Position of the Women

CHAPTER- III

POSITION OF THE WOMEN

Woman might be described as an adult female of the human race, a wife, a sister, a
mother, a daughter and a mistress. Woman is an important member of society. In fact
no society is complete without female members. The traditional social order is
dominated by the patriarchy in social, economic and political spheres. Woman is
always to follow the directions from the above that is the patriarchy. Theoretically,
her position is in contrast with the concept of equating woman with Shakti or
Lakshmi. Hindu sacred texts give exalted status to a woman by saying, “the gods live
where women are worshipped”.1 Woman is treated with great reverence and
tenderness.2 In Sikhism, the womenfolk are honoured as the symbol of domestic
harmony, happiness, social cohesion and unity. The Sikh Gurus pleaded for full rights
to woman. They advocated equal status for woman with man in all spheres of life.
Guru Nanak Dev said in ‘asa di var’

"From women is our birth. In the

women’s wombs are we shaped.
Women are our friend and from
women is the family. If one
woman dies, we seek another.
Through women are the bonds of
the world. O, why call woman
evil, who gives birth to kings”.3

Theoretically, the woman is accepted as a basic unit of the society. But there is
another profile of woman, she was believed to be fickle, fragile, sensuous, a

1
S.C. Dube, Indian Society, National Book Trust, India, 1990, 106; A.S. Altekar, The Position of
Women in Hindu Civilization, Motilal Banarsi Dass, Delhi, 1962, 318.
2
J.S. Grewal, Lectures on Sikh History, Society and Culture of the Punjab, Punjabi University,
Patiala, 2007, 335.
3
Adi Granth, Raga Asa, M.I. 473; Avtar Singh, Ethics of the Sikhs, Punjabi University, Patiala,
1983, 174; C.L. Narang, Women in Medieval India, Navbharat Prakashan, Patiala, 1986, 60.

60
 Position of the Women

temptress, given to falsehood, folly and regarded as the root of all evils.4 The decline
in her position from ancient times was most striking feature. Woman was considered
inferior to man. She was never considered fit for independence at any stage of her life.
This subordination was reflected even in her best virtues. For instance Hindu wife was
expected to be completely devoted and dedicated to her husband. In certain situations,
she obtained the supreme virtue of conjugal fidelity at the cost of her life.5 The
patriarchy part of Hindu society expects several virtues in a woman. The first among
them is chastity. Before marriage a woman should not think of any man in sexual
terms and after marriage, no man other than her husband. She was under the care of
her parents, as a daughter, under the order of her husband after marriage and totally
dependent on her son after becoming a widow. The home was considered to be the
most important place for woman. A woman who stayed at home has always given
preference: “andar baithi lakh di, bahar gayi kakh di’ (who stays at home is worth a
lakh, who wanders out is worth a straw). Another proverb also reflected the
importance of home for a woman, “tre kam kharab mard nu chakki, sandhe nu gah,
ran nu rah” (three things are bad: grinding for a man, threshing for a buffalo and
travelling for a woman).6

A woman was mainly confined to home and domestic career. She performed
multifarious duties including the grinding of corn, milking the cows and buffaloes,
churning butter, cooking food, fetching water and spinning cotton.7 Though she had a
paramount influence in the household by controlling everything, even then she was
treated as an inferior sex. When a husband and wife walking together she had to
follow at a respectful distance behind. A good wife was expected to dedicate herself
spiritually and physically to her husband. His gratification was her ultimate goal.8

4
Bhupinder Kaur, Status of Women in Sikhism, S.G.P.C., Amritsar, 2000 ; S.C. Dube, Indian
Society, 106
5
J.S. Grewal, Guru Nanak in History, Publication Bureau, Punjab University, Chandigarh, 1969,
55.
6
G.S.Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, (1849-1901), Sterling Publishers,
New Delhi, 1962, 84; Bhagat Singh, “Condition of Women in the Punjab in the Early Nineteenth
Century”, Panjab Past and Present, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1981, 361.
7
Gazetteer of Lahore District, 1883-84, 50; Rekha Misra, Women in Mughal India, 1526-1748,
Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, 130.
8
A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, Oriental Publisher, Delhi, 1973, 339;
R.M. Dass, Women in Manu and His Seven Commentators, 166.

61
Position of the Women

In the patriarchal society, the birth of a girl was regarded as misfortune.

Expression of sorrow indicated on the birth of a girl. While the birth of a son was
welcomed in the family, being a permanent economic asset and protector of the
family. This attitude could be due to the difficulty of girl’s parents in arranging
marriage, finding suitable husband, having to spend a lot of money on her marriage
and also because a woman being economically dependent on man. A woman was
expected to produce sons to continue the lineage because a son was believed the real
maintainer of a race.9 Some matrimonial rituals like til-khelna (sesame game) and
dewar godi mein beithana (younger brother of bridegroom seated in the bride’s lap)
signified that the bride should have sons.10 A lady who unfortunately happened to
give birth to girls in succession was despised and condemned by her husband and
family and there was constant fear that her husband might bring a second wife. A
mother looking after her daughters was compared to that keeping a lamp made of
flour: “ate da diwa bahar rakhan tah kan ghinn vanjan, under rakhan tan chuhe
khawan” (if you put these outside, crows fly off with them, if you keep these indoor,
rats eat them).11

The fact that girl considered to be social and economic liability by her parents
in particular and the society in general, the practice of female infanticide crept in. This
practice was highly irreligious and sinful and mainly prevalent in the upper classes of
society including Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims. This practice was associated
particularly with the Rajputs and was also among Khatris, Bedis, Sodhis, Jats and
Sayyids.12 Among the Hindus the idea prevailed that the marriage of a girl in another
family brings inferiority. The general belief among them was that a daughter should
marry only to their equal or their superior. A devout Hindu believed that if his

9
Kiran Devendra, “Position of Women in Punjabi Society” (ed.) Mohinder Singh, History and
Culture of Punjab, Atlantic Publishers, New Delhi, 1988, 238; Nijjar, Punjab Under Later
Mughals (1707-1759), New Academic Publishing Co., Jullundur, 1972, 260.
10
Waris Shah, Heer Waris, (ed. J.S. Sital), Navyug Publishers, Delhi, 1963, 81; H.A. Rose, Rites
and Ceremonies of Hindus and Muslims, Harman Publication, New Delhi, 1983, 90; Daljinder
Singh Johal, Society and Culture as Reflected in Punjabi Society, Ph.D Thesis, Guru Nanak Dev
University, Amritsar ,1985, 290.
11
G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 84; Kiran Devendra, “Position of
Women in Punjabi Society”, 239.
12
B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, V.V.R.I., Hoshiarpur, 1977, 411; Doris R.
Jakobsh, Relocating Gender in Sikh History: Transformation, Meaning and Identity, Oxford
University Press, New Delhi, 2003, 70; B.S. Nijjar, “Women and Social Slavery in the Punjab”,
Journal of Indian History, Department of History, Kerala University, Trivandrum, Vol. L VI,
488.

62
 Position of the Women

daughter grew up to puberty in his house without getting married, many of his
generations would be damned. The only easy solution was the killing of the new born
girl.13

Female infanticide was strictly prohibited in Sikhism. The Sikh Gurus raised a
voice against this practice. They considered it to be a culpable crime and was taken in
a bad taste in Sikhism.14 In this regard Macauliff states, “the Sikh Gurus resolutely set
themselves against this practice. At the time of administration of the pahul, one of the
obligations imposed on neophytes is not to kill their daughters and to avoid all
association with those who do”.15 Guru Gobind Singh laid down five negative
injections to be obeyed; one of the injections was to have no dealing with those who
kill their daughter, “kurimaran te narimaran naal koi samband na rakho”.16

Different methods were adopted to put an end to the life of an infant girl.
Stifling, poisoning and drowning were some methods of infanticide. As soon as the
female child was born opium was administrated to her. Sometimes a pill made of
bhang was placed on the upper jaw of the infant’s mouth where it became softened
with the saliva and went into the body of the child causing her death. In some cases
the naval string of a new born girl was placed in her mouth which causes suffocation
as a result of which she expired.17 Sometimes mother’s breast was smeared with a
preparation of the juice of the dhatura plant or the poppy. The infant suck the milk
along with the poison.18 In the Gujrat district, the practice was to bury the infant alive.
In Jullundur district the methods most resorted to were starvation, or starvation
followed by a glut of milk which caused severe colic, or exposed to the weather, but

13
G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab,75; D.L. Dewan, Change in the
Attitude of Jallandhar Doab Khatris Towards Female Infanticide Between (1846-53), Punjab
History Conference, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1968, 221.
14
Bhupinder Kaur, Status of Women in Sikhism, 37.
15
M.A. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol. III, New Delhi, 1963, 71.
16
In Sikhism Bedis were generally known as Kurimars. M.A. Macauliffe, The Sikh Religion, Vol.
III, 71; Kahan Singh Nabha, Mahan Kosh, Encyclopedia of Sikh Literature, 258.
17
G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab,75; Waris Shah, Heer Waris, (ed. J.S.
Sital), 95
18
John Cave Browne, Indian Infanticide and Its Origin, Progress and Suppression, W.H. Alllen
and Co., London, 1857, 108-109; B.S. Nijjar, “Women and Social Slavery in the Punjab”, 488.

63
Position of the Women

when hasty measures were desired the poor infant was placed in a large jar, the cover
was put on and not removed till the child suffocated.19

The Bedis buried their girl child with a piece of gur (refined sugar) between her lips
and a twist of cotton in her hand reciting the following couplet.

"gurh khani, puuni katni,

app nah aaye, bhaiya ghali".20

(Eat jaggery and spin thread, don’t come, send brother instead).

All these means were calculated to prevent respiration and cause

instantaneous death. Nonetheless, it was obvious that a daughter was far less valued.
She received hardly any attention from her parents. Society’s common attitude
towards girls was that of suffering. It was more obvious in Hindu families who
believed that daughters did not belong to them as after their marriage, they would go
to their husband’s family.21 This evil became so widely prevalent that the parents
thought of saving their honour by adopting early marriages of their daughters.
Marriage was considered to be the ultimate goal for a girl. Strict caste rules did not
allow a girl to remain in her parents home for a long time and if a girl stayed without
marriage was considered inauspicious. A premature liaison of a girl was a social
odium and a grown up unmarried girl was a source of pain for the parents. These
factors seem to have contributed to the practice of the child marriage. Though there
was no fixed limit for marriage, often the girls were married even before they had
attained puberty.22 The approximate marriageable age was about three to ten. The
girls were delivered (muklawa) to the in-laws until she attained puberty.23 Little girls
were trained for marriage at the time when they should have been playing with their
dolls or gudian patola. Their game generally took the form of marriage between male

19
G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 80; Gazetteer of Jullundhur District,
1883-1884, 60.
20
G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 80; B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 411; Bhagat Singh, “Condition of Women in the Punjab in the Early
Nineteenth Century”, 359.
21
Kiran Devendra, “Position of Women in Punjabi Society”, 238.
22
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1982, 525; B.J. Hasrat,
Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 210.
23
A.H. Bingley, History, Caste and Culture of Jats and Gujars, Ess Ess Publication, New Delhi,
1978, 78; K.M Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of the Hindustan, Munshiram
Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1988,182.

64
 Position of the Women

and female dolls.24 Child marriage began to be respected by the society. In the
contempory literature we found such examples. Agra Sethi in his Var Haqiqat Rai,
described the marriage of Haqiqat Rai which was performed at the age of eight.25
This custom also prevailed among the upper classes. Rani Mehtab Kaur, daughter of
Sada Kaur was married at the age of three with Maharaja Ranjit Singh and her
muklawa was sent at the age of six.26

Marriage of a girl led her parents into financial debt as a lot of extravagance
was expected by the boy’s family. The problem of giving large dowry arose
subsequently. Because of dowry system, a daughter was considered as an economic
burden by her parents. Jewellery was the most important item in dowry as it was
considered to be a security in times of crisis. The nature of dowry varied according to
the economic standard and the social status of the parents. It consisted of presents like
ornaments, clothes, furniture, animals, household articles and other articles of
luxury.27 Dowry was displayed in the courtyard to show their social and economic
standard. In literature numerous examples were found. Waris Shah gave reference of
Heer’s dowry which consisted of various types of clothes and ornaments.

“Jarhat sona bahu bhanti gahne, aan majud karaye-------

pehra palang, mariya roop da tile naal unaye---------
surmedaani sohe sandi, chann moti laye--------”.28

Dowry was prevalent among both rich and poor alike. We do get such
references in Umdat-ut-Tawarikh, for instance, Rani Chand Kaur, wife of Kharak
Singh brought the dowry consisting of horses, camels, fine garments, wonderful
utensils of gold and silver, large sums in cash, ornaments, precious stones, some maid
servants, a number of villages and towns.29

24
G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 70; B.S. Nijjar, “Punjab Under the
Later Mughals”, 271, 273, 274.
25
Agra Sethi, Var Haqiqat Rai (ed.) Ganda Singh, Punjab Dian Varan, Khalsa College Amritsar,
1946, 18.
26
Suri, Umdat, Daftar II, 29; H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 537.
27
Parkash Singh Jammu, “The Development of Dowry System in Punjab”, Punjab History
Conference, Punjabi University, Patiala, 1976, 232.
28
K.S. Kang, Punjab Wich Qissa Hir Ranjha, Waris Shah Foundation, Amritsar, 2004, 264.
29
Sohan Lal Suri, Umdat ut –Tawarikh (tr. Amarwant Singh, ed. J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga),
Daftar II, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 1985, 118.

65
Position of the Women

Among the Hindus, dowry was considered as stridhan or woman’s property

but the reverse cannot be ruled out.30 Muslims adopted another method of dowry
called mahr or ante nuptial. Unlike the Hindu woman, a Muslim woman could retain
mahr even after marriage.31 There was no distinction among the Muslims and the non-
Muslims regarding the rules regulating the devolution and disposed of property.32
Indeed her economic position was very weak. She had no power to control or utilized
the stridhan or wealth given to her by her family at the time of marriage.33 The
property whatever a married woman acquired whether by her own self exertions or
otherwise belonged to her husband.34 According to customary law of the Punjab
women did not inherit a share of parental property.35 A daughter was never gifted
ancestral land without consent of male heirs. A widower daughter or a daughter who
had been ousted by her husband and had returned to her father’s house to live, had
right to maintenance for life if she remained chaste and did not remarry. A widow had
no right to alienate her estate. If at all she had to sell her property, it was subject to
investigation in deciding whether it was necessary or not. After her death, the
property reverted to her father’s agnates.36

After marriage, girl lived in joint family of her husband where she was under
the control of her mother-in-law. Large number of restrictions was imposed on her. If
she failed to come up to her mother-in-law’s expectations, her life would become
miserable in the family. She had to please all the members of her husband’s family by
doing every possible domestic service.37 She had to observe purda, ghund or veil
from her male family members and if she was to move out, she had to cover her face
or body with veil. The veil had become a common feature of the society. If she went

30
S.C. Dube, Indian Society, 108; Kiran Devendra, “Position of Women in Punjabi Society”, 241.
31
Zarina Bhatty, “Status of Muslim Women and Social Change”(ed.) B.R. Nanda, Indian Women
from Purdah to Modernity, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1976, 100-102 ; P.N. Chopra,
Life and Letters, Under the Mughals, Ashajanak Publication, New Delhi, 1976, 199-120.
32
W.H. Rattigan, A Digest of Civil Law for the Punjab, Chiefly Based on the Customary Law, The
University Book Agency, Allahabad, 1966, Preface XIV, 1.
33
Harish C. Sharma, “Customary Law and Women in the Colonial Punjab” (eds. Reeta Grewal
and Sheena Pall), Precolonial and Colonial Punjab: Society and Economy, Politics an Culture,
Manohar, New Delhi, 2005, 225.
34
Paras Diwan, Custmory Law: on Punjab and Haryana, Punjab University, Chandigarh, 1990,
213.
35
Parkash S. Jammu, “The Development of Dowry System in the Punjab”, Punjabi University,
Patiala, 1976, 232.
36
Harish C. Sharma, “Customary Law and Women in the Colonial Punjab”, 256-257.
37
Kiran Devendra, “Position of Women in Punjabi Society”, 240; Daljit Singh, Punjab: Socio
Economic Condition, Commonwealth, Patiala, 2004, 104.

66
 Position of the Women

out without veil, was criticized in the family.38 Women adopted purda as a protective
measure to save their honour at the hands of the foreign invaders and to maintain the
purity of their social order. Hindu and Sikh ladies used dupatta as a sign of their grace
and respectful position.39 Muslim ladies mainly observed purda. They had not move
out without a veil which consisted of a burqa and hide them from head to foot. They
were able to see others through the thin layer of a net but could not be seen by other
people.40

Purda was mainly confined to the upper strata particularly among the Rajput
ladies. We get reference that wives of Maharaja Ranjit Singh especially, Rajput wives
followed this practice. But there are some exceptional cases like Sada Kaur, mother-
in-law of Maharaja Ranjit Singh who appeared unveiled in the battlefield as a
commander of soldiers.41 Maharani Chand Kaur, widow of Kharak Singh came out in
the Darbar, unveiled, wore a turban, donned male attire and rode on an elephant to
inspect the parade of the army.42 Maharani Jind Kaur, widow of Maharaja Ranjit
Singh, cast off her veil and played important role in the politics of Lahore Darbar.43

Women of peasants and working classes did not wear purda. They were free
from this bondage. They were expected to help their husbands in all external pursuits.
They simply covered their head with dupatta or other head dress slightly over their
face when they passed stranger. Hence, the common women moved much freely than
the women of the upper strata.44

The greatest tragedy in the life of a woman was death of her husband. After
the death of her husband, she completely lost respect in society. Her life became more
miserable and survival most painful. There were two ways open for her, either to
spend the wretched life of suffering and pain where mental torture inflicted by society

38
“Saas nanana devneya taane, phirdi hai ghungat khuli”. She roam about with uncovered face
and her mother-in-law and sister-in-law passed sarcastic remarks. J.S. Sital, Shah Hussian Jiwan
te Rachna, Punjabi University, Patiala, 79.
39
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 319, 480; G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History
of the Punjab, 55.
40
M.P. Srivastva, Social Life Under the Great Mughals (1526-1700) Chugh Publication,
Allahabad,1978,88; P.N. Chopra, Life and Letters Under the Mughals, 109
41
F.S. Waheeduddin, The Real Ranjit Singh, 134.
42
S.M. Latif, History of the Punjab, Eurasia Publishing House, New Delhi, 1964, 501; B.J. Hasrat,
Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 219.
43
Avtar Singh Gill, Lahore Darbar and Rani Jindan, Central Publishers, Ludhiana, 1983, 86.
44
B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 172; K.M. Ashraf, Life and Condition of
the People of the Hindustan Life, 171.

67
Position of the Women

continued hammering her emotions, or to burn herself along with her husband’s dead
body. Unlike the Sikhs and the Muslims, widow remarriage was not permitted among
the Hindus particularly the Rajputs. So burning alive with her deceased husband was
preferable. The barbarous custom of burning was known as sati.45 The custom of sati
or self-immolation of widow on the pyre of her husband prevailed, to a certain extent
among the Hindu families of high position particularly it was popular with the
Rajputs. Among Rajputs sati was not taken as a curse but as a pride. They believed
that “those who burnt in this way assert their reincarnation as Goddess in the heaven
of Lord Vishnu.46 When a woman intended to burn herself with her husband, her grief
assumed a sublime character she shed no tears, made no lamentations, she laid aside
her veil and no longer concealed her face from the public. The belief of entering
heaven with her husband gave her incredible energy to dedicate herself to sacrifice.47
In sati, woman saw hidden and symbolic meaning, the deep passionate joy of the
sacrifice and the expression of love stronger than death. The satis were considered
sacred and their last words were believed to be Prophetic, their blessings eagerly
sought for and their curse dreaded.48 Ganesh Das in Char Bagh -i- Punjab, placed the
widow becoming sati above even the gnostic and the martyr. He depicts an interesting
scene of a case of sati. The close relatives, accompanying the funeral pyre, were in
tears, the women pulled their hair in mourning, the Brahmans struck gongs and the
common people were struck with wonder and awe the respectable citizens garlanded
the widow and made offering of cloth and gold and they bowed to her in reverence.
The spot where this widow became sati became a place of worship.49 In Gujrat, a
small structure was raised as a place of worship in the commemoration of Radhi who
performed sati along with his husband’s dead body.50 Steinbach, describes the custom
of sati in Punjab as follows;

45
Neera Darbari, Northern Indian Under Aurangzeb, 80. Bhagat Singh, “Condition of Women in
the Punjab”, 361.
46
A.S. Alterkar, Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, Motilal Banarsi Dass, Delhi, 1962. 131.
47
G.T. Vigne, A Personal Narrative of a Visit to Ghuzni, Kabul and Afghanistan, Whittakar and
co. London, Vol. I, 1840, 82-83; Leopold Von Orlich, Travels in India, Including Sind and
Punjab, Vol.I, 170.
48
B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 409.
49
J.S. Grewal, Guru Nanak in History, 56; J.S. Grewal, Lectures on Sikh History, Society and
Culture of the Punjab, 335.
50
J.S. Grewal and Indu Banga (eds.), Early Nineteenth Century, From Ganesh Das’s, Char Bagh-i-
Punjab, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 1975, 154-155.

68
 Position of the Women

“There exists no prohibition against the suttee. In all cases they are
understood to be willing victims and much real or pretended
dissuasion is exercised by the public functionaries and by friends and
relations, to divert the miserable creature from her destructive
intentions”.51

In Sikhism, the custom of sati was strongly denounced. The word sati has
been used in the Adi Granth in different connotations, it implies truthful, mortal,
disciplined, virtuous, generous and pure etc. It also refers to the custom of sati by
which a widow used to burn with her dead husband. Guru Amar Das strongly
condemned the custom of sati. He was chiefly remembered for his vigorous crusade
against this practice.52 He denounced the sati in the following words.

“satian ehh na akhiye jo mariyan lag jalan,

Nanak satian janiye jo birhye chot maran”. 53

(Not these are true satis that perish on their husbands funeral pyres: said Nanak, those
are true satis as pass life in noble conduct and content, serve their
lord and rising each day, remember him)

The practice of sati was commonly followed by the upper strata. It became
common custom in Sikh aristocracy of Lahore Darbar. Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s four
wives – Rani Guddan, Rani Hardevi, Rani Raj Kaur and Rani Banali along with seven
slave girls had resolved to burn themselves on his funeral pyre.54 Dr. Martin
Honigberger and Lieut Colonel Steinbach both attended the royal funeral and
cremation of Maharaja Ranjit Singh on 28th June, 1839. Honigberger gives detailed
description as follow:

The four Ranees came out of the zenana on foot

and unveiled for the first time of their lives. They

51
Lt. Col. Steinbach, The Punjab: Being a Brief Account of the Country of the Sikhs, Punjab
Languages Department, Patiala, 1979, 66; Lepel Griffin Ranjit Singh, S. Chand and Co., Delhi,
1957, 66; B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 409.
52
Indu Bhushan Baneejee, Evolution of the Khalsa, Vol. I, A Mukarjee and Co., Calcutta, 1963,
180; C.H. Payne, A Short History of the Sikhs, Languages Department Punjab, Patiala, 1970; 31.
Kahan Singh, Mohan Kosh, 112.
53
Adi Granth, Raga Suhi, M-3, 787; Bhupinder Kaur, Status of Women in Sikhism, 42.
54
Kavi Gwal, Vijay Vinod, Shamsher Singh (ed.), Shamsher Singh, Punjabi Varan te Jangname,
SGPC, Amritsar, 1971, 147.

69
Position of the Women

distributed their ornaments and jewels while

accompanying the funeral train in open
palanquins, their seven slave girls followed them
on foot. The royal body was respectfully placed
in the middle of the pile. After that the Ranees
ascended the fatal ladder, one by one, according
to their ranks, the slave girls followed, and the
minister (Raja Dhian Singh) showed himself
very officious in affording them assistance. The
Ranees placed themselves at the head of the
royal body and the slave close to its feet. There
they crowded, remaining in silent expectation
for the fatal moment, when a thick mat of reeds
being brought with which the whole was
covered. Oil was then poured over the mat, the
ministers and Sardars descended and the pile
was lighted at each corner. In a few moments,
the deplorable victims of an abominable and
fantastic ceremony had ceased to exist.55

After Kharak Singh’s death, out of his four widows only one Ishar Kaur along
with her three slave girls became sati.56 Two of Nau Nihal Singh’s widows became
sati.57 With Raja Dhian Singh fifteen queens performed sati.58 On the death of Raja
Suchet Singh, thirteen widows and slave girls immolated themselves.59 Two of the
widows of Raja Hira Singh along with slave girls performed the ceremony of sati.60

55
J.M. Honigberger, Thirty Five Years in the East and Historical Sketches Relating to the Punjab
and Cashmere, London/Calcutta 1852, 99-100; Suri, Umdat, Daftar III (IV-V), 486; Lt. Col.
Steinbach, The Punjab, 17-18; C.M. Oman Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India, Vishal
Publishers, Delhi, 1972, 111-112;.
56
Suri, Umdat, Daftar IV, 67; Lt. Col. Steinbach, The Punjab, 24; Leopold Von Orich Travels in
India, Including Sind and Punjab, 175; Lepel. H. Griffin, The Punjab Chiefs, Lahore 1865, 325.
57
Chand Kaur made ladies, who were to burn alive, take bath and washing their head and feet with
perfume and other necessary things, decorated them with fine garments like velvet, bejewelled
and plain ornaments added to them all the same and, making them ride in palanquins, brought
them there. Suri, Umdat, Daftar IV, 129; Lepel. H. Griffin, Ranjit Singh, 66.
58
Kavi Gwal, Vijay Vinod, Shamsher Singh (ed.), 200.
59
Suri, Umdat, Daftar IV, 52; B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 409.
60
Suri, Umdat, Daftar IV, 69.

70
 Position of the Women

Four of the widows of Jawahar Singh, the brother of Maharani Jindan, became sati.61
Thus the practice of sati was still in vogue with the nobles and upper classes of both
Hindus and Sikhs till the middle of the 19th century.

The custom of sati was not observed by the lower sections. Among the
Hindus, except Rajputs, widowhood was compulsory. The widow was required to live
a life of self denial, self sacrifice and devotion to her husband’s memory and to
dedicate herself to the service of the remaining family members. Embellishments,
laughter, music and coloured clothes were denied to her. The belief in fate and
previous life was so firm and deep that the widows bore their misfortune with
wonderful fortitude and showed no signs of grief and no ill will against anybody or
society. A widow was treated like a servant, cook, nurse and house keeper. Everyone
in the family had the right to be rude to her, order her to do odd jobs at odd hours and
in return no one cared for her feelings.62

Widow remarriage was strictly prohibited among the upper strata of Hindus.
From Punjabi literature it is also evident that the Khatri ladies disliked and abhorred
the idea of remarriage and they preferred to lead a hard life.63 Rajputs abstained from
remarriage because of their purity of blood. They refused to marry their widows with
families of inferior social rank and preferred to the custom of sati.64 Among the
Muslims, Sikhs and lower Hindus, there was no religious tenet prohibiting widow
remarriage. Widow remarriage in the Punjab was not a question of caste but of status
within the caste. Thus Jats always allowed widow remarriage but families of high
social standing and, locally, certain tribes disallowed it. Among certain
Mohammedans castes, such as the Sayyids and Pathans, the rule existed, though not
as an absolute prohibition.65 Muslim widow remarried through usual nikah ceremony

61
Ibid., 75; Lepel. H. Griffin, Ranjit Singh, 66.
62
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 525, 526; Kiran Devendra, “Position of Women in
Punjabi Society”, 240.
63
Tulsa Singh, Jhagra Jatti ti Khatrani Da (ed.), Piara Singh, Punjabi Jhagre, Piara Singh Padam,
Sardar Sahit Bhawan, Patiala, 1974, 74.
64
Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, B.R. Publishing Co., 1974, 127; Bindu Bala, “Social
Stratification and Widows in the Colonial Punjab”, Punjab History Conference, Punjabi
University Patiala, 2006, 339.
65
G.S. Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 94.

71
Position of the Women

called nikah sani.66 Jats, agricultural classes and artisans practiced widow remarriage
through the ceremony called karewa or chadar pauna without any merry making and
celebrations. Jat Sikh stood first in widow remarriage. A Jat father addressed his
widow daughter thus: ‘come my daughter and be married, if this husband dies, there
are plenty more’.67 The karewa ceremony was not accompanied by any religious
ritual. A white sheet was thrown over the widow’s head by a man which signifies his
acceptance of her as his wife.68 It was optional for the widow to marry either the
eldest (jeth) or the youngest (dewar) brother of the deceased husband. The children of
such marriage were regarded as a legal heir.69 Maharaja Ranjit Singh himself married
nine widows through this practice.70 Prince Kharak Singh married a widow named
Ishar Kaur by this practice who became sati on his death.71 Sher Singh also proposed
Chand Kaur, widow of Kharak Singh to marry him by karewa but she resisted.72

Though the practice of karewa and nikah sani prevailed in the society, most of
the women preferred to maintain their fidelity even after the death of their husbands
and abhorred the very idea of remarriage. Hindus and Sikhs were monogamous and
take second wife if the first was barren or gave birth only to female children.73
Polygamy was the privilege to some rich Muslims. The Quran permitted a Muslim to
have four wives at a time, and laid down the strict condition that men, who marry
another wife, would treat all his wives equally.74

66
K.M Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of the Hindustan,190; Sudarshan Singh, “The
Position of Woman- Social Beliefs and Practices”, Punjab History Conference, Punjabi
University Patiala, 2002, 283.
67
Denzil Ibbetson, Punjab Castes, 103; H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 526; Barjinder
Kaur, Jats in the Punjab, M. Phil Dissertation, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 36.
68
In the karewa ceremony the lavan was not performed. The both parties heads touch, ties some
part of their clothes together by a knot and placed a chadar over them both. B.J. Hasrat, Life and
Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 392; Lepal Griffin, Ranjit Singh, 64.
69
Out of karewa practices, the threwa form of marriage came into practices. In this practice widow
did not agree to marry her deceased husband’s brother and marry out of the family. H.T. Prinsep,
Origin of Sikh Power in Punjab and Political life of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Language
Department, Punjab, Patiala, 1970, 164; Gazetteer of Amritsar District, 1883-1884, 41; B.J.
Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 392.
70
Rani Devi, Ratan Kaur, Daya Kaur, Chand Kaur, Mehtab Kaur, Saman Kaur and Gulab Kaur.
Lepal Griffin, Ranjit Singh, 107; Balraj Sagar, Who’s Who, 71, 86, 132, 167, 251, 324, 344.
71
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 537; Lepal Griffin, Ranjit Singh, 65.
72
B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 220.
73
M. P. Srivastva, Social Life Under the Great Mughals, 90-91; Kiran Devendra, “Position of
Women in Punjabi Society”, 241; Bhagat Singh, Condition of Women in the Punjab, 360.
74
Zarina Bhatty, Status of Muslim Women and Social Change, 103; P.N. Chopra, Life and Letters
Under the Mughals, 112.

72
 Position of the Women

Polygamy was fairly common among the kings and nobles who often found it
as a useful instrument in strengthening their political power by contracting numerous
matrimonial alliances. Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s marriage with Mehtab Kaur, daughter
of Sada Kaur was a political relationship resulting into the union of the two powerful
misls. This matrimonial alliance proved as a ladder by which Ranjit Singh climbed to
greatness.75 Kanwar Kharak Singh had four wives.76 Polygamy created domestic
unhappiness and immorality. The co-wives rivaled each other and used all devices to
excel one another and thereby win the love of their husband. Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s
wife Rani Raj Banso committed suicide because he praised Moran in front of a slave
girl. Rani Raj Banso felt hurt and committed suicide by poisoning herself.77

Prostitution was regarded as a disgrace, social evil but was encouraged by the
male members of the society. Though the practice of monogamy ruled over the
ordinary man, some of them satisfied themselves with second rate women and girls
called prostitutes. Prostitution, a typically urban institution, catered to people from
various social and culture background. It seems that they had a recognized place and
functions in the urban society and were not always treated with contempt or prudery.78
Broadly, prostitutes were graded according to their skill and talent, as singing girls
(tawaifs), nautch girls, special courtesans and common prostitutes. Their ranks were
constituted by the unwanted young widows of respectable upper caste Hindu families
and the women brought or abducted from the hills and some other areas, including the
villages.79

Prostitutes who possessed beautiful face and figure, were below twenty and
could sing and dance and obsessed seductive art was known as dancing girls. They
were clandestinely visited by government servants (clerks and subordinate officers),
rich landlords and others. On the top of them, there was the pick of physical beauty,

75
Suri, Umdat, Daftar II, 29; N.K. Sinha, Ranjit Singh, A Mukerjee and Co., Calcutta, 15.
76
Suri, Umdat, Daftar IV, 67; B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 409.
77
F.S. Waheeduddin, The Real Ranjit Singh, 171; Gurcharan Singh, “Women in the Life of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh”, Panjab Past and Present, Punjabi University, Patiala, 2002, 59-60.
78
Indu Banga, “Urban Profile in The Pre-Colonial Punjab”, Presidential Address, Punjab History
Conference, Punjabi University, Patiala, 2011, 16; Victor Jacquemont and A. SoltyKoff, The
Punjab-A Hundred Years Ago (ed. H.L.O. Garrett), The Punjab Government Record Office,
Monograph No.18, Lahore, 1935, 27.
79
Indu Banga, “Urban Profile in The Pre-Colonial Punjab”, 16-17.

73
Position of the Women

everything symmetrical, sweet voice and delicate hands and feet. Jacquemont give a
vivid and bold description of their physical appearance as follows:

“They are fair enough; that is to say of a deep pallor with no more
colour in their cheeks than in the rest of their faces. They are all very
small, with good features and breasts, but their arms are too thin, their
thigh thinner still, and their legs so thin as to be actually unsightly;
their eyes, naturally beautiful, have an added brightness and softness
from the custom of slightly darkening the lower eye-lid with a
preparation of antimony”.80

Only the kings, princes and ministers could afford them. Rich people some times
maintained their own dancing girls.81 A man who enjoyed her music, dance and body
paid her. The charges of a woman of common place features and colour and who had
passed the meridian of life were one rupee, or even less in those days. A pretty
woman in her twenties charged from one to two rupees. Their customers were
villagers and poor people of towns and cities.82

The harem of Maharaja Ranjit Singh comprised forty six women belonging to
four categories. In the first category were nine whom he married in the orthodox Sikh
manner. The second category also consisted of nine, all of them widows, whom he
married through karewa practice. To the third category belonged seven courtesans.
All these categories enjoyed the status of queens. Not so the fourth category which
consisted of concubines.83 Maharaja Ranjit Singh had a large number of dancing girls
for his own entertainment as well as for his European visitors. He had the ‘rarest
beauties’ in his court.84 They possessed enchanting beauty, sweet smiles, melodious
voices, bewitching movements and were fully trained in the art of seduction.85 Such
royal dancing girls enjoyed many privileges. On festive occasions, they performed

80
H.L.O. Garrett (ed.), The Punjab-A Hundred Years Ago, 27.
81
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 563.
82
Ibid. 563; G.S.Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab 1849-1901, Sterling, New
Delhi, 1962, 87-88.
83
F.S. Waheeduddin, The Real Ranjit Singh, 169.
84
Baron Charles Hugel, Travels in Cashmere and the Punjab, 310; Victor Jacquement, Letters
From India, Tibet, Lahore and Cashmere During the Years, 1828, 1829, 1830, 1831 Under the
Order of the French Government, Edward Churton, London, 1834, Vol. I, 391.
85
W.G. Osborne, Court and Camp of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Punjab Language Department,
Patiala, 1970, 85-86; G.S.Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 86.

74
 Position of the Women

dance and received handsome rewards in cash and kind.86 Some of them enjoyed large
jagirs and pensions. Moran, a dancing girl, was given a revenue free grant in
Pathankot.87 Even a bridge was constructed by Maharaja Ranjit Singh in her name

known as pul kanjari.88 He had established matrimonial alliance with the dancing
girls named Moran and Gul Bahar Begam.89 Moran had a great influence over the
Maharaja and money was coined the inscription of mor (peacock) on it in
commemoration of the marriage. The Maharaja performed pilgrimage to Hardwar,
accompanied with her.90 His marriage with Moran caused a stir among the orthodox
Sikhs and was summoned to the Akal Takht and was awarded the punishment of a
hundred lashes.91

The dancing girls and prostitutes had no social status, no respect in the society.
They were considered as social evil and responsible for the growth of moral laxity in
the society. But prostitution was a recognized institution in the society and dancing
girls were never exposed to any insult.92 They lived in separate areas. In Amritsar
bazaar-i-kanjran and bazaar-i-Mughlan were famous places for prostitutes. In Lahore
hira mandi was famous and colourful area for them. Hira mandi by day was quite and
deserted but after the sun went down it came into a dazzling and brilliant life. As the

86
Suri, Umdat, Daftar III (I-III) II, 170-171; Daftar III (IV-V), 79.
87
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 575; Gulcharan Singh, “Women in the life of Maharaja
Ranjit Singh”, 58.
88
Maharaja Ranjit Singh visited Amritsar frequently on religious occasions. For reaching Amritsar
he used to start his journey from Lahore one day in advance. He used to camp for the night near
village Dhanoa beside the canal. Moran, a dancing girl performed danced at the baridari of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh between Lahore and Amritsar. Her village, Makhanpur, was not far from
the Baradari. Once she was coming from her village on horse and lost one of her silver sandals
in the canal which was built by the Mughal Emperor Shah Jahan to carry the waters of the Ravi
to Lahore to irrigate the Shalimar gardens. Moran was furious at losing the sandal. The pair of
sandals had been a present from the Maharaja. She was disappointed at the loss of the slipper
and apparently had lost other items into the canal or was inconvenienced while crossing it. She
refused to perform before the Maharaja again - until he built a bridge across the canal. The
Maharaja immediately ordered to be built a bridge over the canal. She asked the Maharaja to
named that bridge kanjari bridge so that the coming generations remain aware of how this was
constructed and this bridge is known as pul kanajri (bridge of the dancing girl). Joginder Singh
Karon, Tales Around Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar, 2001, 78-
79.
89
Lepal Griffin, Ranjit Singh, 108; Khushwant Singh, Ranjit Singh, Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1780-
1839), 184.
90
F.S. Waheeduddin, The Real Ranjit Singh, 173; Lepal Griffin, Ranjit Singh, 108-109.
91
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 35.
92
H.L.O. Garrett (ed.), The Punjab-A Hundred Years Ago, 27.

75
Position of the Women

evening darkened, lights began to go up in the houses and balconies and the girls took
their appointed places.93 In Jalandhar prostitutes and their associates lived in five
different muhallas located on the sides. There was a small courtesan's lane in Gujrat.94
The leading singing girls lived in luxurious homes and enjoyed a measure of
respectability. Their names usually carried the courteous suffixes of begum or banu,
and if they were Hindus, as they sometimes were bai. They were frequently invited
out to wedding and other functions.95

Slavery was very common among the women of the Punjab, nearly all the
concubines and their servants were slave. In the zenanna of General Ventura,
observed Jacquemont, the ladies were being guarded and attended by female slaves,
bought for from the hills. Interestingly, it was uncommon among the men.96 The
highest families sold off their slave girls when they considered them of little use or
when they could strike a good bargain.97 The sale and purchase of girls and women
was called bardah faroshi. A special class of people carried on this profession. They
were called kanjars or pimps. If a girl refused to become a harlot, she was chained in
wooden fetters, thrown inside a dark cell and left without water and food. For her
obstinacy she was put to death. Prostitution was started at the age of ten.98

Amritsar and Lahore were the great centers of slave trade.99 Dancing girls and
prostitutes were exported and imported. Punjabi women were exported to Sind, in
which province the paucity of female was very marked. Women were carried from
Himalayan and sub-montane districts in Punjab. Sometimes they were daughters or
near relatives of dancers and their education for their profession usually began at the
age of five years.100 This traffic was assigned to the scarcity of women, to the
difficulty and expense attendant on the regular negotiations required for obtaining a
wife within the caste, especially if the first wife had died and to the restrictions
imposed by Hindu custom on marriage within certain gots. The purchasers of women
were mainly Jats (both Sikh and Hindu), Aroras or Kirars and in a less degree,

93
Parkash Tandon, Punjabi Century, 184-185.
94
Ibid; Indu Banga, “Urban Profile in The Pre-Colonial Punjab”, 16.
95
Parkash Tandon, Punjabi Century, 186.
96
H.L.O. Garrett (ed.), The Punjab-A Hundred Years Ago, 34-35.
97
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 564.
98
Ibid., 564-565.
99
Ibid., 565.
100
G.S.Chhabra, Social and Economic History of the Punjab, 86, 87.

76
 Position of the Women

Kambohs and Khatris.101 Jacquemont visited Kashmir in 1831 wrote that Kashmir had
been drained of its beauties, “all little girls who promised to turn out pretty, are sold at
eight years of age, and carried off into the Punjab and India. Their parents sell them
from twenty to three hundred francs___ most commonly fifty to sixty”.102 Europeans
also bought Kashmiri girls. General Ventura had fifty concubines.103 Later he had
fallen in love with a Muhammadan dancing girl named Kaulan whom he refused to
marry.104

In spite of above mentioned position of women in the society, there were few
feminine characters that played a very significant part in influencing the course of
history. The most obvious examples of such a turn of events was mai Anokhi, the
widow of Jassa Singh Ahluwalia, addressed as mai sahiba, and was held in high
esteem by both Fateh Singh and Maharaja Ranjit Singh. She is said to have exercised
considerable influence over the internal affairs of the Ahluwalia misl. There was some
serious misunderstanding between Fateh Singh and Maharaja Ranjit Singh. She even
helped them in sorting out that.105 Raj Kaur, mother of Maharaja Ranjit Singh
conducted the affairs of the Sukarchakia misl till her son became of age and assumed
responsibilities.106 Mai Sada Kaur as M’Gregor calls her, “one of the most artful and
ambitious women who figure in Sikh history,” 107 who had played very prominent role
in Lahore Darbar. She had the largeness of vision to conceive united Punjab under a
single rule and she had the far-sightedness to identify the young son of her husband’s
killer as potential ally in her scheme of the conquest and unification of all the warring
and antagonistic misls that had been weakening the Khalsa. She, therefore,
immediately took the boy Ranjit under wings and continued to push him to new
pastures for a successful realization of her aim. Sada Kaur did not hesitate to marry
her daughter to Ranjit Singh probably with an eye to the political advantage that

101
Ibid., 86.
102
Victor Jacquemont, Letters From India: Describing a Journey in the British Dominion of India,
Tibet, Lahore and Cashmere During the Years 1828, 1829, 1830, 1831, Undertaken by Orders of
French Government, Vol. II, 65.
103
H.R. Gupta, History of the Sikhs, Vol. V, 565.
104
S.P. Singh, H.C. Sharma, Europeans and Maharaja Ranjit Singh, Guru Nanak Dev University,
2001, 60.
105
Ram Sukh Rao, Sri Fateh Singh Pratap Prabakar (ed.) Joginder Kaur, Patiala, 1980, 38.
106
N.K. Sinha, Ranjit Singh, 7; B.J. Hasrat, Life and Times of Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 22.
107
M’Gregor, History of the Sikhs: Containing the lives of the Gooroos, The History of the
Independent Sirdars of Missuls and Life of Great Founder of the Monarchy, Maharaja Ranjit
Singh, Vol. I, James Madden London, 1846, 152.

77
Position of the Women

might accrue from such a combination.108 She rendered considerable help to Maharaja
Ranjit Singh in consolidating his power. She actively participated in the politics of
Lahore Darbar. Thus the first few years of Ranjit Singh’s career were built through
the shared efforts of Sada Kaur alongside his own.109 Chand Kaur had entered the
Sukarchakia family as the bride of Kharak Singh. However, by a curious turn of
fortune, she lost both royal personages on the same day,110 which compelled her to
make a bid for the throne on behalf of yet to be born heir of Nau Nihal Singh, carried
by his young wife. Maharani Chand Kaur had succeeded in mobilizing the support of
the Sandhawalia Sardars and many other chiefs.111 Maharani Jindan, young wife of
Maharaja Ranjit Singh, tried to anticipate the coming showdown with the British by
inspiring the Khalsa army to have a test of their strength through an open encounter
with them. As queen regent Jindan could, therefore, take the bold leap of trying to
teach the British a lesson. In Punjabi literary source Jangnama Singhan Wa Firangian
Da, by Shah Muhammad, Maharani Jindan’s desire of revenge for her brother’s
murder has been blamed as the cause of the Anglo Sikh war of 1845-46. 112 She is
remembered not for what she could achieve. She would remain closer to Punjabi
hearts as the luminous minstrel of Punjabi aspirations.

Hence, the position and condition of woman in the society in conformity with the
patriarchal framework was that of subordinacy. All decisions relating to her were
taken by men in the family. Despite her many limitations, the authority of a woman in
the household, both among rich and poor was very extensive. The management of the
household was invariably in the woman’s sphere. Only she had to decide as what her
family shall eat. The fact that the woman grind corn and cooked food with her own
hands, did not militate go against her superiority in household matters, such duties

108
J.S. Grewal, Maharaja Ranjit Singh, 24.
109
F.S. Waheeduddin, The Real Ranjit Singh, 134-139; Ram Sukh Rao, Sri Fateh Singh Pratap
Prabakar (ed.) Joginder Kaur, 38; Harbans Singh, Encyclopedia of Sikhism (ed.) Vol. II Punjabi
University, Patiala, 1996, 881.
110
Captain Leopold Von Orlich, Travels in India, Vol. I, London, 1845, 175; Sita Ram Kohli,
Sunset of the Sikh Empire, Orient Longmans, New Delhi, 1967, 28.
111
Fauja Singh, After Ranjit Singh, Master Publishers, New Delhi, 1982, 30; S.M. Latif, History of
the Sikhs, 501.
112
Shah Muhammad, Jangnama Shah Muhammad Arthat Angrezan te Singhan di Pehli Larai (ed.)
Kirpal Singh Kasel, Punjab Languages Department, Patiala, 1970, 105, 157; B.S. Nijjar, Anglo
Sikh Wars (1845-49), New Delhi, 1976, 70-119. Nijjar, Maharani Jind Kaur, K.B. Publications,
New Delhi, 1975, 87; Avtar Singh, Lahore Darbar and Rani Jinda, Ludhiana, 1983, 86.

78
 Position of the Women

being looked upon as proper accomplishment for woman of all classes. The woman of
lower classes had a substantial share in the economic pursuits of the domestic group.
She may not wield the plough but contributed in diverse ways to agriculture. Woman
in the family of artisan had well-defined roles in carrying out the traditional craft. Her
contribution to the household economy, thus, cannot be ignored. Even woman was
given equal opportunities in religious as well as in social affairs. Ceremonies and
rituals in human life were almost performed by woman like tel charauna, watna,
dewar godi mein baithana, til kehlna, vaag pharai, surma pavai, pani varna and got
khulana. The marriage, too was, in fact, settled by women but the ultimate decision
was taken by the men. In the wedding ceremonies, she was considered as a main
centre of attraction. The woman had potentialities of controlling the entire household
and in spite of her socially handicapped position, she had made herself indispensable
in the social setup.

79