Waterconflict
Waterconflict
Waterconflict
ISBN 0-945356-53-6
Front cover: Women and girls fetch water in the Hassahissa IDP Camp near Zalingei, Sudan, 2005.
Photo by Paul Jeffrey/ACT-Caritas.
Back cover: Drinking from a new village water system, Siran Valley near Mansehra, Northwest Frontier
Province, Pakistan, 2006. Photo by Jim Stipe/CRS.
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Section 2. Peacebuilding: A Widening of Perspective, An Embracing of Change....................................................................................61
Conclusion.......................................................................................................................................................................................................................................118
APPENDICES
Appendix A. Summary of Lines of Inquiry for Evaluating the Risk of Water-Related Conflict..............................................................121
Appendix B. Additional Resources Available Online......................................................................................................................................................123
Appendix C. References................................................................................................................................................................................................................125
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Boxes, Figures, and Tables
BOXES
I.1 Somalia: Water Well Widows, Warlords, and Warriors......................................................................................................................................11
I.2 “Water Revolt” in Cochabamba, Bolivia......................................................................................................................................................................17
I.3 Indian Farmers vs. Bottling Industry..............................................................................................................................................................................18
I.4 Israeli Separation Wall and Palestinian Water Resources.................................................................................................................................22
I.5 Population Growth, Water-Related Stress, and Conflict...................................................................................................................................25
I.6 Asian Tsunami: Natural and Unnatural Disasters...................................................................................................................................................27
I.7 Darfur: Conflict Driven by Climate Change and Scarcity of Land and Water.....................................................................................30
I.8 Watershed Degradation and Argentina’s “Worst Environmental Disaster”...........................................................................................32
I.9 Peru: Mining Plus Contamination Equals Violence.................................................................................................................................................36
II.1 Water in the Andean Cosmovision..............................................................................................................................................................................43
II.2 The Berbers, the Bedouin, and Conflict Transformation Lessons Learned from Indigenous Peoples
Living in Arid Lands.........................................................................................................................................................................................................44
II.3 Water Decision-Making: Increased Female Participation, Increased Social Equity and Effectiveness......................................46
II.4 Water as a Human Right: Minimum Core Obligations for State Parties According to U.N. General
Comment No. 15..............................................................................................................................................................................................................50
IV.1 “Root Cause/Justice”...............................................................................................................................................................................................................68
IV.2 “Building Relationships”.........................................................................................................................................................................................................70
IV.3 “Institutional Development”...............................................................................................................................................................................................72
IV.4 “Appropriate Technology / Development Approach”.........................................................................................................................................74
IV.5 CRS Peacebuilding School: Restoring Social Cohesion to Protect Water...............................................................................................77
IV.6 Water Projects in Postwar Angola..................................................................................................................................................................................79
IV.7 Results from Dialogue in a Tanzanian Water-Stressed Basin...........................................................................................................................80
IV.8 Somalia and Ethiopia: Unresolved Historical Conflicts Impede Water Cooperation.......................................................................81
IV.9 Southern Africa’s International Shared Water Facility: A Call to Balance the Technical with the Social.................................84
IV.10 The Indus Water Treaty: Incentives for Negotiating Agreements.................................................................................................................88
IV.11 Mining: Bridging the Gap between Those Who Profit and Those Who Suffer.....................................................................................89
IV.12 Strategies for Supporting Grassroots Water Advocacy.....................................................................................................................................91
FIGURES
I.1 Transboundary River Basin Events, 1948-1998......................................................................................................................................................... 6
I.2 International River Basins at Risk of Conflict............................................................................................................................................................. 9
I.3 Water Scarcity—Freshwater per Person by Basin................................................................................................................................................24
I.4 A Century of Trends in Natural Disasters: 1900 to 2000................................................................................................................................28
I.5 Climate Change and Global Insecurity........................................................................................................................................................................31
II.1 The CRS Integral Human Development Conceptual Framework Diagram..........................................................................................40
TABLES
I.1 Water as Target, Tool, and/or Goal in Conflicts......................................................................................................................................................... 5
I.2 Summary of Transboundary Water Disputes and Potential for Disputes...............................................................................................10
II.1 Misconceptions and Clarifications Regarding the Right to Water and Sanitation...............................................................................48
III.1 Peacebuilding-Guided Water Supply Project Planning and Implementation..........................................................................................62
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INTRODUCTION
Purpose, Audience, and Overview “Too often, where we need
water, we find guns instead.”
Water is a vital resource. Not only a font of life, it often helps to bring people
together. But access to water is highly unequal between and within countries. Much Ban Ki-Moon 2008
of the world’s population lives in places where demand for water exceeds supply,
or poor quality limits its use. Scarcity of water and inequities in access, use, and
decision-making can threaten life itself, diminish the quality of life, and impede integral
human development. Water scarcity and inequities are also risk factors for violent
conflict. Water-related violence is already common in many parts of the world and is
generally expected to increase in the years ahead.
The text distills much of the extensive water, conflict, and cooperation material
produced by researchers and development practitioners in the field to date, and
presents it in the following sequence:
Throughout the document, case studies and reflections are included to keep theory
grounded in the reality in which international water development practitioners,
human rights advocates, and peacebuilders are working.
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Key Terms
Improved Water Source: Water services provided through household connections, public standpipes, boreholes, protected
wells or springs, and rainwater collection. (World Health Organization (WHO), United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF))
Access to an Improved Water Source: The ability to obtain at least 20 liters per person per day from an “improved” source
that is within one kilometer of the user’s dwelling. (WHO, UNICEF)
Water Stress: A situation in which the demand for water exceeds the available amount during a certain period or in which
poor quality restricts its use. (European Environmental Agency) Countries or populations having between 1,000 and 1,700 m3
of renewable water resources per person per year for all uses are considered water-stressed. (UN Environment Programme
(UNEP)
Water Scarcity: A condition characterized by insufficient water resources to satisfy the average, long-term total demand
requirements by all sectors, including the environment. (European Environmental Agency) Countries or populations having less
than 1,000 m3 of renewable water resources per person per year for all uses are considered to be water-scarce. (UNEP)
Water Security: The ability of a country or population to access sufficient quantities of improved water to maintain adequate
standards of food and goods production, sanitation, and health. (Hoffman, 2004) “Water insecurity” is the lack of same.
Virtual Water: The amount of water consumed in the production process for a given quantity of food or other products.
(World Water Council)
Tension: A strained relationship between individuals, groups, nations, etc. (Random House Dictionary)
Conflict: A social situation in which a minimum of two actors or parties strive to acquire at the same moment an available
set of scarce resources. (Wallensteen, 2002) Conflicts are an unavoidable part of social change in all societies.
Conflict “Transformation”: A step beyond negotiated conflict “resolution” in which the parties to the conflict, their
relationships to each other, and the structural elements that underlie the conflict are non-violently “transformed.”
(See discussion of Neufeldt, et al, below.)
Water-Related Conflict: Conflicts arising between two or more parties holding competing claims over a water resource,
its allocation, or its use. (OECD DAC, 2005)
Violent Conflict: A dispute between a minimum of two or more parties in which physical force is exerted for the
purpose of inflicting injury or damage upon one’s adversaries. Such a conflict may or may not involve weapons.
(American Heritage Dictionary)
War: A state of open, armed, often prolonged conflict carried on between nations, states, or parties.
(American Heritage Dictionary)
Peacebuilding: CRS defines this term as a process of changing unjust social and political structures through “right relationships.”
The process transforms the way in which people, communities, and societies live, heal, and structure their relationships and
creates a space in which mutual trust, respect, and interdependence can grow.
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Water Resources: A Global Perspective
Water is vital for sustaining the life of each person, for sustaining health and socio-economic well-being, and for making possible
the very existence of life on our planet. The total amount of water on Planet Earth is fixed. Of the world’s water, only 2.5% is
freshwater (i.e., not salty), most of which is locked up in glaciers or deep underground. The entire body of freshwater found in
lakes and rivers makes up only 0.01% of the planet’s total 1.4 billion cubic kilometers of water (Gleick, 2006). With the human
population at 6.5 billion and climbing, the per capita quantity of freshwater continues to decline. Yet the principal problem
continues to be man-made: the inequitable access to and distribution of freshwater, which is highly variable between and
within countries.
Nearly one billion people lack access to improved water. Approximately 2.5 billion people have no adequate access to improved
sanitation facilities, i.e., piped sewers, septic tanks, latrines. About 80% of people with poor access to water and sanitation live
in rural areas. Every year, 2.1 million people–mainly children–die due to illnesses related to dirty water, poor sanitation, and
poor hygiene.
Approximately one third of the world’s population lives in water-stressed countries, primarily in Asia and Africa. By 2025, the
proportion of the world’s population living in water-stressed countries is set to increase to two-thirds. Accordingly, water-related
conflicts are expected to intensify in such areas. Absolute water scarcity already affects more than 500 million people in more
than 30 countries. The role of water scarcity in creating preconditions of discontent and desperation—precursors to violent
conflict—is widely acknowledged (S. Postel and A. Wolf, 2001).
Global water use almost tripled in the second half of the 20th century, increasing much faster than the world’s population in
that same time period. Water resources are used for a variety of human activities, broadly divided between agriculture (70%),
industry (22%) and domestic use (8%). These often-competing uses of freshwater frequently cause conflict.
Recognizing that conflicts are an unavoidable part of social change in all societies, the peacebuilder aims not to prevent conflicts
per se, but rather to transform them and avert violence. Before delving deeper into conflicts associated specifically with water,
it might be helpful to consider some characteristics of contemporary conflict in general. Azar’s work (1983) points out these
elements of protracted contemporary conflict:
Conflicts often arise when people are deprived of basic human needs, resulting in demands for improved services or
opportunities, including security, recognition, acceptance, fair access to political institutions, and economic participation.
In such situations of conflict, violence may or may not be present.
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Tension among competing parties over access to water, its uses, and allocation often
leads to outright conflict that can become violent if not adequately addressed. While
water is very rarely the single—and seldom the major—cause of conflict between or
within nations, it does have the potential to exacerbate existing tensions as well as to
impede progress toward resolving already existing broader conflicts.
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Part 1
WATER, CONFLICT, AND COOPERATION
Men and women of Pucara Pajchani, Bolivia, working together
to install their community drinking water system. BACKGROUND
Artist: Eleuterio Chambi Chura of El Alto, Bolivia, 2007.
Reprinted with permission.
1 WATER AND CONFLICT
As demands for water come up against the limits of finite supply, water-related
conflicts are bound to rise, especially within nations. That means that even greater
efforts must be made to prevent and mitigate conflict. Access to nearby and
adequate supplies of improved water for domestic consumption mitigate the
“structural” violence inflicted upon those enduring grinding poverty, especially women
and children. More time can then be dedicated to productive, income-generating
efforts for adults, and educational opportunities for children. As a result, tensions may
subside and a renewed sense of communal dignity and cooperation may reign.
Examples range from tribal tension over access to a water point, to entire
communities being displaced by the construction of a dam, to a general
population’s response to the poor governance of their water services. At the local
level, such tension over water use, its availability, and allocation, can contribute
to low-scale violence, which can escalate into instability within states and across
subregions. As for tension between citizens and state authorities, initial forms of
conflict are frequently manifested in acts of civil disobedience, which may escalate
into acts of sabotage and violent protest if adequate participatory decision-making
is not achieved. Violent repression by the state in response to citizen protests has
not been uncommon.
For example, conflict arises as global freshwater and land resources dedicated
to agricultural production are prioritized by the markets and market-friendly
governmental policies. The demands of increasing affluence (e.g. grain-based
“Simply put, water is a In 1995, World Bank Vice President Ismail Serageldin warned, “The wars of the next
greater pathway to peace than century will be about water!” Despite oft-quoted predictions of impending “water
wars” between states, one would, however, have to go back 4,500 years to find the
violent conflict in the world’s
last recorded time that two nations went to full-blown war specifically over water.
international river basins.” It occurred between the two Mesopotamian city-states of Lagash and Umma in
Wolf, Kramer, Carius, and Dabelko 2006 modern day Southern Iraq (Gleick, 2008).
Despite serious concerns, the hasty application of “war language” to water conflicts
can actually aggravate strife. Carius et al. (2003) note, “Such rhetoric does not easily
lead to a program of action for conflict prevention and human development.” Wolf
et al. (2006), among others, note the importance of avoiding “media-friendly but
historically inaccurate” language about interstate “water wars”:
Moving beyond the debate over whether or not there will be future “water wars” between countries, researchers at Oregon
State University undertook a two-year study of conflict and cooperation within international river basins (S. Yoffe, 2001). They
identified international river basins at risk as those meeting criteria of:
The results of their analysis models led them to conclude that the likelihood of conflict in international river basins increases
significantly whenever two factors come into play:
• When some large or rapid change occurs in the basin’s physical setting—e.g., the construction of a dam, river diversion,
or irrigation scheme—or in its political setting—e.g., the breakup of a nation, resulting in formerly “national” rivers
becoming “international.”
• When existing institutions are unable to absorb and effectively manage change in a transboundary river’s physical or
political setting. (This is the situation when no treaty, implicit agreement, or cooperative arrangement exists to spell out
each nation’s rights and responsibilities with regard to the shared river).
As illustrated in Figure I.2 and listed in Table I.2 (categories 1 and 2), 17 such river basins are ripe for the onset of tensions or
conflict in the coming years. They encompass more than 50 nations on five continents, the majority of them in southeast Asia
and central and southern Africa. These countries could be spiraling toward transboundary water disputes unless they move
quickly to achieve agreements on how to share the rivers that bind them. An additional 15 international river basins (category 3
of Table I.2) have been identified as being potentially at risk in the future, based on the criteria presented above, although they
lacked tension in the public arena and media at the time of the study in 2001.
Table I.2. Summary of Transboundary Water Disputes and Potential for Disputes
Adapted from Shira B. Yoffe, “Basins at Risk,” 2001.
CATEGORY 1 – Basins Currently in Dispute/Negotiations
“The well known ‘hot spots,’ where the potential for continued disputes, at least into the immediate future, is considered likely. While each basin has a
treaty associated with it, none of those treaties include all of the basin riparians.”
Aral Sea Afghanistan, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan
Jordan Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine, Syria
Nile Burundi, Congo (Kinshasa), Egypt, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Sudan, Tanzania, Uganda
Tigris-Euphrates Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkey
CATEGORY 2 – Basins at Risk
“Basins in which factors point to the potential for future conflict and in which up-coming development projects or other stresses upon the water
system have raised protests among the riparians.”
Asi/Orontes Lebanon, Syria, Turkey
Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna Bangladesh, Bhutan, Burma, China, India, Nepal
Han North and South Korea
Indus Afghanistan, China, India, Pakistan
Kunene Angola, Namibia
Lake Chad Algeria, Cameroon, Central African Republic, Chad, Libya, Niger, Nigeria, Sudan
Mekong Burma, Cambodia, China, Laos, Thailand, Vietnam
Okavango Angola, Botswana, Namibia, Zimbabwe
Salween Myanmar, China, Thailand
Senegal Guinea, Mali, Mauritania, Senegal
CATEGORY 3 – Basins Identified as Potentially Being at Risk in the Future
“Similar to category 2, in that there is a confluence of factors which indicate the potential for future conflict; however, unlike category 2 basins, there
is no evidence of existing tensions in public policy or news fora.” (as of 2001)
Ca Laos, Vietnam
Chiloango Angola, Congo (Kinshasa, Brazzaville)
Cross Cameroon, Nigeria
Drin Albania, Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro
Irrawaddy Burma, China, India
Kura-Araks Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Iran, Turkey
La Plata Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Uruguay
Limpopo Botswana, Mozambique, South Africa, Zimbabwe
Lempa El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras
Ob China, Kazakhstan, Russia
Red China, Laos, Vietnam
Saigon Cambodia, Vietnam
Song Vam Co Dong Cambodia, Vietnam
Yalu China, North Korea
Zambezi Angola, Botswana, Congo (Kinshasa), Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe
Villagers of Rabdore, Somalia call it the “War of the Well,” a battle that erupted between two clans over control of a
watering hole in this dusty, drought-stricken trading town. By the time it ended two years later, 250 men were dead. “‘We
call them the warlords of water”’ Fatuma Ali Mahmood, 35, said about the armed men who control access to water sources.
One day last year, Mahmood's husband went out in search of water. Two days later, he was found dead. He was shot when
an angry crowd began fighting over the well, she said. “His body was bloodied, swollen and just lying there with the other
dead by the well, left in disgrace. The shame. We'd never seen conflict at this level of violence,” she explained, shielding her
eyes from a dust storm that was swirling in the heat under a blue sky. “Thirst forces men to this horror of war.”
In Somalia, a well is as precious as a town bank, controlled by warlords and guarded with weapons. During the region's
relentless three-year drought, water has become a resource worth fighting and dying over.
Long-term solutions to fighting drought include collecting what little rainwater that does fall, building modern irrigation
systems and using new water exploration techniques, water experts said. But that kind of effort typically requires the
coordination and enforcement of a central government, said Zlatan Milisic, the World Food Program's country director for
Somalia. “Somalia at heart is a water crisis that has turned into a food crisis. The effects here are worse than anywhere
else because there's no government, there's no stability. To me, this is the most unstable place in the world that is currently
suffering a drought.”
Another widow from the ”War of the Well” laments, “I pray to God and wait for my paradise to come. In paradise, I'll be
shading under a thick mango tree. I will be fat. My children will be dressed in smart uniforms for school. They will be reading
me very nice stories,” she said. “The most important is that they won't have thirst. Our mouths will always be wet. We'll drink
in peace.”
A sampling of typical water-related conflicts encountered on the local and national levels by
development practitioners and human rights advocates includes:
1. Poor water system governance and administration: Issues of corruption, lack of required
administrative/technical skills, failure to value water / insufficient pricing and lack of cross-
subsidizing to promote social equity.
4. Disputes over ownership of water sources and water usage rights: Competition among
industry, agriculture, domestic use, ecological use, etc.
5. Prohibitions imposed by landowners impeding access to water facilities: Through the lack
of easements and documentation of past agreements, project implementation, operations,
and maintenance can be delayed and even denied as a result of prohibitions imposed by
landowners to accessing water sources, pipelines, and other water system infrastructure.
6. Disputed access to water supply systems: Conflict between those who are “in” (who
worked to install the systems) and those who are “out” (who didn’t help install the systems),
but who now want to be connected and cannot afford the high connection fees.
8. Lack of national water laws: Failure to reach consensus among impacted stakeholders and
particular sectors competing for the same water resources.
9. Deforestation due to large concessions and illegal cutting: Devastated ecosystems and
ruined local livelihoods, leading to violence and scarcity of water.
15. Open-pit metal mining: Heavy extraction of water resources for start-up
and operations, lasting contamination of adjacent water resources, few
local jobs, and little public revenue.
2. Institutional/Political Factors:
• Governance Failures / Lack of Transparency
• Transboundary Tensions
• Aggressive Foreign Policies Cloaked in “National Security” Claims
• Culture of Militarism with Impunity / History of Violence
• Dam Projects
3. Environmental Factors:
• Water Scarcity
• Population Growth and Basic Human Needs
• Natural Disasters
• Climate Change
• Watershed Degradation
• Water Pollution
• Extractive Industries and Water
Socio-Economic Factors
The amount of water used per capita for drinking (2 to 5 liters per day) or for washing, sanitation, and other household needs
(50 to 200 liters per day) is minute in comparison to the amount of water used in food production and preparation. The per
capita utilization of water in producing and preparing food varies from 1,000 liters per day for a survival diet, to 2,600 liters per
day for a vegetarian diet to more than 5,000 liters per day of water for a U.S.-style meat-based diet. While approximately 1,000
liters of water is required to produce one kilogram of wheat bread, the same weight in beef requires approximately 13 times
more water to produce (World Water Council, 2004).
The water demands of the affluent negatively impact impoverished communities and the vulnerable ecological balance between
humanity and the natural world. Here are a few examples of such conflict:
• Increased seafood demand in the developed world has led to ecologically unsustainable activities as large-scale
aquaculture and commercial fishing threaten the livelihoods of traditional coastal peoples who depend upon the natural
environment.
• Millions of peasants have been forcibly relocated as massive, newly-constructed dams caused their lands and homes
to be submerged in order to provide power for industrial complexes churning out products to meet global consumer
demand.
• To obtain one ounce of gold (equivalent to a single wedding band), the mining industry must remove on average five
to twenty tons of earth (K. Patterson, 2006), employing chemical processes which often result in nearby waters being
poisoned for decades to come.
This misallocation of land and water resources is a global social inequity in which the markets serve the interests of the rich at
the expense of the basic human needs of the world’s poor.
Generations-old cultural values of environmentally sustainable, harmonious lifestyles are often devastated by poverty, especially
if it is coupled with migration and urbanization. From use of slash-and-burn farming techniques by impoverished farmers who
have few choices to the poisoning of rivers by informal, urban commercial sectors, such degradation of the environment
leads to rapidly deteriorating sources of water, in terms of both quantity and quality. The result of this poverty-driven water
degradation is often conflict.
Commodification Initiatives
Water is a battleground issue in which proponents of maintaining the “global water
“Water promises to be to commons” run up against those who espouse the “free market” commodification
the 21st century what oil of water. Examples of opposing ideologies abound where certain westernized local
was to the 20th century: the values–individualism, consumerism, capitalism–become global and contradict other
precious commodity that older local cultural values. Frequently such conflict results from the conditions under
determines the wealth which loans are given by multilateral lending institutions, conditions that require the
privatization of urban water services administration. This occurs despite a global
of nations.”
context in which some 90% of urban water supply systems are still publicly owned
Shawn Tully 2000 and operated, thus setting in motion enormous conflict within cultures.
Postel and Wolf (2001) note that “Transfers of water system ownership and/or
management from public authorities to private multinational corporations are a new
source of many water-related conflicts since the 1990s.” Box I.2 provides a concrete
example of the profit-driven economic and social damage that often results.
To understand what provoked tens of thousands of protestors to converge upon Cochabamba in early 2000, despite
severe government repression and the declaration of martial law, a quick review of the terms of the water privatization
contract is helpful:
• Aguas del Tunari was authorized to take over the municipal water network and all the smaller systems—industrial,
agricultural, and residential—in the metropolitan area, and would have exclusive rights to all the water in the district,
even in the aquifer.
• Within a few weeks, Bechtel’s company raised water rates by an average of more than 50%.
• The new water company could install meters and begin charging for water on the many cooperative wells throughout
the concession area—despite the fact that the government had not helped build the wells. These expropriations were
legal under a new water law that had been rushed through the Bolivian Congress.
• The contract guaranteed the company an average 16% annual return on its investment, which would be adjusted
annually to the consumer price index in the United States.
• Peasants were prohibited from constructing collection tanks to gather water from the rain in the area of concession
granted to the transnational water corporation. In order to do so, permission would be required of the government
regulating agency. W. Finnegan reported, “Bechtel came to Cochabamba and, as the local peasants put it, tried to
‘lease the rain.’ ” (2002).
Only after 17-year-old Victor Hugo Daza was assassinated by an army sniper—a graduate of the U.S. School of the
Americas—did Bechtel finally leave Bolivia (Olivera 2004). Yet the aggression against Bolivia’s people continued. In
November 2002, Aguas del Tunari sued the Bolivian government for $50 million, through the International Centre for
Settlement of Investment Disputes (ICSID), a mechanism of the same World Bank that had imposed the privatization in
the first place. The $50 million claim was not only for the recovery of investments, which were estimated at less than a
million dollars (for the half year of Bechtel’s management of Cochabamba’s water services), but primarily for estimated
unrealized future profits due to the annulment of the 40-year concession contract. J. Schultz (2006) noted that only
under substantial international civil society pressure did Bechtel finally agree to drop their case before ICSID in January
2006 for a token payment of 2 bolivianos (30 U.S. cents). The impoverished country of Bolivia by then had already
spent an additional one million dollars in legal fees over three years defending itself.
The World Bank Group’s Private Participation in Infrastructure Database points out
that, “53 water privatization projects representing 31% of total investment in the
water sector [were] cancelled or under distress,” for the period 1990-2006–23
of them in East Asia and 25 in Latin America. A total of 93 countries participated
in water privatization projects in 2000, but by 2007 the number of countries was
down to 63. Total annual investment in the sector peaked in 1997 at $10.2 billion,
The communities’ claims of declining water tables have also been confirmed
by data from the Ground Water Board. This Indian governmental agency
observed that ground water levels dropped up to 8 meters (26 feet) in
the first seven years of the company’s operations, from 1999 to 2006. The
result has been the drying up of wells and hand pumps in the vicinity of the
bottling plants, posing a significant crisis for farmers who rely on the ground
water resource to meet their needs. More than 80% of the community of
Mehdiganj engages in agriculture, where one of the company’s bottling plants
is located, and groundwater remains the primary source of water for the
community to meet all its water needs. Organized community protests and
marches are frequent, with tensions steadily rising (A. Srivastava, 2008).
The failure to consider the full social and economic costs of unsustainable water
practices practically guarantees resentment and future conflict.
While affluence and poverty have already been discussed, the role of power
imbalances in water conflict cannot be overstated. “Water flows toward power and
money,” Marc Reisner concluded in his book, Cadillac Desert, which detailed the
history of water development in the American West. Whether in a transboundary
international river basin, where one country has military and economic dominance
over its riparian neighbors, or in the case of a conflict between upstream
transnational mining interests and downstream peasant farmers, socio-economic
disparities fuel the abuse of power that can lead to conflict.
Institutional/Political Factors
Photo by Jason Gehrig/CRS, 2008.
Beyond just water scarcity itself, water-related conflicts are also caused by the
way in which water and its uses are governed. Fragmented institutional structures,
and the resulting lack of coordination both between and within states, are major
contributors to water-related conflict. This adds a political dimension that needs
to be addressed in any analysis of water and conflict, alongside the ecological,
hydrological, social, and economic dimensions (H. Ravnborg, 2004).
Political party affiliation cards of
Salvadoran peasants forced to become Governance Failures / Lack of Transparency
members of the governing party in power
as a condition for receiving drought relief.
Public policies are often inadequate for addressing the competing interests around
water resources. The “norms” that are in place benefit the sector for which a given
regulation is passed, whether it be mining, hydroelectric, irrigation, or municipal
water supply. With so much on the line, underpaid public officials charged with
enforcement (regulating agencies, police) or interpretation (judicial) of laws and
regulations are routinely swayed by corruption. Transparency International’s 2008
Global Corruption Report, focusing on corruption in the water sector, includes
reference to a survey in South Asia which concluded, “The impact of corruption
in the construction of water networks may raise the price of access by 25 to 45
“Systemic and repeated percent” (p. 16).
protests should be viewed as
On the one hand, militants of political parties are often placed in administrative
evidence that past policies have positions of public enterprises more because of their connections to the governing
failed, and as an early warning parties in power than their technical skills. On the other hand, privatization schemes
that must not be ignored in the are frequently marred by corruption from the onset, through the relinquishing of
rush to implement particular state control by elected officials and the structuring of such concessions to thwart
notions of development.” public oversight through vast confidentiality clauses. In either case, whether publicly
or privately administered, municipal water services often lack accountability. In the
Ken Conca 2006, p. 2 absence of transparency, accountability, and dialogue, conflict can fester.
Transboundary Tensions
National, regional, and local borders are often drawn along watercourses, making water one of the most common
transboundary issues. More than 45% of the earth’s land surface, encompassing 40% of the world’s population and 60%
of global river flows, is found within the world’s 263 international river basins, which cover 145 nations (Wolf et al., 2006).
Differing perspectives on water-related governance issues by neighboring political entities can lead to conflict over such
issues as water diversion, poor water quality, infringed water rights, and the like. Tensions between countries may hinder
sustainable development, indirectly contributing to further poverty, social instability, and migration.
Israel monopolizes 85% of the water from the mountain aquifer lying beneath the West Bank, providing the supply
to meet 25% of Israel’s water consumption (CESR, 2003b, p.1). National security serves as the justification for such
measures. In 1990, Israel’s Ministry of Agriculture stated, “Relinquishing the western slopes of the Judean and Samarian
hills (the Western West Bank) will create a situation in which the fate of the Israeli national water supply could be
determined by the actions of whatever Arab authority [controls] the evacuated areas after withdrawal. It is difficult
to conceive of any political solution consistent with Israel’s survival that does not involve complete, continued Israeli
control of the water and sewage systems...” (CESR, 2003a, p. 38).
This control over the “national water supply” is being further arranged through the installation of a separation wall.
In the wake of the Palestinian uprising in 2002, the Israeli government authorized construction of a security wall,
averaging 8 meters (25 feet) high—complete with electric fences, trenches, and security patrols along the entire 220
mile length of the West Bank (Pengon, 2002, p.3). Israel maintains that the wall is serving its citizens’ security concerns.
Yet the separation wall is not being built on, or in most cases even near, the Green Line, the de facto pre-1967
border between Israel and the West Bank. In fact, at some points the wall is being built 7 km inside the Green Line.
The confiscated land, some of Palestine’s most fertile, lies directly over the Western Aquifer, which
is the largest source of groundwater in the West Bank (CESR, 2003a, p. 37).
Because of the wall, several Palestinian villages are losing their only source of water. The village of Jayous had 72%
of its lands isolated from it by the wall, along with all of its seven groundwater wells. The City of Qalquiliya–an
area once known as the West Bank’s “bread basket”–is almost entirely encircled by the wall, resulting in 50% of its
agricultural lands being confiscated, along with 19 of its water wells. This represents 30% of the city’s water supply
(CESR, 2003a, p. 38).
The route of the wall, 80% of which is being built on occupied Palestinian land, and its associated regime,
were declared illegal in an advisory opinion by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in 2004 (Oxfam, 2007, p. 5).
Yet construction continues, with two thirds of the wall already constructed as of early 2008 (L. Copans, 2008).
As a scarce resource under increasing demand, water can often serve as a flash Nyamba ya Mungu Dam in the
Pangani River Basin, where conflict
point that drives historically opposed parties back into violence. This is especially
over access to water has long been
relevant for the international development community, given that many of its widespread. Northeastern Tanzania,
projects are being undertaken in war-torn and strife-ridden regions of the world. February 2008.
The role of the local civil society is essential to reconstruction. Water-oriented
community projects allow for such civil society leadership structures—from tribal
leaders to local NGOs–to participate directly in the rebuilding of their country.
Dam Projects
Conflicts involving dams and flow diversions frequently generate international
tensions along major transboundary river basins, from the Nile bounded by ten
African countries; to the Tigris and Euphrates, involving Turkey, Syria and Iraq; to
the Indus River, shared by India and Pakistan.
The World Commission on Dams Report (2000) noted that over 45,000 large
dams have been built around the world to meet energy and water needs, including
irrigation, flood control, and domestic supply. More than one-third of the world’s
countries rely on hydropower for more than half of their electrical supply, with
large dams generating 19% of electrical needs overall. Some 30% to 40% of the
271 million hectares irrigated worldwide rely on dams.
Environmental Factors
Water Scarcity
Many places in the world are characterized by arid climates, as identified in Figure I.3. Given such intense water scarcity,
competing interests over the available water resources will naturally lead to increasing tensions, even as other inter-related
factors, such as global warming, population growth, and socio-economic marginalization, weigh into the mix.
Water stress is spreading as populations increase. By 2015, nearly 3 billion people— 40 percent of the projected
world population— are expected to live in countries that find it difficult or impossible to mobilize enough water to
satisfy the food, industrial, and domestic needs of their citizens. This scarcity will translate into heightened competition
for water between cities and farms, between neighboring states and provinces, and at times between nations.
The largest and most combustible imbalance between population and available water supplies will be in Asia, where
crop production depends heavily on irrigation. Asia today has roughly 60 percent of the world's people but only
36 percent of the world's renewable fresh water. China, India, Iran, and Pakistan are among the countries where a
significant share of the irrigated land is now jeopardized by groundwater depletion, scarce river water, a fertility-sapping
buildup of salts in the soil, or some combination of these factors. Groundwater depletion alone places 10 to 20 percent
of grain production in both China and India at risk. Water tables are falling steadily in the North China Plain, which
yields more than half of China's wheat and nearly one third of its corn, as well as in northwest India's Punjab, another
major breadbasket.
As farmers lose access to irrigation water and see their livelihoods deteriorate, they may not only resort to violent
protest but also migrate across borders and to restive, already overcrowded cities. Such has been the case in Pakistan,
where falling agricultural output has prompted a massive rural migration to large urban centers, leading to renewed
outbreaks of ethnic violence.
Countries commonly adapt to water stress by importing more of their food, provided they have the foreign exchange
to do so. It takes about 1,000 cubic meters of water to grow one ton of grain. By importing wheat and other staples,
water-stressed countries can allocate more of their scarce fresh water to cities and industries, which generate far more
economic value per liter of water than agriculture does. As an additional billion people are added to water-stressed
countries over the next 15 years and as more countries join the ranks of food importers, demand for international grain
will increase. For those nations without sufficient foreign exchange to turn to imports, notably those in sub-Saharan
Africa (itself a region of significant population growth), higher world grain prices will likely mean greater hunger, more
calls for humanitarian aid and increased likelihood of conflict.
Natural Disasters
Flooding, hurricanes, tsunamis—the violence inflicted upon human populations
General scenes of destruction, Banda by natural disasters is often devastating. In the aftermath of such water-related
Aceh, Indonesia, 2005. More than disasters, competition for water can be particularly volatile. Unfortunately, the
two weeks after the tsunami hit, in effects of these natural disasters are often intensified by man-made disasters
December of 2004, a body still floats that have already occurred prior to the natural event. As described in Box
in water less than 20 meters from the
I.6, ecologically unsustainable practices, from coral reef and mangrove forest
main road.
destruction to clear-cutting of forests for timber, have diminished the lines of
defense against natural disasters.
The graph in Figure I.4 documents an exponential increase in number of disasters over the course of the 20th century.
The world’s exposure to natural hazards has been increasing in tandem with the planet’s growing population and
infrastructure. This is particularly true because the strongest population growth is located in coastal areas, areas that
have the greatest exposure to floods, cyclones and tidal waves. To make matters worse, land that remains available for
urban growth in many areas is situated in risk-prone areas, such as flood plains or steep slopes subject to landslides.
Two decades ago, the rains in southern Sudan began to fail. According to U.N.
statistics, average precipitation has declined some 40 percent since the early
1980s. Scientists at first considered this to be an unfortunate quirk of nature.
But subsequent investigation found that it coincided with a rise in temperatures
of the Indian Ocean, disrupting seasonal monsoons. This suggests that the drying
of sub-Saharan Africa derives, to some degree, from man-made global warming.
It is no accident that the violence in Darfur erupted during the drought. Until then,
Arab nomadic herders had lived amicably with settled farmers. Black farmers
The village of Um Zeifa in Darfur would welcome herders as they crisscrossed the land, grazing their camels and
being burnt to the ground after the sharing wells. But once the rains stopped, farmers fenced their land for fear it
Janjaweed attacked and looted it. would be ruined by the passing herds. For the first time in memory, there was no
longer enough food and water for all. Fighting broke out. By 2003, it evolved into
the full-fledged tragedy we witness today (Ban Ki-moon, 2007).
A campaign of ethnic cleansing, to date has caused over 200,000 deaths and the
displacement of over two million people. The campaign itself is taking a further
toll of already scarce resources. Militias in Darfur are known for the intentional
destruction of villages and forests. The loss of trees in these campaigns reduces
the amount of shelter available for livestock and the amount of fuel wood for local
communities. This threatens their livelihoods and results in their displacement, while
simultaneously worsening the impact of desertification, which makes further conflict
over land and water access more likely. (D. Smith and J. Vivekananda, 2007, p. 12)
PORTUGAL
SPAIN ALBANIA ARM. AZERB. KOREA
MALTA
GREECE TURKEY TURKMENISTAN TAJIKISTAN
f armed UNITED STATES TUNISIA CYPRUS
CHINA SOUTH
ALGERIA LEBAN KOREA JAPAN
MALTA
quence of MOROCCO TUNISIA CYPRUS SYRIAISRA
BERMUDA AFGHANISTAN
LEBANON
MOROCCO IRAQ
ISRAEL IRAN
JORDAN
f political ALGERIA KUWAIT PAKISTAN
SAUDI ARABIA NEPAL
BHUTAN
BAHRAIN
sequence LIBYA INDIA
BAHAMAS EGYPT QATAR
MEXICO WESTERN BANGLADESH
SAHARA
THE DOUBLE-HEADED RISK U.A.E. TAIWAN
BENIN
TOGO
PALAU
GHANA
SURINAME CENTRAL AFRICAN REP.
cts, varying in LIBERIA BRUNEI
FRENCH GUIANA MALDIVES MALAYSIA
COTE political instability in a further 56 countries with a total
COLOMBIA D'IVOIRE CAMEROON
KENYA
EQUATORIAL GUINEA UGANDA SINGAPORE MALAYSIA
ECUADOR SAO TOME & PRINCIPE CONGO
population of 1.2 billion.
GABON
countries* as RWANDA
DEM REPUBLIC
ck-on socio- OF CONGO BURUNDI
selection: INDONESIA
PAPUA NEW
ational watch GUINEA
BRAZIL TANZANIA
31
ECUADOR
Research for this report identified 102 countries* as
Map key: being at risk of significant negative knock-on socio-
found at the
■ Serious-extreme political effects, using three criteria for selection:
1. Their presence on a variety of international watch
1 WATER AND CONFLICT
Watershed Degradation
Downstream victims of watershed degradation can be found throughout the world,
ever more so now as farmland and cattle grazing push further into formerly forested
areas. With the loss of natural vegetation, surface runoff increases significantly as
rainfall once absorbed into the earth now rushes downhill, itself a cause of increased
erosion, silting of waterways, and intensified flooding. (See Box I.8.) Watershed
degradation, with its negative impact on the replenishing of underground aquifers,
i.e., groundwater recharge, also directly reduces the availability of water for users
downstream. The upstream-downstream problems within watersheds are potential
sources of conflict at both the local and macro levels.
The Argentinean city of Santa Fe, located near the junction of the Paraná
and Salado rivers and home to a metropolitan population approaching half
a million people, has been flooded repeatedly. However, in May 2003, floods
Photo by Jason Gehrig/CRS.
upon surface waters are vulnerable to damaging effects of rural agricultural chemical
runoff (e.g., fertilizers, herbicides, pesticides). In some situations, the damage is
far-reaching: vegetables and other crops grown downstream, destined for market,
are irrigated with contaminated surface water, and fish tainted with high levels “Personally, I would prefer that
of heavy metals and pharmaceutical wastes end up back in urban food markets. Hurricane Mitch come again
Whether due to lack of resources or lack of political will, pollution of surface waters over this mining monster. Mitch
in developing countries is at crisis levels, certainly leading to conflicts that fall within
lasted eight days, but this mine
the scope of this text.
has now been here 8 years,
ruining our lives and the health
Extractive Industries and Water of our children.”
Whether mining operations involve small-scale cooperatives, state-run enterprises, Rodolfo Arteaga, former mine worker in
or transnational, capital-intensive corporations, the economic incentives to Goldcorp’s Valle de Siria open-pit gold
properly treat and contain the chemical and mineral pollution resulting from mine. With high levels of lead in his blood
mining operations simply do not exist. An attitude of “out of sight, out of mind” and a child born with birth defects, he
persists. Where regulations exist to correct for this market failure, enforcement became a leading community advocate
against mining abuses.
is often weak or non-existent. In addition, communities adjacent to large-scale
mines often find their traditional water sources drying up due to the massive
water requirements of the mining operations. Farmers, fishers, and community
members relying on water downstream of the mine suffer the health and economic
consequences of contaminated waterways. Employees of mining operations, often
pitted against downstream users of waters contaminated by their operations,
become concerned that their jobs could be eliminated by the enforcement of
any anti-pollution measures that might exist. Divided, the poor can end up fighting
amongst themselves. Meanwhile, transnational corporate mining operations have
in recent years continued to post record profits to their shareholders.
In order to understand the root causes of much of the conflict resulting from mining
operations, a quick primer is first required on two of the mining industry’s principal
threats to the environment–unsustainable water extraction and water contamination.
“If history holds one lesson, Cyanide contamination results from leaks or spills in mining operations that use
it is that where there is gold, cyanide-leaching processes to strip metals, such as gold, silver, copper, nickel, cobalt,
or molybdenum, from the extracted ore. Since cyanide leaching began in the 1970s,
there is conflict, and the more
billions of gallons of cyanide contamination have been released, with devastating
gold, the more conflict.... Where effects upon the natural and human environment.
the mining corporation sees
a new reserve of wealth, the In general, fish and other aquatic life are killed by cyanide concentrations in the
local farmers and cattle grazers microgram per liter (part per billion) range. Bird and mammal deaths result from
see sacred mountains, cradles cyanide concentrations in the milligram per liter (part per million) range. Cyanide
of the water that sustains their poisoning can occur through inhalation, ingestion, and skin or eye contact. One
highland lives.” teaspoon of a 2% solution can kill a person (Wisconsin Environmental Resource
Center, 2004).
J. Perlez and L. Bergman 2005
While the use of cyanide is generally confined to large-scale, capital-intensive
mining operations, a more common contaminant from smaller-scale, cooperative
and artisan mining is mercury. Though less expensive and less effective in leaching
processes, mercury is more widely available than cyanide. Mercury vapors are often
inhaled by miners and nearby villagers during the gold extraction process. Health
experts say methyl mercury is an especially harmful substance for the unborn,
infants, and children, causing impaired neurological development, which can lead to
mental retardation. Mercury pollution of surface waters may enter the food chain
through consumption of fish (F. Andrew, 2006).
Acid mine drainage poses equally significant threats, but over a much longer time
period, as explained in this excerpt from an interview with Benoit Godin, head of
Environment Canada’s Environmental Contaminants section in Whitehorse, Canada
(2005):
Acid mine drainage occurs when sulphide compounds, like the iron
sulphide material in a mine, are broken up and exposed to the
atmosphere during mining operations. On contact with oxygen and
water, the sulphide compound starts to oxidize, producing sulphuric acid
and dissolved metal.
As the acid drains away from the rock from which it was produced, it
dissolves metals from them along the way and carries them into the
natural water drainage system. Almost any metal in the area might be
dissolved and swept into the waterways. Typical metals most likely to be
found in acid mine drainage are zinc, lead, nickel, arsenic, and/or copper.
The acid mine drainage makes the water in the streams themselves
more acidic, which means that the metals stay in solution and flow
downstream, traveling many kilometers from their sources. The metals
will stay in their dissolved form until the water passes through alkaline Fr. Marco Arana, a leading
rock that can reduce the acidity of the water enough to precipitate Peruvian advocate against
them out of the solution.
mining abuses recalls, “When
Dissolved metal can do a lot of damage to the inhabitants of the
[Newmont Mining Corp.’s]
stream. It basically kills fish. Metal ions in the water attach themselves Yanacocha [open-pit gold mine]
to the fish’s gills, interfering with respiration. They cause damage to liver began its operations, we would
and kidneys, and weaken the fish so that they are less fit to grow and only hear about how everyone
reproduce. Besides fish, invertebrates, algae, and every aspect of life in was happy. The mine was going
the stream can be affected. In high enough concentrations, the acid- to bring jobs, improve roads.
dissolved metals can even endanger larger animals and humans who No one thought much about
drink the water.
the inevitable collisions.”
Once acid mine drainage occurs, the contamination can go on for J. Perlez and L. Bergman 2005
hundreds of years unless the leaking is plugged or an adequate
collection/treatment scheme is installed, both of which are very
expensive processes and unlikely to occur where State resources,
regulations and enforcement measures are inadequate.
Salinization of the soil occurs when brackish groundwater seeping into the mine is
pumped out to shallow evaporation ponds. This highly concentrated brine water
in the ponds is susceptible to overflows during heavy rains. Once it enters the
bordering natural waterways during flooding, it disrupts natural ecosystems and
devastates peasant families’ livelihoods downstream, where fields and grazing lands
eventually become barren (E. Cuthbert, personal communication with authors,
Oct. 15, 2008).
In 2001, the mining industry in the United States released 2.8 billion pounds of
toxic pollutants. As the largest polluter of any industry that year, mining made
up 45% of all chemical releases in the United States according to the U.S.
Environmental Protection Agency’s Toxics Release Inventory (D. Mattson , 2005).
Similar, if not worse, levels of contamination can be expected to occur when mining
takes place in even less-regulated countries. A sampling of Peru’s long history with
mining and resulting conflict is discussed in Box I.9.
In watersheds located below the mining operation, concentrations of aluminum, arsenic, and lead above international
limits for drinking water for animals were found. The rivers’ water volume has also decreased compared to past
years. Noting that the lack of water is one of the greatest factors in these conflicts, José de Echave of the NGO
CooperAcción notes, “Mining has become a great competitor of a resource that is running out.” Local environmental
activists claim and independent environmental audits show that the mining operations, which use large quantities of
dilute cyanide solutions, have contaminated the water sources (Salazar, 2007).
The Peruvian Environmental Health Office has declared that mining companies have polluted 30% of Peru's coastal
rivers, all of which rise in the Andes where extractives industries exist. According to the Ombudsman’s Office, there
were 89 cases of water contamination reported in the country in the first six months of 2007, and of the 35 cases of
social conflicts registered in Peru during the month of June 2007, 16 were linked to water and mining (Salazar, 2007).
Community leaders and environmental activists have been assassinated. Numerous others have received death threats,
including a local Catholic priest (Oxfam America, 2007). Such death threats and killings of activists who challenge
unsustainable mining practices occur repeatedly throughout the world.
Water is not only a source of division. Water also connects people. Mutual needs
to share water provide opportunities to forge peaceful cooperation between
societal groups. In fact, it will be shown that instances of water cooperation–on
the interstate as well as intrastate levels–far outnumber instances of water conflict.
Despite the prevalence of water conflict throughout the world, the potential for
water to bring neighboring parties together to achieve mutually beneficial results
is immense. This chapter is intended to equip the development practitioner with
CRS taps its peace-oriented Catholic roots to provide a social and ethical basis for
decisions related to the equitable use of water. Likewise, many faith traditions are
currently making important contributions to guiding the development practitioner
toward promoting more sustainable, lasting, water-focused relationships, both
between peoples and between humankind and the natural world. The world’s
indigenous peoples are making an important contribution to this shift. Their
understandings and attitudes are now beginning to be tapped as time-tested
approaches to promoting water cooperation.
Three major themes related to • Responds to the root causes of violent conflict, including unjust relationships
and structures, in addition to addressing its effects and symptoms.
Catholic peacebuilding:
No peace without justice. • Is based on long-term commitment.
No peace without • Uses a comprehensive approach that focuses on the grassroots while
reconciliation. strategically engaging actors at middle-range and top levels of leadership.
CRS notes that the concept of IHD is central to Catholic social teaching, defining
it as “development that promotes the good of every person and the whole
person; it is cultural, economic, political, social and spiritual.” This emphasis on
wholeness and integration is the meaning of “integral.” The IHD process “enables
people to protect and expand the choices they have to improve their lives, meet
their basic human needs, free themselves from oppression, and realize their full
human potential” (CRS, 2004, p. 52). The five key component areas of IHD are:
Michael Moran C.P. for the JPIC–Ecology Working Group, June 2003. Reprinted with permission.
Outcomes (desired and actual) are goals, aspirations and objectives that guide
people in the decisions they make regarding their families, livelihoods, and
communities.
Strategies are the variety of initiatives employed by people to realize their desired
outcomes.
Assets are the resources—human, spiritual, physical, social, natural, political, and/or
financial—that people draw upon to make their strategies work.
Shocks, Cycles and Trends, otherwise known as the vulnerability context, are the
external risks and opportunities—of a large-scale event (e.g., an earthquake) or of
a change that occurs slowly over time—which influence all the other areas of the
conceptual framework.
The CRS Integral Human Development conceptual framework is presented in “Praised be You, my Lord, through Sister
Figure II.1. Water, so useful, lowly, precious and pure.”
Canticle of the Creatures, St. Francis
of Assisi.
Recognizing that the IHD conceptual framework can appear confusing at first, CRS distills this approach into three simple
questions, using the palette of key terms laid down above:
3. How do their assets, the structures, and systems in their community, and the shocks, cycles, and trends in their
environment help or hinder the strategies they are using to achieve their desired outcomes?
If the IHD conceptual framework is used before, during, and after a project, the work of development practitioners in
promoting change in each of the above-mentioned five component areas of IHD can be monitored and evaluated.
The importance of the feedback loop (monitoring and evaluation) cannot be overstated.
In July 2008, Cardinal Renato Martino, head of the Pontifical Council for Justice and
Peace, delivered Pope Benedict XVI’s message to the International Exposition on
Water and Sustainable Development in Spain:
“Jesus Christ, having declared
Water is “a universal and inalienable right” for all people and an himself ‘Source of Living Water
“essential and indispensable gift” from God. Its use must be guided by that springs forth eternal life,’
“reason and solidarity,” taking into account the “growing and perennial
calls us to administer water with
needs of people who live in poverty.” (C. Glatz, 2008)
justice and equity in order to
quench the thirst of all.”
This built upon an earlier address by the Holy See at the Third World Water Forum Bolivian Episcopal
in Kyoto, 2003. There the Pontifical Council for Justice and Peace spoke about Conference 2003, Art. 110
applying Catholic Social Thought to the critical issue of water:
• Right to water: Access to clean and sufficient water supply is a human right.
• Privatization and the common good: There are inherent dangers associated
with viewing water as just another commodity, to be sold in the marketplace.
• The Precautionary Principle: Decisions and actions must be taken to avoid the
possibility of serious or irreversible environmental harm, even where scientific
knowledge is insufficient or inconclusive.
• The Polluter Pays Principle: Those causing harm should pay compensation to
victims and pay for redress of environmental damage caused.
In recent years, a shift in perspective has begun to take place among the world’s
leading authorities on water. This shift involves the opening of spaces for indigenous
voices to contribute towards the search for effective water governance approaches.
“Water and humans are
Indigenous perspectives tend to place water and other natural resources within
living beings co-existing in a spiritual framework that strives for greater harmony with the divine, with all of
the ‘Pacha’ —Aymara for creation, and within humanity. Many indigenous leaders, however, still see their
‘Sacred Universe.’ To recreate inclusion in the mainstream deliberations as little more than mere acts of courtesy,
life in abundance, an integral, rather than substantial acknowledgments of the wisdom of peoples who have
subject to subject relationship sustainably governed the use of water for millennia.
between human beings and
water is required.” The Indigenous Water Initiative (2003) articulates this frustration:
Calixto Quispe Huanca 2006 • Indigenous cultural and spiritual understandings about water
are misunderstood or simply ignored by the dominant Western
societies.
As just one example of the values that indigenous peoples embrace which could
help inform more equitable and sustainable—and thus less conflict-ridden—modern
water governance practices, Box II.1 provides a synopsis of the place of water in the
cosmovision of the Andean people.
1
The Indigenous Peoples Kyoto Water Declaration, presented to the Third World Water Forum
held in Kyoto, Japan, in March 2003, provides additional insights into indigenous perspectives
regarding water.
Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development 43
11 principles for water and cooperation
Box II.2 The Berbers, the Bedouin, and Conflict Transformation Lessons Learned from Indigenous Peoples Living in
Arid Lands
Excerpts from A. Wolf, “Indigenous Approaches to Water Conflict Negotiations and Implications for International Waters” (2000).
The indigenous peoples of two drylands regions—the Berbers of the North African High Atlas Mountains and the Bedouin of the
Negev Desert in southern Israel—have faced conflicts arising out of water scarcity and water fluctuations for centuries. Lessons
learned from these indigenous approaches to water conflict transformation that are applicable to modern problems include:
1. Allocate time, not water. Berber water management quantifies water in units of time rather than in units of volume. This
method allows for local management of a fluctuating supply, and provides a means for a water market without storage
structures.
2. Prioritize different demand sectors. Berbers and Bedouin prioritize demand differently, but each provides a hierarchy of
importance. This allows for less important uses to be cut off throughout a valley during low flow regimes, rather than entire
down-stream villages, and protects investments in infrastructure... Highest priority is for drinking water for humans, followed by
drinking water for animals—both of these uses are sacrosanct and neither may be denied anyone for any reason at any time.
The next priority is irrigation water which flows through the canal system. Water to mills is the next priority.
3. Protect downstream and minority rights. Berbers allow only traditional, piled rock diversion structures. The use of modern
materials for a canal intake such as artificial pumping or cement is quite simply forbidden by regional law. Through their
"inefficiency,” these traditional structures allow for flow to continue downstream, while Bedouin concepts of equity address
honor and pride, as well as right and wrong.
4. Alternative dispute resolution. Each group has sophisticated mechanisms of dispute resolution, from which modern
international management might benefit. Techniques include “shared vision” exercises and recognition of a defined water
authority. For example, within each Berber village, an a'alam or naib is chosen to manage the irrigation schedule and to
resolve internal disputes. Within the Bougmez and M'goun valleys, this authority is chosen generally through their ability to
resolve disputes equitably, and rotates from family lineage to family lineage.
5. The "sulha." Both Berbers and Bedouin follow this Islamic practice of a ritual ceremony of forgiveness, which consists of private,
often mediated, negotiation of redress between the affected parties, followed by a public declaration of forgiveness and,
usually, a festive meal. Once the ceremony is performed, the dispute may not be discussed—it is as if it never occurred.
“There isn’t a single development issue that isn’t a women’s rights issue,” concludes
Jessica Woodroffe of ActionAid (A. Penketh, 2007). Transforming water conflict is
no exception. Penketh’s study shows that women face particularly unremitting and
insidious structural violence that robs them—and all of us—of precious knowledge “Thanks to the new
and energy: Honduran national law
requiring at least 30%
Women, are one-half of the world’s population, yet make up 70% female participation in public
of the one billion people living in extreme poverty. Women work leadership positions, our
two-thirds of the world’s working hours, yet earn only one-tenth of community water entity’s
the world’s income. Women produce one-half of the world’s food,
once all-male board of
yet own less than two percent of the land. And when 43 million girls
in the world are still not able to go to school—“not seen worth the
directors is now comprised
investment,” or busy collecting water or firewood or doing other of two-thirds women,
domestic chores, it is sadly not surprising that today two-thirds of the because of a simple change
world’s 800 million illiterate adults are women. in the statutes allowing
spouses of the officially
Confronting structural violence towards girls and women must be incorporated registered users to be eligible
into water development efforts of a peacebuilding paradigm. While suffering under for office.”
the yoke of gender-based oppression, women are not just victims; rather, they are
also found at the forefront of promoting more just social and economic structures María Luisa Ventura, president of
leading to their own liberation and that of all marginalized populations. Jesús de Otoro’s water entity, JAPOE.
For addressing the root causes of structural violence against women through
gender-informed water programming, Niala Maharaj et al. (1999) recommend that
the following strategies be employed at the project/local/community level:
• Gender training for both men and women at local levels, so that
men understand and support the changes taking place in social
organization. This requires also training of trainers, both men and
women.
In November 2002, access to water was declared an essential human right with the adoption of General Comment No. 15
by the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (UN CESCR). As a result, UNESCO notes that,
The [close to 160] countries which have ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights (ICESCR) are now compelled to progressively ensure that everyone has access to safe and secure
drinking water, equitably and without discrimination (p. 3).
Greater access to this element that is essential for life should lead to reduced conflict. But what exactly is meant by a
“right to water”? Table II.1 is helpful in that regard, and important for promoting water-related development programming.
Table II.1 Misconceptions and Clarifications Regarding the Right to Water and Sanitation.
Excerpts from Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions, AAAS, SDC, and UN-HABITAT, Manual on the Right to Water and Sanitation. Box 2.1, 2007.
Misconception Clarification
The right allows for unlimited The right entitles everyone to sufficient water for personal and domestic uses
use of water. (approximately 50 liters per person per day minimum) and is to be realized in a
sustainable manner for present and future generations. Water and sanitation services
need to be affordable for all.
The right entitles everyone to a Water and sanitation facilities need to be within, or in the immediate vicinity of, the
household connection. household, and can comprise facilities such as wells and pit latrines.
The right to water entitles People cannot claim water from other countries. However, international customary law
people to water resources in on transboundary watercourses stipulates that such watercourses should be shared in
other countries. an equitable and reasonable manner, with priority given to vital human needs.
A country is in violation of the The right requires that a State take steps, based on the maximum available resources,
right if not all its people have to progressively realize the right.
access to water and sanitation.
As for obligations imposed upon State parties, the CESCR has stated that, as with
all human rights recognized by the United Nations, States have the obligation to
respect, protect, and fulfill the human right to water. In its Manual on the Right to
Water and Sanitation, Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions (2007, p. 15) applies “The human right to water is
these stipulations to the right to water: indispensable for leading a life
in human dignity. . . . Water, and
The obligation to respect, requiring State parties to refrain from
interfering directly or indirectly with the enjoyment of a human right. water facilities and services,
Examples: must be affordable for all.”
U.N. Committee on Economic, Social and
• Refraining from arbitrarily interfering with customary Cultural Rights 2002
or traditional arrangements for water allocation.
• Facilitating, by taking positive measures to assist Duriaman, age 45, takes a drink of
individuals and communities to enjoy the right to water from the new water system in
water. Kund 1 village, Pakistan., built in 2006
with assistance from CRS in the Siran
Valley near Mansehra, Northwest
• Promoting, by ensuring that there is appropriate Frontier Province, Pakistan, 2006. His
education concerning the hygienic use of water. family used to get water from a spring
which was a forty-minute walk from
• Protecting, by implementing measures to safeguard his house. When the October 2005
water sources and incorporate methods of earthquake hit his Pakistani village, it
minimizing wastage. turned the spring water muddy, making
it unfit to drink. CRS worked with the
The ICESCR imposes minimum core obligations on State parties to ensure, at the village to plan and build a water system
that now brings clean drinking water
very least, the achievement of basic levels of the human right to water, as described
directly into the village.
in Box II.4.
Box II.4 Water as a Human Right: Minimum Core Obligations for State Parties According to U.N. General
Comment No. 15.
Excerpts from U.N. CESCR, “General Comment No. 15 The Right to Water (Articles 11 and 12 of the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights, para. 37) (2002).
1. To ensure access to the minimum essential amount of water, that is sufficient and safe for personal and domestic uses to
prevent disease.
2. To ensure the right of access to water and water facilities and services on a non-discriminatory basis, especially for
disadvantaged or marginalized groups.
3. To ensure physical access to water facilities or services that provide sufficient, safe and regular water; that have a sufficient
number of water outlets to avoid prohibitive waiting times; and that are at a reasonable distance from the household.
4. To ensure personal security is not threatened when having to physically access water.
6. To adopt and implement a national water strategy and plan of action addressing the whole population; the strategy and
plan of action should be devised, and periodically reviewed, on the basis of a participatory and transparent process; it
should include methods, such as right to water indicators and benchmarks, by which progress can be closely monitored. The
process by which the strategy and plan of action are devised, as well as their content, shall give particular attention to all
disadvantaged or marginalized groups.
7. To monitor the extent of the realization, or the non-realization, of the right to water.
8. To adopt relatively low-cost targeted water programs to protect vulnerable and marginalized groups.
9. To take measures to prevent, treat and control diseases linked to water, in particular ensuring access to adequate sanitation.
The U.N. General Comment No. 15 provides guidance for priority-setting in allocating water among competing uses:
Water is required for a range of different purposes, besides personal and domestic uses, to realize many of
the Covenant rights. For instance, water is necessary to produce food (right to adequate food) and ensure
environmental hygiene (right to health). Water is essential for securing livelihoods (right to gain a living by work)
and enjoying certain cultural practices (right to take part in cultural life). Nevertheless, priority in the allocation
of water must be given to the right to water for personal and domestic uses. Priority should also be given to
the water resources required to prevent starvation and disease, as well as water required to meet the core
obligations of each of the Covenant rights. (U.N. CESCR, 2002, para. 6)
U.N. General Comment No. 15 also refers to the Plan of Implementation of the World Summit on Sustainable
Development (WSSD), where States committed to:
Develop integrated water resources management and water efficiency plans to: ... (c) Improve the efficient
use of water resources and promote their allocation among competing uses in a way that gives priority to the
satisfaction of basic human needs and balances the requirement of preserving or restoring ecosystems and
their functions, in particular in fragile environments, with human domestic, industrial and agriculture needs,
including safeguarding drinking water quality. (U.N. WSSD, 2002, para. 26c).
Efforts by the international community to advance human and civil rights through United Nations treaties are, however,
blocked when nations fail to ratify the treaties. The United States, while a leader in composing the 1948 Universal
Declaration of Human Rights, for example, has been reluctant to ratify many U.N. treaties in the years since then
including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) in force since January 3, 1976
and ratified by 159 countries, but not by the United States.
In September 2000, Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) were agreed to by all of the world’s countries and leading
development institutions. These goals constitute a blueprint for galvanizing a global partnership to more effectively meet
the needs of the world’s impoverished through a series of time-bound targets ending in 2015. The eight MGDs are:
The third target under the goal of “Ensuring environmental sustainability” is arguably the most relevant to the focus of this
text, since it seeks to mitigate structural violence through water and sanitation programming:
Halve, [between 1990 and] 2015, the proportion of the population without sustainable access to safe drinking
water and basic sanitation.
Recent data on the global progress towards meeting this MDG target for drinking water and sanitation show that limited
progress has been made in both sectors, although less so in terms of sanitation (WHO/UNICEF, 2008). Key report findings
include the following:
• Access to sanitation in the developing world increased from 41% coverage in 1990 to 53% in 2006 (p. 6). At
this rate, the world is not on track to meet the MDG sanitation target for 2015, since 2.5 billion people still lack
access to improved sanitation (piped sewers, septic tanks, latrines, etc.), including 1.2 billion who have no facilities
at all (p. 2). Sub-Saharan Africa and Southern Asia are identified as areas of particular concern.
• As for drinking water supply, current trends suggest that the world is on track to meet the MDG target (p. 24).
Data from 2006 show that 87% of the world’s population uses drinking water from an improved source, an
increase of 1.6 billion people since 1990. For the first time, the number of people without improved drinking
water has dropped below one billion, to 884 million people (p. 23). While improved drinking water coverage in
Sub-Saharan Africa continues to fall short of the level achieved in other regions of the world, access has increased
from 49% in 1990 to 58% in 2006. This translates into an additional 207 million Africans now using safe drinking
water during that time period.
• Protocol I (Art. 54) prohibits, “whatever the motive,” the attacking, destroying,
removing of “objects indispensable to the survival” of civilian population, such
as “drinking water installations and supplies and irrigation works.”
Although Protocol I was ratified by more than 159 states, politically strong
countries including the United States were opposed to its ratification, preventing
the widespread application of these laws to date. Such a protocol to the Geneva
Convention still carries considerable moral weight during war, and serves as a means
for demanding more humane behavior in times of armed conflict between states.
Moreover, Boisson et al. argue that since human rights treaties are commonly held
to apply during armed conflicts, the 2002 General Comment No. 15 on the Right to
Water, adopted by the United Nations Committee on Social, Economic and Cultural Rights, converges with international
humanitarian law in establishing a holistic approach to ensure protection of water in times of war. General Comment
No. 15 affirms the obligation of states to refrain from “limiting access to, or destroying, water services and infrastructure
as a punitive measure, for example, during armed conflicts in violation of international humanitarian law” (UN CESCR,
2002, para. 21).
Boisson et al. (2003) note that this article limits the occupier to using water resources only for the purposes of the
occupation itself. Using its water to promote the occupying power’s own economy, or to pump it into the home country,
is forbidden. The situation of the Palestinian-occupied territories and the extraction of its water resources to Israel, as
described in Box I.4, is a clear violation of Article 55.
The provisions of the Hague Regulations can provide a detailed and nuanced legal framework upon which
to examine the responsibility of an occupying power in relation to the freshwater resources of the occupied
territory (p. 4).
By linking water to the concept of property, Article 53 of the Fourth Geneva Convention can be interpreted to
provide additional legal backing for challenging a military occupation’s negative impact on the local water resources.
Article 53 states:
Any destruction by the Occupying Power of real or personal property belonging individually or collectively
to private persons, or to the State, or to other public authorities, or to social or cooperative organizations, is
prohibited, except where such destruction is rendered absolutely necessary by military operations.
Ethical Obligations
“In addition to delivering An emphasis on ethics is especially important when incorporating peacebuilding into
goods and services, aid delivers water-related programming. As Nick Smith (2002) writes:
messages. The content, style,
Not knowing what constitutes best practice is incompetence. Knowing what best
and modes of aid communicate
practice is, but not knowing how to achieve it, may be inexperience. Knowingly not
values, which can also reinforce, following best practices, when one knows how to achieve it, is unethical.
prolong, and exacerbate conflict
or reinforce and support Cheyanne Church and Mark Rogers (2006, p.190) note that the ethical obligations
capacities for peace.” required of practitioners in the design phase of peacebuilding-driven water projects
include:
Anderson 1999, p. 55
1. Involving the parties to a conflict in determining the change that will satisfy their
respective interests.
4. Establishing accurate indicators for later gauging the project’s relative success.
2. Aid is given regardless of race, creed or nationality of the recipients and without
adverse distinction of any kind. Aid priorities are calculated on the basis of
need alone.
• Do we and our partners take steps to avoid raising undue hopes and
expectations?
• Have our perspectives been shaped by the attitudes toward rural and semi-
urban peasants that are prevalent among the urban, professional classes, or,
for that matter, among the expatriate community living in areas of privilege?
• Are the funds we receive free of a political agenda promoting one group,
region, or political ideology over another?
• Are we placing our organizational or personal gains above the best interest
of the communities?
• How well is our own internal conflict handled? How collaborative and
participatory is our organizational structure?
If development practitioners take the time, at the outset of water and sanitation
projects, to dialogue with stakeholders regarding the potential that each step in the
project has for preventing and/or transforming conflict, an attitude of peacebuilding
will take root. For each key social and technical task associated with water/sanitation
projects, participants can raise strategies that ethically promote change and foster the
aims of peacebuilding.The results of this process at the project’s start also make it more
feasible to stay focused on peacebuilding goals, by establishing a set of indicators against
which development practitioners can periodically “check-in” to help stay on track.
Consider, for example, the opportunities available to articulate “change processes” and/
or ethical obligations for each of the key steps in planning, implementing and evaluating
a typical water supply project, as presented in Table III.1.
Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development 61
111 FRAMING WATER DEVELOPMent within a peacebuilding paradigm
3. Interviews of community members, especially women and 3. Creating space in decision-making for those who have
children, to assess the current situation and identify the been historically silenced promotes more inclusive and
desired outcomes from any potential project. effective programming.
4. Written, signed agreement among all stakeholders, granting 4. Proper documentation of agreements reached is a key
permission for use of water source for the water supply step in preventing future conflicts.
project.
5. Water quality analysis performed on the proposed water 5. Possible negative ramifications of a project must be
source. considered, with appropriate preventive measures taken.
6. Written, signed commitments that detail the contributions 6. Peacebuilding is driven by community-defined needs and
to the project of the community and each benefiting family. involves as many stakeholders as possible.
7. Make explicit the expectations of the design engineer to 7. Peace and fostering equity emerges out of a process of
incorporate community participation into the water system breaking down isolation, polarization, division, prejudice,
design (e.g., selection of water source(s), routing of water and stereotypes between/among groups.
lines during survey phase, identification of families’ homes by
name on the plans).
8. Stringent review of design calculations, quantities, and budget 8. Projects should be developed which maximize the
to meet “standard of care" requirements expected to be opportunities for positive change in social relationships.
exercised by reasonably prudent water sector professionals,
thus increasing the likelihood of a successful water project.
9. Written, signed local government commitment, detailing its 9. Emphasis should be placed on supporting stable
cash and in-kind contributions of labor, equipment, and/or and reliable civil and social institutions that promote
materials to the project. democracy, social equity, justice, and fair allocation of
resources.
10. A copy of project design proposal made available to 10. Access to information mitigates vulnerability to
each local partner, including the community drinking manipulation, fosters greater accountability, and reduces
water committee, local government, and implementing the likelihood of future conflict.
organization(s). The same should occur with the final
project report upon conclusion of the project.
11. Project construction kick-off meeting, with leaders of 11. When leaders model collaboration and support peace,
all participating parties coordinating responsibilities and others usually listen and follow suit.
scheduling.
12. Strategic use of external funding as leverage, to: 12. Neutral third parties can facilitate dialogue and
• Serve as a “carrot” to overcome tension between collaborative efforts which encourage conflict-prone
local partners and as incentive to achieve viable, groups to supplant mistrust with shared accomplishment.
locally-determined water use agreements required at
the onset of project.
• Ensure that local government-promised project
contributions are realized transparently.
• Ensure that commitments made by benefiting
families are met.
13. Identification and swearing in of the new drinking water 13. Strengthening and contributing to a vibrant civil society
committee members in a community-led assembly. promotes peace and helps achieve right relationships.
14. Workshops and on-the-job training for drinking water 14. Capacity-strengthening of local leadership promotes
committee members, including: sustainability and increases the ability of the community
• Operation and management skills through assisting to resolve future water disputes that arise in a changing
project-paid masons and plumbers. environment.
• Administration skills through directing manual
labor contributions to the project (e.g., organizing
trenchline excavation by the families).
• Accounting skills through recording any family cash
contributions toward the project.
15. Community-wide workshops on health/hygiene, water 15. Appropriate training that builds upon the community’s
system cleaning/maintenance, introduction of drinking existing wisdom can prepare historically marginalized
water committee to statutes and importance of collecting populations, including youth and women, to prevent or
monthly tariffs for ongoing operation, maintenance, transform conflicts now and into the future.
replacement, and source protection costs.
16. Project implementation, scheduling, and community 16. Indigenous, non-violent approaches to conflict and
organizing, building upon local traditional practices, beliefs, reconciliation are pathways to right relationships.
and organizational structures.
17. Timely reviews of monthly project updates, prepared by 17. Periodic mapping of potential future conflicts facilitates
the implementing NGO, along with periodic site visits by timely preventive measures.
funding NGO representatives.
18. Final project walk-through with participation of all 18. The precautionary principle of avoiding the possibility
partners, including a bacteriological analysis of water of harm should be incorporated into all stages of
from several of the distribution points. Once all issues are peacebuilding-driven water development.
addressed, official document signed by all acknowledging
successful project completion.
19. Representatives of the implementing and funding 19. Celebration of communal milestones achieved offers
organizations are present during the inauguration of the opportunities for reflecting on conflicts overcome and
community-organized and community-led water supply setting new goals.
project.
20. A process is established for ongoing accompaniment 20. The level of trust and resulting peaceful coexistence
and training of the drinking water committee in order to increase between and within communities through
facilitate effective water system administration, operation, collaborative initiatives that increase the amount of
and maintenance into the future. constructive, safe interaction taking place between them.
For a more comprehensive list of steps to consider taking in the development and implementation of water supply and sanitation
projects, refer to the CRS document, Guidelines for the Development of Small-Scale Rural Water Supply and Sanitation Projects in East Africa
(Warner and Abate 2005).
At this point, the reader may be thinking, “I agree with the concept of promoting
peacebuilding. The background on causes, manifestations, and projections of water
conflict is helpful. The statements by leading world bodies increasingly promoting
the human right to water are heartening. But how do we bring these lofty conflict
“Once an aid provider
transformation ideas into the realm of tangible, concrete water and sanitation
projects and programs on the ground?” has internalized the idea
of dividers/tensions and
This chapter is aimed at responding to such concerns. Three sections are included capacities/connectors, she or
here to assist practitioners in this endeavor: he will always view choices
through these lenses. It will
1. How to organize a comprehensive water development agenda, with a focus on become second nature to
peacebuilding, supplemented by concrete examples of actions called for by leading think about the inadvertent
water advocates of our day.
side effects of programming
2. What specific tools and methodologies to use for resolving disputes and decisions in the context of
transforming conflicts associated with water. Many of these same techniques conflict. . . . Additionally, it will
can promote conflict prevention. become natural to consider
how to achieve the agency’s
3. What recommended conflict transformation steps to use in addressing a variety of mandates and programming
typical water-related conflict scenarios. Offers a “what to do” list that development purposes in ways that do
practitioners can tap into in order to establish their own response, specific to each not exacerbate intergroup
individual situation and generated with full participation by local leadership.
tensions but that support and
strengthen connections among
people as they build a just and
peaceful society.”
Anderson 1999, p. 74
A top priority in guiding water and sanitation programming in areas of possible and
actual conflict is to “advance the peacebuilding potential created through the trust
developed by community partnerships and cooperative ventures.” (Lubarr 2005, p. 6).
“A global ‘Blue’ covenant on Peacebuilding can be enhanced by focusing on:
water is needed, and should
include: • Root Cause/Justice
• Building Relationships
Water conservation: • Institutional Development
‘The right of the Earth and of • Appropriate Technology / Development Approach
other species to water.’
Water justice: Examples of successful water-related peacebuilding efforts that fall within the scope
‘Solidarity between global North of each of these components are provided in Boxes IV.1 through IV.4.
and South, promoting water for all
and local control of water.’ “Root Cause/Justice”
Water democracy:
Peace can be achieved by addressing the underlying issues of injustice, oppression/
‘Recognition of water as a exploitation, threats to identity and security, and people’s sense of injury/victimization.
fundamental human right for all.’ ” (Woodrow 2002)
Barlow 2007 • Implement the concepts of “the human right to water” and “water as a
vehicle to end poverty” by enabling access to, and provision of, potable water
and sanitation facilities (Wright and Warner 2008).
• Put social equity and the interests of the poor at the center of integrated
water resources management (UNDP 2006b, p. 28).
• Educate students and the broader public about the right to water and
sanitation (Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions et al. 2007, p. 48).
• In Cajamarca, Peru, where U.S.-based Newmont’s Yanacocha mine is polluting downstream water resources and
causing conflicts and fatalities, Oxfam America provides periodic news updates that serve as a vital link between
Peruvian advocates on the ground and global justice and peace actors. This is part of its stated goal “to ensure
the oil, gas and mining industries respect the rights of community members impacted by extractive industries
projects, and that projects contribute to the long-term reduction of poverty” (Oxfam America 2007).
• Following the destruction of two wells by the Israeli military in the Gaza Strip which provided the Palestinian
town of Rafah with nearly half of its drinking water supply, Save the Children-Jerusalem worked with local
municipal authorities to develop a case study included in the 2003 “Thirsting for Justice” report by the Center
for Economic and Social Rights (CESR). The report was presented for consideration to the 30th Session of the
United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights.
• In El Salvador, CRS partner Caritas El Salvador is taking a leading role in the “Foro de Agua,” a permanent Water
Forum comprised of more than 100 organizations and institutions. The Forum’s stated aim is to influence public
policy in order to achieve responsible, equitable, efficient, and participative governance of water resources.
The forum has taken a public stand against privatization of water services and unsustainable practices—from
uncontrolled urban sprawl to large dam construction and metal mining—and in 2007 presented a proposed
General Water Law bill to the Salvadoran legislature.
• In Tamil Nadu State in India, where the poorest of the poor are the Dalits (the "untouchables" caste) and tribal
people, children are segregated by caste at school, Dalit women cannot draw water from the same well as
others, and men must use separate drinking containers based on caste. Trócaire, the overseas development
agency of the Irish Catholic Church, supports a Dalit self-help group, the People's Education and Economic
Development Society. They educate, use the law to challenge such discrimination, and run credit unions and
income-generation programs (CRS 1998, 16).
“Building Relationships”
Peace emerges through breaking down isolation, polarization, division, prejudice and
stereotypes between/among groups. Strong relationships are built first on commonalities “Obviously nature knows
that later enable people to respectfully explore differences (Woodrow 2002). no boundaries; the
interdependence of natural
• Increase the level of trust between and within communities via multi-party resources requires a region-
collaborative water development projects, by facilitating opportunities for wide, cross-border management
constructive, safe contact among them. Past sources of conflict, or “dividers,” in order to solve urgent matters
are supplanted by newly achieved “connectors,” linking people for peace
such as water scarcity and the
across conflict lines (Caritas Internationalis 2002).
pollution of water resources.
• Provide appropriate incentives for parties historically in conflict to come Here lies the potential of
together and resolve their differences as a precondition for the opportunity environmental peacebuilding
to participate in a mutually-beneficial water development project. to contribute to the process
of building peace in a region of
• Take the initiative to mediate informally or formally between differing parties protracted conflict.”
(Ndelu 1998, p. 73).
Harari 2008, p. 23
• Initiate ventures requiring leaders of opposing factions to work together
(Ndelu 1998, p. 73).
The “Good Water Neighbors” (GWN) project was established by EcoPeace / Friends of the Earth Middle East in 2001 to raise
awareness of the shared water problems of Palestinians, Jordanians, and Israelis. The GWN methodology is based on identifying
cross border communities and utilizes their mutual dependence on shared water resources as a basis for developing dialogue
and cooperation on sustainable water management. There are clear indicators that confirm that GWN has created real
improvement within the water sector by building trust and understanding that has led to common problem solving and peace
building among communities in the midst of conflict.
Seventeen Israeli, Palestinian, and Jordanian communities participate in the project. Each community is partnered with a
neighboring community on the other side of the border/political divide to work on common water issues. On the local level,
GWN works with community members to improve their water situation through education and awareness activities, and urban
development projects. On the regional level, GWN works to encourage sustainable water management through information
sharing, dialogue, and cooperative ventures. Program participants include youth, adults, environmental professionals, and
municipal leaders.
“Institutional Development”
Peace is secured by establishing stable/reliable social institutions that further
promote democracy, equity, justice, and fair allocation of resources. Establishing “Support to local organizations
better mechanisms for social oversight of water governance leads to greater that promote participation
accountability and transparency, reduced conflict and more effective water resources and pluralism is part of the
management. (Woodrow 2002) process to ensure lasting
peace. . . . By effectively
strengthening local NGOs
• Develop integrated water resources management strategies that set national in civil society, constituencies
water use levels within the limits of ecological sustainability and provide a
can be created that hold
coherent planning framework for all water resources (UNDP 2006b, p. 28).
governments accountable to
• Support the work of governments and communities by providing information, adopting policies that
facilitating community organization, and assisting communities with their minimize conflict.”
advocacy and social oversight efforts (Centre on Housing Rights and Evictions Hackett 2000, p. 278
et al. 2007, p. 47).
• Support the development and growth of local and national civil society
organizations and community-based organizations (Centre on Housing Rights
and Evictions et al. 2007, p. 49).
Organizational structures that institutionalize participatory democracy and civil society leadership create an environment
in which the likelihood of water-related conflict is reduced and the conflicts that do occur are effectively “transformed.”
Take the JAPOE Water Services Administrator for the 10,000 person community of Jesus de Otoro, Honduras (Fiallos
2008). The administrative structure is built upon institutionalized participatory decision-making, as follows:
Sector Assemblies
(City is divided into 10 geographic sectors, each averaging 1,000 people.)
All users from each sector meet on the same day, once every two months. Failure to attend
results in a community-determined fine added to the next month’s water bill.
GRASSROOTS “BASE” STRUCTURE
All above community leadership positions are unpaid, democratically-elected, and of three-year duration, with established
term limits. A small, paid administrative/technical staff works full-time, reporting to the General Board of Directors.
Approximately 30 landowners—more than 80% in the area of the recharge zone for JAPOE’s water source—have
signed “environmental services” provider contracts. Upon annual verification by university volunteer interns that soil
conservation, reforestation, and water protection measures are being implemented as agreed upon, each participating
landowner receives an “incentive” payment of approximately $100 each per year, funded by the users through their
monthly water bills.
• Utilize “soft path” approaches to match quality of water with its use, e.g.,
grey water systems for irrigation, and to match the scale of infrastructure
to the scale of the need, e.g., decentralized rainwater capture and storage
for domestic use or small-scale irrigation, as opposed to large, often
conflict-ridden centralized facilities (Gleick and Wolff 2002, p. 1). A Lesotho villager waters a keyhole
garden, a small but nutrient-rich and
• Recalibrate the response to global warming. Place greater emphasis on highly productive plot that lets her
strategies for adaptation in national water management policies and aid grow more food to feed her family.
efforts, in order to assist marginalized populations facing the negative
consequences of climate change (UNDP 2006b, p. 28).
The community development approach employed by Bolivian NGO Suma Jayma minimizes the potential for conflict
through an ongoing, yet at times intermittent, working relationship with small communities and their corresponding local
governing officials in five municipal jurisdictions in the Andean high plains. Dedicated to implementing technologically
appropriate water projects (e.g., gravity water supply systems and locally made hand pumps), Suma Jayma’s defining
strength is its ability to be autonomous in deciding whether or not to continue implementing future community projects
within a given municipal jurisdiction, based on the performance of the local government officials.
By earning the trust of its foreign funding partners, Suma Jayma is able to determine whether to continue working
in a given municipal jurisdiction or to put on temporary hold the start-up of any new water projects. An indefinite
postponement may be required until the municipality resumes best practices of transparency and accountability. If local
government officials are “unable,” i.e., unwilling, to continue best practices, Suma Jayma gives them “time to mature.” In
the meantime, members of the surrounding villages, denied implementation of Suma Jayma-led water projects, are usually
quite willing to help these elected officials in their “maturing” process. More effective, transparent, local government, as
well as increased citizen participation in local democratic processes, is the result. Conflict caused by corrupt development
practices is minimized.
An Aymara himself, like the villagers whom he helps, Braulio Rojas, in his role as director of Suma Jayma, sees the NGO’s
efforts as serving two principal aims: to meet the critical need of rural indigenous families for access to improved water
in their homes, and to foster good governance at the level of the local drinking water committee and the municipal
government. Having faced his fair share of wayward officials, he beams when explaining the benefits of this conflict-
minimizing approach to water development:
• We can opt for the local governments that are most ready to work, most likely to complete their agreed upon
commitments in a timely fashion, and most willing to do both without entering into corrupt practices.
• With several local government partners, we don’t have to stop everything if the operation of one becomes paralyzed
due to political in-fighting or freezing of municipal accounts due to irregularities. We can give more time and energy to
those that are most fired up about working, rewarding effective and efficient local public administration.
• By working with various municipalities, we can hold up successful actions taken by a given local government as positive
examples of what can be achieved by the others. ‘Look at what the Municipality of Calamarca is doing in allocating
funds from different sources within its budget. . . . The local government of Comanche not only provides use of their
heavy equipment for transporting construction materials, but the fuel as well!’
Advocacy has a role to play in many cases, and may be brought to bear in different
phases or moments.
Box IV.5 presents an example of how this holistic approach to rebuilding social cohesion among conflict-divided
groups can lead as well to a restoration of a community’s shared water resources.
2
Adapted from Fisher and Saul (2001).
Box IV.5 CRS Peacebuilding School: Restoring Social Cohesion to Protect Water
Since 2003, CRS El Salvador has facilitated an annual Peacebuilding School, designed to strengthen the ability of
experienced community organizers to serve as a catalyst in promoting and articulating social transformation initiatives
within their own communities. With approximately thirty participants each year, the three-day participatory workshops,
given over a period of nine months, address a variety of peacebuilding topics, ranging from non-violence to human
rights, and from dispute mediation to political advocacy.
Perhaps the greatest testament to the effectiveness of this program is the achievements of the students themselves.
Take, for example, Demetria Portillo:
Concerned about the heavily contaminated Jalapa River passing through her community and that of others, she initially
organized a trash clean-up campaign along the river. Just two weeks later, however, frequent dumping had it already
looking the same as before. Realizing a more comprehensive, lasting approach would be required, she then led efforts
to overcome institutional, political and geographic divisions to build the social cohesion necessary to sustain an effective
control over the quality of their water resources. As part of the peacebuilding school program, she developed a plan to
accompany, train, and energize existing civil society and government bodies to put aside ideologically and personality-
driven divisions in this polarized, post-civil-war society in order to take a united stand in defense of water. With minimal
outside funding, their efforts included:
• Facilitating gatherings of a newly created inter-institutional network of key stakeholders, including local
community leaders, health professionals, and government officials dedicated to the cleaning up of the Jalapa
River watershed. This network continued to exert pressure upon commercial, industrial, and municipal entities
to stop their contaminating practices.
• Coordinating with fourteen schools to encourage student-led advocacy and direct service efforts aimed at
promoting the health of the river ecosystem.
• Utilizing mass media to promote environmental awareness-raising among the general population.
Over a several year period, Demetria helped her community achieve an enormous change in attitude, not only in
regard to issues of watershed protection, but also in terms of what can be achieved when people work together for
a common cause. A couple of concrete examples of change included:
• The hospital no longer dumps its medical waste into the river.
The process is not as linear as the above outline suggests and often multiple activities and even phases may run at the same
time. There is an art to scheduling, sequencing, integrating, repeating, scaling up, and creating synergies between these tasks and
the different tools and techniques. Invariably, however, there is a common starting point—the conflict assessment. Details of the
phases are described in the following sections.
Given the almost universal need for water, a complete and thorough water
stakeholder analysis is essential. Often, water conflicts are framed in terms of
the primary parties, such as urban/rural, industry/agriculture, small farmer/agro
industry. Rarely are only two groups affected by water conflict or the solutions to
these conflicts. Solutions may spark new conflicts among other stakeholders. In
water-related conflicts, analysts should consider all water stakeholders, not just the
presenting stakeholders in the conflict at hand.
3
A thorough inventory and description of published sources on conflict assessment
frameworks and methods is available in Africa Peace Forum et al. (2004) and Paffenholz and
Reychler (2007).
78 Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development
Water-Related Conflict Transformation Tools and Techniques
In the second water program the aid agency had conducted a water feasibility
study and additionally a participatory conflict/peace analysis: They had invited
the conflicting stakeholders to jointly decide where the water points should be
established (taking into account both the development feasibility study and
the conflict/peace analysis), and also established joint water management
committees. Thus, the program did “no harm” to the conflict situation and also
contributed to local peacebuilding through the joint committees.
Although water can be a great unifying force, polarization, fear, ignorance, and
Improving dialogue
Dialogue has come to mean many things to many people. In the traditional sense,
“dialogue” refers to a discussion with the exclusive purpose of enhancing mutual
understanding. There is no preconceived subsequent step. But dialogue is often a
precursor to planning, negotiation, and other collaborative processes. Reference to a dialogue “platform” calls up a need for
ongoing engagement, although in a way that keeps expectations to a minimum, so that there is greater room for flexibility.
Box IV.7 presents lessons learned from an effort at promoting dialogue over the contentious issue of water.
Pangani [Tanzania] is a water-stressed basin with many latent and emerging conflicts [over scale, tenure, and location] . . .
among water user groups. To address these conflicts, dialogue platforms were established at each site to bring together actors to
discuss the contentious issues and work towards consensus in resolving them. . . . One case involved recognizing the efficacy and
to some extent reinstituting traditional systems where water was managed by hydrological boundaries and not administrative
boundaries. In one case, [in] a conflict between the Arusha Urban Water Supply and small-scale downstream users, the dialogue
process stalled because of political and national interests.
We found that dialogue processes require time [and] resources and increase the transaction costs of water management. At
the same time, dialogue can strengthen Water Users Associations (WUAs), foster relationships between the government and
communities, and promote the formation of new WUAs. Dialogue processes have a better chance of success if they are initiated
prior to a crisis situation. The process should include: an analysis of the conflict, relationship and trust building, negotiating
solutions and action plans, and joint implementation of the action plans. The more inclusive the process is, the more sustainable
and equitable the outcome will likely be.
The precise meaning of “dialogue” has become diluted through overuse. As just mentioned, in the traditional sense “dialogue”
refers to a discussion with the exclusive purpose of enhancing mutual understanding. Guidance developed by CDA for OECD
(2007) proposes the following guidelines:
While there is no consensus on a precise definition of dialogue, there is broad agreement on elements that comprise dialogue
in the context of conflict prevention and peacebuilding:
• It is a deliberate process.
• It encourages (and provides opportunities for) disagreeing protagonists to talk with each other, in face-to-face
interaction or indirectly. The protagonists include parties to a conflict or potential conflict, or factions within a party.
• It is an organized form of communication when constructive discourse is difficult or blocked.
• Its purpose is to have a positive influence on the conflict.
• A range of goals, from simply improving communication and relationships to recommending political solutions in
negotiations.
• A range of specific issues addressed.
• Varying degrees to which the process is carefully designed or evolves, based on the needs and interests of the group.
• A range of participants, from grassroots community members to mid-level influentials to high-level political
operatives with connections to decision-makers.
• A range of third party functions and roles.
Dialogue platforms invite engagement and effective communication. Many dialogue platforms today are used to engage in
planning and/or negotiation (Herzig and Chasin 2006).
Awareness-Raising
Water-related conflict involves a complex range of issues and can best be understood when viewed through the lens
offered by several different professional fields. Being a stakeholder does not necessarily mean that one is fully versed in all
the complexities associated with water-related conflict. Some awareness-raising initiatives are most likely appropriate for any
and all of the issues raised in the first sections of this text. These can range from national information campaigns; to building
community and government knowledge on water rights, responsibilities, and management; to collecting and disseminating
detailed scientific information on a specific subject. One example of consciousness-raising involves efforts to educate all
stakeholders (politicians, development workers, direct participants), as well as the general public, on the paradigm shift from
merely sharing water resources to sharing the benefits of water resources management and use, accounting for both human
and ecological needs (Wright and Warner 2008).
Confidence-Building Initiatives
Confidence-building initiatives can facilitate relationships among various stakeholders, such as communities within a given
watershed, and lead to improved communication and collaboration. Sharing a meal is one of the most common and powerful
confidence-building techniques. Participants are asked to refrain from talking about the issues and the conflict, and instead must
engage each other as human beings. Exchanges can also build confidence and may involve visiting delegations or an exchange
of video or audio communiqués. Unilateral or reciprocal good-faith gestures that are independent of preconditions can also
help build confidence.
Box IV.8 Somalia and Ethiopia: Unresolved Historical Conflicts Impede Water Cooperation
Excerpt from A. Mohamed, “Need for Transboundary River Cooperation” (2002).
Somalia in a vulnerable end user located in a downstream area, which is the least favorable position to be in hydro-
political terms. . . . [Somalia is] permanently very dependent upon the actions taken by Ethiopia. Although the issue of
the Juba and Shabelle Rivers is a hidden and powerful one that could explode at any time in the future, no negotiations
could be initiated before addressing and solving other more fundamental causes of the historical conflicts and the current
tensions. In view of [the] region's current political conditions as well as the historical facts, [the region] is unlikely to realize
the desperately needed cooperation, and future water conflict seems to be inevitable.
In situations like that described in Box IV.8 above, little progress can be made in the present until closure on past events is
achieved to everyone’s satisfaction. Unresolved issues may have nothing to do with water, and may even concern stakeholders
who died decades ago, so that people no longer remember the roots of the problem.
Reconciliation is the nexus of “truth, justice, peace, and mercy” (J.P. Lederach, 1997). Reconciliation programming options are
usually culture-specific. There are a number of common approaches to reconciliation, and programs may need or choose to
employ multiple approaches.
• Producing mutually acceptable historical records: History is recorded and reflects the bias of its authors. A mutually
prepared history of the conflict can introduce new language and new perceptions that bring closure on specific
issues. This might entail collaborative research by historians representing all stakeholders.
• Solidarity events: Ceremonial gatherings that bring together all stakeholders to celebrate common interests can
serve to demarcate the closing of one era—of conflict—and the opening of a new era, one of collaboration. These
events frequently take months of preparation, including, at times, single-identity preparatory work (Church, Visser, and
Johnson, 2002)..
• Cleansing and readmittance rituals: Where individual perpetrators have been identified and, in some cases, formally
judged, reentry rituals serve to reconcile the offender with his or her community.
• Public apology: A public apology may serve to bring closure to the past and shift the focus onto what needs to
happen next. This approach can be retroactive, as in the case of current administrations apologizing for the errors
of earlier administrations.
• Reparations: The more tangible the subject, the more feasible reparations become. Reparations can be readily made
for tangible items whose value is easy to assess. But how does one make reparations for lost dignity? Symbolic
reparations may be acceptable. Reparations may need to be accompanied by public apologies, revised historical
records, or solidarity events.
• Affirmative action: This refers to the additional preparation or investment needed to ensure that both privileged and
disadvantaged individuals—people coming from very different starting points—achieve the same or similar outcomes.
For example, even though two groups may receive an equal ration of water, if one group has the capacity to store
unused water and draw upon it during peak demands and the other does not, then access to water is not equitable.
The group with storage capacity has greater access, even though they receive the same volume of water. In this case,
affirmative action might include building similar storage capacity for the disadvantaged group.
Designing a Process
Although this text describes a general overarching process, there are many decisions that go into developing a specific process
that will respond to the needs of the participants and the challenges they are facing. The process and the participation of
stakeholders are closely linked.
Political power often trumps popular concerns, but rarely erases them. When political power suppresses popular interests,
conflict can simmer interminably. Levels of popular participation under these circumstances are often characterized as
manipulation, decoration, tokenism, or assignment (Hart 1992).
A more genuine process of give-and-take is likely to result in more durable solutions. Levels of participation under these
circumstances are characterized by consultation, empowered unilateral decision-making, and collaborative decision-making.
A number of well-known tools to build popular and political buy-in are listed in the section on Engaging and Informing
Constituents in the Planning and Negotiation phase. Process options include, but are not limited to: awareness–raising;
confidence-building; conflict analysis; dialogue; research; envisioning a common future; planning; negotiation; using third-party,
neutral facilitators; and advocacy among others. Conflict transformation is not linear and frequently involves multiple processes
or a series of processes. Participants move back and forth in a unique sequence they tailor to their own needs. A few options
not addressed elsewhere are mentioned here.
Traditional methods of resolving disputes are usually well known and accepted by communities:
On the local level, traditional community-based mechanisms are already well suited to specific local conditions and are
thus more easily adopted by the community. Examples include the Chaffa committee, a traditional water management
institution of the Boran people in the Horn of Africa; or the Arvari Parliament, an informal decision making and conflict-
resolution body based on traditional customs of the small Arvari River in Rajasthan, India. (Wolf et al. 2005).
Water is rarely a new issue, and long-standing and traditional practices are often good places to begin looking at alternatives.
Appreciative inquiry into what has worked in the past frequently generates viable options for consideration. Care needs to
be exercised to ensure that people who were marginalized in past processes and solutions are not again marginalized by the
present application of options that worked previously.
Envisioning exercises are helpful in expanding the number of options and in setting the broad direction for the future. These can
be bottom-up processes that start at the grass roots, or cascading processes that originate higher in the state hierarchy. Because
the intent is to expand the number of options and generate creative possibilities, envisioning can be very useful in working with
large numbers of participants in many small groups spread out over different locations. Freed from the constraints of the past
and the present, envisioning can reveal aspirations shared by people in the conflict (Dugan 2003).
A peacebuilder’s job is to expand the number of options. An important step in this is to separate the process of identifying
the options from the process of assessing the viability of those options. Because parties frequently enter negotiations and
collaborative processes having already decided upon their desired outcome, they will have to suspend evaluation until all options
have been identified. This can be extremely difficult for technicians involved in the negotiations who have been trained to focus
on the “best” option and/or instructed to “tell us what to do here.”
If a researcher is not a primary stakeholder, he or she probably should have no role in the decision-making. Instead, researchers
can offer important contributions by laying out various possibilities, with clear descriptions of the advantages and liabilities of
each option. Researchers can draw attention to ideas and options that are new to the primary stakeholders. They can provide
information on the efficiency of traditional methods. Researchers can also share information, experiences, and results from other
locations where different options were employed.
Technical solutions may have unacceptable social consequences and, hence, generate additional conflict. These are sometimes
framed as “contemporary” versus “traditional” technologies. In some cases, it may not be possible to separate the technical
and social components. Identifying the social interests behind specific technical alternatives can help identify important criteria
for evaluating technical options. For example, proximity to a site of religious importance may require selecting an alternative
site that is less desirable from a technical standpoint. Box IV.9 is an example of this call for greater mutual respect between the
promoters of technical advantage and the partisans of social ingenuity.
Box IV.9 Southern Africa’s International Shared Water Facility: A Call to Balance the Technical with the Social
Excerpts from A. Turton, “A Southern African Perspective on Transboundary Water Resource Management” (2003).
Data imbalances increase power disparities within river basins in southern Africa, acting as fundamental drivers of conflict. . . .
The International Shared Water Facility (ISWF) runs the risk of being dominated by Northern, developed-country technocrats
with a bias towards technical solutions, which would de-emphasize indigenous forms of knowledge that are alive and well in
some social settings in the developing South. One example of such indigenous knowledge is the natural capacity that water
has as an element of cooperation in the semi-arid regions of Southern Africa. In Botswana, for instance, the local currency is
called the “Pula,” which literally means “rain” but culturally means “may you have the abundance associated with rain.”
The ISWF must be able to take these local nuances on board if it is to remain a true partnership amongst equals. If the
ISWF evolves into just another Northern-dominated institution, however, it runs the grave risk of becoming delegitimized in
the developing South.
Technicians can be the source of ideas and options that are new to the primary stakeholders. They can also assist in developing
additional criteria by which to evaluate options and educate decision-makers about standards in the technicians’ field of
expertise.
Water development practitioners should be wary of situations where each party wants to use “its own” technicians. Legitimate
differences in technical perspectives may be misconstrued as bad faith or manipulation and bring the entire process to a halt.
Moreover, one should recognize that there are disputes within technical fields that may have nothing to do with the situation
at hand. A joint technical team can help keep technical differences of opinion limited to the joint team, where they can be
addressed on technical merit rather than political preference.
Resistance to new methods or new technologies may stem from ignorance rather than informed opposition. The media,
education, outreach, communications packages, and other forms of information-sharing and awareness-raising can be helpful
in countering rumors, addressing fears, and informing stakeholders about opportunities for participation.
Third-party neutrals can facilitate a wide range of dispute resolution processes. Large international agencies sometimes use the
services of an ombudsman. For example, in certain conflicts involving the World Bank, the Office of the Compliance Advisor
Ombudsman (CAO) serves as the independent recourse mechanism for the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and
the Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA). CAO is accessible to any community or party with complaints or
grievances about the IFC or the MIGA.
Many ombudsmen fashion their services around the practice of mediation. While models vary somewhat, often the
ombudsman—like the mediator—is expected to facilitate a mutually agreeable solution, rather than impose a ruling. The
primary difference between ombudsmen and mediators is in their relationship to the parties. The ombudsman is often either
an employee of one of the parties or an employee of a service under contract with one of the parties. Mediators tend to
work as volunteers or on the basis of equitable remuneration from all parties.
Arbitrators are charged with making a ruling. The ruling may be either binding or nonbinding, depending on the terms laid out
prior to the hearing. The arbitrator’s role in statutory law closely resembles many traditional dispute resolution mechanisms, such
those mentioned above and the Bashingantahe of Burundi, a panel of distinguished village elders.
Litigation
Courts of law often adjudicate water-related disputes within their jurisdiction. Usually there is little room for negotiation once
hearings get under way. Rulings are made into court orders, which may be enforceable through law enforcement and regulatory
agencies.
Participants and stakeholders need to know the objectives of the initiative and what issues will be addressed through the
emerging process (Fisher and Ury 1981). Possible objectives include relationship-building, fulfilling consultation and advisory
functions, information gathering, dissemination of information, decision-making, influencing public policy, dispute resolution, and
alliance-building, to name a few.
Issues are tangible and negotiable, for example “access to water for drinking and agriculture.” Issues should not be framed
in terms of one of the participant’s favorite solutions, such as: “Water being used for urban agriculture must be reserved for
drinking water.” It is important to frame the issues in language that is acceptable to all stakeholders. For example in a process
involving a community and a mining company, the mining company might be reluctant to engage in discussion around “pollution.”
The same participants might be more open to discussing “water quality.”
Presenting a broad list of issues early on helps people anticipate and prepare. It may also allow people to accommodate on
certain issues in exchange for consideration on other issues that are more important to them. Deciding which issues to address
first may be challenging. Some like to start with the low hanging fruit to demonstrate that agreement can be reached. Others
prefer to start with the heart of the matter, knowing that if it is resolved many of the other issues will be dropped.
Identifying Interests
Interests are what motivate people to prefer certain solutions over others. For example, unemployed residents of an area
proposed for a small scale hydroelectric plant may favor construction of the plant because they would like to work for the
construction company and eventually the plant. Their position is that the plant should be built and their interest is future
employment. Knowing the interests of the stakeholders helps focus the exploration of solutions and serves as a reality check for
subsequent proposals (Gary and Karl 2003).
Collecting Information
As mentioned above under Designing a Process, a peacebuilder’s job can be to help expand the number of options, and
researchers can offer important contributions by laying out various possibilities, with clear descriptions of the assets and liabilities
of each option. They can draw attention to ideas and options that are new or provide information on the efficiency of traditional
methods.
Researchers can collect new data relevant to the parties in a dispute or share information and results from other experiences,
such as lessons from transnational stakeholder dialogue initiatives (e.g., the World Commission on Dams).
Research can also help participants recognize the global demands that drive local resource pressures and resulting water-related
conflicts—from commercial shrimp and salmon farming to massive hydroelectric projects (Conca 2006, p. 3; Campbell 2008).
Study Circles
The study circle provides small and diverse groups with venues for in-depth, regular, lengthy discussions and deliberations on a
particular topic or issue. Study circles help inform citizens, who are then in a better position to contribute to the planning and
management of local natural resources. For example, a study circle might be formed to discover more about a specific interest,
such as community involvement in monitoring water quality.
A study circle comprises a diverse group of 10-15 people who meet regularly over a period of weeks or months to address
a critical public issue in a democratic and collaborative way. A facilitator serves the group by keeping the discussion focused,
helping the group consider a variety of views, and processing difficult questions rather than acting as an expert on the
issue. Often a study circle progresses from sessions on personal experience with the issue to sessions providing a broader
perspective and, eventually, to action-oriented sessions. Study circles have their greatest reach and influence when organizations
simultaneously engage large numbers of citizens—in some cases thousands—in scores of study circles on an important public
issue (State of Victoria, Australia 2007).
Water-related conflicts invariably involve large numbers of stakeholders and constituents. The success of any peacebuilding
initiative invariably depends upon stakeholder satisfaction. Therefore processes need to include ways to periodically involve
and inform stakeholders and constituents who are not directly participating in the process. Gauging constituents’ reactions
and capturing regular feedback are also important. There are a number of common
methods of addressing the challenges of large-scale initiatives. It is possible to:
• Create accordion processes that transcend vertical administrative boundaries. “Peacebuilding is about creating
• Set up thematic advisory groups. process structures which
• Organize widespread regular community meetings. equip community leaders to
• Survey and poll stakeholders/constituents and disseminate results.
handle future challenges/shocks
• Organize public hearings.
through transparent, inclusive
means leading to fair, equitable
Negotiating Agreement decision-making.”
Participatory processes in planning, setting policy, and dispute resolution invariably Rick Jones, CRS Justice and
involve negotiation. Two common approaches in development circles involve: Solidarity Director for Latin America
and the Caribbean
Community-based negotiation practices: Many NGOs seek to create a
physical space for negotiation between the communities and the state or, at
least, local authorities. Few NGOs, however, invest in the negotiations training
needed for community groups to participate more effectively in negotiations
with local authorities.
Jim Stipe
building a challenge.
Different stakeholders have different communication and negotiation capacities. Community members in Ethiopia meet
Making a negotiation process equitable involves certain safeguards or precautions, a CRS delegation as they prepare to
inaugurate a water scheme in Koye Jijeba.
such as ground rules, use of neutral facilitators, adequate time for constituent
consultation, equal access to information, limiting use of technical jargon, and other
techniques that help to bridge the gaps between participants and make the process
seem readily understandable, fair, and feasible to all.
Box IV.10 presents a case of where the appropriate use of incentives by third parties
helped bring together parties in dispute in order to negotiate an agreement over
shared water resources.
Box IV.10 The Indus Water Treaty: Incentives for Negotiating Agreements
“Power concedes nothing
Persuasion and coercion, i.e., carrots and sticks, are two time-tested techniques
without a demand. It never did implemented by adversaries to induce opponents to move in their favor.
and it never will.” At times, a third party can serve an important role in bringing adversaries
Frederick Douglass 1857 together to cooperate in managing shared water resources. A classic example
of this involved several Western countries and the World Bank making
available the “carrot” of significant funds for Pakistani dams and Indian irrigation
canals upon conclusion of the Indus Waters Treaty in 1960, which partitions
the available water resources of the Indus River between these two countries,
despite the historic animosity between them (Klare 2001).
Water-related conflict may stem from decisions made within local leadership
structures, national legislatures, or other powerful institutions. In these situations,
efforts are needed to reform harmful or ineffective policies. Solutions achieved
through informal processes may have policy implications. Mutually agreed-upon
solutions may need to be made into public policy in order to be perceived as
legitimate and enforceable.
As for this increasing globalization of solidarity, Ken Conca identifies “two “In the Valle de Siria of
simultaneous global revolutions of communications and democracy” that make Honduras, where Goldcorp
it possible (2006, p. 1). The expansion worldwide of access to inexpensive operates an open-pit gold mine,
communications technologies has resulted in greater access to information and
one study found the infant
an explosion in national and global networks. A greater connectedness between
affected communities and sympathetic advocacy groups around the world is made mortality rate 12 times higher
possible. Meanwhile, the number of democratic countries have increased from than the national average.”
approximately thirty in 1975 (UNDP, 2002) to over 140 countries in 2006 that hold
multiparty elections—although noting that in over 100 of them, important civil and McKinley 2007
political freedoms are still limited (UNDP, 2006a).
Box IV.11 Mining: Bridging the Gap between Those Who Profit and
Those Who Suffer
• Increasing national investment and international aid for investment in water infrastructure, including storage and
flood control (UNDP 2006b).
• Building grassroots support for legislative resolutions and bills that support the recognition and practical
implementation of the human right to water (Church World Services 2007).
• Making water management an integral part of national poverty reduction strategies (UNDP 2006b).
• Strengthening policies to regulate groundwater use, protect rivers and lakes from degradation, and price irrigation
and urban water in ways that encourage its equitable distribution and efficient use (Postel and Wolf 2001).
• Withdrawing subsidies that encourage overuse of water by large users (UNDP 2006b).
• Organizing support for measures such as product certification, consumer information campaigns, and “cradle to
grave” accountability (Conca 2006).
Box IV.12 lists potential strategies that NGOs dedicated to fostering social and ecological justice can employ to support
grassroots advocacy.
For peacebuilding and water development practitioners, the responsibility to support the demands of civil society and
community institutions for justice should not be shirked for fear of being considered too “political.” Rather, such civil
society efforts reflect a more participatory democracy designed to influence public policy along lines embracing a
“preferential option for the poor and vulnerable,” “life and dignity of the human person,” “solidarity,” and “care for God’s
Creation,”—all key Catholic social teaching principles.
Yet, how are the demands to be supported in an appropriate and effective manner? CRS El Salvador (2007) and its
local partners compiled the following list of successful strategies arising out of their own grassroots experience:
• Obtain technical/scientific reports documenting negative impacts on water resources in order to lend
credibility to the demands being made.
• Reach agreements with and demand action from public institutions of the State, especially those charged with
the responsibility of protecting water resources, such as national water agencies, ministries of the environment,
and regulating authorities.
• Establish alliances with key local and national stakeholders and decision-makers.
• Engage in peaceful protest and non-violent civil disobedience/resistance.
• Convoke national and international media to highlight the problem, making the mitigation of the problem a
cause of note.
• Identify a legal strategy to promote the cause, while identifying and making public the violations of existing
laws and regulations that result from water-damaging practices.
• Welcome international pressure and support, in the form of organizations, solidarity, regulatory experts, and
pressures/actions in home countries of transnational corporations, when involved.
• Support measures that build the self-esteem of the local persons involved in or affected by the water-related
conflict.
• Practice communal organizing and empowering measures.
• Emphasize education and awareness-raising.
• Build local capacity and good governance.
• Avoid the interference of political parties with their own agendas.
• Widen mobilization efforts to involve other sectors driven by like-minded goals.
Broad project goals and good intentions invariably require additional and more nuanced decisions during project implementation.
Different perceptions surface and can be the source of additional conflict if there is not an agreed upon procedure for managing
these types of decisions. It is important to set up time for regular meetings, and establish explicit limits of authority in unilateral
decision-making, as well as instances that will require participation from greater numbers of stakeholders.
Monitoring Agreements
C. Church and M. Rogers (2006) note that, “Monitoring is an ongoing process that generates information to inform decisions
about [an undertaking] while it is being implemented. The decisions that monitoring informs are practical and detailed, and
often address an immediate pressing need or question.” They recommend that peacebuilding initiatives monitor four variables:
• Context: Peacebuilding often takes place in a very fluid situation, where circumstances can improve or deteriorate
quickly. Monitoring the context helps peacebuilders anticipate changes, make proactive programming shifts, and ensure
the safety of participants, partners, and staff. Context-monitoring involves continuous updating and refinement of the
conflict analysis.
• Implementation of activities: Implementation monitoring tracks how the initiative is running and provides key
information for decision by leaders, participants, and other stakeholders. It contributes to keeping the initiative moving
forward.
• Progress toward results: Monitoring progress toward results involves monitoring change. This goes beyond reporting
on planned versus actual activities and outputs, and focuses on objective-level results.
• Programmatic assumptions about how change happens: Periodically, assumptions inherent in the programmatic logic
need to be checked to determine if they are still valid. Some assumptions based on the situation may surface through
context monitoring. Sometimes this may involve additional collecting of data beyond what was anticipated in the
indicators and objectives.
Renegotiating as Needed
New needs, details, and unforeseen circumstances frequently require matters to be renegotiated. Implementers should
anticipate this and plan accordingly. Often matters can be easily renegotiated. Other matters may evolve into disputes that
require external assistance. Well-designed agreements stipulate the dispute resolution mechanism to be used.
Examples of typical water-related conflict scenarios are presented below, along with suggested concrete steps that can be
taken to promote conflict transformation. Depending on the specific context of a given water-related conflict and its timing,
peacebuilding water development practitioners will shape the suggested conflict transformation strategy to meet either conflict
prevention or conflict mitigation needs. The overarching water conflict themes addressed here include:
1. Upstream-Downstream Users
2. Outside Interventions
3. Extractive Industries
For each of the five water-related conflict themes or scenarios, a brief description of the problem, desired outcome, key
considerations, and recommended actions are presented. Additional steps are then listed for a more detailed process
appropriate to the specific example cited in the scenario. This is intended to assist water development practitioners seeking
further input and guidance as they take the necessary steps in shaping their own strategy, specific to the circumstances of
the water conflict being faced in the field.
Key Considerations:
Measures to decrease water demand:
• Find new water sources to augment the supply from current source(s).
• Install household rain catchment systems to complement the water system
supply.
• Improve quantity/quality of existing supply source through watershed
protection measures. These might include:
Reduced agrochemical use—such as promotion of organic horticulture, certified ”We are sowing water!” remarked
Don Miguel of El Salvador. Because
shade-grown, and organic coffee.
of CRS’ soil conservation and aquifer
recharge program in the upper reaches
Mitigation of other sources of contamination—for example, in coffee growing of the watershed, farmers’ livelihoods
areas, install simple treatment facilities to capture and provide primary are improving while water sources for
treatment of wastewater from washing and pulping of the coffee beans. downstream community water supply
systems are being replenished.
Recommended Actions (summary):
Note: Potential “technical” solutions can be employed only after a “social” solution is first
achieved.
4
This strategy for transforming conflict is based primarily on experience in the field,
communicated by Marianella Ramirez and Rodolfo Herrera of CRS El Salvador.
96 Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development
Applications of Peacebuilding Methods to Conflict Scenarios
• Consider combinations of measures requiring shared sacrifice and shared benefits of all parties in dispute in
order to meet the water needs of all. For example, members of the small upstream villages could be authorized
to connect to the existing supply main upon installing residential metering and a system for rainwater catchment.
This permission might be granted by the community in exchange for annually verifiable commitments on the part
of the villagers to provide “environmental services” in order to conserve the spring. Articulate the justification for
payments for environmental services by the lower zone populations to those in the upper zone in light of a fairer
redistribution of water-generated resources, since water resources are often generated in the upper zones of the
watershed from which the lower zones benefit.
• Arrange the terms of the “environmental services” contract to provide incentives for landowners to gain lower
monthly water rates if they stop land use practices that harm water quality and employ soil conservation “water
planting” measures. Encourage the outside funding entity to commit to a one-time donation to kick-start the
program of contracting environmental services between the providers (the upper watershed farmers) and the
community’s drinking water committee. Subsequent years would be paid for by the water users themselves through
a percentage of their monthly water rates, often ranging from 5 to 10%.
• Consider other options for source water protection as well, including outright purchase of the land above the water
source in order to guarantee sustainable watershed practices.
• Once the multiparty commission reaches a tentative agreement, accompany the representatives as they meet with
their respective communities to seek ratification of the agreement. Note that this process of community “buy-in” is
essential. Without such consensus, measures initially agreed upon, such as installation of meters or water rationing,
could generate even more conflict.
Project Follow-Up
Jose Angel Cruz, CRS Mi Cuenca Regional • Be aware that incentives offered by an external funding entity to bring
Manager for Central America together the parties in dispute should be used cautiously. Ideally, changes
in attitude should be motivated by the recognition that improved
inter-community cooperation will benefit all, whether or not a big
“carrot” awaits them at the end of the process. Otherwise, in the future,
when there is another water-related conflict and no such external
incentive exists, the parties might be less prepared to assume the
responsibility of reaching creative compromises on their own.
David Snyder
Key Considerations: The basic process involves advice (to the communities and
local governments) and consent (by all stakeholders) through participatory methods.
Advise the community and local governmental authorities that outside funding
“We are an integral part of this of the water system project is to be put in place only after each phase of
water project’s success. We did their obligation to the project is fulfilled. The failure to make this clear could
not receive it freely, but rather inadvertently lead to increased likelihood of conflict. This is critical for the
following reasons:
at much sacrifice through our
contribution in labor and funds. • It serves as an incentive for local parties with conflicting water
Thus, it is our responsibility interests to overcome their differences in order to achieve both
that we take care of it well.” individual and community gain.
• Failure to undertake the necessary social organizing required to
Irineo Quisbert, Anchallani, Bolivia, eliminate current and potential sources of water-related conflict
community leader 2007 prior to initiating construction leads to increased likelihood of a failed
project, diminished community organizing ability, and increased conflict
into the future.
• If these critical issues (e.g., community control over a water supply
source) are not eliminated before outside funds are employed to
begin construction, unscrupulous parties can more easily draw the
“deep pockets” international development organization into the
negotiations. This gives the “hold-outs” enhanced negotiating power to
abuse the situation, often by demanding exorbitant sums of money.
Obtain consent in the form of written agreements from all stakeholders. These
agreements should be obtained prior to the outside funding entity making
an explicit commitment to support the project. These documents should
communicate the responsibilities of four sets of stakeholders involved in the
water/sanitation project, as presented below:
5
This strategy for transforming conflict is based primarily on experience in the field
communicated by Miguel Flores, Darinel Laenez, Marlon Medina, and Julio Zúniga of CRS
Honduras, as well as by Braulio Rojas of Suma Jayma in Bolivia. It should be noted that such
a formalized, documented approach, while ideal, may not be feasible in some countries.
100 Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development
Applications of Peacebuilding Methods to Conflict Scenarios
Jason Gehrig
including attending meetings called by the drinking water
committee.
o Attend all training workshops (topics frequently covered include Non-violent public demonstration
components of a water supply system, community participation against privatization during the
and organization, hygiene and sanitation in the home, operation Cochabamba, Bolivia water crisis. The
banner reads, “It’s Our Water, Dammit!”
and maintenance, and protection of the system’s water source).
The external funding entity and its implementing partner commit themselves to:
Sean Sprague
of a public nature, prepare and make available in the offices of
the local government and implementing NGO monthly project
updates and final project reports, including financial statements, Health workers in Aceh, Indonesia
narratives, and photos/video. discuss immunization strategy during
a 2007 training session.
• The siphoning off of local, available water resources for mining operations.
• The likely contamination of water resources both during and for many
years after the mining operation.
Desired Outcome: To improve the quality of life for all by supporting social equity
measures of local job creation and increased public revenues, and by demanding
enforcement of regulations to prevent or mitigate negative environmental and
health consequences due to metals mining. Alternatively, where this is unfeasible,
to support locally-led measures seeking to ban open-pit, metal mining and the use
of dangerous chemical substances, e.g., cyanide or mercury.
• Assist community leaders when they elect to dialogue with the mining
companies and/or government. Build upon their existing negotiating skills
as they seek a voice at the decision-making table alongside mining and
government representatives.
6
This strategy for addressing the conflict generated by open-pit gold mining in Honduras
and Bolivia is based primarily on experience in the field, communicated by Carlos Patiño
and Juan Pablo Duron of Caritas Honduras and Evan Cuthbert of the Maryknoll Mission
Institute in Cochabamba, Bolivia.
Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development 105
1v applying peacebuilding and conflict transformation to water and sanitation programming
o Giving the mining concession holder the right to use any amount of
water it deemed necessary from sources both inside and outside of
the mining concession area.
o Permitting the mining concession the right to arrange for entire
communities to be moved, if necessary.
o Significantly reducing royalties and state taxes that the mining
concession has to pay.
• Lead legal studies that provide backing for governmental regulatory and
judicial actions.
• Seek funding for resource-starved local communities and governmental “This open pit gold mine is
regulatory agencies which, unlike the transnational mining corporations, are like a time bomb. The mining
often unable to contract required technical expertise for effective oversight corporation will soon leave, but
and monitoring. An example of relevant technical expertise in this case
the contamination of our land
would be hydrogeologists to perform independent analysis to determine
the impact of mining on local water resources. and water will remain
for generations.”
• Coordinate with the local scientific community to perform independent
water quality, quantity, and health impact studies on an ongoing basis. Rodolfo Arteaga 2008
7
For an example of a regional-based approach to advocating for mining justice, see El
Observatorio de Conflictos Mineros de América Latina (Latin American Observatory of
Mining Conflicts), www.conflictosmineros.net.
Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development 107
1v applying peacebuilding and conflict transformation to water and sanitation programming
• Sponsor open, participatory processes with local and national stakeholders to craft new proposed legislation
governing mining. Once a proposed bill is agreed upon, take public measures to pressure the government to pass the law.
• Seek both legal and moral victories. If the courts are not favorable to the people’s concerns, consider contacting
regional and global institutions promoting equitable and ecologically sustainable development.8
• Invite international mining experts to evaluate mining operations and mine closure plans. Not infrequently, operating
and closure plans being implemented by transnational mining corporations overseas would be deemed unacceptable
under the regulatory conditions in their home countries.
• Coordinate with international advocacy partners to educate shareholders of transnational mining corporations
regarding their company’s abuses. Welcome visits by international delegations, including legislators, in order to
promote education of and solidarity with actors from the countries of origin of the transnational mining interests.
Push for national laws in the home countries of transnational mining corporations which hold their mining companies
accountable for negligent behavior overseas.
• Educate associations of religious leaders (e.g., national and regional bishop’s conferences as well as ecumenical and
inter-faith organizations) on the issues, supporting international exchanges between religious peers in order to
prepare pastoral letters and statements, and advocate on behalf of the promotion of laws respecting human rights
and the environment.
• Be pro-active in educating communities on the options and pitfalls involved where future mining operations may
occur. Connect them with other communities that have already been impacted by mining to learn first-hand what
the pros and cons are likely to be.
8
In its 2007 Fourth Public Hearing, the Tribunal Latinoamericano de Agua (Latin American Water Tribunal)—an autonomous international
environmental justice organization seeking to contribute to the solution of Latin American water-related conflicts—ruled in favor of the
community environmental group opposed to the contamination and misuse of the local water resources by Goldcorp’s San Martín open-pit
gold mine in the Siria Valley of Honduras.
108 Water and Conflict Incorporating Peacebuilding into Water Development
Applications of Peacebuilding Methods to Conflict Scenarios
Problem: When a new community water supply system is initiated, there are frequently some families who choose not to
participate. This may be due to a lack of confidence in the water system ever functioning correctly (i.e., water arriving to their
homes), or even being installed. Seasonal migration may also impede some families from participating. Once the project budget
is set and the labor begins, it can be difficult to allocate sufficient water for additional participants.
For those families who made the ill-fated decision not to participate in the project from the onset, seeing their neighbors
achieve access to improved water in their homes causes regret and, along with it, the seeds of conflict. As an issue of fairness,
none should be denied access to water. Yet fairness also dictates that those who contributed their labor (often several months
of work), as well as cash, should be rewarded for their sacrifice.
The desperation of excluded families can become so intense that third parties may be pulled into the conflict. Until an equitable,
just compromise can be achieved, a community may suffer through much hostile division.
Desired Outcome: Access to improved water in the homes of all, with a fair distribution of sacrifice borne by all community
members.
Key Considerations: A sequence of steps is recommended for these conflicts. In the earlier phases, the emphasis should be
on conflict prevention, primarily through encouraging the maximum number of families to participate in the water project by
overcoming their distrust or other obstacles. In the latter stages of the project, as well as in post-project scenarios, the need is
for conflict mitigation, which seeks to help both sides in the conflict—the included and the self-excluded—to recognize the just
claims being made by the other side.
• Communicate the minimum percentage of families in the community required to participate in the project before
external funding is made available. Dialogue with community leaders to establish a significant minimum number —
at least 80% participation is not uncommon.
9
This strategy for addressing conflict over access to water supply, specifically between original project participants and new families
demanding affordable access, is based primarily on experience in the field, communicated by Felipe Gonzales of El Palomar, Honduras,
and on various water projects with Suma Jayma in Bolivia.
Project Implementation
will want the full value of their labor included, plus any monetary contributions they have made. Moreover, any piping
or other construction materials required to extend the system to a new home after the project inauguration is often
also the responsibility of the new user, or of an outside funding entity, such as the local government.
Project Completion
• Sooner or later, following the inauguration of the water supply system, new families desiring to connect to the system
will make their needs known. More often than not, they will be shocked by the connection fee the existing water
users have established for new families to join.
• Take, for example, community XYZ, where each original participating family in the water system project contributed
$15 in cash toward construction materials, as well as 50 days of manual labor. Their connection fee for new users will
likely reflect the value of these in-kind and cash contributions:
In such a case, the connection fee for new families would be $235, an amount out of reach for almost all
rural families living on subsistence farming. Moreover, this doesn’t even include the cost for piping and other
construction materials that, if not paid by outside sources, now often falls on the shoulders of the new families
as well.
• Recognize that for the first half year or so following the inauguration, this community-set connection fee will probably
be non-negotiable. Meanwhile, resentment on the part of the new families desiring affordable access will be on
the rise, as a sense of helplessness sets in, coupled with a fear of being taken advantage of by the drinking water
committee members.
• Avoid overstepping boundaries, such as bypassing the authority of the legitimate drinking water committee acting
on the mandate of the water users assembly. When facing appeals from the new families to intervene as the outside
donor/implementing NGO, it is probably best to refer them to their drinking water committee, noting that the issue
is an internal community matter. With time, however, if the issue is still not resolved, a subtle support for compromise
may be in order, as suggested below.
Project Follow-Up
• Typically after some time has passed and additional families continue without success to demand affordable access
to the system, take up the issue of connection fees again with the assembly of water users and its drinking water
committee. While recognizing the justice issues raised by both sides, encourage the drinking water committee to be
flexible in developing possible solutions that can bridge the growing rift within the community of those with water
access and those without.
• Discuss possible compromises that appear fair to both sides. For example, propose a reduced cash amount for the
connections fee to be paid by new users, along with an interest-free installment plan. In exchange, new families would
agree to provide services in-kind through manual labor in upkeep/expansion of the water system.
• As outside parties to the conflict (such as local governments and NGOs), consider providing incentives for
reaching a compromise, for example, by offering to supply the required construction materials for the system
expansion once the parties in conflict achieve consensus.
• Further advance this compromise approach by reminding the original water system users that, one day, coming
ever closer, their own children may want to connect their new families to the water system, assuming they can
afford to do so.
• Finally, document any agreements reached, including the updating of the statutes and regulations governing the
community’s drinking water system.
Key Considerations: The technical and social standards for emergency camp
situations have been well developed in guidelines set out by the Sphere Project and
by the United Nations Inter-Agency Standing Committee. The steps shown below
are a brief introduction to the kinds of approaches, attitudes, and concrete actions
required to address water- and sanitation-related needs of displaced persons forced
to flee their homes. All steps presented here are taken from key references.
• As communicated in the IASC guidelines: “Plan to provide water and Inter-Agency Standing Committee
2007, p. 179
sanitation for all people (with appropriate targeting of people at risk) in
a manner that supports safety, dignity, privacy, and non-violent problem-
solving. Include specific social considerations in the provision of water and
safe, culturally appropriate hygiene and sanitation facilities (2007, pp. 28–29).”
• Note that if the host population, which has not been directly affected by
the disaster, suffers from similar shortages of water and sanitation, shelter,
clothing, and essential health services as those affected by the disaster
currently living in the nearby displaced persons camps, relief should also be
provided to [the host population] on an equitable basis (IASC 2008, p. 32).
• Carry out gender-based actions for the water and sanitation sector in
emergencies. A sampling of IASC recommendations in this regard includes
(2005, pp. 46–48):
• Identify safety and security risks for women and girls and
incorporate them into the design and construction of water and
sanitation facilities, keeping in mind that communal water and
sanitation facilities which are not central, accessible, well-lit, or
well-secured can increase the vulnerability of women and girls to
sexual violence.
• In the context of emergencies in which people are very
susceptible to illness and death from water-borne diseases, it is
essential that all users, especially women and girls, have a voice
in identifying risky hygiene practices and conditions in order to
David Snyder
• Likewise, place emphasis on other especially vulnerable sectors of the displaced persons population. The following
is a sampling of key actions identified by IASC for inclusion in water and sanitation programming
to meet the needs of families affected by HIV in emergency situations (2003, pp. 42–43):
o Help dispel myths and misconceptions about contamination of water with HIV, thereby reducing
discrimination against people living with or affected by HIV/AIDS. Common misconceptions include the
following:
Sharing a well with people who have HIV will cause contamination of the water point.
People can become infected with HIV/AIDS due to groundwater pollution near the burial sites
of those with AIDS.
o Facilitate access to water and sanitation for families with chronically ill members. People living with HIV/AIDS
may have difficulty obtaining water due to stigmatization and discrimination, limited energy to wait in queues,
or insufficient strength to transport heavy water containers.
o Design water systems to take into account that, partly as a consequence of HIV/AIDS, it is increasingly
children and older people who fetch water. Make sure that pump handles are not too high, that pumping is
not too difficult, and that the walls of the well are not too high.
o Facilitate access to extra water for caretakers of people living with HIV/AIDS. They may need greater than
usual quantities of water to wash sheets and blankets of chronically ill family members and to bathe the sick
more frequently.
o Make extra efforts to ensure that the voices of people living with HIV/AIDS are heard either directly or
indirectly, by representation; infected people and their families can be inadvertently or intentionally excluded
from community-based water decision-making.
The purpose of this document is to inform and guide practitioners of water development, human rights and peacebuilding
to more effectively promote water as a force for unity and life, rather than division and violence. Part I provided data about
water security and inequities on a global scale; described concrete conflicts and their causes; and presented principles,
paradigms and protocols for water cooperation. Part II framed water development within a peacebuilding paradigm,
presented tools and techniques, and suggested appropriate actions in several typical conflict scenarios. The Appendices at
the end of this report summarize various approaches to risk assessment, point to valuable online resources, and provide the
key references used in the preparation of this text. To some, the document may seem overly abstract. To others, too full of
practical details. To still others, the balance may seem just about right. Our hope, in any case, is that this document opens a
broad window on the often turbulent world of water and provides a focused framework for practitioners seeking to prevent
and mitigate violent confrontations around water - the most vital of natural resources.
This report is a work in progress and, hopefully, one that will stimulate further inquiry. It may serve as an invitation to
plunge more deeply into specific core issues, such as transboundary conflicts or human rights, or a call to follow a number
of currents that were not fully explored, such as those around gender and water. It may also lend itself as a basis for
organizational training courses. The possibilities are many. Overall, CRS believes this effort to be a unique contribution to the
expanding literature focused on water and conflict. The document also complements recent works, such as Conflict Resolution
and Negotiation Skills for Integrated Water Resources Management (Cap-Net UNDP, 2008). A next step within CRS will be to
test the utility of this work in the field and to determine if it can provide effective guidance for practitioners. Comments and
suggestions are welcome.
Appendices
Appendix a
Socio-Economic Considerations
1. Who owns the water and the land? And who does not?
2. Does water policy favor one group over another? If yes, how?
3. What are the grievances of those whose access to water is most marginalized?
4. Is flooding, lack of water, or new dam construction depriving people of their Conflicts and contamination went
livelihood or forcing them to migrate? hand in hand in the use of this
previously unimproved community
5. How is the water-related conflict linked to other current conflicts? spring of Honduritas, El Salvador, used
for drinking water, clothes washing, and
livestock watering. Through innovative
6. How do historical differences and unresolved conflicts manifest themselves in engineering, the same three uses
the current conflict over water? continue to this day, but improved
infrastructure has eliminated water
7. In any given water conflict under consideration, have prior attempts already contamination and thus the source
been made at reaching a solution? If so, what took place? of past conflict.
9. Is the cost of accessing the potable water system (e.g., connection fees, monthly
consumption tariffs) within reach for the most vulnerable sections of the
population?
10. If the administration of local government water services was privatized, what is the history of that process? Was
such a decision made autonomously, or under pressure from foreign multilateral lending institutions? What are the
controversial terms of such privatization contracts? Pros and Cons? What are the cultural attitudes of the local people
toward commodification of water? Is the state able/willing to effectively monitor and regulate such arrangements?
11. What water-related documents produced on the local, country, and international levels by religious and other civil
society leaders might contribute to transforming conflicts?10
Institutional/Political Considerations
3. What are the accountability mechanisms for institutions regulating the use and distribution of water?
4. What elements of water governance have been decentralized? Which remain centralized?
5. Whether publicly or privately administered, does the governance structure of municipal water services allow for
effective oversight through user participation in decision-making?
7. Are water management mechanisms (customary and formal) effective, enforced, and perceived as fair?
8. What institutions, rules, and regulations govern water resources? What are these policies based upon
(colonial law, post-colonial or modern law, traditional/customary law)? Do they overlap or contradict each other?
9. How is competition between different water users (e.g., mining, agriculture, hydroelectric, potable water supplies,
overlapping governmental jurisdictions) managed?
Environmental Considerations
1. What present and future environmental risks exist that threaten a given area’s water supply sources?
2. How does the failure to implement integrated water management practices on a watershed basis contribute to
environmental degradation, negatively impacting people’s livelihoods?
5. Are there demand-side management alternatives (e.g., conservation measures) to large-scale supply-side projects
(e.g., dams)?
10
For an example of religious leadership seeking to inform the public conscience regarding just water governance policies, see the Bolivian Episcopal
Conference (2003)
UN-Water
Created in 2003, UN-Water is the official United Nations mechanism for tracing follow-up to the water-related decisions
reached at the 2002 World Summit on Sustainable Development and the Millennium Development Goals, particularly the
goal to reduce the number of people lacking drinking water by half by 2015.
http://www.unwater.org.
OECD Development Assistance Committee’s (DAC) Network on Conflict, Peace and Development Co-operation
The DAC Network on Conflict, Peace and Development Co-operation is the international forum that brings together
conflict-prevention and peacebuilding experts from bilateral and multilateral development agencies, including from the UN
system, the EC, the IMF, and the World Bank. www.oecd.org/dac.
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