Ulster Unionist Party Proposals For The 2011-2015 Programme For Government
Ulster Unionist Party Proposals For The 2011-2015 Programme For Government
Ulster Unionist Party Proposals For The 2011-2015 Programme For Government
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Index
1. A Rebalanced economy which encourages enterprise, trade and investment 2. A Healthier Northern Ireland 3. Quality education and learning opportunities for all 4. Safeguarding the most vulnerable in society 5. Safer communities and an effective criminal justice system 6. Effective services for victims, equality and good relations 7. Culture, Arts and Leisure 8. Standing up for rural communities 9. A clean environment with a sustainable supply of energy 10. An infrastructure which is adequately resourced and fit for purpose 11. Improved operation of Government and joined up Government
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Introduction
The Ulster Unionist Party is pleased to present our thoughts on the forthcoming 2011-1015 Programme for Government for Northern Ireland. We entered the 2011 Assembly election with a pledge that we would get all the political parties around the table in the days after the final result being declared. We were pleased that two days of cross party talks took place and that many of the biggest issues were discussed, but unfortunately as was all too common with the previous Executive, these issues lay dormant within the Office of the First Minister and deputy First Minister ever since. This is particularly frustrating given that it is now over 6 months since the budget for the next four years was forced through. It passed almost without mention that the Coalition Government published its headline Programme for Government 6 days after the polls closed and their full Programme by the end of the same month. Indeed even the Scottish Executive published an interim PfG in September last year in light of perceived budgetary pressures. Therefore we have taken the responsible step of drawing up a number of proposals which we believe could have a beneficial impact in Northern Ireland over the next 4 to 5 years. The biggest consideration when drawing up targets for the next Assembly term has been an acknowledgement that the Executive is entering a period of sustained fiscal constraint of which it is truly going to be tested to find workable solutions for extremely difficult financial circumstances. It has always been our Partys nature to be honest with the electorate and consequently we arent promising things which we ourselves do not absolutely consider to be deliverable. Lessons should be learnt from the 2008-2011 Programme for Government both in terms of setting realistic targets and as well as performance measuring techniques. In June 2010 the Minister for Finance and Personnel admitted that many commitments set out in the original Programme for Government were no longer deliverable, but yet OFMdFM refused to amend the document. We have long argued that a four year budget should always be associated with a costed Programme for Government as well as an effective Investment Strategy. Looking forward, the economy remains the number one priority for the Ulster Unionist Party. It is vital that we begin to once again provide the wealth and resources required to build the peaceful, fair and prosperous society that all in Northern Ireland want to see. However this will require new thinking and brave decision making.
The Ulster Unionist Partys top priorities for this term of the Assembly are: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. Northern Irelands economy Protecting Northern Irelands heath system Providing our young people with the education they deserve A shared future A better form of governance of Northern Ireland
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Therefore, the Ulster Unionist Party wants to see this Executive deliver: 1. A Rebalanced economy which encourages enterprise, trade and investment 2. A Healthier Northern Ireland 3. Quality education and learning opportunities for all 4. An infrastructure which is adequately resourced and fit for purpose 5. Protections for the most vulnerable in society 6. Safer communities and an effective criminal justice system 7. The recognition rural communities deserve 8. A clean environment with a sustainable supply of energy 9. Improved operation of Government and Joined up Government 10. Effective services for victims, equality and good relations
This Executive will face many challenges and will have no choice but to make some difficult decisions; however we genuinely believe there are opportunities to deliver a more stream lined public service. The reform of public administration is only partially complete, with only the Health Department having seen it through to the end under the former UUP Minister. An Educational Skills Authority has the potential to deliver a much more streamlined education service, yet unfortunately it has been dragged down by out-dated political ideology. These are two areas where the Ulster Unionist Party want to see immediate action and there is no reason why this cannot be the case. In short, the Ulster Unionist Party want to see a PfG which is centred around our own strategic goals: To promote good governance To build a better, healthier more tolerant Northern Ireland To make best use of our economic potential
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Economy
Stating that the economy is at the heart of a PfG is a fine sentiment, but relatively meaningless in isolation. We consider one of Stormonts most important roles to create the environment in which business people can grow the private sector, creating the jobs that generate the wealth than provides the tax income to fund our public services. What we are not able to do however is create jobs in the sense of setting up private sector companies and offering direct employment. The Ulster Unionist Party acknowledges that the imbalance between our public and private sectors has built up over a period of decades and therefore requires a long-term fix. We also perceive the debate on the relative strengths of the public and private sectors to be a two-dimensional view requiring the addition of the third element of the social economy. It must also be remembered that the Northern Ireland economy is unique in that it saw decades of systematic targeting of the private sector by terrorists who bombed businesses and subjected individual business people to intimidation and much worse. Creating the environment where the economy flourishes entails a complex cocktail of measures, well beyond purely economic or fiscal initiatives; a holistic view must recognise the importance of housing conditions, access to transportation, health and, above all, the existence of an educated workforce with the skill sets most likely to appeal to private sector investors. Politicians talk of jobs; economists increasingly speak of skills. One of the central tenets in rebalancing the Northern Ireland economy is the devolution of Corporation Tax (CT). We want the power devolved and then deployed, with the primary aim of building our manufacturing / production base. At present, Invest NIs chief tool is Selective Financial Assistance (SFA). This is well suited to attract elements of a business which are cost centres, e.g. a call centre. Organisations will base these cost centres where the operational costs are lowest. A lower rate of CT does not apply to cost centres, as, by definition, they do not generate a profit. CT will help attract those elements of a business that do generate profit, i.e. the manufacturing element. As regards the practical implementation of CT: We believe a lower rate of CT should be pre-announced, to give Invest NI two years in which to attract new businesses and get them established on the ground in NI. We further propose CT is lowered incrementally over a period of 3-5 years, allowing scope to react the changing international economic conditions. We must also bear in mind that these conditions include the UK rate of CT decreasing from 26% to 23% by 2014.
However, the Ulster Unionist Party is aware of the need for a basket of measures to address the issues within the Northern Ireland economy and we want to see an NI wide Economic
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Enterprise Zone. Secretary of State, Owen Paterson MP, has promised such an Enterprise Zone and we await movement on this important issue. We call for an urgent discussion and agreement on what elements should be included in such an initiative. The Ulster Unionist Party would propose, in addition to CT and SFA, elements including an expansion of the Small Business Rates Relief Scheme; a National Insurance Contribution holiday for employers creating new jobs; A 100% capital allowances on new commercial and industrial buildings a 5% VAT rate on the Repair Maintenance and Improvement of the domestic housing stock; a reduced rate of Air Passenger Duty (APD); the creation of a truly businessfriendly regime of tax and administrative regulations, cognisant of the capacity issues associated with the large number of SMEs in our private sector and generally less red tape and bureaucracy. It is also important that we begin to explore the potential for developing a green energy sector with the aim of becoming a leader among UK regions. As an indicator, this would see us move from assembling wind turbines to manufacturing them. The Ulster Unionist Party are committed to the Green New Deal and we want to see Northern Ireland becoming less dependent on imported fossil fuels and make better use of our diverse natural environment through the promotion of wind, solar, waste, biomass and tidal energy. Northern Ireland has a vibrant rural economy with agriculture and fisheries having a vital role to play in the recovery of the economy as a whole. We want to see the development of a reformed Common Agricultural Policy which adequately protects and supports Northern Irelands producers is a high priority for the Ulster Unionist Party as well as ensuring the agri-food industry is receiving effective support.
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Health
The Ulster Unionist Partys policy on the National Health Service in Northern Ireland will always remain the same; that healthcare should be free at the point of delivery and available to everyone based on need, not the ability to pay. This was a policy which we kept at our core from 2007-2011 when we held the Health Ministry in the Northern Ireland Executive. We delivered free prescriptions, a minor ailment scheme and redirected hundreds of millions of pounds from administration costs back to frontline services. However we would still like to see further changes. Too many people are being admitted to hospitals when they could be afforded equally good care from their own GP. We also want to see more people with disabilities receive the help they require to lead more independent lives. Northern Ireland has the highest non-attendance rates for clinical appointments in the United Kingdom, with a did not attend (DNA) rate of 10.3. These missed appointments bear a huge financial cost on the health service and we believe that by utilizing SMS technology this could be drastically reduced. Meeting the healthcare needs of everyone in society can be complicated, which is why we will continue to spearhead the use of Local Commissioning Groups. We want to see people use the already formed relationships they have with their GP so that they have an effective guide throughout our health system. Given that 10million per day is spent on the Health System in Northern Ireland; equating to nearly 6 per person every 24 hours, it is unsurprising that some look upon Northern Irelands health service unsympathetically. Not since the introduction of the welfare state in 1948 has the NHS in Northern Ireland faced a more difficult fiscal situation. Even before the Budget for 2011-2015 was passed, the Department of Health, Social Services and Public safety had to find hundreds of millions of pounds in efficiency savings. Even though we no longer hold the Ministry, we still believe that it is not an understatement to say that sections of the health service in Northern Ireland are at breaking point. Our concern is now that elements of healthcare delivery, if not remedied, have the potential to become unsafe and unsustainable. This is what we are most concerned about and we therefore call upon the Executive, and in particular the Health Minister, to ensure that regardless of any circumstances Northern Ireland is still able to provide adequate health care. The determinants of a populations health are many and varied and currently Northern Ireland faces several critical health and social care pressures. Lifestyle-linked health problems such as obesity, smoking and alcohol and solvent abuse are putting
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unprecedented demands on the health service. People living in Northern Ireland have much higher levels of fat intake and excessive drinking is more prevalent than much of Great Britain, whilst the levels of physical activity are much lower compared to the United Kingdom average. We have an ageing population which will inevitably lead to a greater demand for domiciliary care and further pressure on hospitals. One in four people in Northern Ireland will experience a form of mental ill-health in their lives and additional effort must be taken to tackle the issue. Many lives are being lost to suicide in Northern Ireland, particularly amongst young people in relatively small areas. Whilst Government cannot always intervene in the personal circumstances of people suffering, it can at least seek to improve social and environmental standards. Given that suicide is the third biggest killer in Northern Ireland, after cancer and heart disease, its clear that previous strategies have yet to break through the mould. Our educational and public wellbeing bodies must all recognise that they will have a key role to play in the development of a long-term project to improve Northern Irelands mental health. There also needs to be greater recognition that health inequalities are growing wider the difference between the life expectancy of the richest and poorest in our country is now greater than at any time since the 19th century. The establishment of the Public Health Agency for Northern Ireland was an accomplishment which all in Government should be proud off, however in April this year the DUP have stated that want to disband it. We will strongly challenge any attempts to weaken the good work of the Public Health Agency.
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Education
The last four years witnessed a deliberate challenge on Northern Irelands educational system. It was unfortunate that 2007 began with no solution to the post primary transfer process, but it is unacceptable that in 2011 the situation is, if anything, worse. The Ulster Unionist Party believes that an early objective for this Executive should be to end the numerous unregulated tests and replace them with a single transfer paper, even if it is only for a temporary period until a permanent resolution is found. We are clear about our firm belief in the merits of academic selection; and also in the fact that, despite what some would claim, the removal of academic selection in Northern Ireland would not promote opportunity for all or eliminate underachievement. Tackling educational underachievement is such a complex issue it will require wellresourced and well-targeted support for children and schools. We also believe that promoting excellence, diversity and choice across Northern Irelands education system is an effective tool at tacking underachievement as well as promoting social mobility. The Ulster Unionist Party believes that education must begin in the early stages of life; early intervention is proven to have educational and lifestyle benefits. The 2006 Effective Preschool Provision in Northern Ireland report provided evidence that preschool education makes a difference to the cognitive and social behavioural development of children and has lasting benefits. Indeed the subsequent reports have confirmed that there is clear evidence that preschool effects persist to the end of Key Stage 2 for children who attended a nursery school class or playgroup. Therefore there is clear and reliable research that demonstrates that a preschool education not only improves childrens ability at the start of school, but can also improve their capacity for learning in subsequent years. Whilst we welcomed the publication of a draft Early Years Strategy in 2010, we were disappointed to see that the Department of Education had paid little more than lip service to the issue. We fundamentally believe that a Northern Ireland Early Years Strategy can only be delivered on a cross departmental approach and only if it is followed by a cross departmental Early Years Fund. We are also confident that with the appropriate consideration, Northern Ireland has the capability to provide a statuary free preschool place for every young person in Northern Ireland who would seek to avail of it. The current economic climate brings a focus to the need to cut waste, and there is no doubt that the multiple layers of administration in our varied education system should be a target for such rationalisation. It is a matter of regret that debate over the introduction of an Education and Skills Authority have been stalled because some see its introduction as an engine of social engineering and ideological control, whereas its purpose should be to facilitate efficiencies, redirecting funding from administration to frontline teaching services. The Ulster Unionist Party remains committed to a single Education and Skills Authority which can deliver these
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efficiencies. The Ulster Unionist Party is also committed to ensuring that the positions of Transferors representatives are protected in any new authority. The Ulster Unionist Party has long believed in the merits of a single education system, however unlike some political parties in Northern Ireland we will not wait until a few months before an election and come out with sound bites. The principle at the centre of our thinking on shared education is one centred on informed parental choice. The problems created by division in Northern Ireland are vast. Therefore it is imperative that political and societal consensus is reached before any new system is implemented otherwise it simply will not work. The Ulster Unionist Party believes the challenge for Northern Irelands education system is to keep pace with the modern world of the 21st Century, to provide our young people and our society with the skills and resources to compete in a world which is constantly changing. Our education system must adapt, it must become more responsive to the individual needs of the child, to the needs of society and our economy and too the financial constraints of our economy. We reject the monolithic command and control systems favoured by a number of other parties as too slow, too bureaucratic, too cumbersome, and too expensive. If one thing has become clear over the last number of years is that a one size fits all solution will not work. We believe that head teachers and boards of governors are best placed to manage schools and to promote and protect their particular schools ethos. We also believe that head teachers are best placed to raise standards of behaviour in schools; therefore we would like to see this Executive devolving greater power to individual schools, as well as encouraging schools to generate active participation by parents in the education of their children. Every child is different; each will aspire to different goals, each will learn in different ways and each will come to school from a unique environment, but their educational experience will have a profound effect on their life chances at almost every stage of life from health to wealth, from cradle to grave. The education of each and every child is of absolute importance to all of us. The mantra of Every school a good school should be replaced by Every child a cherished child. It is vital that the tools are in place that will allow Northern Irelands education system to produce a well educated and highly skilled workforce to help assist Northern Ireland in an increasingly competitive global marketplace.
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Shared Future
The Ulster Unionist Party believe that creating a shared future for Northern Ireland should be at the forefront of the Executives thoughts over the coming Assembly mandate. Much time has been spent on this issue it is over 5 years since the Executive decided to revisit the issue of a shared future, over a year since the CSI Consultation Document was published and 10 months since the consultation closed. The Programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration Consultation Document was an opportunity missed but we believe that this new Assembly term presents an opportunity to drive this important Strategy forward. There seems to be a change in attitude in Northern Ireland with the reaction to the tragic murder of Constable Ronan Kerr as well as the widespread condemnation of the recent violence in East Belfast indicating that the majority want to move towards developing a truly shared society through the fostering of closer working relationships with one another. David Cameron, during his recent visit to Northern Ireland, spoke about the need for a shared future as opposed to a shared out future and it was encouraging to hear the Prime Minister using the language of the Ulster Unionist Party on this issue. The cost of division in Northern Ireland has been estimated at around 1.5 billion a year and this figure can be drastically reduced through an effective CSI Programme which provides a framework for Departments to put practical measures in place to encourage Cohesion, Sharing and Integration throughout society. The Ulster Unionist Party believe that this strategy needs to be long term at least 10 years and it needs to set out robust actions which need to be taken forward by each relevant Department, Agency or Body as well as short, medium and long term actions, targets and indicators so performance can be measured. We have set out below a number of specific areas which we believe are essential and must be included within a CSI document. However, the Ulster Unionist Party recognise the need to develop shared communities in every aspect and only through a combinations of the issues outlined below can we achieve that ultimate goal. Key to building a shared future for Northern Ireland is the creation and support of shared spaces within our communities where people from all backgrounds can socialise regardless of cultural differences. An excellent urban example is the live site big screen currently located in the grounds of Belfast City Hall and segregation in many rural areas also needs to be tackled. Housing is a priority issue for the Ulster Unionist Party. The continued decline in production of social housing places more and more strain on low income households as they are forced into a growing and largely unregulated private rental market. However, there are deeper rooted problems within housing in Northern Ireland due to the fact that in many areas it is
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strictly segregated. Whilst some areas are clearly not ready for shared housing and this cannot be forced under any circumstances, Northern Ireland cannot move forward on the basis of a shared future without beginning to address this issue and practical solutions to problems with social housing need to be found. The Ulster Unionist Party believes that a debate is needed in the Assembly on the issue of creating a single education system in Northern Ireland. Such a system has the potential to alleviate divisions within our society. Part of our education policy Every Child a Cherished Child promotes shared education as a contributing factor to a shared future. Too often children in our society progress through the education system with little understanding or knowledge of other cultures and this adds to the division which is apparent within our society. Controlled and Maintained schools operate in their own silos often with no interaction with each other. Various cultural issues need to be addressed within a programme for Cohesion, Sharing and Integration if we are to move forward in the context of a shared future. An Irish Language Act would bring with it extreme costs and would also be highly divisive and the Ulster Unionist Party want to see this language depoliticised. The most inclusive way forward is through the implementation of a Culture Act which contains the issue of language but broadens the argument out beyond language. The unacceptable Parades Commission must also be replaced with a clear and unambiguous body which is acceptable to all sides. The Ulster Unionist Party is acutely aware of the need to deal effectively with the past and indeed it represents the single greatest challenge for all political parties as we move forward and we believe that ideally a CSI Strategy would deal with this issue. Public Enquiries, the Historical Enquiries Team and the historical section of the Police Ombudsman Office are all means to an end, which is the truth. None works in a balanced manner and it is time to go forward with a balanced, inclusive mechanism, or to park these endless investigations that serve only to take the focus off the perpetrators and onto those who put themselves in harms way in the service of all.
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Governance
The Ulster Unionist Party is rightly proud of the role it played in delivering the Belfast Agreement in 1998 and through that we contributed much to the political structures which are in place in Northern Ireland today. However, we were always aware that the mandatory coalition system of government which was set up was temporary, albeit necessary, at such a transitional time in Northern Irelands history. Now is the time to look to reform the governmental structures of the Assembly and we brought this issue to the floor of the Assembly at the earliest opportunity through a Private Members Motion in June. We believe there should be an official opposition in place by 2015. The Ulster Unionist Party set out in our manifesto that we acknowledge the best form of government is one which is held to account by a formal and recognised Opposition. This gives voters the choice between a sitting government and a credible alternative to that government. It is apparent that when this element of choice is not available the public tends to disconnect from the political process. Consideration should obviously be given to opposition days, agenda setting and speaking rights. An official opposition would lead to positive changes in 3 specific areas: Greater delivery - The decision making and legislative processes are slow within the present system and failure to find consensus on a number of important issues was evident over the last mandate. This would be less of an issue if an opposition were in place. Increased flexibility - There would be more flexibility for political parties outside of the current coalition restrictions and also increased flexibility for the public to vote for an alternative with an opposition present. Improved scrutiny - An official opposition would hold the government to account in a much more robust manner than is currently achieved.
The Ulster Unionist Party also believe that Northern Ireland is vastly over governed with 3 MEPS, 108 MLAs and 582 councillors as well as commissioners, Quangos and scores of consultants. The Efficiency Review Panel was set up to examine the efficiency and value for money of all aspects of the Strand One institutions under the St Andrews Agreement, however, no consensus was reached on a way forward. The Assembly Executive and Review Committee have been equally as unsuccessful. Due to the Parliamentary Voting System and Constituencies Act 2011 the number of MPs will decrease from 650 to 600. The Boundary Commission for Northern Ireland announced in March 2011 that this drive for more equal constituencies across the UK will lead to the loss of two constituencies in Northern Ireland (from 18 to 16). Indeed the Boundary
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Commissions proposals are now out for consultation. The knock on effect to this would be a reduction in the number of MLAs from 108 to 96. Alongside that, given the population of Northern Ireland and the potentially increased role of councils in light of RPA recommendations, it is apparent that we should be considering carefully the reduction of the number of MLAs. The Ulster Unionist Party believes that the number of arms length bodies is an issue which needs to be addressed promptly. We have far too many of these bodies in Northern Ireland and this creates a number of problems related to inefficiency and lack of accountability. The same problems existed in England and Wales with the Coalition Government moving to cut back the number of Quangos. The Ulster Unionist Party wants to see a restructuring of these bodies and we are committed to reducing them by a third by 2014/15. Good governance also goes beyond structure and should also relates to process. That is why, under the current system, the Ulster Unionist Party was committed to settling agreement amongst the relevant Parties on a Programme for Government (PfG) before Dhondt was run. It is also our belief that a PfG should be brought alongside the Budget and an Investment Strategy. These are elements of good practice which are fundamental in the creation of an overarching and cross departmental approach to legislative and policy formation.
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