Native Claims: Indigenous Law against Empire, 1500–1920

Saliha Belmessous (ed.)

https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199794850.001.0001
Published: 2011 Online ISBN: 9780199919291 Print ISBN: 9780199794850

Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/book/1883/chapter/141634148 by Lund University Libraries, Head Office user on 13 October 2023
CHAPTER

2 Law, Land, and Legal Rhetoric in Colonial New Spain: A

https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199794850.003.0002 Pages 41–62

Abstract
This chapter examines the changing legal rhetoric of an indigenous community as it sought to assert
land claims during the sixteenth century in the colonial Spanish courts. The community that I
examine, Tlaxcala, became frustrated by the behavior of a handful of Spanish settlers, and sued to evict
them from their province. Concurrent with their court case, the native leaders petitioned the Crown to
issue royal mandates on their behalf. To e ectively assert their legal and political agenda, Tlaxcalans
accessed Castilian rhetoric. They adopted it to their own purposes, and adjusted their arguments to the
changing political milieu of the empire. Although one cannot neatly t the legal rhetoric of the
Tlaxcalans into rigid stages or boxes, three identi able strategies are evident in their petitions and
court cases. First, immediately following the conquest, the native elite relied on the rhetoric of loyal
service and noble subjects. By mid-century, the rhetoric of loyal service gave way to a second rhetoric
which appealed to Castilian notions of good government or buen gobierno. Finally, toward the end of
the sixteenth century, arguments of buen gobierno were replaced by arguments regarding the misery
and su ering of the common native population. Through their strategic legal and political activities,
the Tlaxcalans e ectively preserved much of their lands and natural resources.

Keywords: Castile, New Spain, Tlaxcala, Iberia, Mesoamerica, rhetoric, law, Medieval Political Theory,
Early modern Iberia
Subject: Colonialism and Imperialism, Early Modern History (1500 to 1700), Political History, Modern
History (1700 to 1945), Legal and Constitutional History
Collection: Oxford Scholarship Online

This chapter examines the changing legal rhetoric of an indigenous community as it sought to assert land
claims during the sixteenth century in the colonial Spanish courts. The community, Tlaxcala, was located in
New Spain (today, Mexico) at an important nexus for transportation. Halfway between the Gulf of Mexico
and the Valley of Mexico, Tlaxcala served as a hub of trading activity throughout most of the postclassical
period (ca. 900–1500 A.D.). Traders passed through the region with goods moving from the central valley to
 the coast and down to the Yucatan. Far from being a closed community, Tlaxcalans were accustomed to
welcoming outsiders and continued to do so during the colonial period. The region remained an important
thoroughfare for merchants, travelers, and royal o cials during the colonial period. A few decades after the
arrival of Spaniards to Mesoamerica, however, the Tlaxcalan nobles became frustrated by the behavior of a
handful of Spanish settlers and sued to evict them from their province. Concurrent with their court case, the
native leaders petitioned the Crown to issue royal mandates on their behalf. E ectively to assert their legal
and political agenda, Tlaxcalans accessed Castilian rhetoric. They adopted it to their own purposes and
adjusted their arguments to the changing political milieu of the empire.

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The Tlaxcalans’ case reveals something important about Spanish imperial rule. The legal and political
success of the Tlaxcalans was due to their ability to recognize shifts in the political culture, and to fashion
their legal rhetoric and strategies accordingly. In this, they were extraordinary but not unique or
exceptional. Indeed, the archives are lled with petitions and court cases brought by native people who
attempted to reframe their story in order to in uence the decisions of royal authorities. Not all of these
p. 42 e orts were successful. Nonetheless, examining this group that was frequently successful provides
insight into the e ectiveness of particular legal strategies and uncovers a more complex story about how the
Crown and its royal o cials responded to native claims and counterclaims to land.

Although one cannot neatly t the legal rhetoric of the Tlaxcalans into rigid stages or boxes, three
identi able strategies are evident in their petitions and court cases. First, immediately following the
conquest, the native elite relied on the rhetoric of loyal service and noble subjects. While this rhetoric never
fully disappeared, it became less e ective by mid-century when the Crown was moving imperial governance
away from private individuals (i.e., encomenderos) to a royal bureaucracy. During that transition, the
authorities became less generous with royal favors. Accordingly, the rhetoric of loyal service gave way to a
second rhetoric that appealed to Castilian notions of good government or buen gobierno. In this mode,
Tlaxcalans supported their claims by appealing to the obligation of the prince to maintain peace and
harmony within his kingdoms. Because the strengthening of the bureaucracy coincided with the increase in
Castilian settlers and the consequent rise in intercommunal con ict, Tlaxcalans used this rhetoric to elicit
royal intervention. Finally, toward the end of the sixteenth century, arguments of buen gobierno were
replaced by arguments regarding the misery and su ering of the common native population. This third
rhetoric, referred to here as indios miserables, grew out of the medieval Castilian custom, which obligated
elites to protect and provide for the vulnerable members of society—called miserables. In Iberia, miserables
were traditionally widows, orphans, the poor, and students. In using this rhetoric, native people tapped into
the widespread Castilian perception that indigenous Americans were inherently vulnerable and needed the
guidance and protection of Castilian clergy and royal o cials. This last rhetoric proved to be quite e ective
for native people. It allowed them to paint a picture that was convincing to their audience.

Scholars often erroneously interpret native rhetorical strategies as reality. To be clear, the rhetoric of the
Tlaxcalans re ects their ability to fashion legal arguments and strategies to in uence legal outcomes; it
does not necessarily communicate a lived experience or “a native reality.” This discrepancy between
rhetoric and reality is quite evident in the court cases and petitions examined in this chapter. Consistently,
1
throughout the sixteenth century, for example, Tlaxcalans argued for complete exclusion of Castilians.
While their rhetoric asserted their opposition to all Spaniards, their actions were inclusive. In reality, they
2
accepted Castilians as neighbors, community members, and even as family members. In their lived
experience, one can conclude, some Spaniards respected local traditions and customs, and others did not.
Tlaxcalans wanted to remove those who did not conform to native authority. However, they also understood
that arguing for full exclusion was a more e ective legal strategy in the nascent colonial legal system than
pursuing a legal means to remove individuals. The interpretation and enforcement of royal mandates
p. 43 remained far too exible to entrust royal o cials with deciding which Spaniards could stay and which
should leave. By securing a royal mandate that excluded all Castilians, Tlaxcalans retained the power to
 determine when to exercise their legal rights. Throughout this chapter, such discrepancy between rhetoric
and reality is highlighted in order to reveal native people’s conscious use of Castilian rhetoric and their
clever legal strategies.

Loyal Service and Noble Subjects

When the Aztec Empire began to rise, the Tlaxcalans initially allied with them to overthrow the existing

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dominant regional power, the city-state of Azcapotzalco. Tlaxcalans, however, grew tired of their
subordinate role within the alliance and ended the relationship. As the native empire continued to expand, it
extended its sovereignty over the communities surrounding the Tlaxcalans. Tlaxcalans resisted. Although
they retained their autonomy, the Aztecs cut Tlaxcala o from trade in an attempt to force the community
to capitulate. With limited access to essential imports, including salt, Tlaxcalans’ resentment grew. When
Cortés arrived, the Tlaxcalan nobles readily allied with him to overthrow the Aztec empire.

In 1528, seven years after they participated in the toppling of the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan, the
Tlaxcalan elite sent a delegation of native nobles across the Atlantic to petition the Spanish Crown. In their
petition, they asked the king to ensure that they never be designated as an encomienda and to exempt them
from royal tribute. They wanted to retain authority over their subjects, land, and labor. In approaching the
Crown for these favors, they reframed their participation in the conquest: rather than mention their
antipathy toward the Aztecs, they asserted that they had aided in the conquest of Tenochtitlan and the rest
of Mesoamerica as a service to God and the king. This rhetorical strategy—of requesting remuneration for
loyalty and services rendered to the Catholic Crown—was standard practice for Castilians seeking royal
privileges.

While their early petitions are lost, their language can be glimpsed in the Crown’s responses. For example,
in 1529, the Crown paraphrased the words of the native leaders in its response to their petition: the king
explained that the Tlaxcalans were deserving of privileges because they had provided aid to the Crown and
3
to God in the conquest of the city of Mexico and afterward. This rhetoric of loyal service proved successful.
The Crown prohibited its successors and all Spanish o cials from granting the Tlaxcalans as an encomienda
4
and it limited their annual tribute to a few cahiz of corn—a negligible royal tribute, indeed.

A few remaining petitions from mid-century continued to use the rhetoric of loyal service. By examining
one from 1562—shortly after Philip II ascended the throne—a sense of how such petitions were crafted is
p. 44 revealed. Appropriately, the petition began by paying homage to the “royal person, as a powerful and
Catholic king,” and asserting obedience to “our lord.” The Tlaxcalan nobles wrote:

… always we have served and desire to serve your majesty. Considering the great need that we have
to come before your royal person, as a powerful and Catholic king and as our lord, we have agreed
to send don Pablo de Galizia, who is presently the governor, and don Lucas Garcia, don Antonio de
la Pederosa and don Alonso Gomez, the leaders of the four divisions of this province so that in the
5
name of all we kiss your royal hands and ask a few things that are extremely important.”

In writing the opening salutation to honor the king, the Tlaxcalan nobles were careful to note their own
noble status. Each was identi ed as a “don”—a Spanish title for nobility. Moreover, they established the
basis for the nobility by stating that they were the leaders of the four divisions—the foremost leaders of
Tlaxcala. On one hand, in asserting their elite status, the petitioners established their right to represent the
corporate group of Tlaxcala; and, on the other hand, they clarify their relationship to the Crown and their
position within the emerging imperial hierarchy. By asserting their nobility and writing that they “kiss your
royal hands and ask a few things,” their rhetoric alluded to a contractual relationship between Crown and
subject. In medieval Iberian political philosophy, the king was bound by mutual need, respect, and loyalty to
 those who submitted to his authority. In this contract, the prince was obligated to maintain peace and
harmony in this kingdom, and his subjects were obligated to serve with faith and loyalty. The internal
governance of each corporate group, however, remained in the hands of the leaders of the community. By
evoking the contract between Crown and subjects, the Tlaxcalan nobles concurrently a rmed their
authority over their community and their interdependent relationship with the king.

After paying homage to the king’s authority, predecessors, and godliness, the petition reminded the
incoming king of the services that they had rendered to the Crown during the conquest of Mesoamerica:

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It serves you to remember the faithfulness and great loyalty with which our fathers and forefathers
served the royal crown and with which we have served and continue to serve, especially and
decidedly when don Hernando Cortés, Marques del Valle, came to this land with other Spaniards.

With this, Tlaxcalans began to lay a solid foundation for their claim that they had upheld their obligations to
the prince: they served and continued to serve loyally. Moreover, Tlaxcalans asserted that their ancestors
p. 45 “voluntarily gave obedience to your royal name and placed themselves under the dominion and rule of
the emperor, our lord of glorious memory.” They were leaders who recognized the king as the leader of
leaders and submitted voluntarily to his sovereignty—as the numerous Christian nobles and corporate
groups in the peninsula had done during the late Middle Ages.

Despite the similarity to petitions submitted by Castilians, the petition written by the Tlaxcalans was not
formulaic. It re ected the distinct legal relationship between the Crown and its native American subjects. In
the midst of the debates in the peninsula regarding the legitimacy of Castilian sovereignty (imperium) in the
Americas, and the rights of in dels to possess property rights (dominium) and jurisdiction, the petitions
from the Tlaxcalans implicitly took the position that native people were rational, were capable of self-
government, and lawfully possessed property rights and jurisdiction. More directly, the Tlaxcalan nobles
wrote that their ancestors “were the rst who came into the knowledge of our holy Catholic faith.” They
recognized that Spaniards equated political community with Christian community, and the expansion of
Castilian sovereignty with the expansion of Christendom. Beyond simply asserting their confessional status,
this declaration asserted their full membership in the Castilian political body and dispelled any doubts about
whether Tlaxcalans could lawfully possess dominium: Tlaxcalans were NOT in dels; they were Christian
converts.

The Tlaxcalans’ argument went to the heart of the peninsular debates: Could the Crown lawfully assert
Castilian sovereignty in the Americas? Whether the Crown possessed a legal right to assert sovereignty in
the Americas rested on jurists’ interpretation of papal powers and the nature of the Bulls of Donation—
namely the 1493 papal bull of Alexander VI, Inter Caetera, which infamously divided the world and granted
the Crowns of Spain and Portugal authorities over the newly “discovered” people. Castilians debated
whether the pope could transfer his authority to a secular prince, whether the pope possessed temporal
authority or solely spiritual authority, and whether the pope held authority over the whole world or only
over Christians. At the Junta de Burgos, in 1512, the leading jurists, theologians, and philosophers in Iberia
agreed that Castile could assert sovereignty in the Americas in order to convert the native population. Out of
this gathering of the leading thinkers in Castile came the Laws of Burgos—which established standardized
rules to regulate interactions between colonists and the native population—especially regarding the
procedures of evangelization. Within this political climate, Tlaxcalans asserted that they “voluntarily gave
obedience” to the Crown and were the rst to convert to Christianity. Their argument circumvented
questions regarding the nature of papal authority and the Bulls of Donation and asserted that Tlaxcalans
were subjects of the Crown because they consented to its authority.

In debating the Bulls of Donation, Castilians also asked whether native people could be forcibly brought into
p. 46 the folds of Christendom, the criteria for which Christians could wage a Just War against in dels, and
 whether the conquest was a Just War or an illegal war. At the Junta de Burgos, it was concluded that war
could be waged against native people if they did not concede to having Catholic fathers preach to them. The
Requirimiento—the infamous document that Spaniards were required to read (in Spanish to non–Spanish
speaking native people) before waging war against native populations—explained that all humanity was
one under God, and that God endowed his authorities in the pope, and the pope donated the Americas to the
king of Spain. Accordingly, the conquistadors were ordered to treat the native population with love and
charity, and as subjects and vassals of the king—insofar as the native people permitted the fathers to
evangelize. Tlaxcalans undermined the legal grounds for a Just War against them when they claimed to have

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converted freely to Christianity. They took this argument a step further in more radical documents, such as
the now lost history by Tlaxcalan noble Tadeo de Niza, in which they claimed that a cross appeared to them
6
before Cortés arrived. With the apparition, they recognized the true God and converted. According to these
histories, the Castilians did not bring them Christianity. God did.

In conceding to Castilian sovereignty and challenging the basis of a Just War, Tlaxcalans made the argument
that they were not a subjugated people. Rather, as they consistently argued, their relationship with the
Crown was contractual. To make certain that the basis of their legal relationship with the Crown was clear,
Tlaxcalans wrote, “in peace and love, our ancestors received [the Crown’s representatives] in the conquest
and paci cation.” While other native Americans might have been incorporated into the Crown and
Christendom through a Just War of conquest, Tlaxcalans allied with the Christians and voluntarily
recognized the Crown and God. Continuing the petition, they wrote:

… treating Cortés and his companions very well, they give them many presents: a great quantity of
gold, precious gems and other necessities of great value, including all the food that they should
need. In e ect, Tlaxcalans treated them and loved them as our own brothers….

In asserting their brotherly bond and love, the Tlaxcalans asserted their equality with the Crown
representative, Cortés, with whom they had allied as equals, and now petitioned the Crown as leader of
equals.

With their legal relationship to the Crown clearly articulated, the Tlaxcalans continued their petition with a
detailed recounting of the services rendered by their ancestors during the conquest and paci cation of
Mesoamerica:

Afterward, our ancestors … aided in the conquest of the provinces of Cholula, Tepeyaca,
p. 47 Quauhquiohulla, the city of México, Guatemala, Culhaucan and others, so much so that they
were at war with all the people. They provided all the necessary supplies until the land had been
conquered, paci ed and reduced to obedience and vassalage of your majesty. In the wars and
paci cation of this land … many lords and highly achieved and skilled persons of the province of
Tlaxcala died in your royal service. Additionally … when the Marques retreated from Mexico routed
and with the majority of his Spanish company dead … our ancestors received him in the province of
Tlaxcala with love. They voluntarily walked alongside him so that he never felt pain and o ered
him new assistance and help. The people and all the provisions were provided for the conquest at
the expense of the province of Tlaxcala until the city of Mexico and its subjects were subjugated …
7
the city and province of Tlaxcala spent and consumed the majority of our rents.

In sum, according to the petition, Tlaxcalans fought for the king and for the glory of God at extraordinary
personal and communal expense. By stressing the sacri ces of their ancestors in serving king and God, and
in subjugating other native people who did not voluntarily submit, they underscored their shared
commitment to the Crown’s mission to expand Christendom. In the decades immediately following the
conquest, the Tlaxcalans used this rhetoric to secure rights and privileges that provided them relative
 autonomy (the right to retain their dominion and to self-govern) and status within the emerging imperial
world.

Were the Tlaxcalans’ arguments a direct response to the debates? While it is impossible to know, the
Tlaxcalan nobles were at court in 1529, when the Crown gathered the leading scholars and thinkers of Iberia
in Barcelona to discuss Spanish sovereignty and native people in the Americas. Indeed, they spent a year at
court in this rst visit. Considering the political astuteness of the Tlaxcalans, it seems fair to conclude that
they knew about the debates and framed their argument accordingly. When the Tlaxcalans sent a second

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delegation in 1535, headed by the newly elected governor don Diego de Maxixcatzin, the governor returned
8
to New Spain on the same ship as incoming Viceroy Mendoza. Making use of the opportunity, don Diego
Maxixcatzin became acquainted with the incoming viceroy. In re ecting on this rst meeting, Viceroy
9
Mendoza wrote that the Tlaxcalans were “honorable people, good Christians and friends of the Spanish.”
Finally, it is interesting to note that the famous jurist, theologian, and philosopher Francisco de Vitoria (c.
1492 –August 12, 1546) concluded in his famous relection, De Indis (On the American Indians) from 1537–
1538, that Just War could be waged for the sake of allies and friends. Vitoria explained, “This is what is said
to have happened when the Tlaxcaltecs were ghting the Mexicans; they made a treaty with the Spaniards
that they should help them to defeat the Mexicans, and promised them to return whatever they might win
10
p. 48 by the laws of war.” Clearly, the Tlaxcalans nurtured a powerful network and paid attention to the
political discourse in the empire.

In the 1562 petition, the Tlacxalans ultimately asked the king to uphold his end of the contract and to a rm
the privileges granted by his father, Charles V, as well as to continue to favor and honor the City of Tlaxcala
in all that they requested. To secure the continuity of this political and legal relationship, the Tlaxcalan
nobles requested that their privilege and preeminence be granted to the sons, grandsons, and descendents
of the lords of Tlaxcala. Among other rights and privileges, Tlaxcalans also requested that Spaniards not be
granted lands within the territories of the City and Province of Tlaxcala and that free-ranging livestock not
be permitted to graze in Tlaxcala (a law that came back to haunt the nobles when they began to pasture
11
livestock). In remuneration for serving the Crown, they wanted their lands protected.

This rhetoric of loyal service was not limited to petitions; it was a sophisticated campaign to promote an
image of Tlaxcalans as loyal servants of the Crown. In 1545 the Tlaxcalans undertook the construction of
casas reales to house the viceroy and other dignitaries when they stayed in Tlaxcala during their ritualized
reenactment of the route taken by Cortes from Veracruz to Mexico City. Upon nishing the buildings, the
Tlaxcalans illustrated scenes of the conquest and baptism of the nobles on the walls of the main sitting
12
room to remind the royal o cials of their loyal service to the Crown. To reinforce this message, the
Tlaxcalans often also staged dramatizations of the conquest for their honored guests. Similarly, in 1548, a
Tlaxcalan patriot and member of the cabildo, Tadeo de Niza, wrote a Tlaxcalan version of the conquest in
13
Roman script, which probably accompanied a series of petitions that they sent to the Crown mid-century;
in 1550, Tlaxcalans commissioned a pictorial history, the Lienzo de Tlaxcala, to illustrate Tlaxcalan
acceptance of Castilian sovereignty and Catholicism, and their service during the conquest in 76 picture
plates. They sent one copy to the king and one to the viceroy, and one stayed in the community archive. In
essence, Tlaxcalans never missed an opportunity to articulate their loyalty and service to royal o cials and
to assert their deserved honored place within colonial society—and the obligation of royal authorities to
preserve their authority over the land and labor of their community.
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The Tlaxcalans depicted their alliance with Cortés in the Lienzo de Tlaxcala (Paintings of Tlaxcala). Painted in the mid–sixteenth
century, the images tell the story of the conquest from a native perspective. This illustration shows the embrace and cross that
cemented their relationship with the Spanish. Source: Próspero Cahuantzi, ed., Lienzo de Tlaxcala (1560, facsimile, n.p., ca.
1890).

Courtesy of The Bancro Library, University of California, Berkeley

Indeed, this rhetoric garnered Tlaxcalans numerous rights and privileges. In addition to the right to never
be assigned status as an encomienda and to remain free subjects of the Crown, the community was also
granted an exemption from royal tribute and were never required to pay the royal collectors more than eight
fanegas—a truly nominal sum. Individual native nobles also secured the trappings of nobility typical to
Spanish hidalgos (minor nobles)—including noble titles, coats of arms, the right to bear arms, the right to
dress as Spaniards, and the right to ride a horse. Each right and privilege bolstered their status, which was
leveraged to their advantage in legal claims and counterclaims.

p. 49 Despite their early success in the courts, they needed to continue to innovate to succeed in the changing
political reality. Within a decade of the conquest, the Crown began to rein in the encomenderos and ruling
military elite, and to assert the supremacy of a royal authority through an imperial bureaucracy. When the
Tlaxcalans observed this shift, they sent a second delegation to Iberia in 1534. Building on the royal promise
that they would never be designated as an encomienda, they petitioned for a mandate that they never be
removed from the Crown and the title “the Loyal and Noble City of Tlaxcala.” As in the previous petition,
their request was prefaced with a discussion of the invaluable services rendered during the conquest and
their continued loyalty to the Crown. However, responding to the changing political environment, the
Tlaxcalan nobles also presented themselves as administrators of a city, rather than as conquistadors and
lords. They had formed a cabildo and sent their new Gobernador de Indios, don Diego Maxixcatzin
14
Tliquiyahuatzin, who, not by coincidence, was the highest ranked noble in Tlaxcala. Aligning themselves
p. 50 with the emerging royal bureaucracy, they distanced themselves from their former ally, Hernando Cortés,
who had become embattled in lawsuits with the audiencia and Crown to preserve his encomiendas and
authority. Instead, they associated themselves with the royal bureaucracy by traveling with the audiencia
15
judge Juan de Salmerón. It was in response to this shift in strategy that they received the invaluable
16
privilege on March 13, 1535, that placed the community and its territory perpetually under royal authority.
 This placed their lands in a legal category that provided them with extraordinary legal leverage to protect
their land claims in perpetuity.

In response to the same petition, Tlaxcalans secured a coat of arms and the title “The Loyal City of Tlaxcala”
17
in April 1535. Later, they successfully upgraded their title to “the very noble and very loyal city of
Tlaxcala.” Although symbolic, the title a rmed the status of their province as a city—the highest municipal
status available in Castile. This a orded them the legal grounds to establish the boundaries for their
municipality (villages or pueblos could not establish boundaries). Indeed, their successful campaign secured

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them numerous rights and privileges and established their reputation as loyal servants of the Crown. While
this perception of Tlaxcalans persists today with less fortunate implications, in the sixteenth century it
provided them with important legal means to protect their natural resources.

Why were the Tlaxcalans successful? Other native communities could and did frame their requests to the
Crown with the rhetoric of loyal service. In fact, some stated that they wanted rights and privileges similar
to those of the Tlaxcalans, and a few asserted that they had provided greater service to the Crown than the
18
Tlaxcalans and therefore deserved greater rewards than the privileged Indian community. Nonetheless, a
couple of factors separated these petitioners from the Tlaxcalans. The Tlaxcalans pursued royal favors
immediately following the conquest, while most native petitioners sought royal favors several decades after
the conquest. When their requests were being brought to the king, the sense of abundance had dissipated:
booty had been allocated, and the real cost of maintaining an empire had begun to weigh heavily on the
Crown. Why did the Tlaxcalans understand the imperial system so quickly? Although it is di cult to provide
the gurative smoking gun of historical evidence, the Tlaxcalans’ swift and e ective response to Spanish
imperialism appears to have rested on their ability to retain their sovereignty in the face of Aztec imperial
aggression. In addition to developing sophisticated diplomatic skills, they were skilled warriors who
doggedly pursued autonomy. Many native communities and individuals ultimately acquired similar
symbolic rights and privileges, but few secured the level acquired by the Tlaxcalans and fewer secured the
limited royal tribute obligation enjoyed by the Tlaxcalans.

Furthermore, the Tlaxcalan nobility’s inclination to defend their authority and territories coincided with the
Iberian political tradition of governing through the local elite. Throughout the late medieval period, the
p. 51 Castilian Crown had ruled through contractual relationships and had expanded and consolidated royal
authority by negotiating with aristocrats, urban patricians, Church o cials, and other corporate
authorities. Remaining rooted in this late-medieval world, early sixteenth-century imperial governance
relied on the cooperation of local elites to rule its kingdoms. Accordingly, its primary means for asserting
royal authority and control was to ally itself strategically with local and corporate constituents in their
quotidian struggles. In rewarding individuals and communities for loyal service, the system strengthened
contractual obligations while providing relative autonomy.

The early requests of the Tlaxcalans arrived when the Crown was still building the empire with loyalty and
contractual obligations. The petitions of other native people often coincided with the Crown’s e orts to rein
in the encomenderos and ruling elite in order to assert the supremacy of the royal bureaucracy. Although this
language of loyal service never entirely disappears, in the changing political culture of the empire it became
increasingly obsolete. Despite the e orts of many to secure rights, few petitions based on services rendered
during the conquest received rewards after the midcentury.
 Buen Gobierno

The rhetoric of loyal service gave way to rhetoric of good government (buen gobierno) in the mid–sixteenth
century. In their petitions, the Tlaxcalans asserted that the Crown was obligated to maintain peace and
tranquility within its realm, and to remedy the injustices and wrongdoings that created social discord. This
rhetoric echoed the description of kingship in the second book of the Siete Partidas—the thirteenth-century
19
legal compilation of Alfonso X. In describing the duties of the king, Alfonso the Learned drew from the

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theories of secular authority in Roman, the Visigothic, and the Church traditions. In the Siete Partidas, the
discussion of kingship is followed by a discussion of the relationship between king and subject, and their
mutual obligation. The laws and policies of the Crown needed to accord with the existing legal traditions,
canon law and natural law. Whereas these ideals informed the contractual relations between the Crown and
its subjects in the Middle Ages, in the fteenth century they began to form the ideological foundation of the
emerging royal bureaucracy in Iberia.

Although not all Castilians agreed that the conquest was just or Castilian sovereignty in the Americas was
legal, Castilian imperium was a foregone conclusion by mid-century. With the establishment of bureaucratic
institutions in the Americas, the peninsular debates shifted to whether native people were rational and how
to govern native subjects. Castilians asked: did native people have the capacity to understand civil society
(civitus) and the rationality to self-govern? While some theologians such as Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda argued
that native people t the Aristotelian category of natural slaves and therefore needed to be ruled, most
20
p. 52 agreed that native people needed Spanish tutelage to reach their full potential. They needed to be
civilized, and Castilians were obligated to guide native people to live according to canon law and natural law.
Attuned to the changes, the Tlaxcalans demonstrated their rationality and adjusted their legal strategies.
They had elected municipal o cials and a native governor and began to present themselves as a native
municipality—rather than a confederacy of noble houses—by the 1530s. By midcentury, they framed their
interests in the rhetoric of good government and explained how current circumstances fell short of the
Castilians ideals of buen gobierno.

The Tlaxcalans’ skillful use of Spanish political theory is evident in a petition from 1561. They wrote (see
appendix, Document II, for a full Spanish version of the petition):

Peaceful prince you teach us many things … such as that kings compel and force, remove and add
laws and statues for the good government of his kingdoms, the peace and tranquility of them.

As before, Tlaxcalans recognized the distinct nature of their relationship to the Crown. Going beyond merely
reminding the Crown of its obligation to maintain peace and tranquility in its kingdoms, the Tlaxcalan
nobles wrote that the Crown had taught them many things, notably the precepts of good governance. In so
doing, the Tlaxcalans remind the Crown of its heightened responsibility to “civilize” its native subjects and
to provide an exemplary model of good governance—the fundamental justi cation for its presence in the
Americas. They continued:

Not only this, but more, you teach your subordinates and your vassals that, when these laws are
not kept by your governors and justices, your subjects can humbly approach the royal audiencias
and chancillerias and ask for favor and intervention. When this is not enough, then [we can go] to
the feet of the same person in which divine, civil and natural law lies. You are obligated as señor,
king and father to hear your [vassals], protect them and sustain them in justice….

With this, the Tlaxcalan nobles demonstrated that they understood the procedures for seeking justice within
the imperial bureaucracy, and asserted that these were established for their well-being. Again, as always,
they demonstrated their rationality and undermined arguments to the contrary. They continued—strongly
 insinuating that the royal o cials in New Spain did not always uphold the ideal of Castilian notions of good
governance.

We, the people and province of Tlaxcala, … [know the] cost when these laws, given by your majesty
p. 53 for peace and governance, … are not upheld. Particularly … [the mandates issued] from the
Christian heart, perpetual and glorious memory of Carlos I, your father who gave and mandated
that his laws would be preserved perpetually for the great service that we gave for your royal
Crown.

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Finally, they lauded the king for correcting such wrongs—as a good Christian king and head of the royal
bureaucracy was obligated to do. With the requisite humility, they informed the Crown that it must honor
their requests for laws to protect them from Spanish incursions in order to justify its continued rule in the
Americas. In it, they asked the Crown for several new laws, including a law that prohibited the awarding of
Spanish ranches within the region.

We appear with this petition and humbly present ourselves and prostrate ourselves at the royal feet
of your majesty asking that you … not award ranches to Spaniards within the limits of our lands
21
and province….

The Tlaxcalan elite’s sophisticated use of Castilian political philosophy obligated the Crown to prohibit
Iberian settlers from their region.

Responding to similar petitions, the Crown promulgated numerous mandates on their behalf. For example,
using the rhetoric of buen gobierno, the Tlaxcalans had solicited the Crown in 1550 for a mandate to prohibit
royal o cials from granting land near native villages in New Spain. In this mandate, the Crown ordered its
royal o cials to assign land to both large- and small-livestock ranches in uninhabited areas away from
native villages, where the livestock could graze without harming native crops. Furthermore, it required that
herdsmen accompany all herds and keep the livestock from entering native elds. Finally, when damages
occurred, the guilty party was to be punished severely and was to pay for the damages caused by his
livestock. For accountability purposes, the Crown required royal o cials to report on how such situations
were resolved. The Crown admonished its o cials to consider this an important matter and to remedy it
22
immediately. Shortly thereafter, this royal mandate was promulgated for all of the American kingdoms
and ultimately was included in the 1680 compilation of current laws governing the Americas—the
23
Recopilación de Leyes. Tlaxcalan legal rhetoric re ected a chorus of native voices demanding that their land
and resources be protected.

It should be noted that despite most historians’ assertions that theologians, such as Francisco de Vitoria and
Bartolomé de las Casas, or royal o cials, such as Vasco de Quiroga or Bishop Sebastian Ramírez de Fuenleal,
24
humanized Crown policy, native people in uenced royal policies in concrete and legally signi cant ways
through their skillful use of legal rhetoric.
p. 54
Indios Miserables

As the policies and enforcement of the imperial bureaucracy developed, its primary purpose was to mediate
between communities. Responding to the petitions and lawsuits that asked royal o cials to intervene on
behalf of native people, the Crown increasingly promulgated imperial laws that addressed widespread
grievances. In identifying the population to whom these laws applied, the Crown consistently and
conveniently used the legal category “indios.” Accordingly, the rhetorical strategy of the Tlaxcalans shifted

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from obligating the Crown to protect the natives (naturales) of Tlaxcala—a legal category that signaled
one’s membership to a particular community based on birth—to requesting that it promulgate and enforce
imperial laws that protected the indios in Tlaxcala. With these later petitions, they adopted a new political
rhetoric, namely, the language of miserables, which would dominate their petitions during the last quarter
of the sixteenth century.

By the end of the sixteenth century, the Crown’s policies of protection had made the category of “indios”
interchangeable with the legal categories of minors and miserables. Similar to miserables, persons who
identi ed as indios could demand protection, favor, and defense with the royal courts based on their
inherent status. As the Crown wrote in 1580:

It is our wish to charge the Viceroys, Presidents and audiencias with the responsibility of looking
after the Indians. We order that they protect, favor and care [for the Indians], for we desire, that
the harms and su erings be remedied, and that they live without harassment or vexation … that
they be favored, protected and defended against whatever harm … and that you punish
25
transgressors … with rigor….

Accordingly, the viceroy of New Spain, don Luis de Velasco the son, one of the principal proponents of
reforming the royal bureaucracy, wrote to Phillip II in 1592, stating that, “the protection and conservation
26
of the miserable natives is one of the most important businesses of this kingdom.” He continued by
arguing that in addition to favoring Indians when they were defendants—a long-standing Crown policy—
native people should also be favored when they were plainti s. He wrote, “… when they bring a case against
a Spaniard, their lands and miserable possessions have already been harmed; it is in these cases, that they
27
most need to be favored.” As the imperial bureaucracy matured, one of the primary commissions
entrusted to royal o cials was the protection and conservation of the native population.

Indeed, Spanish paternalism toward native people persisted. For example, in 1632, when Viceroy don
p. 55 Rodrigo Pacheco sent Licenciado don Alonso de Uria y Tovar to inspect the obrajes (sweatshops) in Los
Angeles, Tlaxcala, Cholula, and Huejotzingo, he directed the licenciado to “be particularly careful and
28
vigilant in executing [his] commission, and in protecting and conserving these miserable people.”
Likewise, when Pacheco instructed Doctor Diego Barrientos de Rivera to inspect the land titles of the
Spaniards living in Tlaxcala, he reminded him that, “the natives of this kingdom—miserable people and of
little talent—are defrauded and tricked by Spaniards and other people in the buying of their land and
29
possessions.” As Woodrow Borah argues, in his classic book on the Juzgado General de Indios, having
30
categorized native people as miserables, the Spanish Crown insured them justice.

Concurrently, the legal and political arguments of the Tlaxcalans shifted from emphasizing their services
and loyalty to focusing on the su ering of the common Indians. Recognizing the usefulness of the
protections o ered by the identity of miserable, Tlaxcalan nobles increasingly asserted that native
commoners needed to be favored and protected by Spaniards. They wrote, for instance:

[Spaniards] have been introducing … small and large livestock that cause many notable damages
and problems in the commoners elds of cochineal and corn of the natives, they continue doing
 such because [the natives] are not favored by the justices, because the sympathy they have is for
the Spaniards … such that the many native people ee and leave their houses and lands
31
unprotected because of the cattle …

Continuing in the petition, they described the various abuses and problems perpetrated by the Spaniards.

Similarly, in the 1562 petition discussed earlier, their rhetoric clearly shifts from asserting loyal service to
asserting the status of miserables. In addition to asserting that they should not be obligated to pay any royal

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tribute, they pleaded with the Crown to grant them jurisdiction over several neighboring Indian villages that
Cortés had promised them in remuneration for their aide during the conquest. To emphasize the justness of
this request and establish the injustice they had endured, they explained how they recently had provided
men and supplies, twice, at the request of President Nuño Guzman as well as Viceroy don Antonio de
Mendoza, in order to conquer and pacify the kingdom of Nueva Galicia. But, despite their continued loyalty
and service, they had never been remunerated for the extraordinary deeds and services of their ancestors,
despite the great cost in Tlaxcalan lives and to their treasury. Instead of receiving authority over Tepeyaca,
Tecamachalco, Cuauhquehulla, Yctzohcan, and other native communities, as they had been promised, they
had su ered poor treatment and vexatious demands for tribute and personal services. Even though the
Crown had not properly reciprocated, they asserted to the king that the Tlaxcalans had always served the
p. 56 Crown with the “zeal and loyalty that we always have in serving your majesty.” While claims of loyal
service persisted, they were framed in rhetoric of transgressions and wrongdoings. This petition illustrates
well the shift toward claims to the status of miserables.

Similar to the rhetoric of loyalty and service to the Crown, this new rhetoric of miserables was creatively
deployed and provided a language that obligated royal o cials to intervene on behalf of native people.
Undoubtedly, many of their claims to misery were justi ed. Indeed, by the end of the century, disease had
decimated much of the native population and had caused economic and political catastrophe. It was this
element of truth that made their arguments e ective. Nonetheless, misery did not entirely characterize
their lived experience. The Tlaxcalan elite continued to pursue and receive privileges for themselves, while
using the rhetoric of indios miserables. In addition to receiving coats of arms and other rights of nobility,
they secured a tribute exemption for the Tlaxcalan families who settled the northern frontier of New Spain
and a promise that all the privileges awarded to one Tlaxcalan settlement would be applied to all
settlements. The Tlaxcalans used the legal rhetoric that best served their needs and the legal-political
situation: sometimes, they used the rhetoric of loyalty and service, asserting their existing privileges and
rights; at other times, they claimed misery, and they obligated the Crown to protect the indios miserables.
Importantly, the elite very seldom used the rhetoric of indios miserables to reference themselves.

Tlaxcalans were attuned to the world around them and were astute participants in it. Often scholars have
read legal documents as re ecting native reality. Legal documents, however, reveal the legal strategies of
native people more than they articulate native reality. Native people understood the political milieu in which
they were operating, and they articulated their concerns in language that would bring success for their legal
and political pursuits. It reveals their agency in that it shows how they acted in and on the emerging
imperial system.

In distinguishing between rhetoric and reality, and in revealing native people’s conscious and strategic use
of Castilian rhetoric, this chapter attempts to draw a ne but crucial line between asserting that their
arguments were dictated by the power relations of the empire, and that their legal arguments re ected an
authentic native voice. Implicitly, the Tlaxcalan elite’s decision to adopt Castilian traditions and practices
acknowledged and legitimated the developing power relations in the empire. They inherently acknowledged
the authority of the Crown when they pursued justice in the imperial courts, and, to be e ective in their
legal arguments, they necessarily told a story that spoke to the Crown and its royal o cials and moved the
authorities to act on behalf of the Indian community. Conceding the in uence of such instances of royal
 power, it is argued here that they constructed their arguments creatively and consciously as agents and
historical actors. Their lived experience and Castilian law in uenced but did not determine their story or
legal strategy.

p. 57 In addition, in asserting that their legal arguments were creative stories that were in uenced by the
rhetorical norms and political culture of Castile, this chapter concedes that legal arguments contain
elements of truth and recognizable descriptions of reality but concurrently asserts that they are artifacts of
human creativity, rst and foremost. It is a ne line between truth and creativity that a successful legal

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argument must maintain. Thus, rather than being evidence of native people’s reality, legal documents
reveal native people’s ingenuity and agency. Native people were not solely responding to a changing
imperial culture, but, as petitioners and litigants, they were part of the legal dialogue that contributed to the
shifts in the legal culture of the empire and informed their claims and counterclaims to land.
 Appendix: Petitions from Tlaxcalans

I. 1562 Petition from Tlaxcalans to Philip II

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quatro cabeceras desta provincia para q en nombre de todos besen a vm sus rreales manos y supliquen
algunas cosas q mucho ymportan al descargo de su rreal conciencia y bien nro comos se entendera por esta y
la ynstrucion q les hemos dado suplicamos humillmentea vm sea senido mandar los oys y hazernos merced
de que un brevedad sean despachados concediendonos lo, q ellos en nro nombre suplicaron, q en sustancia
sera lo mismo, q en esta se dira lo primero suplicamos a vm sea servido tener memoria de la delidad y
lealtad grande con q nros padres y antepasados sirvieron a la corona rreal y la con q nosotros hemos servido
y servimos special y señaladamente, q quando a estas partes vino don hernando cortes marques del valle con
la gente española, q en su compania truxo para la conquista y paci cacion dellas le salieron a rrescebir de
paz y le rrescibieron con todo amor y paz y voluntad dandole la obediencia en vro rreal nombre y poniendose
debaxo del dominio y señorio del emperador nro señor de gloriosa memoria y fueron los q primero vinieron
en conoscimiento de nra sancta fe catholica ofresciendo toda la ayuda y socorro para la dicha conquista y
hizieron a el y a sus companeros muy bien tratamiento dandoles muchos presentes en mucha cantidad de
oro y piedras preciosos y otras cosas necesarias de mucho valor y toda la comida q ovieron menester y en
efeto los trataron y amaron como a propios hermanos y despues que se rreformaron en la dicha probincia el
dicho marques y sus companeros de las trabajos q avian pashados por el mar y por el camino les socorrieron
p. 58 parar la conquista de las provincias de Cholullan, tepeyacaq cuauhqueohullan y la ciudad de Mexico, y
cuauhtemalla y culhuacan y otras q estavan de guerra con toda la gente y bastimentos necessarios hasta q
con la dicha ayuda y socorro las conquisto y paci co y reduxo a la obediençia y vasallaxe de vm y en las dhas
guerras y paci caciones y otras q despues se ofreçieron morieron en su real servicio muchos principales de
la dicha provincia de Tlascalla personas muy senaladas y cali cadas demas y aliende de otra gente in nita
yspecialmente quando el dho marques se rretiro de mexico desbaratado y muerta la mayor parte de la gente
española q tenia en su compania q se la mataron los mexicanos le rrescibieron en la dha probincia de
tlaxcallan con el amor y voluntad q siempre caminandole para q no tuviese pena y ofreciendole nuevo
socorro y ayuda de gente y todo lo demas necesario a costa propia de la dha probincia de Tlaxcallan hasta q
ganase la dha ciudad de Mexico y sus subjetos como en efeto le socorrieron y fue mucha gente con el y la
ganaron en lo qual todo y en otras cosas muy senaladas q en el servicyo de v.m. hizo la dha ciudad y
probincia de tlascala se gastaron y consumjeron la mayor parte de las rrentas y haziendas de nros
antepasados y aunque el dho marques rreconociendo los servicyos notables y a vm hexzimos en esto y otras
cosas y las perdidas de la hazienda q a esta causa se nos rrecreciero ofrescio y dio palabra en vro rreal
nombre de dar a la dha provincia de tlascallan en paga de los dhos trabajos y costas los pueblos de tepeyacac
y tecamachalco, y cuauhquehullan y yctzohcan y otros demas q seriamos libres y no obligados a tributar
cosa alguna a v.m. hasta agora no se nos andando mi hecho mrd paga ni otra rremuneracion alguna antes
rrescibio la dicha probincia despues la dicha conquista muchos malos tratamientos y bexaciones asi en
tributos como en servicios personales y aunque asimesmo despues al tiempo q el presidente Niño de
Guzman fue a la conquista del nuevo Reino de Galizia y quando sea []lo de nuevo algunos años despues de
conquistada al tiempo que el visorrey don Antonio de Mendoça fue a paci car la con el zelo y lealtad q
siempre hemos tenido al servicyo de vm fuymos ambas vezes con mucha gente y a nra propia consta y
servimos en la guerra hasta q se paci co y allano el dho nuevo rreyno de galizia no se nos hecho merced
alguna antes los o çiales de la hazienda de v.m. nos haze pagar de tributo en cada un ano lo dho mill fanegas
de mahiz sin embargo de lo q asi el dho marques nos ofrescio en la palabra que dio
 II. 1561 Petition from Tlaxcalans to Philip II
Ansí como la variedad de los tiempos serenísimo príncipe enseña muchas cosas ansí esa misma trae y
acarrea muchas, tantas y tales que a los rreyes compelen y fuerzan a hacer y quitar y añadir leyes y estatutos
para el buen govierno de sus rreynos, paz y tranquilidad dellos y no solo esto, más a un a los súbditos y
p. 59 vasallos compele y enseña a que, quando las tales no son guardadas por sus governadores y justicias,
acudan humildemente por saludable favor y remedio a los estrados rreales de las audiencias y chançillerias
rreales y quando esto no bastare a los pies de esa misma persona rreal el qual en ley divina, çevil y natural

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esta obligado como señor rey y padre a oyrlos ampararlos y sustentarlos en justiçia por lo qual nos el pueblo
y provincia de tascallan por lo qual el pueblo visto y considerado y muy a nuestra costa quan poco algunas
leyes dadas por vuestra magestad para la paz y govierno destos rreynos son guardadas y particularmente
para esta nuestra rrepublica y provincia mandadas del christianisimo pecho de perpetua y gloriosa memoria
don carlos vuestro padre por las quales dio y mando que perpetuamente fueren guardadas atento los
grandes servicios por nos hechos a la corona rreal pareçemos y con esta petiçion humilmente presentamos y
postrándonos a los reales pies de vuestra magestad suplicamos mande nuestros privilegios sean guardados
los quales son que ninguna estancia se pueda dar a españoles en todo el termino de nuestras tierras y
provincia mandado se quiten las que contra nuestros privilegios agora a dado vuestro governador pues
presupuesto que algun día hemos dejar más que fueron nuestros antepasados hemos menester nuestras
tierras y mucho mas.

Otros si suplicamos pues la real corona nos hizo libres y francos de pecho y tributo ateno la mucha sangre
que en conquistar y entregar la tierra gastamos mande vuestrra magestad no paguemos ocho mill hanegas
de mayz que vuestros o ciales nos hazen pagar como pecheros, y porque en todo esperamos y con amos en
todo seremos faborescidos somos leales vasallos que siempre hemos sido, cesamos de proceder y ser más
largos y molestos con nuestro tosco y grosero modo de hablar a lo qual nos compele el no a ver ya en esta
tierra escrivano que quiera dar nos por testimonio los agravios que nos son hechos por temor de no
desagradar a vuestras justicias lo qual visto rrogamos al padre fray Alonso de Maldonado que la presente
lleva y hable por nos, visto el amor que nos tiene y el fabor que de sus prelados lleva el qual lleva nuestras
rmas y poder y la en que siempre hemos servido a vuestra magestad he dha en esta vuestra muy leal ciudad
de Tlaxcala y veinte y tres días del mes de julio año del santo nacimiento de nro salvador jesu cristo de mill y
quinientos y sesenta y un año

CRM

muy leales vasallos q como da sujeccion besan sus rreales pies y manos

Pablo de Galizia, D. Blas Osorio, Felipe Mejía, Don Juan Xicoténcatl, Don Juan Maxiscotzin, Don Francisco de
Medoça, Don Antonio de Luna, Lucas Garcia, Thadeo de nava, Calixto Portugual, Pedro Diaz, Francisco
Vazques, Pedro de San Lazaro.

Detras: Resolucion- q sigan su justicia sonde vieren q les conviene

p. 60
Notes
1. Documentos inéditos del siglo XVI para la historia de México, ed. by Cuevas, Mariano and Genaro García (Mexico City:
Talleres del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Etnología, 1914), 183–218; and AGI, México, 94, N. 2.

2. AGI, México, 94, N. 2.

3. “… presidentes et oydores de la nra audiencia y chancelleria Real de la nueva españa yo soy ynformada q los yndios de la
provincia de tlaxcala son los q mejor nos han servido en la conquista e pacificacion de esa tierra comidimente en la
 tomada de la ciudad de México y despues quando se bino a recobrar la dicha ciudad yendo solo de mas e / / en esa tierra y
nos fue suplicado y pedido por md q en Remuneracion de sus servicios los mandasemos libertad d estuviesen
encomendados a nos ni a otras personas algunas pues por su causa se gano la tierra de q dios nro senior a sido y es tan
servydo complidamente que diz que no sierven salvo con ciertos cahizes de mayz y era cosa tan justa que fuesen
gratificados como la nra md fuese por ende yo vos mando q/el negozes informmeys de sepays como lo suso dicha et cada
cosa e parte de ella a pasado y pasa e q por ninguna es la suso dicha y de los yndios de ella e de su calidad y en q nos han
servido y con q contribuyen y aquin y quien los tiene Encomendados e si sera bien libertallos para q no esten
encomendados a nadie et de todo de demas de q cerca de esto vieredeis que debemos saber para ser mejor informados
de la dicha ynformacion debida con vro parecer de lo q en ello se debe proveer la enbias Ante nos al no consejo de las

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yndias para que yo la mandever e por verlo q mas convenga a nos servyo fecha en toledo a diez dias del mes de agosto de
mil e quinto e beynte et nuebe Años yo la Reyna por mandado de su maj. Juan valezquez senlo lada del conde ed del
dottor Beltran e de licenciado de la Corte. La Reyna. AGI, México, 1088, 1, F. 38r–39r; Charles Gibson wrote that no privilege
came from this first visit to Spain. However, he did not travel to Spain for his research on Tlaxcala and, therefore, would
not have seen this document. Charles Gibson, Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1952), 164.

4. A cahiz is a dry measure equal to 12 fanegas, a fenagas is equal to about an English bushel, or about a hundredweight of
grain; unit of area originally equal to as much tilled ground as was necessary to sow a fanega of wheat, but usually
standardized as 12 celemines or 576 square estadales, equal to about 1.59 acres. David E. Vassberg, Glossary in Land and
Society in Golden Age of Castile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984).

5. See this chapterʼs appendix, Document I, for a full Spanish version of the petition.

6. While the original work no longer exists, Alva de Ixtlilxochitl included excerpts in his Sumaria. These excerpts indicate that
it was a cooperative e ort of the thirty cabildo members and Niza who wanted to record accurately their memories of the
Spanish conquest for the benefit of the king. Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxóchitl, Obras históricas: incluyen el texto completo de
las llamadas Relaciones e Historia de la nación chichimeca en una nueva versión establecida con el cotejo de los
manuscritos más antiguos que se conocen. ed. by E. OʼGorman. 3. ed. (Mexico City [México, D.F.]: Universidad Nacional
Autónoma de México, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas. 1975).

7. AGI, México, 94, N. 2.

8. Gibson, Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Centur y , 165.

9. “Fragmento de la visita hecha Á Antonio De Mendoza,” in Colección de documentos para la historia de México, ed. Joaquín
García Icazbalceta, 2 vols., (México, D.F.: Antigua Librería, 1866), 2:87.

p. 61 10. Fray Francisco de Vitoria, “De Indis,” in Political Writings, ed. by Anthony Pagden and Jeremy Lawrence (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1991), 289.

11. AGI, México, 94, N. 2.

12. Gibson, Tlaxcala in the Sixteenth Century, 125; Elisa Vargas Lugo, “El Bautizo de los Señores de Tlaxcala,” Archivo Español
de Arte [Spain] 63 (1990): 621–632.

13. See note 5.

14. James Lockhart has argued that the Tlaxcalans experienced the cabildo as a native institution in Spanish guise; see James
Lockhart, “Some Nahua Concepts in Postconquest Guise,” History of European Ideas [Great Britain] 6, no. 4 (1985). Indeed,
within Spanish tradition, the cabildo collected the taxes, allocated the lands of the community, regulated agriculture and
markets, and served as the first instance in legal conflicts, which were essentially the same responsibilities the elite
exercised during the pre-Hispanic period. While the adaptation of the cabildo did not transform dramatically local
governance, as I argue elsewhere, it did allow the four noble houses in the center of the region to centralize political
power. See R. Jovita Baber, “Empire, Indians and the Negotiation for Status in the City of Tlaxcala, 1521–1550,” in
Negotiation with Domination: Colonial New Spainʼs Indian Pueblos Confront the Spanish State, ed. by Ethelia Ruíz Medrano
and Susan Kellogg. (Denver: University Press of Colorado, 2010).

15. Juan Buenaventura Zapata y Mendoza, Historia cronológica de la noble ciudad de Tlaxcala (Tlaxcala, Mexico: Universidad
Autónoma de Tlaxcala); Mexico City (México, D.F.): Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios Superiores en Antropología Social,
 1995 [1689]), 141; and Carlos V, Documentos Y Reales Cédulas De La Ciudad De Tlaxcala, ed. Mercedes Meade de Angulo
(Tlaxcala, Mexico: Gobierno del Estado de Tlaxcala a través del Instituto Tlaxcalteca de la Cultura, 1984), unnumbered.

16. AGI, Patronato, 275, R. 20, AHET, 1533, caja 1, exp. 6, AHET, 1535, caja 1, exp. 7, AHET, 1530, caja 1, exp. 5, . 2v–9v.

17. AHET, 1539, caja 1, exp. 10 and Carlos V, Documentos Y Reales Cédulas De La Ciudad De Tlaxcala.

18. See for example, Ixtlilxóchitl, Fernando de Alva, “Relación De La Venida De Los Españoles Y Principio De La Ley
Evangélica,” in Historia General De Las Cosas De Nueva España, ed. by Bernardino de Sahagún, (Mexico City [México, D.F.]:
Porrúa, 1981).

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19. Alfonso X. Las siete partidas, ed. by S. P. Scott and R. I. Burns (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001).

20. Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, 1490–1573 Demócrates Segundo O De Las Justas Causas De La Guerra Contra Los Indios, ed. by
Angel Losada. (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1984).

21. AGI, México, 94, N. 2.

22. Published in Puga, Vasco de, Provisiones Cédulas Instrucciones De Su Magestad, Ordenanzas De Difuntos Y audiencia, Para
La Buena Expedición De Los Negocios Y Administración De Justicia Y Gobernación De Esta Nueva España, Y Para El Buen
Tratamiento Y Conservación De Los Indios, Desde El Año 1525 Hasta El Presente De 63. (Mexico City [México, D.F.]: Pedro de
Ocharte,1563), 173.

23. Spain. Recopilación de leyes de los reynos de las Indias, mandada imprimir y publicar por la Magestad Católica del Rey Don
Carlos II, nuestro Señor. 4 vols. (Madrid: Julián de Paredes, 1681), Ley 12, Titulo XII, Libro IV; full text of royal mandated
published in Disposiciones Complementarias De Las Leyes De Indias, ed. by Manuel José de Ayala (Madrid: Imprenta Saez
hermanos, 1930), 297–298.

p. 62 24. Regarding the influence of Las Casas, see for example, Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One. A Study of the Disputation between
Bartolomé De Las Casas and Juan Ginés De Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Intellectual and Religious Capacity of the American
Indians (DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974); and for an argument regarding the role of administrators, see,
for example, Simpson, Lesley Byrd, The Encomienda in New Spain: The Beginnings of Spanish Mexico. (Berkeley and Los
Angeles: University of California Press, 1982 [1950]).

25. “Haviendo de tratar en este libro la materia de Indios, su libertad, aumento, y alivio, como se contiene en los titulos de
que se ha formado. Es nuestra voluntad encargar á los Virreys, Presidentes, y Audiencias el cuidado de mirar por ellos, y
dar las ordenes convenientes, para que sean amparados, favorecidos, y sobrellevados, por lo que deseamos, que se
remedien los daños, que padecen, y vivan sin molestia, ni vejacion, quendando esto de una ves assentado, y teniendo
muy presentes las leyes de esta Recopilacion, que les favorecen, amparan, y defienden de qualesquier agravios, y que las
guarden, y hagan guardar muy puntualmente, castigando con particular, y rigurosa demostracion á los transgressores. Y
rogamos y encargamos á los Prelados Eclesiásticos, que por su parte lo procuren como verdaderos padres espirituales de
eta nueva Christiandad, y todos los conserven en sus privilegios, y prerrogativas, y tengan en su proteccion.” Recopilacíon
de Leyes de los Reynos de las Indias, Ley 1, Titulo I, Libro V.

26. “… este negocio por uno de los más importantes deste reino y del bien y conservación y amparo destos miserables
naturales….” Velasco [el hijo] (1590–1595), Virrey Luis de. 1592. Carta de D. Luis de Velasco el Segundo a Felipe II.—Mexico,
6 de Marzo de 1592, in Documentos Inéditos Del Siglo Xvi Para La Historia De México, ed. Mariano Cuevas and Genaro García
(Mexico City (México, D.F.): Talleres del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Historia y Etnología, 1914), 435.

27. “… cuando el indio llega a ser actor contra el español es que ya viene agraviado en sus tierras y miserable hacienda, y en
este caso es cuando el pobre ha menester más el favor …”, Ibid., 435.

28. “… tener particular cuidado y vigilancia en su ejecución y en el amparo y conservación de gente tan miserable….” AGN,
General de Parte, vol. 7, exp. 366, fols. 260v.

29. “los naturales deste reyno como gente miserable y de poco talento son defraudados y engañados de ordinario por
españoles y otras personas en comprarles sus tierras y posessiones….” AGN, General de Parte, vol. 7, exp. 67, fols. 49v.

30. Woodrow Borah, Justice by Insurance: The General Indian Court of Colonial Mexico and the Legal Aides of the Half-Real
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).
31. … sean ido introduciendo … ganados mayores y menores con que hacen notables daños y agravios con ellos en las
sementeras de granas y maíces de los naturales continuándolo de [fuerte] que por esta causa y por no ser favorecidos de
las justicias, por la simpática que tienen con los españoles como sus naturales se an ido y cuidado se van huyendo mucho
cantidad y numero de Indios dejando y desamparando sus tierras y casas…. AGI, México, 274.

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