ISSN 1799-2591

Theory and Practice in Language Studies, Vol. 3, No. 7, pp. 1081-1092, July 2013
© 2013 ACADEMY PUBLISHER Manufactured in Finland.
doi:10.4304/tpls.3.7.1081-1092

On the Usage of Sinhalese Differential Object

Markers Object Marker /wa/ vs. Object Marker
/ta/
Kanduboda A, B. Prabath
Ritsumeikan University, Ritsumeikan International, Global Gateway Program, Japan

Abstract—Previous studies (Aisen, 2003; Kanduboda, 2011) on Sinhalese language have suggested that direct
objects (i.e., accusative marked nouns) in active sentences can be marked by two distinctive case markers. In
some sentences, accusative nouns can be denoted by the accusative case marker /wa/. In other sentences, the
same nouns can again be denoted by the dative case marker /ta/. However, the verbs required by these
accusatives were not investigated in the previous studies. Thus, the present study further conducted an
investigation to observe whether these two types of case markings can occur with the same verbs. A free
productivity task was conducted with 100 Sinhalese native speakers living in Sri Lanka. A comparison study
was carried out using sentences with the verbs accompanying /wa/ accusatives and /ta/ accusatives. The results
showed that, verbs accompanied by /wa/ case marker and verbs accompanied by /ta/ case marker are
incongruent. Thus, this study concluded that Sinhalese active sentences consisting of transitive verbs are
broadly divided into two patterns; those which take only /wa/ accusatives and those which take only /ta/
accusatives.

Index Terms—Sinhalese language, active sentences, transitive verbs, /wa/ accusatives, /ta/ accusatives

I. INTRODUCTION
Sinhalese (also referred to as Sinhala, Singhala and Singhalese, (Englebretson & Carol, 2005)) is one of the major
languages spoken in Sri Lanka. The history of Sinhalese goes back to two thousand years ago and more (Herath, et al.,
1994). Its word order is said to be in the form of subject (S) object (O) and verb (V) (Dissanayaka, 2007; Pallatthara &
Weihene, 1966). Sinhalese has two distinctive forms: the written form and the spoken form. These two forms differ
noticeably in their core grammatical structures (Englebretson & Carol, 2005; Miyagishi, 2005). Subject-verb agreement,
for instance, can be pointed out as a main difference between the spoken and the written forms. In the written form, the
subject must agree with the verb in gender (male/ female), number (singular/ plural) and person(1st/ 2nd/ 3rd) in order to
make a grammatically correct sentence. The spoken form, however, does not require subject-verb agreement in that
only one form of the verb can be used for all gender, number and persons. For example, an English sentence „Nimal hit
Kamal‟ in Sinhalese can have different morphological inflections on the verb such as nimal kamala-ta gehuwa (spoken)
and nimal kamala-ta gehuweaya (written). The spoken form is mostly used in daily life and other kind of casual
communication, whereas the written form is used for official purposes such as materials written on news papers and
other formal documents. While the spoken form is very flexible in various syntactic aspects, the written form involves
many grammatical rules (Dissanayaka, 2007). Although Sinhalese distinguishes many features from Indo Aryan
languages, it also possesses some common features shared by other languages. Animacy, for instance, has been reported
as a salient category in Indo-Aryan languages, and it also plays an important role in Sinhalese syntactic and semantic
categories (Carmen, 2006; Garland, 2006; Henderson, 2006). In addition, comparative studies on Sinhalese (Noguchi,
1984; Miyagishi, 2003, 2005) have also reported that animacy playing a rather salient and unique role from the phrase
level to sentence level. Usage of postpositions, for example, is said to be influenced by the animacy involvement
(Chandralal, 2010; Dissanayaka, 2007).
Although Sinhalese possesses many postpositions, not all the nouns can be accompanied with them. A case in point,
in active sentences, if the direct object is an animate noun, it always accompanies a postpositional marker to denote the
case despite the nature of verbs as in kamal niila-ta gehuwa[φNOM, anim [ACC, anim [V+PST]]] meaning „Kamal hit
Niila‟/ kamal niila-wa edda[φNOM, anim [ACC, anim [V+PST]]] meaning „Kamal pulled Niila‟. However, if the same
position (ACC) is replaced by an inanimate noun, it may be denoted by a postpositional marker depending on the verb;
kamal measaya gattha [φNOM, anim [φACC, inam [V+PST]]] meaning „Kamal bought a table‟ / kamal measaya-ta
gehuwa [φNOM, anim [ACC, inam [V+PST]]] meaning „Kamal hit the table‟. Accordingly, it is clear that the role of
animacy is rather crucial in Sinhalese syntax. This study is focused on animate nouns which evidently have a complex
usage with relation to case markings.
A previous study done by Aisen (2003), has proposed that Sinhalese is a language where a phenomenon called DOM
(differential object markings) exists. According to this proposal, Sinhalese direct objects (i.e., animate nouns) can be
marked by two different case markers to denote the accusative case. Although this study has proposed the usage of

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differential case markings in Sinhalese, it has not given further evidence on the verbs accompanied with them. The
examples in the previous paragraph are evidential for the fact that, although the same animate noun can be subjected to
the afore mentioned phenomenon, it is possible that these markers are accompanied by different verbs. Therefore, this
study investigated this complex usage of two case markers of the Sinhalese language in active sentences consisting of
transitive verbs.
In the following sections, I shall start with a brief description about the Sinhalese sentences types and case markings.
Previous studies (Dissanayaka, 2007; Gunasekara 1999) have provided different categorizations of Sinhalese sentences
both in semantic and syntactic perspectives which evidently have provided ample evidence on many complexities of
Sinhalese sentences. However, since this study is only focused on simple sentences in the active voice, this section will
categorize Sinhalese active sentences into a rather simple and argument based categorization. It is assumed that the
present categorization might mask the potential complexities in the syntax, though, is not a significant factor for the
later discussion. In addition, this section will also provide detailed information on the usage of case markers. Section 3
will discuss the nature of the DOM (Differential Object Markings) phenomenon with its uniqueness in the Sinhalese
language in relation to the animacy involvement. Section 4 will deal with the data obtained from the native Sinhalese
speakers and further categorize the verbs used in /wa/ and /ta/ accusatives. Finally, section 5 will provide an overall
view of the DOM phenomenon in the Sinhalese language.

II. SENTENCE TYPES AND NOUN PHRASE CASES IN SINHALESE

A. Sentence Categorization and Syntactic Structure
As any other language in the world, Sinhalese also comprises different categories to mark different parts of the
language such as nouns, verbs, sentences, etc. According to Gunasekara (1999), Sinhalese nouns are classified into two
principle classes as common nouns and proper nouns, whereas, verbs are also classified into two principle classes;
transitive verbs and intransitive verbs. Sentences, on the other hand, are divided into six kinds; Simple Sentences,
Complex Sentences, Contracted Sentences, Collateral Sentences, Compound Sentences and Elliptical Sentences. This
categorization involves both semantic and syntactic aspects in wide range. This study however, is focused only on the
simple sentences in the active voice. Although Gunasekara (1999) has divided verbs into two basic classes (transitive
and intransitive), this paper assumes that there should be another class to classify these verbs as analyzed below. Taking
a view based on the predicate and its arguments Carnie (2007) has categorized sentences in terms of noun phrases (NPs)
and prepositional phrases (PPs) for English. Although Sinhalese does not share the identical phrases as such in English,
it is assumed that the same categorization can also be applied. According to this categorization, verbs in active
sentences can be categorized into three patterns which in turn includes the two types mentioned in Gunasekara (1999)
and one extra (the ditransitive verbs). Consider the examples below.

The counterpart of English prepositional phrases in Sinhalese is postpositional phrases (Dissanayaka, 2007).
Examples 1), 2), and 3) are active sentences. Example 1) is an active sentence consisting of an intransitive verb. The
verb „smiled (hinawuna)‟ requires only one obligatory argument kapila [NP φNOM]. 2) Exemplifies an active sentence
consisting of a transitive verb where two obligatory arguments are required. The verb „pulled (edda)‟ in Sinhalese
language requires two NPs as agent kapila and patient amara [φNOM and ACC]. Finally, the active sentence in 3)
exemplifies a ditransitive verb which in turn requires three arguments. The verb „gave (dunna)‟ in Sinhalese language
requires three NP arguments. First, the agent kapila [φNOM] precedes the patient amara-ta [DAT]. Then the theme
pota [φACC] is placed before the verb dunna. These three types constitute three different hierarchical structures as
illustrated in figure 1, 2 and 3.

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B. Noun Phrase Cases in Sinhalese

Sinhalese has a set of words called postpositions which are divided into eight different classes namely, case particles,
predicate particles, highlighting particles, conjunctive particles, discourse particles, interrogative particles, quotative
particles, and negative particles (Chandralal, 2010). It is assumed that these eight categories are based on either
syntactic (e.g., case particles, predicate particles etc.) or semantic functions (discourse particles, negative particles etc.).
However, this study divides Sinhalese postpositions into four main categories; case markers, case inflections, articles
and particles. Sinhalese noun phrases are marked by two different parts; case markers or case inflections. Case markers
are suffixes (as exemplified in 5) whereas case inflections are infixes (as exemplified in 6). Example 5 indicates a usage
of case marker –wa (samara-wa), while example 6 indicates a usage of an inflectional marker –ee (thappaya + ee =
thappayee). Accordingly, the main difference between case markers and case inflection is whether the case marked
noun undergoes a morphological inflection or not. However, despite the morphological difference, both case markers
and case inflections are used to denote the case in Sinhalese. Articles, on the other hand, support to define a given noun
into definite or indefinite categories. The rest I categorize as particles. It should be noted that postpositions (as the
name itself suggests) occur only at the end of nouns (either inside the NP as a morphological inflection or outside the
NP). This study focuses on the usage of Sinhalese case markings. Sinhalese basically marks seven noun phrases;
nominative (NOM), accusative (ACC), dative (DAT), genitive (GEN), locative (LOC), instrumental (INSTL) and
ablative (ABL) (Garland, 2006). However, not all of them are accompanied with a case marker or case inflection to
denote the properties (Noguchi, 1984).

Example 4) illustrates an active sentence consisting of an intransitive verb „collapsed (kadaawetuna)‟. The syntactic
structure [NP φNOM, inam [VP V+PAST]] indicates that the nominative element is empty (φNOM). In other words, the
nominate case is not denoted by a case marker or an inflectional marker. Recall that, example 1) also carries the
identical structure of [NP φNOM, anim [VP V+PAST]]. Despite animacy (as a factor), both sentences show similarity of
empty nominative case in active sentences consisting of intransitive verbs. Note that all the examples from 5) to 10) are

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congruent in this regard. The nominative NP is not denoted by a case marker or an inflectional marker. Thus, it is
evidential that active sentences consisting of either transitive or intransitive verbs in Sinhalese mark the nominative NP
as empty despite the noun properties (namely, animate or inanimate).

The accusative marked noun „Samara‟ in example 5) is denoted by the case marker /wa/, while in 6) the locative
marked noun „wall‟ is accompanied by an inflectional marker –ee (thappaya + ee = thappayee). Example 7) illustrates
the usage of the dative case marker /ta/ with the noun „Amara‟, while in example 8) the genitive case marker /ge/ is
placed soon after the genitive noun „Niila‟. Finally, in example 9) the instrumental noun „pencil‟ is marked by an
inflectional marker -en (pensala + en = pensalen), while in 10) the ablative marked noun „Samara‟ is accompanied by
the ablative marker -gen.

There are two major points on the Sinhalese case markings. One, it is evidential that noun phrase cases are not only
marked by case markers (suffixes), but also by case inflections (infixes). Second, as previous studies also suggest
(Miyagishi 2003; Noguchi, 1984) the nominative NP is always marked empty regardless of the animacy (animate or
inanimate). Furthermore, there is also another different usage of case markers especially where animacy is factored. The
next section will elaborate this usage in-depth.

III. DUAL NATURE OF DOM PHENOMENON

The previous section explained that the Sinhalese dative marked nouns are denoted by the case marker /ta/. However,
according to some studies (Miyagishi, 2003, 2005; Noguchi, 1984), the dative /ta/ is not used only to mark the dative
element in the Sinhalese sentences. It also has another usage in active sentences consisting of transitive verbs. Consider
the examples below.

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Both 11) and 12) are active sentences consisting of transitive verbs. The syntactic structures of both sentences are
identical [NP φNOM [VP ACC [V+PAST]]]. It is evident that the usage of dative case marker /ta/ is somewhat different
from the /ta/ mentioned in the previous section. That is, /ta/ is used to denote the dative elements (in active sentences
consisting of ditransitive verbs as exemplified in 7). However, here /ta/ is also used to denote the accusative elements in
the same regard, which in turn suggest that the Sinhalese language possesses two different markers to denote accusative
cases (/wa/ and /ta/). A previous study conducted by Aisen (2003) proposes that Sinhalese is a language where DOM
(Differential Object Marking) can be noticeable in active sentences. For example, the accusative marked nouns (i.e.,
direct objects) in active sentences consisting of transitive verbs can have two different case markers depending on the
animacy of given nouns. On one hand, accusative marked nouns (only animate objects) can be denoted by the
accusative case marker /wa/. On the other hand, the same nouns can also be denoted by the dative case marker /ta/
(compare example 5 and 11).
The DOM phenomenon in Sinhalese is unique in three aspects. First, it can only be seen in active sentences
consisting of transitive verbs. Note that in the other two types mentioned in section 2.1 (active sentences consisting
either intransitive or ditransitive verbs), we do not see this phenomenon. In active sentences consisting of intransitive
verbs usually do not accompany case markers as only one argument is required (φNOM-V), while active sentences
consisting of ditransitive verbs always require three arguments (φNOM-DAT-ACC-V). Second, the phenomenon can be
seen only with the accusative marked nouns (i.e., accusative cases), but not with any other cases mentioned in the
previous section. Third, the phenomenon only exists in sentences where an animate noun is placed in the accusative
position. It should be noted that, when an inanimate noun is used in the accusative position, only /ta/ is used as a case
marker (e.g., 13). If /wa/ is used after inanimate accusative noun, the sentence is considered grammatically ill-formed as
depicted in 14).

Example 14) is derived from example 5). Besides animacy, both 13) and 14) fundamentally carry the identical
structure of [NP φNOM [VP ACC [V+PAST]]]. However, 14) is considered grammatically ill-formed since /wa/ is placed
after the inanimate accusative marked noun. In Sinhalese, these nouns are used with either /ta/; amara measaya-ta
gehuwa [NP φNOM, anim [VP ACC, inam [V+PAST]]] „Amara hit the table‟ or, without a case marker; amara measaya
thallukara [NP φNOM, anim [VP φACC, inam [V+PAST]]] „Amara pushed the table‟.

IV. /WA/ ACCUSATIVES VS. /TA/ ACCUSATIVES IN SINHALESE

Since the DOM suggests Sinhalese has two different markers to denote the accusative nouns, it is assumed that
accusative cases in Sinhalese can be divided into two types; /wa/ accusatives and /ta/ accusatives. Thus, these
accusatives may accompany different verbs. Therefore, this study conducted a survey in order to investigate whether the
verbs are identical in both patterns.
A. Data Collection
The data was collected from 100 high school students (57 females and 43 males) staying in Colombo, Sri Lanka
(average age been 16 years and 3 months). A free productivity task1 was done to collect the data. Participants were
asked to write 20 active sentences consisting of transitive verbs using /wa/ and /ta/ case markers (10 of each). Overall,
2000 sentences (1000 each) were collected.

1
In this task, the participants were asked to write active sentences consisting of transitive verbs, thus the sentences were in the form of Su bject+
Object+ Verb.

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B. Analysis and Results

Sentences in both accusative types were analyzed separately. All the verbs used in /wa/ accusatives and /ta/
accusatives are presented in appendixes A, B, C, and D (not that English gloss is presented in the present tense, whilst
Sinhalese is presented in the past tense). These appendixes are organized according to the descending order of the
occurring frequency. Number of verbs and their occurring frequency is presented in table 1.

The analysis showed that verbs used in both patterns are not identical (despite extra 5 verbs). A total of 46 different
verbs were found in /wa/ accusatives, whereas, /ta/ accusatives were used with a total of 38 verbs. Both patterns showed
to have two basic types of verbs; simple verbs and compound verbs as shown in table 1. In the sentences where /wa/
accusatives are accompanied with verbs, there were 16 simple verbs; whilst in the sentences where /ta/ accusatives are
accompanied had only 13 simple verbs. Compound verbs, on the other hand, again subcategorized into different types
according to the root verbs. However, both accusatives had same number of coumpound verb types (10 each), /wa/
accusatives; gattha, kala, giya, geawa, gehuwa, heriya, benda, keawa, keawa, dunna, demma: /ta/ accusatives; kala,
gehuwa, pethuwa, thibba, dunna, kiwwa, desuwa, benda, beawa, elluwa. Gunasekara (1999) has given two basic
categorizations for the Sinhalese compound verbs; those which composed of Elu words (verbs of Sinhalese origin) only
& those made up by imported words and an Elu word (the more extensive class). The compound verb types found in the
present study included both classes. Previous studies (Englebretson & Carol, 2005; Gunasekara, 1999) also suggest that
Sinhalese verb morphology is complex, in that it consists of a number of inflectional classes. According to Dissanayaka
(2008), Sinhalese verbs have four kinds of morphological inflections; „a‟ type [˄], „i‟ type [i], „e‟ type [e], and
„exclusive‟ type which the rest of all are included. In written Sinhalese, verbs usually undergo morphological inflections
for tense, person, number and voice. However, this study is conducted with the spoken form of Sinhalese language. As
mentioned in the introduction, the morphological inflections of the spoken form of verbs are less distinctive since the
same form of a verb can be used for the number, person and gender. Nevertheless, all the verbs used in the present study
were in the past tense. Thus, they all belong to the first type inflections „a‟ (i.e., kal + a = kala, kiw + a = kiwwa, dun +
a = dunna etc).
1. Cluster classification on the usage
Since different types of verbs were involved in both accusatives, a cluster analysis was conducted using dendrograms.
Figure 4 represents 3 clusters for the simple verbs used with /ta/ accusatives (a total of 13 verbs). According to the
descending order of the usage, cluster 3 shows 17.20% usage, whilst cluster 2 shows 12.80% usage. Finally, cluster 1
shows 4.80% usage. Based on this result, verbs in cluster 3, 2 and 1 can be considered the high (3 verbs), middle (6
verbs) and low (4 verbs) usage with /ta/ accusatives. Also figure 4.1 represents 3 clusters for the compound verbs used
with /ta/ accusatives (a total of 25 verbs). According to the descending order of the usage, cluster 3 shows 24.70%
usage, whilst cluster 1 shows 16.60% usage. Finally, cluster 2 shows 13.10% usage. Based on this result, verbs in
cluster 3, 1 and 2 can be considered the high (9 verbs), middle (13 verbs) and low (3 verbs) usage with /ta/ accusatives.

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Following, figure 5 represents 3 clusters for the simple verbs used with /wa/ accusatives (a total of 16 verbs).
According to the descending order of the usage, cluster 3 shows 23.30% usage, whilst cluster 2 shows 10.30% usage.
Finally, cluster 1 shows 3.30% usage. Based on this result, verbs in cluster 3, 2 and 1 can be considered the high (6
verbs), middle (5 verbs) and low (5 verbs) usage with /wa/ accusatives.

Lastly, figure 5.1 represents 4 clusters for the compound verbs used with /wa/ accusatives (a total of 30 verbs). The
descending order according to the usage is, cluster 4 (18.40% usage), cluster 2 (16.60% usage), cluster 3 (12.20%
usage) and cluster 4 (2.80% usage). Based on this result, verbs in cluster 4, 3, 2 and 1 can be considered as the high (5
verbs), middle (13 verbs), lower middle (6 verbs), and low (6 verbs) usage with /wa/ accusatives.

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Note that, all the verbs classified into clusters do not always match with the descending order of the usage.
Furthermore, both /wa/ and /ta/ accusatives consisted of some compound verbs where the root verbs are identical, in
that 4 root verbs happen to occur in both patterns. For example, gehuwa as in sunil kamal-ta andagehuwa (Sunil called
Kamal) versus sunil kamal-wa pelagehuwa (Sunil lined Kamal), kalaa as in sunil kamal-ta kathaakala (Sunil
summoned Kamal) versus sunil kamal-wa konkala (Sunil ignored Kamal), dunna as in sunil kamal-ta athadunna (Sunil
helped Kamal) versus sunil kamal-wa adunnaladunna (Sunil introduced Kamal) and benda as in sunil kamal-wa benda
(Sunil tied Kamal) versus sunil kamal-ta wairabenda (Sunil hated Kaml). Note that although these root verbs are
identical, when they are used with additional parts (nouns or adjectives) these verbs vary in meaning, and are
considered not a significant factor to be considered in the same class.
The present analysis showed that Sinhalese active sentences consisting of transitive verbs can be categorized into two
classes; verbs accompany case marker /wa/ and verbs accompany the case marker /ta/ in order to denote the accusative
case in the same regard. Furthermore, according to the verbs used in the production task, the traditional accusative
marker /wa/ showed rather high usage compared to the traditional dative marker /ta/. However, there were some five
exceptional verbs which being used in both accusative types. One simple verb (-wa /ta ridduwa root meaning of „hurt‟)
and four compound verbs (-wa/ta tharawatukala root meaning of „reprimand‟, -wa/ta thuwaalakala root meaning of
„hurt‟, -wa/ta dashtakala root meaning of „bit‟, -wa/ta pashanshakala root meaning of „praise‟) showed complexity in
the usage by native speakers. These verbs may need further investigation in order to clarify the hidden significance of
the usage.

V. CONCLUSION
The present study conducted a survey analysis on the usage of two case markers in Sinhalese sentences; accusative
/wa/ and dative /ta/. According to Aisen, (2003) and Kanduboda, (2011), Sinhalese is a language with differential object
markings, meaning that the accusative nouns in the active sentences can have two different markers (/wa/ or /ta/), on the
condition of animate nouns. However, the verbs were not taken into account in the previous studies. Although the same
accusative noun (i.e., direct object) can take two different markers, the accompanying verbs can be different. Therefore,
an investigation was conducted to observe whether /wa/ accusatives and /ta/ accusatives` are accompanied by identical
verbs.
In this study, Sinhalese active sentences were categorized into three types; active sentences consisting of intransitive
verbs, active sentences consisting of transitive verbs and active sentences consisting of ditransitive verbs. Noun phrases
in intransitive sentences usually do not accompany case markers (patterns concerned in this study). Ditransitive
sentences, on the other hand, require three arguments (nominative, dative and accusative). Thus, in these sentences
dative case marker does not occur twice in the same context. However, transitive sentences remain doubtful leaving a
possibility for the DOM phenomenon. Furthermore, albeit Sinhalese possesses a number of case markers, only dative
case marker appear to have a complex usage especially in active sentences where an accusative element is presented
with an animate noun. Therefore, first, active sentences with transitive verbs were observed with the dual nature of
DOM phenomenon. As suggested in the previous studies (Aisen, 2003), the data reconfirmed that animacy is a salient
factor; only animate nouns in the accusative case may take two case markers where as inanimate nouns are either
accompanied by the dative case marker /ta/ or left empty.

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The data (verbs) collected from the native speakers were analyzed in two arrays; verbs accompanying /wa/ and verbs
accompanying /ta/. First, the verbs in both types were categorized into two basic classes; simple verbs and compound
verbs. The simple verbs showed that they occur in one pattern, either /wa/ or /ta/. Although some types of compound
verbs in both patterns were identical (they both end with the same root verbs), the nouns and the verbs adjoining them
were different (refer to appendix C & D). Thus, the meaning and the usage are considered to be different. The overall
picture of the Sinhalese DOM phenomenon is depicted in figure 6. Previous studies have claimed up to 3rd point (left
side of the figure) on the usage of differential object markers in Sinhalese language. However, a detailed study has not
been carried out since then. Thus, this study conducted further two parts (number 4 & 5) in order to reveal the
remaining of this phenomenon. According to this study, active sentences consisting of transitive verbs (both simple and
compound) in the Sinhalese language can be divided into two basic patterns; verbs which take only /wa/ accusatives and
verbs which take only /ta/ accusatives. However, there were five other exceptional examples which this study does not
cover. These four verbs remain doubtful as they occurred with both /wa/ and /ta/ accusatives. Hence, a further survey
would be necessary to explore the cause of these hidden factors in the Sinhalese language.

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Kanduboda A, B. Prabath was born in Colombo Sri Lanka in 1980. The general education from elementary school to high
school graduation was attained in D.S. Senanayaka College Sri Lanka. The author obtained his bachelors‟ degree in social science at
Asia Pacific Studies, Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, Beppu, Japan in 2005. Following, the author obtained the masters‟ degree
in applied linguistics at Graduate school of Languages & Cultures, Nagoya University, Nagoya, Japan on 2009. Finally, the author
gained the Ph.D. in linguistics at the Graduate school of Languages & Cultures, Nagoya University, Nagoya, Japan in 2012.
In his working experience, he worked as a part-time lecturer in English both in AichiToho University and Vocational School of
Social Service, Nursery, Social Welfare & International Business, Nagoya, Japan from 2009 to 2013. He now works as a
LECTURER in Ritsumeikan University, Ritsumeikan International, Global Gateway Program, Kyoto, Japan. At present the author
conducts and is interested in doing research and survey on syntax (Sinhala language), acquisition and competence of English and
Japanese as second & third language, psycholinguistics, academic writing and intercultural communication.
Dr. Kanduboda is a member of Japanese Association of Social Science, The Linguistic Society of Japan, The Japanese Society for
Cognitive psychology.

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