Save :

S. C. Dube ADeccan Village

VLLAGE communities all over the Indian sub-continent have

a number of common features. The village settlement, as a
unit of social organization, represents a solidarity diferent
from that of the kin, the caste, and the class, and plays a vital
role as an agency of socialization and social control. Each
village is a distinct entity, has some individual mores and
usages, and poSsesses a corporate unity. Different castes and
communities inhabiting the village are integrated in its
economic, social, and ritual pattern by ties of mutual and
reciprocal obligations sanctioned and sustained by generally
accepted conventions. Inside the village, community life is
characterised by economic, social, and ritual co-operation
existing between different castes. Important administrative
functions are performed by the village council composed
generally of villagc clders and village oficials. Notwithstanding
the cxistence of groups and factions inside the scttlement,
people of the village can, and often do, face the outside world
as an organized, compact whole. However, from these funda
mental similarities we need not assume that Indian villages
have a similar pattern all over the country. They vary greatly
in their internal structure and organization, in their ethos and
world-view, and in their life-ways and thought-ways, on
account of a variety of factors. Among others, the factors
of size, population, and land-area, of ethnic composition and
caste constitution, of the pattern of land-ownership, of the
structure of authority and power-hierarchy, of the degree of
isolation from or contact with urban areas, and of local
traditions, account for this diversity in their structures.
ON THE PRINCE O DECCAN PLATEAU
In this paper, Ishall outline the social structurc of Dcwara,
a mixed village in the predominantly tribal district of Adilabd
in Hyderabad State. The culture-arcas of Telengana and
202

<217 / 238 >

 ADeccan Village 203
Marthwda meet in Adilabd district, and Dewara is situated
on the northern fringe of the Deccan plateau. Professor
Christoph von Furer-Haimendorf's generai description of the
Adilabd Gond-area admirably suits the setting of this village,
whose surroundings comprise, wide, cultivated plains with
little tree-growth other than an occasional group of mango or
tamarind trees that mark a village site; rolling upwards where
broad valleys, chequered with fields, alternate with low,
wooded ridges." As Indian villages go, Dewara can be classed
as a fairly large village in respect of its size, land-arca, and
population. It has a population of 1,09o. From the point of
view of its ethnic composition and caste constitution, the
population of Dewara can be divided into four distinct groups :
the tribal group, the Telugu-speaking Hindus, the Marthi
speaking Hindus, and the Muslims. In respect of numerical
strength the first two groups are nearly equal; the last two are
smaller, but each forms a close-knit and compact block. Most
of the land in Dewara is owned by an 'absentee landlord (a
Muslim woman) who lives in Hyderabad city. Her absence
from the village has important consequences for the constitu
tion of the village council, for she cannot directly infuence
its deliberations and decisions. The number of proprietary
tenants in the village is very small at present (1950) ; but recent
land reforms and tribal welfare measures are likely to add
considerably to their number. As both the landlord of the
village, and minor government officials of any consequence,
do not live in the settlement, the community enjoys consider
able autonomy in its internal afairs, and is relatively free from
outside pressures and influences. Its location in a comparatively
remote arca, at a considerable distance from large urban and
industrial centres, has kept the bulk of the residents of Dewara
relatively untouched by city-ways. However, being only a mile
and a half away from the road joining two subdivisional
administrative headquarters having railway stations, and lying
on a minor bus route the village cannot be said to be com
pletely free from urban contacts and infuences. Its part
Tribal, part-Telugu, and part-Marthi character gives dis
tinctiveness to the village. This has necessitated a special
pattern of inter-group adjustment.

218 / 238 >

204 INDIA'S VILLAGES

SOCIA L STRUCTURE OF DEWARA

An analysis of the caste constitution of Dewara is necessary

for the understanding of its social structure. It has already
been pointed out that the population of the village has four
distinct elements. Technically, the three tribes (Rj Gond,
Kolam, and Pardhn) and the Muslims are not castes, for the
tribes do not fil anywhere in the broad five-fold division of
Hindu society and the Muslims clearly are non-Hindus; but in
intra-village life they function practically as independent castes,
possess caste-like organizations of their own, and demonstrate
the same kind of solidarity as the castes do. Although most
people in the village are bi- or tri-lingual, the Hindu element
of its population can be divided into two separate groups on
the basis of their mother-tongue. The five broad divisions of
the Hindu society into Brahmins (priests and men of learning),
Kshatriyas (warriors and rulers), Vaishyas (traders), artisans,
and untouchables, provide only an all-India framework for the
classification and ranking of castes in the social hierarchy: the
effective unit of caste" or " sub-caste" has a limited, regional
spread. Castes and sub-castes in different culture-areas, and
sub-culture-areas (which are often linguistic areas) are generally
endogamous, and have little effective social intercourse with
the other comparable groups in other culture-areas. This
divides the Telugu-and Marthi-speaking Hindus in a mixed
village like Dewara into two separate blocks. ATelugu-speak
ing carpenter (Wadla) has the same social status as
Marthi-speaking carpenter (Sutr); but the two may
not intermarry ; language, dress, customs, and bcliefs
separate them still further. In considering the organization
of the castes, therefore, we shall have to examine the two
blocks separately.
TRIBAL GROUP

The tribal group is composed of thrce tribes : the Rj Gonds,

the Kolams, and the Pardhns. The following table shows the
number of families and the number of people belonging to
these tribes:

< 219 /238 >

T Save :

A Deccan Tillage 205

TABLE I

THE TRIBAL GROUP

Number of Number of
Name of the tribe
famules poople

Rij Gonds 58 330

Kolams 39
Pardhns 7 36

ToTAL 405

In this group the rich, land-owning R£j Gonds are at the apex
of the tribal hierarchy. They are easily the most influential
tribal group in this region. The Kolams are their e poor
cousins ". Although they have an important place in the
magico-religious life of the village community, they are
practically landless, live in tiny huts, and are regarded as
dirty, simple and primitive " by their more sophisticated
tribal compatriots. The Par dhns, the third tribal group, are
in a very different position, Unlike the Kolams, they cannot
claim a near equal status with the Råj Gonds. They are
minstrels and bards of the Rj Gonds whom they regard as
their masters. The tribal group as a whole has a strong tribal
feeling, and a distinct and vigorous ritual life. They are
separated from their Hindu neighbours by their practice of
cow-sacrifce and beef-cating -both of which are strictly
forbidden for caste Ffindus.

CASTE-HIERARCHY

Table II on page 206 illustrates the caste-hierarchy among

the Telugu-speaking Hindus.
In all, the Telugu-speaking castes number 8o families and 446
individuals. It is significant that they do not include a caste
belonging to the first three zarnas. With the exception of the
Mãdigas who are untouchables, and the Bitchepollu who are
clean castes". They
a mixed group, all the other castes are "

220 / 238 >

 Save :

206 INDIA's VILLAGES

TABLE 11

TELUGU-SPEAKING HINDUS

Mannewar Padmashli
17 familics-83 people 10 families-59 people
Wadla (carpenter)
1family people
Panch Kammari (blacksmnith)
Bramha 2 familics9 people
Group Ausula (goldsmith)
3 farmilies-23 people

Mera (tailor) Gaondla (toddy-tapper) Golla (shepherd)

3 families--22 people 1family--2 people 19 families-10 people
Mangali (barber) Sakali (washerman)
2 families-14 people 2 familics-8 people

Mãd1ga
(untouchable farm-labourers and leather workers)
15 families-79 people
Bitchepollu (beggars)
5 families-20 peoplc

belong to the fourth level of artisan, agricultural, and occupa

tional castes. The Mannewar (agriculturists) and the Padma
shli (weavers) occupy the highest position in this group. The
Mera (tailor), the Gaondla (toddy-tapper), and the Golla
(shepherd) may be placed next; and all three have nearly
equal status. The Mangali (barber) and the Sakali (washerman)
are still lower. The Mãdiga (untouchables) are the lowest caste
of this group. The position of the Wadla (carpenter), Kammari
(blacksmith) and the Ausula (goldsmith) is somewhat anomal
ous. In this part of India they do not constitute separate,
endogamous castes, but together with two more groups, form
a composite caste having a monopoly of five crafts. The five
sections may freely intermarry, and change of craft is possible
between the sections. Their mythology separates them from
the rest of the Hindus; they do not accept food at the hands of
any Hindu caste, nor does any Hindu caste (except the barber,
washerman and Mdiga who have started cating from them in

221 / 238 >

 Save

A Deccan Village
207
comparatively recent times) cat food touched by them. They
do not invite the Brahmin to officiate at their rites and cere
monies but have priests of their own caste. Nevertheless, they
are clean castes, and in the caste-hicrarchy they should be
placed lower than the Mannewar--Padmashli but higher
than the Mera--Gaondla--Golla.
The Marthi-speaking Hindu castes may be graded as
follows:
TABLC III

MARATHI-SPEAKING HINDUS

Bralmin
1 family-5 people
Marar (gardeners and agriculturists)
12 families-69 people
Sutãr (carpenter)
rfamily10 people
Teli (dealers in oil)
Mahar (untouchable caste of agriculturists and farm-labourers)
Ifamily-14 peoplc

This group has in all 22 families with a total population of 132.

The head of the Brahmin family is a school-master, and an
immigrant to the village. The other castes practice either
agriculture or a traditional craft or trade, or both. The Mahars
are regarded as superior to the Telugu Mdigas.
The Muslims number 107 in this village, and have 22
families. Thefakirs or religious beggars have a somewhat lower
position in this group. The Muslims follow a different faith
from the Hindus, cat beef, and are a mixed group composed
of converts from low Hindu castes. It is not surprising that the
Hindus look down upon them. But the fact that the Muslims
were the ruling group in Hyderabad State until recentBy,
gave them some special influence in the life of the village
communities.
II

The basic unit of organization in the village is the family. In

popular opinion the joint family is regarded as the ideal, but

222 / 238 >

 Save :

208 INDIA'S VILLA GEs

in actual practice large joint families comprising all the

members even of three generations are not commonly met with.
Elementary families grow into joint families, and then break
up again into elementary familics. Polygamous compound
families are also met with. Table IV gives the number of
different types of family units.
LINKED FA MILIES

The next unit may be described as the linked families ".

Members of an extended family living in the settlement, but
not sharing a common homestead, together with close affines
constitute these linked families. The linked families could be
described as a cluster of agnatically-related lamilies and joint
families, and of families having affinal ties with them. An
agnatic lineage core possesses a special sense of solidarity, but
in many spheres of l1fe its members have to move with the
families linked with them by affinal ties. They are expected to
have close social and ritual contacts, and to help cach other in
times of trouble.
The guda or ward, which is a distinctive living quarter of
the village, and caste or tribe or other community unit,
constitute progressively wide groups after the linked families.
Dewara is divided into five gudas. Or these, the Persa guda
is the largest, and contains 133 houses with a population of
795 people. This population is a mixed one, consisting of
tribes-26g Rj Gonds; 1I Kolams, and ar Pardhns ; Telugu
speaking Hindus-19 goldsmiths, 22 tailors, 20 Mannewar
agriculturists, 59 Padmashlis, 79 Mãdiga untouchables, and
20 beggars; Marthi-speaking Hindus--7 Telis (dealers in oil),
5 Brahmins, 10 carpenters, g2 Marars (gardeners and agri
culturists), and 14 Mahar untouchables, and 107 Muslims.
The other four quarters are smaller in size and population.
The Mandali guda has 20 families with a population of ro6
people. Among these are 16 Mannewar-Telugu-speaking
agriculturists and 15 Pardhns and 28 Kolams. The Pardhns
and the Kolams belong to the tribal group. The Teli guda has
only 12 families with 66 people. As its name suggests it is
inhabited principally by the Telis who are Marthi-speaking

223 / 238 >

 ADeccan Vllage 209
Hindus. Others are: 34 Marthi-speaking Marars (gardeners
and agriculturists), and 5 Telugu-speaking Gollas (shepherds).
The fourth residential quarter, Chikkad guda, has 68 people
living in 12 familics. These include 61 tribal Rãj Gonds, 4
Telugu-speaking goldsmiths, and g Marthi-speaking Marars
(gardeners and agriculturists). The fifth, Golla guda, is exclu
sively inhabited by 18families of Telugu-speaking shepherds.
Their total population is I I5. From this analysis of the composi
tion of the different residential quarters, it will be evident that
with the exception of one guda (the Golla guda), which belongs
exclusively to one caste all the others have mixed populations.
Each guda has an identity, and also some bonds which give it
a feeling of solidarity. As we shall see a little later each of
these quarters has a council of elders who have some important
control functions. Effort is made to preserve the name" and
reputation of the guda. In inter-guda quarrels people are
expected to side with their neighbours living in the same guda.
But more cffective and important than the guda, is the unit
of castc. Membcrs of thc same caste living in the village have
closc interaction. Most of the castes can be further divided into
endogamous sub-castes. These share a common caste-name and
occupation with the other sub-groups, have a common mytho
logy, and inter-dine with the other sections of their caste more
or less on a basis of equality. Prohibition of intermarriage
between the different sub-groups, howcver, forces cach to seek
a horizontal solidarity with its own sub-group living in neigh
bouring villages. Considerations of space do not permit a
detailed examination of the complex network of inter-caste
relationships. Its main features are, however, well-known. An
intricate system built around the concept of ritual pollution
determincs largely the nature of contacts between different
groups in regard to touch, smoking, eating, drinking, marriage,
and general social intercourse.
Other structural units, of lesser significance to village-lifc,
but of considerable importance in the socio-religious lifc of the
individual, are the phratry and the clan of the tribal groups,
and the clan (gotra or gotram) and the lincagc (vansh or vansham)
of the Hindus. Among the tribal groups these units have a
special significance, for they have elaborate cults and rituals
14

224 / 238 >

210 INDIA 's VILLAGES

built around clan gods. These ceremonies necessitate periodic

meetings of clansmen and thcir participation in common
worship and sacrifices. As exogamous units thcy regulate
marital unions within the tribe. With the rest of the Hindu
castes, these units only regulate marriages, there bcing a rule
that one should marry outside one's clan, and in a lineage
bearing a name other than one's own. Thcy do not have any
common ceremonial or ritual life restricted only to the members
of the clan or the lincagc.
The four culture-groups have each a separate identity,
although they do not possess any separate formal organizations.
However, they have separale ceremonies and rituals, and in
these they function as compact blocks.
TABLE IV

TYPES OF FAMILY

I-A. Elementary families

B. Elementary families (with dependants) "1%
II-A. Polygynous compound families 181.
B. Polygynous compound fam1lics (with dependants) 5-89%
III-Joint families 8o 41-o%
IV-Miscellancous 529

III

We may now proceed to attempt a brief analysis of the

structure of authority in the village. It has been pointed out
carlicr that no governmcnt official of any consequence is
actually living in the village; nor does the village have a
resident landlord. This leaves the village relatively free from
outside pressure and interference. In other villages of this area
the landlord and the minor government officials are some of
the most powerful and influential figures in village affairs. Each
family has a recognized head, who speaks for the whole family,
and who is answerable to thc village community for all acts of
omission and commission by any member of his family. Each
caste (and this includes the tribes as well as the Muslim
community) in the village has a headman; and so has each

225 / 238 >

 ADeccan I'illage 211

guda. These Peddamanshi, literally big man ", are recognized

heads of thcir respective groups or residential quarters. Village
customs define some of their obligations and rights; but their
own personality determines the actual degrce of their influence.
Inter-caste disputes of a minor nature are referred to the head
man of he caste in the village who decides them, in consulta
tion with caste elders, according to the conventions of his caste.
Inter-caste disputes of a simple nature are, similarly, decided
by the head of the guda in consultation with the elders of his
ward. The wards as well as the castes, both have their scparate
councils of elders known as the þanchyat. The caste panchyat
is presided over by the headman of the caste; and is composed
of the clders of that particular caste. The ward council, on the
other hand, consists of the elders from the ward and is presided
over by the headman of the ward. The larger council for the
whole village is composed of all the headmen of the different
gudas as well as of the different castes in the village. Other
persons of influencc and substance also manage to find a place
in its decliberations. Local matters, and inter-guda and inter
caste disputes of a slightly more serious type are heard and
decided in this council. They may hear appeals from the
decisions of the guda and caste councils. Mostly cascs pertain
ing to the division of movalble and immovable property, dis
putes regarding non-payment of borrowed money and grain,
and household disputes, are brought to this council. In practice,
however, the more vocal and assertive members of the village
council become the de facto panchãyat for the villagc. At the
time of our investigations, the defacto village council consisted
of four Rãj Gonds, one Golla, two weavers (one being the agent
of the landlord) and one Muslim. It may be added that serious
inter-caste disputes, and some of the more serious intra-caste
cisputes may be heard by thc larger inter-village panchyat of
the caste. Some cases may be heard both by the village panch
yat, as well as by thc caste panch)at. In Dewara the village
panchãyat is still vital and influential, and unlike its counter
parts in some other parts of Hydcrabad it has shown no signs
of a gradual los of hold over the people or of decline. No case
of an open defiance of its judgments and decisions came to our
notice. It is true that some land disputes from the village were

< 226/238 >

 2I2 INDIA'S VILLAGES
tried in the district courts, and that
two cases at least notices for among the Rãj Gonds, in
through pleaders, but these coulddivorce proceedings were sent
hardly be regarded as indica
tions of the weakening of thc
panchãyat-organization.
has anyone refuscd to obey and carry out its In no case
dccision, nor has
anyone taken matters to the State law courts
verdicts given by the panchyat. Lack of aggressive ignoring the
factionalism
in the village will perhaps explain this
of the village council. Public solidarity and strength
censure and ridicule, fines, and
social boycott and excommunication are still very
weapons in the hands of the þanchyat with the help of powerful
it can enforce its will. which
Mention may here be made of three petly government
officials who have a position of some influence in the village
community. These are the Patel, the Kotwl, and the Hawldr.
The Patel assists in the collection of land
revenue, arranges to
send reports of breaches of law to the police, and
looks after the arrangements for touring governmentgenerally
officials.
He maintains a record of significant events and
in thc village and also records births, marriagcsdevelopments
and sale of
animals. Appointed by the State's Revenue Department, the
Patel gets five per cent of the land revenuc of the village for his
work. The Kotwl, belonging to the untouchable Madiga caste,
works as an assistant to the Patel. He carries weekly reports and
information pertaining to serious crime to the police-station.
He has to patrol the village in the night, to make government
and village announcements by the beat of drum, and to look
after the arrangements for touring government officials, The
Hawldr too is a sort of general assistant to the Patel. The
Kotwl and the Hawldr, both get a salary of three rupees per
month in addition to grants of bits of rent-free land. At harvest
time, cultivators give them some grain also.
There are no organized voluntary associations in the village.
Informal groupings such as men's gosip groups and boys' play
gangs occupy a place of importance in village affairs. Elderly
1 For a detailed discussion of the web of inter-caste relations and of such
traditional arrangements as well as for the analysis of a slighly different
type of social structure, see the author's forthcoming Indian Village (London;
Routledge and Kegan Paul).

227 / 238 >

 ADeccan Village 213
gatherings.
women too have some fixed spots for their informal day-to-day
It is in these men's and women's gossip groups thatof news are
developments in the village are reviewed, bits
exchanged and disseminated, ideas are mooted, and outlines
plans of action are formulated. It has been noted that these
for of caste and guda. They are
groups cut across thc boundaries and have a fixed
built around one or more influential figures, addition to these,
In
core of permanent and loyal members. "doubtful " members
there are other occasional " and some
eight more or
too. At the time of our investigations there wereDewara.
elderly men in Three
less well-marked gossip groups ofdefinite say in the affairs of the
of these seemed to have had a
village. Although each of these three groups often presses its
functions in some ways
OWn point of view in village affairs and
remain behind the scenes
as a faction, the leaders always try tobecome too public. So far,
and never allow their differences to
factionalism within the village community has not shown any put
tendency towards assuming aggressive proportions so as to
its central mechanism out of action.

IV

The kind of social symbiosis obtaining in the village has led

adjustment. The tribal group
to a distinct type of inter-group but has accepted
maintains its distinctive socio-ritual pattern; labour in the eco
traditional arrangements of co-operativeplace to the Brahmin
give a
nomic and ritual fields. They do notbarber, the washerman, the
in their socio-religious life, but thegoldsmith, and the Mãdiga
carpenter, the blacksrmith, thesocio-religious rites and cere
feature prominently in their system, the occupational castes
monies. In their agricultural established village conven
are integrated on the basis of these arrangements. In the
tions. The Muslims too sharc village rituals and
worship of village gods and in common
ceremonies, all the tribes, castes, and even the Muslims parti
precedence, and have
cipate, follow a definite schedule of blocks participate in
prescribed roles. The culture-groups or
Hindus join some of
each other's distinctive ceremonies. The good social form, for
the Rãj Gond and tribal ceremonials, as

<228 /238 >

214 INDIA'S VILLAGES
a while, but withdraw in good
time before the cow-sacriice.
Token participation of the tribes and the
important Muslim festivals is regarded as Hindus in two
Muslims join the Hindus, nominally, in somnenecessary. The
of their major
festivals, but are activc and enthusiastic in planning
to ward off evil spirits, ghosts, and measures
epidemics,
with their Hindu and tribal neighbours. In in co-operation
tress tribal Kolam seers and magicians are difficulty and dis
tribes, the Hindus and the Muslims alike. summoncd
The
by the
separateness of the four blocks are recognized, andidentity and
in deciding
disputes the village panchyat takes account of cultural differen
ces and caste custom. As a concession to the needs of the local
situation none of the Hindus regards the Räj Gonds (or any
other tribe) who sacrifice cows and eat beel, as
depressed or
untouchablc. In fact, with the exception of the Brahmin,
some Padmashalis (weavers), men from the othcr castes do and not
hesitate in accepting water at their hands ; and the lower castes
even accept food from them. Leadership in villagc affairs is
largely with the Rj Gonds, and this fact is freely recognized.
This may be cxplained by historical and economic factors.
Much of the territory in the district of Adilabad is recognized
as tribal territory " and is often described as the land of the
Gonds who dominated the scene here in recent past not just
by the strength of their numbers but by their political power
and influence. Even when the Gond chieftains, who once ruled
over this area, accepted the suzerainty of Muslim kings and
were later divested of their estates, they maintained many of
their feudal privileges. They jealously guarded the distinguish
ing features of their tribal culture, and resisted caste Hindu
influences. In the State of Hyderabad the forces of Hinduiza
tion were weak because of its Muslim rule. In fact the caste
Hindus could never effectively protest and apply sanctions
against the un-Hindu practices of the Rj Gonds, for had they
done so the rulers of the Statc would have sided with the
tribes. Moreover, the numerical strength of the tribes in this
region is such that they could easily defy the coercive sanctions
of the Hindus. Notwithstanding the fact that in recent years
tribal land has been passing into the hands of the cultivating
castes of the Hindus (and some others as well), the R·j Gonds

229 / 238 >

 A Deccan Village 215
still retain a substantial part of the agricultural land in the
district. Their partial economic independence has afforded
them considerable cultural security. Consequent on the
integration of Hyderabad into the Indian Union power equa
tions in the State have also undergone significant changes. The
Hindus know that the Muslims are no longer the rulers of the
State; in fact they vaguely fcel that now they (Hindus) are
themselves the rulers. Some verbal protests have been made
against the un-Hindu practices of the tribes, but so far they
have not been supported by any sanctions nor could it be said
that their sentiments have the backing of a substantial scction
of the Hindus. For example, in the course of our field-work
one night Näganna (a weaver by caste) who is a petty mer
chant, bcsides being the landlord's agent and who has been
considerably influenced by city-ways, gave a long lecture on
Hinduism and attempted by quoting scriptures to prove that
the tribes were barbaric and unfit for social contacts with
clean caste Hindus. He was particularly critical about thc cow
sacrifice and somc of the marital practices of the Rj Gonds.
He did all this under the infiuence of drink and was shocked
to find that no onc came forward to support him. Some of the
village clders tried to persuade him to go home and said,
May be, what you say is true. Religious books say many
things, but do we practise all of them? We have lived with the
Gonds as brothers so long and we must continue living in the
same way. Our true scriptures in the village are our own
traditions." Early next morning Nganna was sober and
voluntarily made amends for his insulting remarks. He went
to Lachchhu Patel, the headman of the Rj Gonds and the
grand old man of the village, and offered his apologies to him
for what he had said the previous night.
The village is a distinct structural entity like the kin-group,
caste and tribe. All these entities control the conduct of the
individual. Several villages come together both temporarily as
well as permanently to form a wider structure. Dewara is the
leader of a group consisting of sixteen villages.

< 230 / 238 )