Al Razi
Al Razi
Al Razi
CHAPTER 2
2.1 Introduction
Islamic Theology was Fakhr al-DÊn al-RÉzÊ, who lived in the second half of the
the eastern lands of Islam and Muslims dominated areas. His pivotal character,
these symbolized the true meaning of replication and a strong desire to expose the
his metaphorical positions became well known, getting constantly mentioned but not
always for willful misinterpretation purposes. His hyperbolic analogical reasoning has
often been criticized, although in his century, he was universally regarded as the
healer of Islam.
Fakhr al-DÊn al-RÉzÊ was formally known as AbË ‘Abd AllÉh MuÍammad
ibn ÑUmar ibn al-Husayn ibn ÑAli al-TaÊmÊ al-BakrÊ at-ÙabaristÉnÊ al-RÉzÊ was
born in Rayy in 544 A.H\1149 C.E. He was also recognized by numerous titles
2
acquired during his life-time: AbË l-FaÌl, AbË l-Ma'ÉlÊ, al-ImÉm, Ibn al-KhaÏÊb,
KhaÏÊb al-Rayy and Shaykh al-IslÉm1. Al-RÉzÊ was very successful in having been
born and raised in a family of scholars. His father, ÖiyÉ’ al-DÊn ‘Umar, was one of
the students of al-BaghawÊ and was a leader in the Muslim community. He mastered
the sciences of kalÉm and fiqh. Extolling the qualities of this scholar, al-SubkÊ says
that he was “fluent of speech possessed fortitude; he was a faqÊh, uÎËlÊ, theologian,
sËfÊ, khÉtib, traditionist, and educated”2. Thus it was from the father that al-RÉzÊ got
his early Islamic education. The father taught the son the basic tenets of the Islamic
After the demise of his father, Al-RÉzÊ went to SimnÉn, where he studied under a
teacher al-Kamil al-SimnÉnÊ for some time. He then later returned to his home town,
intensive study of Ñilm kalÉm and hikmah. When Al-Majd Al-JilÊlÊ went to
MarÉghah, Al-RÉzÊ accompanied him there and continued to study under him. It is
said that the former memorized Imam Al-Haramayn Al-JuwaynÊ's (d. 478/1085) Al-
ShÉmil fÊ UsËI Al-Din during this period3. Al-RÉzÊ had special position in Usul al-
fiqh, having memorized two books: Al-MuÑtamad fi UÎËl al-Fiqh by Abu ×usayn Al-
1
MuÍammad Ibn ÑAlÊ Al-DÉwËdÊ. 1972. ÙabaqÉt Al-MufassirÊn. Cairo: Maktabah Wahbah. Vol.
II. P. 214.
2
Taj Al-DÊn Abd Al-WaÍab Ibn AlÊ Al-Subki et al. 1964. ÙabaqÉt Al-ShÉfiÑyyah Al-KubrÉ. Cairo:
DÉr IhyÉ Al-Kutub Al-ÑArabiyyah. Vol. VII. p. 242.
3
MuÍammad Ibn ÑAlÊ Al-DÉwËdÊ. 1972. ÙabaqÉt Al-MufassirÊn. p. 250.
4
Muhammad Al-Hasani. 1995. Nazariyyat al-Maqasid Ñinda al-Imam Muhammad al-Tahir ibn
ÑAshur. Virginia: al-MaÑhad al-ÑAlami li al-Fikr al-IslamÊ. p.51.
3
started to entertain his appetite for the intellectual incentive by traveling to various
cities in the Muslim East. During his travels, he often expressed his controversial
ideas and sometimes challenged the scholars of those cities to participate in debates.
He went first to KhwÉrizm, where MuÑtazilism was dominant. There he got involved
in violent debates with the MuÑtazilites on theology and fiqh that eventually led to his
expulsion from this City5. It is very probable that he was thrown out because he
defended AshÑarite kalÉm and ShifiÑite fiqh in a city that favored MuÑtazilite
kalÉm and Hanafite fiqh. As he mentions in Al-TafsÊr Al-KabÊr, AI-RÉzÊ was also
involved in a debate with a Christian, an incident which inspired him to write Al- fÊl
Al-RÉzÊ also traveled to Transoxiana (MÉ WarÉ’al-Nahr), and then later journeyed
in kalÉm, fiqh and usËl al-fiqh, philosophy, and logic. Because of his involvement in
disputation, he was also eventually expelled from this city. In Bukhira, as he tells us in
his MunÉzarÉt, Al-RÉzÊ discussed issues of fiqh with Al-RidÉ Al-NaysÉburÊ, logic
and kalÉm with Al-NËr Al-SÉbËnÊ, juridical issues with Al-Rukn Al-QazwÊnÊ, and
discussed several subjects with FarÊd Al-GhilÉnÊ, while in Ghaznah he debated the
5
W. Montgomery Watt. 1962. Islamic Philosophy and Theology. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press. p. 128.
6
ÑAbd al-MajÊd al-NajjÉr. 1986. “MuqaÌimah,” in MunÉqarah fÊ al-Radd ÑalÉ Al-NaÎÉrÉ. Beirut:
DÉr al-Gharb al-IslÉmÊ. p. 8-9.
4
issue of the creation of the world with a jurist (qÉdÊ) which was held in 582 A.H.\
student in philosophy7.
“where he received the patronage of the GhËrid ruler of Ghaznah ShihÉb Al-DÊn”8.
He did not stay long in this city, for with the help of AmÊr Al-DÊn, the cousin and
expelled. One reason for this was that Al-RÉzÊ had successfully converted GhiyÉth
Al-DÊn, ShihÉb Al- DÊn’s brother, back from the KarrÉmiyyah to the Ahl al-Sunnah
wa al-JamÉÑah. Another reason may have been that Al-RÉzÊ had publicly attacked
Ibn Al-Qudwah, a famous KarrÉmite shaykh. After this expulsion, Al-RÉzÊ moved to
Khoasan where he came under the patronage of ÑAli Al-DÊn Tukush, and became a
After traveling for so many years, Al-RÉzÊ eventually returned to Rayy. At the start
of this period of his life, he met a wealthy doctor, ÑAbd Al-RahmÉn b. ÑAbd Al-
KÉrÊm Al-SarakhsÊ, who presented him with a book requested by Al-RÉzÊ. When
the doctor fell critically ill, he sent for Al-RÉzÊ to obtain the latter's agreement that
his two sons would marry the doctor’s two daughters. After the doctor’s death, Al-
RÉzÊ attended to his property, and the revenues from this property enabled him to
7
Fathalla Kholeif's translation of the book, A Study on Fakhr al-Din al-Razi and His Controversies in
Transoxiana (Beirut: DÉr Al-Mashreq 1966)
See also, Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, Munaazaraat Fakhr al.Din al-Razi fii Bilaad Ma Wara’ al-Nahr. Page 7;
14, 22-24; 32-42.
8
Kholeif, A Study on Fakhr al-Din al-Razi and His Controversies in Transoxiana, 19, 114 -116
9
MuÍammad Ibn ÑAlÊ al-DÉwËdÊ. p. 250.
5
honorable position, which has never been granted from the SultÉn10. Al-RÉzÊ was
then sent on an official mission to India 11. Although there is a scholarly debate over
whether this mission ever eventually took place, it is likely that it did, since Al-RÉzÊ
As a client of KhawÉrizm ShÉh, Al-RÉzÊ decided to spend the rest of his days in
HerÉt and to devote his life to teaching, sermons, and writing for these activities,
SultÉn GhiyÉth Al-DÊn built him a school (madrasah) near the mosque of HerÉt
(JamÊÑ HirÉt). He probably wrote most of his more extensive works in this period of
his life. During this time, many people, including reputed scholars, came from far and
wide to study under him. To his teaching circle, there gathered about three hundred
people hoping to learn various disciplines under his directions. He had a wide
reputation, one that earned him the laqab Shaykh Al-IslÉm13. When scholars of
different schools of thought came to him and raised various issues with him, he
answered them satisfactorily. His success, according to the Ibn KhallikÉn (d.
This along with his bold criticism of a KarrÉmite shaykh (among others) provoked
KarrÉmite anger against him. His attacks took the form not only of spoken criticism
but were written down as well in his FadÉ‘il Al-KarrÉmiyyah15. This uncompromising
10
ibid. p. 251.
11
Kholeif, A Study on Fakhr al-Din al-Razi and His Controversies in Transoxiana, 19
12
W. Montgomery Watt. 1962. Islamic Philosophy and Theology. p. 128.
13
W. Montgomery Watt. 1962. p. 128.
14
KhalÊl Ibn Aybak ØafadÊ. Al-WÉfÊ Bil-WafayÉt. Beirut: DÉr Ihya’ Turath Al-ÑArabÊ. Vol. IV. p.
249.
15
Taj Al-DÊn Abd Al-WaÍab Ibn AlÊ Al-Subki et al. 1964. ÙabaqÉt Al-ShÉfiÑyyah Al-KubrÉ. Vol.V.
p. 140.
6
stance was to lead to his death, for the KarrÉmiyyah conspired to poison him. He
dictated his will to his disciple on his deathbed, IbrÉhÊm b. ÑAli Bakr b. Al-
IshahÉnÊ on 21 Muharram 606 A.H. in a house called DÉr al-Saltanah, his body was
buried in MuzdakhÉn, a village near HerÉt16. By the end of his life, he had not yet
finished his tafsÊr. Although he had two children; the elder named DiyÉ’ Al-DÊn, the
younger Shams Al-DÊn and despite his prediction that his younger son would
complete the work given his great talent, neither of them finished it.17
Kitab tafsir al-Kabir terdiri daripada lapan jilid besar dan ia juga dikenali dengan
nama Mafatih al-Ghayb.18 Terdapat beberapa pandangan ulama berkenaan kitab ini.
Pertama, dari Ibn Taimiyah yang mengatakan bahawa terdapat semua ilmu di dalam
Tafsir al-Kabir kecuali tafsir (fihi kullu shay’ illa tafsir).19 Kedua, dari al-Subki yang
menjelaskan bahawa terdapat semua ilmu di dalam Tafsir al-Kabir bersama tafsir (fihi
Berkaitan penulisan kitab tafsir tersebut pula, terdapat beberapa pandangan yang
Tafsir Al-Kabir, di mana beliau hanya sempat mentafsir ayat al-Qur’an sehingga
Surah al-Anbiya’ sahaja. Kemudian disambung oleh Shihab al-Din al-Khawbi al-
Dimashqi (m. 639 H.), namun beliau juga tidak sempat mentafsirkan keseluruhannya.
Seterusnya disambung pula tafsirannya oleh Najm al-Din al-Qamuli (m. 727H.)
Namun terdapat pandangan yang lain dari Muhsin ÑAbd al-Hamid yang mengatakan
bahawa karya Tafsir Al-Kabir merupakan hasil tafsiran al-Razi sepenuhnya. Beliau
tersebut dan mendapati bahawa tidak terdapat ibarat dan tafsiran dari individu lain di
dalam Tafsir Al-Kabir melainkan ‘komen’ (ta’liq) dari pelajar al-Razi yang
disandarkan pada matan ataupun yang ditulis pada ‘huraian kepada tafsiran’
Beliau juga menyatakan bahawa al-Razi mentafsir ayat-ayat al-Qur’an tanpa mengikut
turutan surah-surah yang terdapat dalam al-Qur’an. Beliau terlebih dahulu mentafsir
sebahagian surah-surah yang terakhir berbanding surah-surah yang awal. Ini dapat
dilihat pada helaian akhir tafsiran beliau pada sesuatu surah di mana terdapat catatan
tarikh penyempurnaan tafsiran tersebut. Dr. Muhsin ÑAbd al-Hamid juga menjelaskan
bahawa Dr ÑAli Muhammad Hasan al-ÑAmari dalam karyanya al-Imam Fakhr al-
21
Al-Dhahabi, Muhammad Husain. 1986. Al-Tafsir wa Al-Mufassirun. Kaherah: Maktabah Wahbah. P.
207-208.
8
Ini menjelaskan bahawa Tafsir Al-Kabir merupakan hasil tafsiran al-Razi sepenuhnya.
Mohd Manawi turut cenderung kepada pandangan ini kerana tokoh yang menyatakan
sedemikian iaitu Muhsin ÑAbd Hamid telah membaca, mengkaji, dan meneliti setiap
kupasan al-Razi dalam kitab tersebut sama ada dari sudut manhaj tafsiran, gaya
TafsÊr Al-KabÊr differs in some respects from other scholars’ works. First of all, he
discusses ideas using a standard dialectical method inviting his readers to take part in
the discussion of the themes addressed. He takes up some problems that spring from
the central theme he explained in advance. Secondly, the organization of his narrative
is unique. In many instances, he states the critical theme of discussion from the outset,
then divides that theme, and subdivides each part further into subdivisions. Wherever
verses after first dividing them into sections. In this interpretation of Surah Al-ImrÉn,
he follows two approaches. First he sometimes takes one verse (Surah Al-ImrÉn
verses 32, 65, 69, 85, 139, 177, and 198) interprets them together. Second, he more
often takes one verse and interprets them after dividing them into sections. In the first
approach, there is neither extensive explanation nor any deep analysis. In the second
from the main focus of his interpretation. In this category, he usually deals with topics
22
Mohd Manawi. 2011. Pemikiran Fakhr Al-Din Al-Razi Tentang Syurga Berdasarkan Tafsir Mafatih Al-
Ghayb. (Master Thesis). Universiti Malaya. P. 17-19.
9
elucidates the central ideas behind these verses, and subsequently goes into details23,
dividing them into parts, interpreting them in order, and raising points or problems
He usually subdivides his exposition by using terms such as mas‘Élah, baÍtÍ, qawl,
consistent in his use of these terms, each indicates a point or problem theme of
The term mas‘Élah is the most frequently used term and is usually employed to
the researcher will consider some examples of how he organizes his exposition of the
topic.
In his interpretation of the first two verses of Surah Al-Imran, for instance, Fakhr Al-
DÊn Al-RÉzÊ divides his exposition into three parts, each of which is called a
mas‘Élah. The first mas‘Élah deals with the variant readings (qirÉ‘Ét) of the first
verse “alÊf lÉm mim,” which falls into the category of verses known as the openings
(fawÉtÊh). This mas‘Élah is further divided into two parts, each of which is called
qawl. The first part explains two opinions concerning the readings of the fawÉtÊh and
The second part treats of the vowelled letters (mutaharrikah) and is itself divided into
two parts; each called a bahth. In its discussion of the origin of harakah, the first
23
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Cairo: Al-MuÏbaÑah Al-
BahÊyyah Al-MisirÊyyah. Vol.VII. p.168.
24
See also Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, al-Tafsir al-Kabir
10
bahth males three presuppositions (muqaddÊmah). The second bahth discusses the
kinds of vowels (harakÉt), which can be either fathah or sukËn. The second mas‘Élah
considers two opinions, those of MuqÉtil b. SulaimÉn and MuÍammad b. IshÉq. The
last mas‘Élah discusses the organization of the arguments establishing the divinity
is divided into two paths, the first one speaking about ilahiyyah, the second about
prophethood25.
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ treats verse 32 in a different manner tram that of the first two
verses, in the sense that he interprets this on its own. Although some problems might
arise in the mind of one reading this verse, Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ does not detect
any difficulty in his interpretation of this verse26. In many other instances, he deals
with problems such as whether or not the degree of obedience accorded to the Prophet
is the same as that accorded to God; and why the structure of the sentences changes
from the second person (“mukhÉÏab”, which is the phrase “atÊ‘Ë,” or “Be
obedient...!”) to the third person (“ghÉ‘ib”, which is the phrase “in tawallaw,” or “if
Following his interpretation of verse 33, which begins by mentioning the glory of the
prophets and ends by referring to their people, who rejected their teachings Al-RÉzÊ
construes verses 35-37 as forming one story that explains verse 36. These three verses,
therefore, stand together as one part. To explain them, he splits them into two
divisions, comprised of verses 35-36 and verse 37. The first group dealt with five
25
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. Vol.VII. p.163-168.
26
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. Vol.VIII. p.20.
11
problems under headings (mas‘Élah, pl. masÉ ‘il). The second division is divided into
three parts: in the first, he discusses two problems; in the second, three; and in the
third, two27.
points. For the first point, which concerns about the status and meaning of the word
kÉna (kuntum), he discusses four possible meanings, each of which he assigns the
heading iÍtimÉl. For the second point, he introduces two opinions; each called a wajh
(pl. wujËh). Concerning the khiÏÉb of the sentence, he does not discuss only briefly
whether the audience was the Companions only or all Muslims, and he does not
further divide this point nor does he divide the last point.
of these verses by discussing them phrase by phrase. Regarding the phrase ta‘murËna
bil ma‘rËfi wa tanhauna ‘anil munkari wa tu‘minËna billÉh, for example, he suggests
aktharuhumul fÉsiqËn, he introduces two problems (su‘Él) for discussion. For the last
part of verse Ill, which starts with the phrase wa-in yuqatilËkum, he suggests that three
exegesis. Not only does he limit his explanation or the verse(s) that he wants to
discuss, he also breaks them up into parts, which he divides and sub-divides as
27
ibid. p. 25-34.
28
ibid. p.188-195.
12
This inconsistency may confuse. In subdividing the term mas‘Élah, he sometimes uses
the term wajh, and at other times qawl or iÍtimÉl. The difficulty lies in the subtle
term e.g. baÍth, qawl, wajh, su‘Él, and iÍtimÉl. With the exception of su‘Él, which
indicates “problems,” and iÍtimÉl, which indicates “possibility,” these terms may
mean “discussion,” “point,” “idea,” and “opinion.” Although Al-RÉzÊ's use of them is
Thereafter, three madÉris (school) were founded to clarify the Qur’an. These were the
Makkan School led by ÑAbdullÉh bin ÑAbbÉs, the first mufassir in Islamic history,
the Madinah School led by ÑAbdullÉh bin MasÑËd. The approaches embraced by
13
these schools have greatly led to the development of Quranic exegesis. Consequently,
a few other mufassir were the students of the ÎahÉbah, made commentaries on the
Qur’an based on riwÉyah, although, their techniques differed from another but it was
significantly enriched.
Therefore, in the ancient age, Muslim scholars employed two main methods for the
exegesis of the Quran which were tafsÊr bil ma’thËr and tafsÊr bil ra’y, the
methodology of transmission, and exegesis based on opinion or knowledge 29. In order
to understand their significance and importance, it is relevant to discuss these
methodologies comprehensively.
TafsÊr bil ma’thur approach is interpretating al-Qur’an with al-Qur’an, al-Sunnah and
the utterance of the fellow Companions (ÎahÉbah) r.a from all aspects in the form of
explanation and clarification of Allah SWT’s orders from the Holy words mentioned in
the al-Qur’an30.
In this method, Quranic verses are understood and explained using the other verses in
the Quran. There are relations between ayaat that are from the same surah or
sometime from different surahs. These ayaat contribute towards explaining a larger
concept in the Qur’an31. Ibn Taimiyah stated that the best method to explain the
Qur’an is the explanation of the Qur’an by the Qur’an32.
For example, the Qur’an states that “Indeed We sent it down during a blessed night” 33.
The explanation of a blessed night is further enlightened elsewhere as the night of
29
Pakeeza, S., & Chishti, A. 2013. “Critical Study of Approaches to the Exegesis of the Holy Qur’Én”.
Pakistan Journal of Islamic Resaerch. n.pl: n.pb. Vol. 4. No. 10. p. 19–26. Retrieved from
http://www.bzu.edu.pk/PJIR/vol10/eng 2 Shehzadi Pakeeza New 24-05-13v10.pdf
30
Al-Dhahabiy, Muhammad Husain. 2000. Al-Tafsir wa Al-Mufassirun. Mesir: MatbaÑah al-Jamiah. P.
112.
31
Sohaib Saeed. 18 May 2022. “Interpreting the Quran Through the Quran”. About Islam.
https://aboutislam.net/shariah/quran/quranic-studies/interpreting-quran-quran/. P. 2.
32
Ibnu Taimiyah, Ahmad. 1980. Muqaddimah fÊ UÎul al-TafsÊr. Beirut: Dar Maktabah al-Hayah. P 39-
44.
33
Al-Qur’an. Ad-Dukhan 44: 3.
14
power, whereby it says: “We have indeed revealed this (message) in the Night of
Power”34.
The Prophet Muhammad PBUH was the best expounder of the Qur’an, for he has
been spiritually appointed to illuminate the revelation to humanity. Besides the
explanation of the Qur’an by the Qur’an, the Prophet Muhammad PBUH further
interpreted and explained to people to understand the Qur’an. When the Messenger of
Allah was asked about some verses, the answers he gave became authoritative
explanations of those verses35.
For instance, from surah Al-An’am verse 82, Allah said: “Those who believe and did
not contaminate their imÉn with wrong doing, are surely in secure state on mind and
they are rightly guided”36 was revealed, people found it difficult to understand and
comprehend its impact and therefore asked the Prophet as to who of them did not
commit wrong against himself. The Prophet made it clear that here it meant
associating others with Allah, which has been characterized elsewhere in the Qur’an
as a mighty wrong37. This can found in surah Luqman verse 13. “Indeed associate
partner with Allah is a great injustice”38. Absolutely, on7 can easily accept that the
above two aforementioned interpretations still maintain their uniqueness among other
tafÉsÊr.
The tafsÊr bil ma’thËr is the next category in terms of reliability and acceptability.
The Prophet Muhammad PBUH was surrounded by his companions who lived with
him in his daily activities. He was a great teacher to the extent that the ÎaÍÉbah were
able to learn from him all aspect of life according to the divine law. This has grant
them the opportunity of learning the Holy Qur’an directly from their great teacher
34
Al-Qur’an. Al-Qadr 97: 1.
35
36
Al-Qur’an. Al-An’am 6: 82.
37
Al-Dhahabiy, Muhammad Husain. 2000. Al-Tafsir wa Al-Mufassirun. P. 38-39.
38
Al-Qur’an. Luqman 31: 13.
15
Prophet Muhammad PBUH in both theory and practical understanding. Allah has
bestowed them high level of imÉn and incomparable sincerity of purpose that bag
them scholarship quality which makes it rare to see their comparison in the world
today.
Their understanding of the Qur’an is still the most high among the Ñummah, because
they were very vigilant and mindful of the Qur’an compare to any human. ImÉm Ibnu
KathÊr was reported to have said: “If we do not find the commentary of the Qur’an; in
the Qur’an itself, or in the traditions, we should turn to the sayings of the companions
who knew about it the best. This is because of the fact that they had witnessed the
revelation and were aware of the conditions and the true nature of understanding right
knowledge and good deeds which they possessed” Although despite the interpretation
of the companions is still the best, it is observed that they did not interpret the whole
of the Qur’an39.
Al-HÉkÊm mentioned that the companions’ viewpoint of the Qur’an was focused on
their clear revelation witnesses whose jurisdiction were traceable to Prophet
Muhammad PBUH; so it properly correlates to the Messenger's hadith, and is thus
accepted and recognized as ma’thËr40.
TafsÊr bil ma’thËr has been one of today's most accurate forms of tafsÊr. Al-HÉfiz
mentioned that tafsÊr bil ma’thËr undoubtedly had reliable and true transmitters while
others were attributed to the Companions indirectly. This tafsÊr also expresses the
histories of the Messengers with their revealed Books with its nature and miracles. As
mentioned earlier, the Qur’an's commentary and the Sunnah's commentary on the
Qur’an is traced back to the Prophet are the important features of tafsÊr bil ma’thËr,
therefore, is no uncertainty in believing in it. More so, most scholars consider this
tafsÊr as the highest quality and degree. Although, some scholars believe that there
may be a possibility of weak directives on the commentary of the Qur’an based on the
transmission by the Companions and the Successors.
39
Helmut Gatje (1996) The Qur'an and Its Exegesis: Selected Texts with Classical and Modern Muslim
Interpretations. 2nd Edition.
40
Suyuti, Jalaluddin. 2008. Al-ItqÉn fi ÑUlËm al-QurÉn. Beirut: DÉr al-Fikr. P. 192.
16
Within the first 150 years of the years of the Prophet’s death, especially towards the
era marking the end of the Umayyad dynasty, scholars started to compile complete
tafsÊr based on prophetic narrations and traditions. Not long after, by the eleventh and
twelfth centuries, a number of scholars also developed tafsÊr entrenched in their
personal opinion and rationale reflecting various trends in Muslim thought.41 These
emerging Islamic thoughts, stemming from multiple orientations, led to sectarian,
theological, legal, mystical and philosophical tafsÊr of the Qur’an.42
Al-ra’y refers to al-ijtihÉd and therefore tafsÊr bi al-ra’y refers to tafsÊr al-Qur’an by
ijtihÉd43. This kind of interpretation or exegesis solely rely on knowledge of Arabic
language and its literature, etymology, syntax, rhetoric, and the Arabian customs in
achieving the deep meaning, since the holy Qur’an was revealed in Arabic. Aside this,
they also rely on principles of Jurisprudence, knowledge of the circumstances of the
revelation and other aspects are considered by interpreter44. Moreover, it is not
absolutely referring to al-ra’y (opinion) or al- hawÉ (desire) or the interpretation of
the Qur’an according to one’s own whims, fancies and inclinations45.
Al-QurÏubÊ expressed whoever pronounced whatever emanated in his mind and his
impression on the Qur’an or conjectures deliberately on the basic tenets and principle,
he would be blameworthy, erroneous, and unacceptable personality to people46.
This produced works such as al-TafsÊr al-Kabir, also known as MafÉtÊÍ al-Ghayb, by
MuÍammad ibn ÑUmar Fakhr al-DÊn al-RÉzÊ, Al-BaÍr al-MuÍÊÏ by AthÊr al-DÊn ibn
YËsuf AbË ×ayyÉn, and Al-KashshÉf Ñan ×aqÉ’iq wa GhawÉmiÌ al-Tanzil wa ÑUyËn
41
Abu Ameenah Bilal Philips. 2005. UÎËl al-TafsÊr: The Methodology of Qur’Énic Interpretation.
Riyadh: International Islamic Publishing House. P.12.
42
Abdullah Saeed. 2008. The Qur’an: An Introduction. New York: Routledge. P. 15.
43
ØÉbËnÊ, MuÍammad ÑAlÊ. 1981. Al-TibyÉn fÊ ÑulËm Al-Qur’Én. DamsyÊk: Maktabah Al-Ghazali.
P. 163.
44
ØÉbËnÊ, MuÍammad ÑAlÊ. 1981. Al-TibyÉn fÊ ÑulËm Al-Qur’Én. P. 153.
45
Ibid. P. 153.
46
ZafzÉf, MuÍammad. 1984. Al – TaÑrif bi al - Qur’an wa al-×adÊth. Beirut: Maktabah al-FalÉÍ. P.
178-180.
17
al-AqÉwÊl fÊ WujËh al-Ta‘wÊl, by AbË al-QÉsim MuÍmËd ibn ÑAmr ibn MuÍammad
al-ZamakhsharÊ47
TafsÊr bil-ra’y has two classifications: tafsÊr bil- ra’y al-mamdËÍ (praiseworthy) and
tafsÊr bil- ra’y al-madhmËm (blameworthy)48
It is an interpretation of the Qur’an based on ijtihÉd far from ignorance and deviation.
It is in consonance with rules of the Arabic language. It relies on proper methodology
in understanding the passage of the Qur’an49. Whoever interprets the Qur’an based on
his opinion, but is absolutely committed to the comprehension of the stipulations and
relied on the meanings of the Qur’an, then this interpretation is permissible and
acceptable. This is appropriately called praiseworthy tafsÊr or lawful tafsÊr50.
It is a tafsÊr of the Qur’an without understanding this; that is, it is based solely on our
will with lack of understanding of grammar rules and regulations and of Islamic laws.
Moreover, it is a characterization of interpreting the divine verses depending on its
own sadistic school of innovation and divergence. This form of tafsÊr is either
incorrect or immoral. Through studying these two forms of tafsÊr briefly, we can infer
that the writer of the lovable tafsÊr is grammatically useful and expert; skilled in allies
and well known in rules of Islamic legal law. While the fake and culpable tafsÊr is the
47
Ali Suleiman Ali.
48
Al-Dhahabiy, Muhammad Husain. 1986. Al-Tafsir wa Al-Mufassirun. Kaherah: Maktabah Wahbah.
P. 271.
49
ØÉbËnÊ, MuÍammad ÑAlÊ. 1981. Al-TibyÉn fÊ ÑulËm Al-Qur’Én. P. 155.
50
Thameem Ushama. 1995. Methodologies Of The Qur’anic Exegsis. Kuala Lumpur: A.S Noordeen. P.
21.
18
one with just dreaming and fanciful references; such author is obviously
inexperienced and misguided. Lack of understanding (tafsÊr) represents the
interpretations of Qur’an as it states: “yawma Nad ‘u Kulla Unasin Bi Imamihim”
according to the mufassir means that “On the day when we shall call every people
with their ImÉm”.
When a mufassir does not understand Arabic’s rules of language and core principles,
he would not handle the translation with good analysis. Wrong interpretation of the
legal system’s purposes would also contribute to confusion and diversion.
Al-ra’y is al-ijtihÉd so, consequently tafsÊr bil-ra’y refers to the explanation of,
TafsÊr Al-Qur’an through personal analogy upon mastering the Arabic language of
tafsÊr and its methods, the ulamÉ are well aware and have an expertise in the field of
Arabic phrasing and sentence structure with sound evidence. Two groups are
present51.
51
Methodologies of the Qur’anic Exegesis. By Thameem Ushama
19
Furthermore, the hadith of the prophet also warn on the grievous penalty to those who
view the Qur’an on the basis of their own belief and interpretation. “Stay well clear of
every comment of someone other than that you actually understand, whoever
intentionally assaults me, he's sitting in flames and likewise whoever says his view
ignorantly on the Qur’an finds his chair in hell fire” (Tirmidhi).
In addition, Allah says, “In clear signs and books of ancient prophecies we sent them;
and We also have sent down a Message to you, that you may clearly communicate to
people what is been sent to them, so that they might pay heed” 53. The prophet was
therefore allowed to interpret and clarify the Qur’an as well as other religious
teachings to the understanding of the Ñummah.
However, ÎaÍÉbah and their followers have cautioned and refrained themselves from
carrying out interpretations on the Qur’an verses and chapters on their personal view54.
52
Al-Qur’an. Al-A’raf 7: 33.
53
Al-Qur’an. An-Nahl 16: 44.
54
Methodologies of the Qur’anic Exegesis. By Thameem Ushama
20
reason behind every revelation of words, nasikh and mansukh of every word in the al-
Quran plus other things that are needed in Qur’an interpretation55.
As regard to tafsÊr bil al-ra’y some group accepts it and some other rejects it. This
interpretation is acceptable as long as the interpreter stays away from the following;
being too bold to predict the will of Allah in His word without having the
requirements as an interpreter, forcing himself to understand something which only
Allah knows, and avoiding the impulse and lust. In addition, he avoids any
interpretations addressed to the benefit of his own school, where the teachings of the
school are used as the main basis while the interpretation itself is the second.
Consequently, various errors occur. Lastly, he avoids the definite interpretation, where
he as an interpreter, without reason, claims that is the only purpose of Allah56.
In terms of procedure, there are at least two methods that have developed in the
history of Qur’anic interpretation. One method treats the Qur’an with one verse at a
time and by its canonical order, from the first verse of Surah Al-FÉtihah, through the
second chapter Surah Al-Baqarah, and so on to the last verse of the chapter entitled
Surah Al-NÉs57 known as tafsÊr tahlÊlÊy (analytical interpretation) and this method
of interpretation has introduced quite in the early development of the genre and
therefore is considered traditional.
The other method involves a subject-based approach of the Qur’an, known as tafsÊr
mawÌËÑÊ (thematic interpretation) and this method approaches the Qur’an topic by
topic58. In practical terms, Qur’anic verses relating to free will and action, for
example, are collected and analyzed together, so that one verse further clarifies the
55
Al-Dhahabiy, MuÍammad Husain. 2000. Al-Tafsir wa Al-Mufassirun. P. 183.
56
Abdul al-Hay al-Farmawi. 1977. Al-Bidayah fi Ñala TafsÊr MaudhuÑiy. Egypt: Maktabah al-
Jumhuiyyah. P. 16.
57
58
ÑÓ’ishah ÑAbd al-RaÍmÉn. 1971. Muqaddimah fÊ al-Manhaj. Cairo: Ma‘had al-BuÍËth wa al-
DirÉsÉt al-ÑArabiyyah. P. 137.
21
others are intending to arrive at an objective understanding of it 59. The reason behind
this method is that the Qur’an contains a single system of revelation so that no
Qur’anic verse can be fully understood independently. Instead, every verse has to be
compared with others in order to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the Qur’an.
This method developed in modem times as a result of the many weaknesses inherent
in the traditional method60.
With this division in mind, Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ combines these two models of
interpretation in his MafÉtÊh al-Ghayb. He interprets the Qur’an according to its
proper order, but whenever necessary, he also refers to other verses. This approach
enables him to raise some problems relating to the interpretation of one verse in light
of the interpretation of other verses, and to evaluate them simultaneously, in order to
reach a more objective interpretation of all of them61.
In his exegesis, Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ pays close attention to the structure of the
verse (wajh al-nazm), either on its own or in connection with other verses, 62 known as
al-munÉsabah, and this method links the verse he interprets with other verses63.
Exegetes, including both those who rely principally on traditions and those who avail
themselves mostly of reason, apply this method in their interpretation of the Qur’an.
For example, MahmËd FËdah expatriates on the structure of Al-RÉzÊ’s tafsÊr, he
elucidates on Al-RÉzÊ interpretation of Surah Al-Baqarah: 3464, Al-RÉzÊ deals with
the problem or whether iblis is a sort of jinn or malak. Relating this verse with others
such as in Surah Al-Kahf: 5065 and in Surah Saba’: 4166, Al-RÉzÊ concludes that iblis
is a son of jinn not a Malak.67 Ibnu KathÊr, whose TafsÊr Al-Qur’an Al-ÑAzÊm is
59
See Muhammad b. Abi Bakr b. Ayyub Ibn al-Qayyim aI Jawziyyah, al.tibyaan fii. Aqsim al-Qu,r'an,
editecl by Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi (Cairo: Matba’aat Hijizi, 1933)
60
Ahmad JamÉl Al-ÑUmarÊ. 1986. DirÉsÉt fÊ al-TafsÊr al-MawÌËÑÊ li al-QaÎaÎ al-Qur’ÉnÊ.
Cairo: Maktabat al-khanjÊ. p. 38-46.
61
MahmËd Basyun FËdah. 1986. Nash’at al-TafsÊr wa-ManÉhijuhu fi Daw’ al-Madhahib al-
Islamiyyah. Cairo: Matba’ah al-Amanah. p. 190.
62
Al-SuyËÏÊ, JalÉl al-DÊn AbË al-FaÌl. 1995. al-ItqÉn fÊ ÑU1Ëm al-Qur’an. Beirut: DÉr al-Kutub al-
ÑIlmiyyah. Vol. 2. 3rd ed. p. 234.
63
MahmËd Basyun FËdah. 1986. Nash’at al-TafsÊr wa-ManÉhijuhu fi Daw’ al-Madhahib al-
Islamiyyah. p. 190·2.
64
Al-Qur’an. Al-Baqarah 2:34.
65
Al-Qur’an. Al-Kahf 18: 50.
66
Al-Qur’an. Saba’ 34: 41.
67
Abu Hayyaan, al-Burhaan fii Munaasabat Tariib Suwar al-Qur’an.
22
very much based on traditions, proposes the axiom Al-Qur’anu yufassiru baÑduhu
baÑda (the Qur’an explains itself by itself)68 and considers it the best method for
interpreting the Qur'an69. Ibnu Taymiyyah also declares that this method is considered
the best method of interpretation70.
Al-RÉzÊ likewise chooses not to look at each verse in isolation but extends his
investigation to other verses as well71. He adopts two approaches in his examination of
this linkage: first, by relating the passages or verses he interprets to those that precede
it; and second, by relating the interpretation of specific passages or verses to some
other passages or verses which do not follow successively. Unlike verse-by-verse
interpretation, such holistic interpretation allows exegetes to arrive at a more objective
and thorough interpretation of the Qur’an.
In the following, I will further examples of how Al-RÉzÊ applies this method. When
interpreting the first part of Surah Al-ÑImrÉn: 1572 which reads: ر ِّمن ٰ َذلِ ُك ْمl
ٍ لْ َأُؤ نَبُِّئ ُكم بِ َخ ْيlُۚ ق
meaning: Say, “Shall I inform you of (something) better than that?. Then he takes into
consideration the last part of the previous verse Surah Al-ÑImrÉn: 14 which reads, ُ َوٱهَّلل
ِ ِعن َدهۥُ ُحسْنُ ْٱل َمـَٔاmeaning: “but in nearness to Allah is the best of the goals (to return
ب
to)”73. He also links this verse with other related verses, such as Surah Al-ÑImrÉn: 374
with Surah Al-IsrÉ’: 8775; just as he links Surah An-Nahl: 3 76 with Surah Al-ÑImrÉn:
19377.
He relates verses 3of Surah Al-Humazah; Surah Al-Fiil; Surah Quraish; Surah Al-
Maa'uun; Surah Al-Kauthar and Al-Kaafiruun to a set of earlier verses, 3 of Surah Az-
68
Issa J. Boullata. 2007. “Modern Qur’an Exegesis: A Study of Bint al-ShÉti’s Method”. The Muslim
World. United State: Willey. Vol. 64. April. p. 105.
69
Huda Jasim Muhammad Abu Tabrah. 1994. Al-Manhaj Al-AtharÊ fÊ TafsÊr Al-Qur’an Al-KarÊm:
Haqiqatuh wa MaÎÉdiruh wa TaÏbÊqÉtuh. Qumm: Maktab al-lÑlÉm al-lslÉmÊ. p. 191-192.
70
Taqi aI-Din Ahmad b. Abd al-Halim Ibn Taymiyyah. Muqaddimah fÊ UÎËl al-TafsÊr. ed. Fawwaz
Ahmad Zamarlii (Beirut: Dar Ibn Hazim 1994), 84.
71
William Montgomery Watt. 1969. Islamic Revelation in the Modern World. Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press. p. 76-79.
72
Al-Qur’an. Al-ÑImrÉn 3: 60.
73
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol.7. P. 213.
74
Al-Qur’an. Al-ÑImrÉn 3: 3.
75
Al-Qur’an. Al-IsrÉ’ 17: 87.
76
Al-Qur’an. An-Nahl 16: 3.
77
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol.7. P. 215.
23
Al-RÉzÊ compares the white and the black faces referred to in Surah Quraisy: 3 80 with
reference white and black in other verses, such as Surah Al-Mumtahanah: 39 81, Surah
Ash-ShuÑarÉ’:1082, Surah Fussilat: 8083, Surah Al-FurqÉn: 7584, Surah An-NËr: 8385
and Surah Fussilat 5586, from this comparison, he concludes that bayÉÌ (whiteness)
stands for happiness in paradise, attributed to believers, while sawwÉd (blackness)
stands for sorrow in hell attributed to unbelievers87.
Al-RÉzÊ asserts that Surah Al ‘ImrÉn has an excellent structure that is smooth and
unique. He detects in it indications that the Christian delegation of NajrÉn has debated
with the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) on two issues introduced in this chapter. The
first issue was a matter of theology; in particular, the Christians claim that God had a
son; the second revolved around the Prophet hood of Muhammad, which the
Christians called into question.
78
M. Mir. Coherence in the Qur’an (lndianapolis, 1986)
79
Ibid, vol. 8, 177.
80
Al-Qur’an. Quraisy 106: 3.
81
Al-Qur’an. Al-Mumtahanah 60: 39.
82
Al-Qur’an. Ash-ShuÑarÉ’ 26: 10.
83
Al-Qur’an. Fussilat 41: 80.
84
Al-Qur’an. Al-FurqÉn 25: 75.
85
Al-Qur’an. An-NËr 24: 83.
86
Al-Qur’an. Fussilat 41: 55.
87
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol.8. P.181-182.
88
Lenn Evan, Goodman. 1992. Avicenna. London: Routledge. P. 49-122.
24
same time, God, for God must have no need for anything else to establish His
Existence.
Al-RÉzÊ further says that if God needed anything else, He would then not he self-
sufficient and that this is impossible for God 89. In arguing on behalf of the Prophet
hood of Muhammad, the Qur’an describes itself as having been revealed by God, just
as were the Torah (TawrÉt) and the Bible (InjÊl). Since these scriptures were
consecutively revealed as signs of the Prophet hood of Muhammad, Moses, and Jesus,
any denial of the Qur’an and with this, the denial of the Prophet hood of Muhammad
would mean the denial of the Torah and the Bible and at the same time the denial of
the Prophets, to whom the scriptures were revealed90.
For this declaration of infidelity, Al-RÉzÊ declares, Christian will receive punishment
in the Hereafter91 and be overshadowed by ignominy and humiliation92. However, this
does not pertain to all Christians, Al-RÉzÊ states, basing himself on the interpretation
of verses 113 - 115 and 199 of Surah Al-ÑImrÉn. With respect to Surah Al-ÑImrÉn
verses 113 - 115, the first part of which reads, “They are not all alike: among the
people of the Book, there are upright people93,” Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ admits that
among the Christians of NajrÉn there were believers as well as infidels. He quotes a
report from Ibn ‘AbbÉs, JÉbir and QatÉdah saying that the Prophet Muhammad
PBUH prayed for the soul of a dead Christian from NajjÉsh. This report confirmed by
Surah Al-ÑImrÉn verse 113, indicates that the dead Christian was a believer, and
therefore prayer for him was obligatory for Muslims.
In Quran 106 verse 3, Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ notes that “the people with white
faces” are placed ahead of “the people with black faces,” while their fruits in the
Hereafter are inverted. The consequences for “those with black faces” are, therefore,
mentioned before the consequence for “those with white faces.” On this issue, one
might doubt that such an arrangement should not logically happen. Al-RÉzÊ suggests
89
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1986. MunÉÐarah fÊ al-Radd ÑalÉ al-NasÉra.
Beirut: Dar al-Gharb al-IslÉmÊ. P. 22-27.
90
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol.7. P. 167-168.
91
Al-Qur’an. Al-ÑImrÉn 3:106.
92
Al-Qur’an. Al-ÑImrÉn 3:112.
93
Al-Qur’an. Al-ÑImrÉn 3:113.
25
two solutions: first, that the waw is used for conjunction in a general sense, not a
sequential one; second, as in the former verse, the mention of mercy (rahmat) for
“those with white faces,” precedes that of punishment (ÑadhÉb) for “those with black
faces,” in order to stress that God wishes that His Creatures receive His Blessings. In
the latter verse, the mention of “those with white faces” is placed after “those with
black faces” in order to emphasize this purpose94.
To determine the meaning of the Qur’an, Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ avails him of poetry
as well as of other Qur’anic verses. This is evident in his interpretation of Surah Al-
ÑImrÉn verse 113. Interpreting the phrase “among the People of the Book there are
upright people,”98 Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ asserts that even though the phrase
mentions only one group, it refers to two groups from the People of the Book, namely,
94
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol. 8. P. 183.
95
Al-Qur’an. Al-ÑImrÉn 3: 17.
96
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol. 7. P. 212-218.
97
Ahmad HijÉÊz Al-SaqqÉ. 1992. “al-Taqdiim li al-Kitaab." in Fakhr al-Dm al-Razi. Asraar at-Tanziil
Wa Anwaar al-Ta ‘wfl (Beirut Dar aI-JiiI. 1992). 7.
98
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol. 8. P. 198-204.
26
the upright (ummah qÉ‘imah), and the blameworthy (ummah dhamÊmah). This is
because mentioning one thing implies the other too; there is no need at all to mention
both. One example of this is the expression “Do well” Although the order is to do
well, it is also an order to avoid doing what is bad. In support of this interpretation,
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ quotes a poem composed by AbË Dhu’ayb, where one
category of items is mentioned when in fact, its opposite is equally intended99.
2.5 Summary
It can be understood from the foregoing examples; Al-RÉzÊ has adopted a free
rational approach in the interpretation of various Qur’anic verses. His rejection of the
existence of otiose words or particles in the Qur’an, however, does not depend on
sound evidence. His argument that the order of verses is divinely ordained is contrary
to the fact that there are several authoritative recitations of the Qur’an, in which the
order of the particles and words is not always the same. Moreover, the acceptance of
some in the Qur’an does not affect the meaning and is sometimes the only way to put
a Qur’anic sentence into a grammatical structure.
Al-RÉzÊ played an important role in bringing theology closer to the sciences and even
to Sufism, with which he flavored this theological works. In the centuries when the
Muslim world was turning away from Peripatetic rationalism toward modes of
thought more akin to its own spirit, Al-RÉzÊ played a major role in this
transformation. He remains as one of the most arresting figures among Muslim
theologians, a figure the power of whose thought spread over the whole Muslim world
at the very moment when the Mongol onslaught was putting an end to the caliphate, to
the survival of which his work was to a large extent dedicated.
Reference
99
Fakhr Al-DÊn Al-RÉzÊ, MuÍammad bin Umar. 1357. Al-TafsÊr al-KabÊr. Vol. 8. P. 200-203.
27
Ahmad al-Khayali and Ibrahim al-Isfara'ini 'Isam al-Din (1335A.H.) Sharb al-'Aqii'id
of Najm al-Din al-Nasafi, Cairo, Dar al-Kutub al-'Arabiyyah al-Kubra
Ahmad Jamaal al 'Umari, Diraasaat fii al-Tafsir, al-Mawduu’ii lil al-Qasas al-
Qur’aani (Cairo: Maktabat al-khanji, 1986). 38-46.
Al-Daawuudii, Tabaqaat al-Mufassiriin. Vol. 2, 250. See also al-Zarkaan, Fakhr al-
Din al-Razi wa Araa ‘uh al-Kalaamiyyah wa al Falsafiyyah. 19.
Al-Razi, Munaazarah fii al-Radd ‘alaa al-Nasaara, ed. ‘Abd al-Majiid al-Najjaar
(Beirut Dar al-Gharb al-Islaami, 1986), 22-27.
Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, Munaazaraat Fakhr al.Din al-Razi fii Bilaad Ma Wara’ al-Nahr.
Page 7; 14, 22-24; 32-42.
Fakhr al-Din al-Rizi, Al-Tafsir Al-Kabir vol. 7 (Cairo: al-Mutba‘ah alBahiyyah al-
Misiriyyah. 1357), 168.
Fathalla Kholeif's translation of the book, A Study on Fakhr al-Din al-Razi and His
Controversies in Transoxiana (Beirut: Darel-Maschrecb 1966)
George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges: Institutions of learning in Islam and the West
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. 1981), 116-8
28
Helmut Gatje (1996) The Qur'an and Its Exegesis: Selected Texts with Classical and
Modern Muslim Interpretations. 2nd Edition. Oneworld Publications, London, United
Kingdom
Huda Jâsim Muhammad Abu Tabrah, a/-Manhaj al-Mahaj al-atharii, fii Tafsir al-
Qur’an al-Karim: Haqiqatuh wa Masaadiruh wa Tatbiiqaatuh (Qumm: Maktab al-
l’laam al-lslaamii, 1994), 191-2.
Ibid, 215.
Ibid., 188-195.
Ibid., 25-34.
Issa J. Boullata. "Modem Qur'an Exegesis: A Study of Bint al-Shati’s Method," The
Muslim World. vol. 64 (l971), 105.
Jalal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman b. Abi Bakr al-Suyuutii, al-Itqan fii ‘U1uum al-Qur’an.
Vol. 2, 3rd ed (Beirut: Daar al-Kutub al-‘Ilmiyyah. 1995) 234.
Kholeif, A Study on Fakhr al-Din al-Razi and His Controversies in Transoxiana, 19,
114 -116
Mahmuud Fuuda, Nash ‘at at-Tafsir wa Munahijuh fii Daw' al-Madhaahib al-
Islamiyyah. 190·2.
Muhammad b. Abi Bakr b. Ayyub Ibn al-Qayyim aI Jawziyyah, al.tibyaan fii. Aqsim
al-Qu,r'an, edited by Muhammad Hamid al-Fiqi (Cairo: Matba’aat Hijizi, 1933)
Muhammad b. Jarir al-Tabarii (d. 310 H.), Jami' al-Bayaan fii Tafsir, al Qur’an, 12
vols. (Beirut: Daru al-Ma ‘rifah, 1986);
Taqi aI-Din Ahmad b. Abd al-Halim Ibn Taymiyyyah, Muqaddimah fii Usuul al-
Tafsir, ed. Fawwaz Ahmad Zamarlii (Beirut: Dar Ibn Hazim 1994), 84.