong correspondence
to these values.
The profiles to the left of the vertical axis have a low correspondence
to the values doing what I like and having a good time. Those to the right of
the vertical axis have a strong correspondence to these values.
Beginning at the upper left quadrant, the profiles in this quadrant
DO correspond to belief in God, starting a family, honoring parents, but
DON’T correspond to doing what I like and having a good time. This cat-
egory was named Traditionalists.
Continuing clockwise, the set of profiles in the upper right-hand
quadrant DO correspond to belief in God, starting a family, honoring parents,
and also DO correspond to doing what I like and having a good time. This
category was named Revivalists.
The set of profiles in the lower right hand quadrant DON’T cor-
respond to belief in God, starting a family, honoring parents and DO cor-
respond to doing what I like and having a good time. This category
was named Universalists.
Finally, the set of profiles in the lower left hand quadrant DON’T
correspond to belief in God, starting a family, honoring parents and also
DON’T correspond to doing what I like and having a good time. This cat-
egory was named Individualists.
Stage 9: The new variable TYPO was crossed with all the variables
of the questionnaire in order to verify their discriminant character.
Stage 10: On the basis of the second scalogram, we built four
binary dummies, each representing one of the quadrants.
Stage 11: These four binary dummies were inserted as external
variables, one by one, in the SSA of the values [external variables are
introduced into a fixed SSA map on the basis of the correlation array.
See page 58 for details on the external variables procedure]
Table J: Correlation array for the profiles and the values of the Jews of France
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
+
I
Universalists I 32 71 –46 7 58 33 –90 19 28 –53 25 –10 –4 –23
I
Traditionalists I –32 –77 46 –11 –73 –50 79 –25 –25 66 –26 –3 –2 26
I
Revivalists I 65 74 88 41 72 59 78 49 64 94 62 56 52 62
I
Individualists I –58 –57 –68 –39 –54 –38 –67 –39 –64 –72 –63 –54 –60 –80
Table K: Correlation matrix for the concerns of the Jews in France

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
+
|
Unemployment 1 | 100 54 46 49 38 58 48 45 24 52 21 17
|
Anti-Semitism 2 | 54 100 39 84 58 46 76 39 24 52 42 34
|
Pollution 3 | 46 39 100 57 18 51 25 63 8 34 6 0
|
Racism 4 | 49 84 57 100 54 55 66 44 12 49 20 17
|
Israel 5 | 38 58 18 54 100 34 58 38 22 38 39 40
|
AIDS 6 | 58 46 51 55 34 100 63 58 15 59 12 1
|
Terrorism 7 | 48 76 25 66 58 63 100 56 29 69 56 34
|
Food insecurity 8 | 45 39 63 44 38 58 56 100 31 44 22 18
|
Foreigners 9 | 24 24 8 12 22 15 29 31 100 34 54 44
|
Drugs 10 | 52 52 34 49 38 59 69 44 34 100 38 31
|
Islam 11 | 21 42 6 20 39 12 56 22 54 38 100 44
|
Intermarriage 12 | 17 34 0 17 40 1 34 18 44 31 44 100
Table L: Correlation array for the profiles and the concerns of the Jews in France
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12
+
I
Universalists I –11 –24 3 –8 –29 –5 –17 –13 –26 –31 –26 –66
I
Traditionalists I 5 31 –4 1 22 1 23 2 17 18 3 45
I
Revivalists I 22 48 28 45 25 27 50 28 26 37 35 39
I
Individualists I –21 –44 –29 –31 –17 –27 –41 –24 –30 –24 –16 –44
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PUBLICATIONS BY ERIK H. COHEN REFERRING
TO FRENCH JEWS
PhD Thesis
Cohen, Erik H. (1986). Les volontaires Juifs de France vers Israël durant la guerre de Kippour,
Contribution à l’étude des Israël Diaspora, Approche socio-historique. (Doctoral thesis, Uni-
versity of Nanterre, three volumes).
Books
Cohen, E.H. (1991). L’étude et l’éducation juive en France. Paris: Editions du Cerf.
Cohen, E.H. & Ifergan, M. (2005). La jeunesse juive: Entre France et Israël. Paris: Obser-
vatoire du monde juif.
Cohen, E.H. (2007). Heureux comme Juifs en France? Etude sociologique. Paris, Jerusalem:
Akadem – Elkana Editions.
Cohen, E.H. with the collaboration of E. Bar-On Cohen and A. Ofanansky (2008a).
Youth tourism to Israel: Educational experiences of the Diaspora. Clevedon, UK: Channel
View Publications.
Cohen, E.H. (2008b). Identity, values and social pursuits: Israeli youth in the year 2000. Some
explorations amongst general state schools 15–16 years old students. Ramat Gan, Israel: The
Kelman Center, School of Education, Tel Aviv University.
Cohen, E.H. (2011). The educational shaliah, 1939–2009: Elements for a history of a unique
project. Ramat Gan: Tel Aviv University, DOR LEDOR, Studies in the History of
Jewish Education in Israel and in the Diaspora.
Chapters in Books
Cohen, E.H. (1989). Les volontaires Juifs de France pendant la guerre de Kippour,
contribution à une phénoménologie du volontariat. In D. Bensimon & B. Pinkus
(Eds.), Les Juifs de France, le sionisme et l’Etat d’Israel, Actes du Colloque International. Paris:
INALCO (391–411). Appeared in Hebrew in (1992) B. Pinkus & D. Bensimon
(Eds.), French Jewry, Zionism and the State of Israel, (pp. 237–250). Ben Gurion Research
Center, Ben Gurion University, and INALCO, University of Paris.
Cohen, E.H. (1992). Jewish education in France and the State of Israel as perceived by
leaders and professionals. In B. Pinkus & D. Bensimon (Eds.), French Jewry, Zionism
and the State of Israel, (pp. 271–298). Beer Sheva and Paris: Ben Gurion Research
Center, Ben Gurion University, and INALCO, University of Paris, (in Hebrew).
Cohen, E.H. (1995). Toward a strategy of excellence: A systemic analysis and policy
research based on external variables in SSA. In J. Hox, G. Mellenbergh & P. Swan-
born (Eds.), Facet Theory Analysis and Design (pp. 55–62). Amsterdam: University of
Amsterdam.
Cohen, E.H. (2002). Le fait et la manière: Contribution à la sociologie juive d’Albert
Memmi. In D. Ohana, C. Sitbon & D. Mendelsohn (Eds.), Lire Memmi: Déracinement,
Exil, Identité (pp. 111–124 and 233–239). Genève: Factuel.
Cohen, E.H. (2004). Preparation, simulation and the creation of community: Exodus
and the case of diaspora education tourism. In T. Coles & D. Timothy (Eds.), Tour-
ism, Diasporas and Space (pp. 124–138). London: Routledge.
228 publications by erik h. cohen referring to french jews
Cohen, E.H. (2005a). Jewish education in France: Diverse strategic perceptions, a

comparative socio-historical analysis of the lay and professional leaders. In E. Cha-
zan (Ed.), Between tradition and progress: Leadership and cultural processes in North African
Jewry (pp. 213–228). Jerusalem: Bialik Institute and Dahan Center for Culture,
Society and Education in the Sephardic Heritage, Bar Ilan University.
Cohen, E.H. (2006). Perceptions of peace: A socio-semantic pilot research. In Y. Iram
& H. Wahrman (Eds.), Educating towards a culture of peace (pp. 161–189). Charlotte,
NC: Information Age Publishing, Inc.
Cohen, E.H. (2007). Israel experience: A case study of youth culture. In M. Schmida
& S. Romi (Eds.), Informal education in Israel (pp. 517–541). Jerusalem: Magnes Press
(in Hebrew).
Cohen, E.H. (2007). The role of Israel in French-Jewish identity. In D. Ben-Moshe
(Ed.), Israel and Diaspora Jewish identity (pp. 245–253). Sussex, UK: Sussex Academic
Press.
Cohen, E.H. (2009). Comparison of attitudes, behaviors and values of French Jewish
families with children enrolled in Jewish day schools and other school systems. In
A. Pomson & H. Deitcher (Eds.), Jewish day schools, Jewish communities: A reconsideration
(pp. 207–221). Oxford, UK: Littman Library of Jewish Civilization.
Cohen, E.H. (2009). The components of ethnic identity: A cross-cultural theory and
case study of Jewish student activists. In S. Wygoda & I. Sorek (Eds). Educational
Eclectics (pp. 15–48). Jerusalem: Mandel Foundation.
In press
Cohen, E.H. Jews of France born in Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia: A structural axi-
ological comparison. In M. Bar-Asher, S. Sharbit & M. Amar (Eds.), Fes: Thousand
years of creativity.
Cohen, E.H. Are there potential clients for the Jewish day schools in France? An a
posteriori analysis of a prognosis. In S. Della Pergola (Ed.). Papers in Jewish Demog-
raphy. Jerusalem: The Institute of Contemporary Jewry, The Hebrew University of
Jerusalem.
Cohen, E.H. Travel as a Jewish educational tool. In H. Miller, L. Grant & A. Pomson
(Eds.), International Handbook of Jewish Education. Springer.
Articles in Refereed Journals
Cohen, E.H. (1986). Tourisme et identité. Pardès, 4, 84–97.

Cohen, E.H. (1988). Le masque et le visage: vers une sociologie de l’éducation juive
en France. In J. Aviad (Ed.), Studies in Jewish Education (Vol. 3) (pp. 166–196). Jeru-
salem: Magnes Press.
Cohen, E.H. (2003). Images of Israel: A structural comparison along gender, ethnic,
denominational and national lines. Tourist Studies, 3 (3), 253–280.
Cohen, E.H. (2004). Components and symbols of ethnic identity: A case study in
informal education and identity formation in Diaspora. Applied Psychology: An Inter-
national Review, 53 (1), 87–112.
Cohen, E.H. (2008). Symbols of Diaspora Jewish identity: A multi-dimensional analy-
sis. Religion, 38 (4), 293–304.
Cohen, E.H. (2009). Axiological typology in an international religious youth organiza-
tion: The case of Bnei Akiva. Current Sociology, 57 (1), 89–111.
Cohen, E.H. (2009). Indicators of Jewish identity and Israel-Diaspora relations:
Towards a partial order of Jewish communities in the world, Contemporary Jewry,
29 (2), 169–189.
publications by erik h. cohen referring to french jews 229
Cohen, E.H. (2010). Research on Jewish identity: A state of the art. The International
Journal of Jewish Education Research, 1 (1), 7–48.
Cohen, E.H., Ifergan, M. & Cohen, E. (2002). The madrich: A new paradigm in tour
guiding: Youth, identity and informal education. Annals of Tourism Research, 29 (4),
919–932.
Articles in International Conferences Proceedings
Cohen, E.H. (1998). L’éducation juive en France, de la Révolution française à nos

jours. Les Cahiers de la C.E.R.F., 18, 5–10.
Cohen, E.H. (2005). Towards a typology of values: Application of the Facet Theory
to the study of French Jews. In W. Bilsky & D. Elizur (Eds.), Facet Theory: Design,
Analysis and Applications (pp. 263–273). Rome.
Cohen, E.H. (2006). Intermarriage among Jews in France: Preliminary remarks. In
S. Reinharz, S. & S. Della Pergola (Eds.). Retrieved December 5, 2010 from
http://www.brandeis.edu/hbi/pubs/ErikFinal.doc.
Cohen, E.H. (2008). French Jewish students in Israel: A structural study of val-
ues. In E. Yaniv & D. Elizur, D. (Eds.), Facet theory: Theory and research in social
sciences (pp. 186–197). Facet Theory Association.
Other Publications
Cohen, E.H. (1978). Judaisme et pédagogie: Entretien avec le Professeur André Neher.
Dispersion et Unité, 18, 168–176.
Cohen, E.H. (1981). Exil et retrait dans le judaisme mystique. Sillages, 4, 90–104.
Cohen, E.H. (1982). Exilode: réflexions à partir de l’oeuvre d’André Neher. Sillages,
6, 41–60.
Cohen, E.H. (1985). L’éducation juive informelle en France. Sillages, 11, 93–103.
Cohen, E.H. (1989). Sondage: le sionisme, l’aliya et l’éducation juive. L’Arche, 380,
61–66.
Cohen, E.H. (1989). L’éducation juive: rapport sur l’état des recherches. Communauté
Nouvelle, 41, 95–101.
Cohen, E.H. (1998). L’éducation juive en France, de la Révolution française à nos
jours. Les Cahiers de la C.E.R.F., 18, 5–10.
Cohen, E.H. (2002). La grande enquête des Juifs de France. L’Arche, 538, 54–73.
Cohen, E.H. (2004). Valeurs et identité des Juifs de France. Observatoire du monde juif,
10–11, 7–14.
Cohen, E.H. (2005b). Jews practicing liberal professions in France and their intention of making
‘aliya’. Jerusalem: Department of Aliyah of the Jewish Agency.
Cohen, E.H. (2006). A Jewish religious community in the French Republic. In S. Della-
Pergola & A. Yovel (Eds.), The President’s Study Forum on World Jewish Affairs, Series B,
2003–2005 (pp. 119–127). Jerusalem: Hebrew University.
Cohen, E.H. (2009). Facet theory bibliography. Rome-Jerusalem. Available at: http://
www.facet-theory.org/files/wordocs/Bibliography2009.pdf.
Major Scientific Research Reports
Cohen, E.H. & Cohen, M. (1987). Les cercles d’études juives. Paris: Coordinating Com-
mittee for Jewish Education.
Cohen, E.H. and Sigal, L. (1988). Etudes juives et hébraïques dans l’enseignement supérieur et
dans la recherche. Paris: Coordinating Committee for Jewish Education.
230 publications by erik h. cohen referring to french jews
Cohen, E.H. (1992). The World of Informal Jewish Education, (Vols. 1–2). Jerusalem: Joint
Authority for Jewish Zionist Education.
Cohen, E.H. (1993). The 1992 summer Israel Experience educational programs. Jerusa-
lem: Melton Center for Jewish Education in the Diaspora, Hebrew University of
Jerusalem.
Cohen, E.H. (1997). Educational shlihut: An international systemic and policy analysis. Jerusa-
lem: Joint Authority for Jewish-Zionist Education.
Cohen, E.H. (2002). Les Juifs de France: Valeurs et identité. Paris: FSJU.
Cohen, E.H. (2005c). Touristes Juifs de France en 2004. Paris and Jerusalem: AMI.
Cohen, E.H. (2006a). Lycéens et étudiants Juifs de France en Israël: Une étude des besoins.
Jerusalem: Sacta-Rashi.
Cohen, E.H. (2007). The Jews of France: A follow-up survey. (Données socio-démographi-
ques: Les besoins). Paris: Fonds Social Juif Unifé.
Cohen, E.H. & Ifergan, M. with the participation of Grynberg, N. (2009). Consultation
nationale sur les mouvements de jeunesse juive en France auprès du grand public et des animateurs,
Mai—Août 2008. Paris: Youth Department, FSJU.
RESEARCH TEAMS, EXPERTS &
INTERVIEWED PERSONS
Research Team
Erik H. Cohen, Dr. Director

Eynath Cohen, Dr. Policy consultant
Maurice Ifergan Data analysis, policy consultant
Shlomit Levy, Dr. Scientific consultant
Ytshak Dayan, Dr. Scientific consultant
Réouven Amar Data analysis and calculation consultant
Noémie Grynberg Research assistant
Joelle Guez Research assistant
Maïthé (Simon) Morali Field coordinator
Smadar Shterkes Field coordinator
Avi Souissa Field coordinator
Esther Mimoun Research assistant for the pilot research
Allison Ofanansky Research assistant and editing in English
Data Malal Data process
Scientific Advisory Committee
Prof. Doris Bensimon-Donath, INALCO, Paris

Prof. Dominique Bourel, CNRS
Prof. Sergio Della Pergola, Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Prof. Alexandre Derczansky, EHESS
Prof. Raphaël Drai, Université d’Aix/Marseille III
Prof. Alain Greilsammer, Bar Ilan University
Prof. Emmanuel Leroy Ladurie, Académie des sciences morales et politiques
Prof. Pierre Nora, EHESS
Prof. Dominique Schnapper, EHESS
Prof. René-Samuel Sirat, INALCO, Paris
Prof. Claude Tapia, University of Tours
Steering Committee
David Saada F.S.J.U.

Patrick Chasques A.U.J.F.
Dov Puder Jewish Agency for Israel
Nelly Hanson Fondation du Judaïsme Français
Meir Waintrater L’Arche
Rimona Viesel, Dr. Alya Department of the Jewish Agency for Israel,
Research Unit
232 research teams, experts & interviewed persons
Interviewers 2002
Philippe Attias Joël Lambray

Marine Arab Roberto Levy
Gaby Bakoush Steve Levy
Deborah Bokobza Amnon Menahem
Doudou Broda Corinne Mimouni
Mikhael Chiche Nathalie Ouaknine
Clara Chouat Yaakov Revah
Zeev Gazbay Valérie Roubieh
Benyamine Haddad Esther Salem
Marcel Halimi Ygal Shneor
Brigitte Halimi Shirel Zeizman
Chely Kohn
Interviewers 2004–2007
Arfi, Nathalie Hassin, Claudine

Assouli, Ilan Illouz, Miriam
Attali, Aurélia Ingold, Laetitia
Attali, Emmanuel Kestenberg, Julie
Attias, Pascal Levy, David
Attias, Sabine Lilti, Ouriel
Baranès, Jessica Loeb, Michael
Belhamou, Ruth Maman, Frédérique
Benhenni, Liz Melloul, Johanna
Benichou, Johanna Oliel, Lucie
Berreby, Ilana Parienti, Yael
Bokobza, Esther Richard, Jérémy
Coscas, Béatrice Rusinek, Sophie
Dobensky, Yael Sebag, Ariel
Edy, Arnold Sfadj-Albaz, Eliza
Edy, Eve Sultan, David
Elfassi, Michael Tordjman, Thierry
Garmon, Leslie Torgman, Eve
Goeta, Johanna Touitou, Yohav
Hallague, Michèle Viberman, Rachel
Consultants in F.S.J.U./A.U.J.F.
Patrick Chasques Communication Director, A.U.J.F.

Tamara Cohen Delegate, F.S.J.U. Nice
Aslan Cohen-Sebban Delegate, F.S.J.U. Paris Ile de France
Norbert Dana (‫)ז"ל‬ General Director Deputy, F.S.J.U.
Michel Elbaz Training department director, F.S.J.U.
Gérard Fredj Youth department director, F.S.J.U.
Lucien Khalfa Culture department director, F.S.J.U.
Allon Lev Director A.U.J.F.
Judith Najman Research coordinator at the F.S.J.U.
Charles Ohnona Delegate, F.S.J.U. Lyon
Patrick Petit-Ohayon Education department director, F.S.J.U.
Jo Tolédano Director, Institut André Neher
Jean-Charles Zerbib Delegate, F.S.J.U. Israel
research teams, experts & interviewed persons 233
Consulted Experts
Miriam Barkai Educator, Pincus Fund director

Pierre Besnainou Founder of AMI, President, FSJU
Ami Bouganim Philosopher
Ilan Choucroun Property developer
Daniel Cohen Information strategy consultant
Prof. Steve M. Cohen Sociologist
Martine Cohen Sociologist
Prof. Emeric Deutsch Psychoanalyst
Tamara Grynberg Educator
Edgar Guedj Educator
Michel Gurfinkiel Political scientist
Béatrice Hammer Sociologist
Hoffman, Alan Educator
Patrick Klugman Consultant
Ezra Kopelowitz Sociologist
Chris Kooyman Sociologist
Rivon Krygier Rabbi
Barbara Lefèvre Teacher in history and geography
David Messas Chief Rabbi of Paris
Claude Richard Attorney
Prof. Michael Rosenak Philosopher
Jacques Tarnéro Historian
Prof. Shmuel Trigano Sociologist
Danielle Salomon Sociologist
Prof. Shalom Schwarz Psychologist
Jewish Laypersons and Professionals in the Paris Area
Lucien Alezra President of Meudon Jewish community

Sylvie Attia Centre Ohalei Yaacov
Sauveur Benzerki Centre Communautaire Juif
Simy Bitton Association “Clubs de l’Amitié Juifs de France”
Charles Bunan Vice-president of Boulogne Jewish community
Moïse Cohen President, Consistoire de Paris
Judith Cohen-Solal U.EJ.F. consultant
Henri Cohen-Solal Founder of Ganénou and Bait Ham
Roger Cukierman President, C.R.I.F.
Sammy Gozlan President, Bureau de vigilance
Menahem Gourary Director, Jewish Agency for Israel, Paris
Robert Israel President, of Rosny/Bois Jewish community
Liliane Klein-Lieber Coopération Féminine
Alex Moïse Director, AMI France
Haïm Musicant Director, C.R.I.F.
Michele Naccache Coopération Féminine/A.U.J.F.
Michel Nahon Centre Communautaire Juif
Imanuel Pajand Réseaux EZRA (Seine Saint Denis)
Rachel Rimokh CASIL/F.S.J.U. (Lyon)
Nathalie Serfati Aide à la Régularisation d’étrangers
Catherine Schulmann EZRA (IDF)
Jean-Jacques Wahl General director, Alliance Israélite Universelle
Jo Zrihen Vice-president, F.S.J.U. and C.R.I.F.
234 research teams, experts & interviewed persons
Jewish Day Schools in Paris and Environs
Eliahu Bellahsen Ecole Yabné

Rachel Cohen Ecole Juive AIU (Pavillon/Bois)
Mme Nissenbaum Ecole Beth Hanah (Paris)
Gérard Souffir Ecole Yabné, Agence Juive pour Israël
Mr Teboul Collège Habad
Sophie Zrihen Ecole Gabriel (Paris)
Jewish Laypersons and Professionals at Lyon
David Barre, Pr. President, Loge Gugguenheim (Bnai-Brith)

Anne Benoualid Teacher in history and Hebrew
Marcel Dreyfuss President, A.C.I.-Tilsitt
Prosper Kabalo Vice-President, Radio-Judaïca-Lyon
Aimée Meyer President, WIZO
France Palmer President, Young WIZO
Youth Movements in Lyon
Philippe Aim UEJF (Lyon)

Samuel Ayache UEJF (Lyon)
Michael Barer IAFE (Lyon)
Laure Drai OASIS (Lyon)
Michael Fartouch BETAR/TAGAR (Lyon)
Aude Layani DEJJ (Lyon)
Ella Schlesinger DEJJ (Lyon)
Youth Movements in Nice
Nelly Sebag DEJJ

Representatives Bné Akiva, Dror, E.E.I.F.
Jewish Laypersons and Professionals in Nice
Raphael Bitoun UEJF/DEJJ/Beit Ha Limoud (Nice)

Charles Bouchara F.S.J.U. (Nice)
Sarah Brami UEJF (Nice)
Lise Gomel Coopération Féminine/Mouvement Massorti
Julie Guedj UEJF (Nice)
Robert Guedj Centre Culturel (Nice)
Gilles Israel DEJJ (Nice)
Yoram Niddam SECOM (Nice)
Martine Ouaknine CRIF (Nice)
Sandra Sarfati UEJF/UNEF/MJS (Nice)
Yohann Sebaagh UEJF (Nice)
Guy Toubiana Consistoire
INDEX
Note: Names in the index are those people whose work is discussed in the text. It does
not include those cited only as references.
Abraham (the Patriarch) 24, 182 Bourdieu, Pierre 183, 185, 186 n. 3,
Algeria 7–8, 39, 63, 76, 134–144, 178 196
n. 112, 180–181
Aliyah (immigration to Israel) xxi, Canada, Jews of 2, 35, 42, 63, 97–98,
39, 53, 56, 81, 84, 89–100, 119, 135
121–122, 141, 183, 191, 196 Chirac, Jacques 9–10, 43
annual rate of 62 Citizenship 80, 89 n. 53, 135–138, 183
attitudes towards 14, 31, 56, 74, Cohen, Moïse 11
92–93, 116, 129 Communitarian 11
intention of 89, 90, 92 Community, Jewish xvii, xx, 1–3,
religiosity and 194–195 7–8, 11, 13, 15, 21, 31, 34–35, 37,
tourism and 89 39–41, 44, 47–51, 55 n. 2, 59, 62–63,
values and 2, 6, 13, 29, 77, 115, 66, 81, 83–86, 87 n. 50, 88, 94,
119, 131–133, 143, 187, 200 102–103, 114 n. 77, 118, 120, 122,
Alliance Israélite Universelle 6, 8, 49, 135, 123, 132–133, 136, 141, 144–147,
137, 162 n. 44 150, 156–157, 180, 183, 187,
Alsace 4–6, 27 190–195, 197
Anti-Semitism 6–7, 9–12, 43, 96–97, rate of participation in 118
106, 123, 145, 147, 155–156, 177, solidarity with 83, 166, 168
191, 194 Concerns 22, 31, 35, 89, 96–97, 141,
contemporary xvii, xix–xx, 2, 8, 13, 145–146, 184
15, 17, 26, 29, 106, 116, 155, 166, Consistory 5
192 Central (Consistoire Israélite) 5
historical xxi, 17 n. 39, 24, 26, Paris 11
28–30, 39, 42, 51, 99, 134, 149, Cukierman, Roger 10, 11 n. 27
152 n. 9, 156, 169, 176–177, 181,
183, 191 de Gaulle, Charles 7, 43
Aron, Raymond 20, 21 n. 46 de Sédouy, Alain 25, 42, 43 n. 95, 43
Ashkenazi Jews 5, 119–120 n. 97, 44
Askénazi, Léon (Manitou) 17 n. 39, Della Pergola, Sergio 26 n. 64, 33,
164 n. 55, 178, 180–182 36–40, 42, 50, 59, 61 n. 17, 62
Assimilation 6, 25, 27, 29, 35, 100, Deutsch, Emeric 30–35, 39, 62 n. 18,
133, 135, 165–169, 175 70 n. 21
Auschwitz 152, 159, 169 n. 74, 171 Diaspora xvii, xx–xxi, 1–2, 13–14,
Azria, Régine 114, 188 20, 25, 29, 36, 53, 62 n. 19, 63, 79,
87–89, 92, 97–100, 134, 153, 168,
Bachelard, Gaston 22–23 169 n. 74, 170, 192, 194–195
Bachi, Roberto 36, 40 Durkheim, Emile 21–23, 83 n. 44
Bensimon, Doris 26 n. 64, 36–39, 50,
59, 62, 77 n. 33, 102, 134 n. 93, 146 Education xxi, 10, 20, 33, 48–51, 53,
n. 111, 154 n. 17 60, 67–68, 70, 72, 81, 84, 86, 95,
Birnbaum, Pierre 7 n. 14, 12 102, 118, 120–122, 123–129, 132,
Blanchot, Maurice 149 135, 137, 139, 162 n. 44, 178 n. 111,
Bloch, Marc 152 n. 9 191, 194–195
Blumenkranz, Bernhard 5 n. 6, 46 informal 95, 131, 194–195
236 index
Jewish xxi, 6, 13, 48–51, 53, 60, Jewish xix–xx, 1–2, 5, 8, 12–17, 18
81, 84, 86, 88, 95, 118, 121, n. 40, 19, 28, 37, 43, 45, 51, 53,
123–129, 162, 178 n. 111, 62 n. 18, 76, 80, 99, 100, 106–107,
190–191, 194–195 131, 137, 146, 147, 149, 151–155,
level of 33, 68, 70, 102, 118, 122, 157–160, 162–164, 168–169, 173,
123, 132, 139 179, 182–183, 186, 188
private 5, 78, 80–81, 162, 184, Ikor, Roger 18, 158, 164 n. 55,
189–190, 193–194 166–168
public 10, 22, 37, 41–42, 49, 51, Integration xviii–xix, 6, 12, 27, 29, 40,
76, 78, 80–81, 119, 137, 147, 150, 121, 139, 152, 160, 167, 178 n. 112,
160, 162, 177, 183–184, 189–191, 183
193–194, 197 Islam 11–12, 97, 136, 145
Employment 70–71 Israel xvii–xviii, xx–xxi, 6, 8, 11,
Ethnicity 75 13–14, 18, 24, 29, 31, 34–35, 42,
Europe xviii–xix, 7, 19, 28, 35, 38 45–46, 50, 53, 55–56, 61 n. 17,
n. 89, 40–42, 62, 100, 183 62–63, 72, 74, 79–81, 83, 84 n. 45,
85 n. 47, 87–92, 95–101, 106, 116,
Facet Theory 40 n. 93, 56 118, 120–122, 123, 131, 135, 138,
data analysis methods 110 141, 145–147, 152, 156, 166–168,
Family size 66 174, 179, 181–182, 188, 191–193,
Fertility rate 38 n. 89, 40 195, 197
Finkielkraut, Alain 12 n. 30, 171–173, family in 141
177, 186 n. 4 immigration to (see also aliyah) 72,
Fonds Social Juif Unifié xxi, 31, 49, 53, 89, 95
56, 80 n. 38, 98, 154 n. 16 relationship with 13, 46, 97,
100
Gamzon, Robert (Castor) 178–180 tourism to 88–89
General Union of the Jews in France Israel-Diaspora relations 13
(UGIF) 179 Six Day War and 8, 13, 89,
Germany xviii, 6, 41–42, 57, 62, 179 135–136, 138, 166
Gilbert Bloch d’Orsay School (Ecole Israélite 2, 24–26, 30, 32, 43, 45–46,
d’Orsay) 179, 181 76–79, 153, 184–187, 196
Guttman, Louis 40, 56 nn. 7–8, 57
n. 9, 107, 110 n. 72, 115 Jewish Agency xxi, 49, 53, 55–56, 89,
91
Halter, Marek 154 n. 18, 157, 158 Jewish “fact” 17–18, 20–23, 26, 30,
n. 28 174–176, 183
Happiness 103–105, 120, 146, 158, Jewish identity xix–xx, 1–2, 5, 8,
163, 180 12–17, 18 n. 40, 19, 28, 37, 43, 45,
Harris, André 25, 42, 43 n. 95, 43 51, 53, 62 n. 18, 76, 80, 99, 100,
n. 97, 44 106–107, 131, 137, 146, 147, 149,
Holocaust (see Shoah) 151–155, 157–160, 162–164,
168–169, 173, 179, 182–183, 186,
Identity xix–xx, 1–2, 5, 8, 12–19, 188
25, 28, 36–37, 40–41, 43, 45, 47, indicators of 220, 228
50–51, 53, 62 n. 18, 75–77, 79–81, symbols of 228
84, 92, 95, 97, 99–101, 103,
106–107, 113 n. 75, 116 n. 86, Kriegel, Annie 47–48, 84–85, 86
120, 130–131, 137, 142, 146–147, n. 49, 158, 186–187, 191
149, 151–155, 157–160, 162–165,
167–170, 172–173, 178–179, Lévinas, Emmanuel 25, 76 n. 31, 157,
181–183, 185–188, 195–196, 161–164, 174–177
201 Lévy, Benny 175–177, 186
French 15, 147 Lévy, Bernard-Henri 177
index 237
Levy, Shlomit 225 Political emancipation 5–6

Lorraine 4–6, 27, 45 Political tendencies 117
Lyon 38, 64 Population xvii–xx, 2–3, 11, 19 n. 45,
27–28, 31–32, 34, 37–38, 40–41, 55,
Maghreb 8, 133, 134–135, 141, 144 57–68, 69 n. 20, 70, 73, 86–87, 94,
French Jews from 141 101, 106–107, 114–115, 133–134,
Jewish history in 22, 30, 173, 175 136–137, 139–140, 143, 145–147,
Maimonides, Moses 100, 153–154 184, 192, 194–195
Manceaux, Michèle 151 Jews of France 1 n. 1, 2–3, 5, 7–8,
Marienstras, Richard 168–170 26–27, 31, 34–41, 51, 61–65,
Marriage 29, 31, 40, 51, 64, 78, 85, 67–68, 70, 72, 84, 86, 91, 94, 98,
94, 98, 101–103, 187 108, 112, 115, 117, 123 n. 91,
endogamous 78, 101–102 134–136, 146, 183, 187, 190, 196
exogamous 101–102 survey methods 55, 58, 101
marital status 103, 105
Marseille 38, 64 Rabi, Vladimir 15, 28
Memmi, Albert 22–23, 25, 160–161, Religion 5, 10, 23 n. 57, 24–25,
164 n. 55 27, 44–45, 75–76, 80–81, 92–93,
Misrahi, Robert 17–18, 25, 163–166 114–115, 116 n. 85, 120, 132, 134,
Mopsik, Charles 100, 101 n. 58, 153 136, 142, 151, 156, 158, 162, 169
Morocco xvii, 7–8, 62–63, 76, n. 74, 181, 188
134–139, 141–144, 178 n. 112 attitudes towards Israel and 56
Muslims 134–135, 142 n. 108 level of practice 143
and French Jews xix, 1–3, 6–7, 9 level of religiosity 195
n. 20, 11–15, 24–25, 27–28, 32, Representative Council of Jewish
36, 38–39, 43–44, 46, 50–51, 56, Institutions in France (C.R.I.F.) 9,
62–64, 67–72, 74, 76, 79–80, 10 n. 25
84–86, 88–97, 110, 117, 121, 137, Roitman, Paul 178
139–144, 146–147, 153, 177,
183–184, 187, 191–193, 196 Sartre, Jean-Paul 155
and French society 12–14, 25, 30, Satisfaction 103, 116, 120, 146
41, 47, 51, 73, 120, 122, 123, Schnapper, Dominique 25, 44, 121
144, 153, 185, 188–189, 191, School 4, 8, 10, 41, 44, 49–51, 56,
196–197 60, 67, 80–81, 86, 95, 118–119,
121, 129, 135–137, 162 n. 44, 178
Neher, André 25, 158 nn. 110–111, 179, 181, 189–191,
Nice 38, 53, 64, 85 n. 47 194, 196
North Africa 6–8, 11, 28, 35–36, Catholic 80 n. 38, 189–190
38 n. 89, 50, 62–63, 73, 76, 119–120, Jewish 19, 50–51, 60, 80–81, 95–96,
133–137, 139–144, 147, 178 n. 111, 129, 174, 189–190
191 Public 51, 80–81, 183, 189–191,
193–194
Palestine 24 Secularism 80
Palestinians 74, 99 Sephardic Jews 5, 119
Paris 2, 4, 5 n. 8, 6, 9, 11, 15, 19, 24, Shoah (Holocaust) 11, 14, 28, 41,
31, 37–38, 41, 45, 62–64, 68, 69 151–152, 169
n. 21, 92, 99 n. 57, 101, 120, 123, 146, Solidarity 83, 84 n. 45, 87 n. 50, 131,
162 n. 45, 172, 178 n. 111, 179, 181 166, 168, 195
suburbs of 92 Soviet Union (See USSR)
Perec, Georges 151–152 Spinoza 153–154, 166
Pétain, Marshal Philippe 7 Strasbourg 38, 64, 179 n. 116
Philanthropy 83, 84 n. 45, 195
Philosophy, French Jewish 14 Toulouse 38, 179
Pincus Foundation xxi Tourism 88–89
238 index
Trigano, Shmuel 21, 153, 173, 183 structural analysis of 118

Tunisia 7–8, 16, 63, 76, 134, 136–139, typology of 45, 76, 109, 113–114,
141–142 147, 185, 187, 199
Vichy 7, 14, 26–27, 43–44, 179
United Jewish Appeal of France 75 Vidal-Naquet, Pierre 169 n. 74
United States of America 2, 84 n. 45
Jews of 195 Weber, Max 83 n. 43
USSR (former) 63, 138 Worry 103–106
Jews of 1 n. 1, 13, 62, 191
Youth 49–50, 55, 87–88, 95, 131, 150,
Values 2–3, 6, 11, 13, 23 n. 57, 25, 172, 178 nn. 111–112, 180 n. 116,
29–30, 33, 41–42, 48, 51, 57 n. 9, 190, 194–195
75, 77, 80–81, 107–119, 121, French Jewish 1, 7, 11, 13–15, 18
123–129, 130–134, 141–144, 147, n. 40, 27, 49–51, 63, 74, 80, 87,
163, 187–189, 191, 193, 206–207, 91, 93–95, 97, 102, 132, 135, 137,
212–213 146, 149, 152, 154, 157, 164 n. 55,
concerns and 35, 96 189, 192–193
country of birth and 63, 137–143 Movements, Jewish and Zionist 6,
European Values Survey 109 178 n. 111
French Republican 11, 34, 83, 133,
137, 188 Zionism 25, 93, 100, 161, 174
socio-economic factors and 132

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The Jews of France Today

The titles published in this series are listed at www.brill.nl/jicw.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Copyright 2011 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands.

Prof. Annie Kriegel

Prof. Shlomo (Seymour) Fox

May these pages serve as a modest reminder of their blessed memory!

List of Tables ................................................................................ xi

Chapter One. Introduction to the Jewish Community of

Chapter Two. Empirical Study of the Jews of France at the

2. Demography of the French Jewish Community Today ..... 59

6.3.1. Individualists ................................................ 118

Chapter Three. French Jewish Philosophical Writings

Chapter Four. Reflections and Conclusions on the Jews of

Statistical Appendix ..................................................................... 199

Table 1: Population of the Jews of France: A summary of the

Table 17: Self-definition of identity by Jewish heads of

Table 54: Religious practice, belief and community

Figure 1: Axiological Graph, Geometric Representation

Prof. Steven M. Cohen is a research professor of Jewish social policy

In the mid-20th century, their Jews migrated en masse to France,

extraordinary popular antagonism to Israel yet, of all large Diaspora

Additional thanks to:

INTRODUCTION TO THE JEWISH COMMUNITY

larger than the “Jewish community of France”.4 The phrase “French

1. A Brief History of the Jews in France

Archeological evidence of Jews living in the region of what is now

Over the centuries, the French Jewish population fluctuated from

communities and convened an assembly of Jewish rabbis and leaders,

brought to the surface expressions of virulent and wide-spread anti-

the North African Jewish communities were influenced by the many

2. The Current Social, Political and Cultural Climate

Next, we shall take a brief look at the socio-political climate in which

of anti-Semitism in France recorded 300 “hostile acts” against Jews in

every sort of discrimination. By reaffirming in schools and in gov-

3. Relationship with Israel

One of the key arenas in which such inter-communal clashes are

donating to specific causes rather than to general funds. Following the

4. French Jewish Philosophy on Jewish Identity and

– “You meet people . . . Friends . . . Acquaintances . . . I come from

We may ask ourselves, why is this questioning about Jewish identity

sion” with self-questioning has in fact passed over to other groups.36

Misrahi is not simply noting the disproportionate attention given to

Husband: We are not at all observant. Not Shabbat.45 Or the rest . . .

The challenge is to prepare a sociological presentation of the “Jew-

even systematized”46—that is, a reality in which the objective mind

be motivated by different tactical currents); and each of which are

questions: How do those individuals that we put together under the

5. Juif and Israélite: Shifting Representations of Identity

route to emancipation and, correspondingly, to assimilation. At this

Even Rabi, a perceptive observer of post-war French Jewry, did not

6. Previous Surveys of French Jewry

In addition to philosophers investigating the “Jewish fact”, political

Since the emancipation of the Jews of France in 1791, the French

6.1. A Political Approach to Jewish Identity: Anatomy of French Judaism

The second part of Anatomy is an exhaustive political analysis of the

certain religious and historical calendar, which makes up the elements

6.2. The Sofres Studies (1976 & 1980)

of the Jewish Telegraphic Agency published the results on February