Guns, Art, and Empathy

How Filipinos Opposed the Japanese Occupation (1942–1954)

Jeremiah L. Bonilla

Independent research through Undergraduate Research Opportunities Program Grant

Mentor: Dr. Kristi Govella

As Japan occupied the Philippines from 1942 to 1945, anti-Japanese sentiment among
Filipino civilians intensified, especially as the brutal Japanese soldiers policed and coerced
civilians into cooperating with their new ruler. The Japanese asserted their power through
public atrocities directed toward civilians and prisoners, as well as through the imple-
mentation of mass censorship to ease the dissemination of propaganda, promote Asiatic
identity and association, and prevent the spread of Western ideas. In this paper, I argue
that Filipino civilians found ways of expressing opposition to the Japanese during the
occupation period: by (1) joining and participating in the activities of the Hukbo ng
Bayan Laban sa Hapon (People’s Anti-Japanese Liberation Army) or Hukbalahap, (2)
conveying symbolic messages of opposition through various forms of artistic expression,
and (3) empathetically providing sustenance and support to American soldiers. I draw
on examples from primary and secondary sources in my analysis. These three forms of
opposition highlight the creativity and solidarity of the Filipino civilians, as well as the
bitterness they felt toward their occupier during this period of restriction, chaos, and
uncertainty.

Filipino and American soldiers during the so-called Bataan

Death March. The sight of exhausted and sick soldiers for the
Introduction Filipinos was an experience that triggered a collective emotion
the Japanese dismissed. The Japanese continued to assert pow-
The Japanese military, as it occupied the Philippines begin- er by trying to control Filipino society especially since there
ning in 1942, declared to the Filipino society the end of suffer- were pressing issues the Japanese had to worry about, like the
ing and a new period of prosperity. Such promises could not be guerilla fighters hiding in the hills and the apparent shortages
taken to heart as the Filipinos continued to witness and expe- with commodities.
rience the atrocities of the Japanese military. In the early peri- The Japanese military took several steps to overcome the
od of the Japanese occupation, Filipinos watched the captured apparent challenges in the Philippines by hunting down gue-

I wrote this research paper as part of my UROP-funded project. The research blossomed out of my
curiosity with Asia, especially the relationship between the United States and the Philippines during
the Pacific War. I hope to use the skills I have developed as I pursue my master’s degree in Asian
Studies at the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa.

Mānoa Horizons, Vol. 4, 2019, pp. 10–18

Copyright © 2019 by the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa
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 Bonilla Guns, Art, and Empathy 11

rilla leaders through village raids, restoring a sense of normal- by taking up arms, organizing the villages, and performing
cy, and launching cultural campaigns. The Japanese set out to underground tasks, of the Hukbalahap. Second, Filipinos ex-
the villages to conduct attacks which engendered fear, especial- pressed their criticisms, insults, and defiance through poems,
ly since the Japanese were abusive when interrogating the ordi- illustrations, like comics and paintings, and stage perfor-
nary people. Additionally, entertainment and publications were mances. Finally, Filipinos showed empathy with the American
restored to promote a sense of normalcy in the occupied areas. soldiers by displaying their emotional support, providing sus-
However, despite the restoration of these expressive outlets, tenance, and helping soldiers escape imprisonment.
they were done so were under Japanese censorship. Finally,
the primary purpose of the cultural campaigns was to distract
society from the apparent experiences of hardship and suffer-
Filipinos opposed the Japanese
ing during the Japanese occupation. It mandated the nation by participating in guerilla activities.
to participate in Filipino and Japanese customs and holidays.
These programs, loathed by the Filipinos, were implemented Pressed with an emerging problem, the weakening allied
through the help of mass censorship and close surveillance. ­forces and the advancing Japanese military in the Philippines,
Overall, the controlling mechanisms of the Japanese served as sparked peasant leaders, including the Communist Party, to
necessary tools in tackling the challenges the Japanese were form a coalition with other resistant groups (Agoncillo, 2001,
facing in the Philippines. p. 22). In fact, in 1941, the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas or
Despite the authoritarian character of the Japanese, Filipi- PKP (Communist Party of the Philippines) presented an offi-
no creativity flourished cementing national solidarity. Such sol- cial declaration of support to Quezon and the United States
idarity helped Filipinos find their voice during the occupation (Maceda, 1996, p. 112). The resistant groups, primarily anti-­
period. Collectively, their perspectives, which form the back- colonialism, such as the mentioned PKP, League for the De-
bone of this essay, create a narrative of Filipino perseverance. fense of Democracy or LDD, Kalipunang Pambansa ng mga
The dedication to opposing a new ruler reflects the people’s Magsasaka sa Pilipinas or KPMP (National Society of Peas-
relentless aspiration for the nation’s independence. As a new ants in the Philippines), Aguman ding Malding Talapagobra
occupier in the Philippines, the Japanese took the challenge of or AMT (General Workers’ Union), and Katipunan ng mga
decolonizing the land, through the erasure of Anglo-American Anak Pawis or KAP (Association of Toilers), had perceived the
influence, while also reorienting the people to conform to Asi- Japanese as another imperial power, greedy to take over the
atic ideas and customs, by uprooting a pre-western identity or Philippines (Kerkvliet, 1977, p. 97). Such perception inspired
regional association. the formation of a united front. Hence, their coalition would
How did Filipinos express opposition to the Japanese oc- birth the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon, a centralized and
cupation from 1942 to 1945? My purpose in this paper is to unified resistance against the Japanese. During the occupation
discuss how Filipinos expressed their opposition to the Japa- period, the Hukbalahap would serve as an option for Filipino
nese through the analysis of existing records from Filipinos civilians galvanized to resist or escape the atrocities of the Jap-
and Americans who lived through the Japanese occupation. As anese. The presence of the organization encouraged civilians
I provide specific examples, I argue that Filipinos expressed to participate in the activities of the Huks by taking up arms,
their opposition to the Japanese by joining and participating in organizing the villages, and performing secret operations.
the activities of the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban sa Hapon (People’s Following the formation of the Hukbalahap in March
Anti-Japanese Liberation Army), or Hukbalahap, conveying 1942, the townspeople, including those in the barrios, quickly
symbolic messages of opposition through various forms of ar- organized into squadrons, ready to fight the Japanese aggres-
tistic expression, and empathetically providing sustenance and sors (Taruc, 1953, p. 73–75). The squadrons, which consisted
support to American soldiers. These expressions of opposition of one hundred men each, became the basis of the Hukbala-
will allow us to understand the discourse of the Japanese occu- hap. These squadrons were further divided into platoons and
pation in the Philippines, especially as I provide my analysis of squads (Taruc, 1953, p. 67). Interestingly, the Hukbalahap ap-
the secondary and primary sources. The integration of these pealed to the Filipinos because the Huks leaders, experienced
unique sources, stories told not only by Filipinos but also by from previous peasant movements, were able to mobilize the
the Americans, offer a perspective on why the oppressed Fili- society. By September of 1942, the number of squadrons had
pinos had to persevere and unify during a time of restriction, dramatically increased from five to thirty-five . It became so dif-
chaos, and uncertainty. ficult to supervise the growing number of squadrons that the
In understanding the fuel of opposition, I first lay out the Military Committee of the Hukbalahap had to divide Central
historical background of the Japanese occupation in the Phil- Luzon into five Military Districts (Taruc, 1953, p. 80).
ippines. From there, I discuss how Filipinos opposed the Japa- The Huks’ first order of operation was to secure arms by
nese by dividing the body of the paper into three categories of ambushing bandit groups or collecting weapons abandoned by
opposition. First, Filipinos participated in guerilla operations the allied forces. By the end of 1942, the Huks had collected

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about two thousand arms (p.77). The armed guerilla fighters With the support and sympathy of the villagers, the Huk-
attacked the areas where Japanese collaborators, such as the balahap members were able to establish the Barrio United De-
puppet constabulary and local officials, who carried out the fense Corps (BUDC) or Sandatang Tanod ng Bayan (Maceda,
bidding of the Japanese, were located (p. 78). The collection of 1996, p. 135). The BUDC became a secret converted version
arms and supplies became a routine for every successful attack of the Japanese-established Neighborhood Association, which
or raid. Note that from these operations, both Filipinos and played a role in the rationing system and in keeping families
Japanese experienced significant casualties. Based on an oral under close watch with each other (Kerkvliet, 1977, p. 94–95).
account, the Huks killed more than twenty thousand Japanese, Hence, although the villagers with the BUDC appeared sub-
including spies and collaborators (Kerkvliet, 1977, p. 93). Final- missive to the Japanese, they were actually in support of the
ly, by September of 1944, the Huks could rely on fifty thousand Huks (Kerkvliet, 1977, p. 95; Lanzona, 2009, p. 49). Addition-
armed fighters, with a mass base of half a million people, to ally, the most critical role of the BUDC was to ensure that the
resist and build an offensive line against the Japanese (Taruc, Hukbalahap gained the full support of the villagers. A loyal vil-
1953, p. 177). lage was crucial to the Huks because they provided necessary
The call for mobilization from the Hukbalahap was tar- resources, like food and money, and helped circulate informa-
geted to all Filipinos, regardless of religion, social status, po- tion for the organization (Kerkvliet, 1977, p. 95; Taruc, 1953, p.
litical affiliation, or gender. Women, in particular, took up 49). Thus, villages known with BUDC were safe areas for gue-
important roles that were crucial to the Hukbalahap. Many rilla fighters as they could take refuge in them (Lanzona, 2009,
of the women were emboldened to join the resistance against p. 40). Overall, Filipinos opposed the Japanese occupation by
the Japanese since they were forced to choose between two op- secretly supporting the Hukbalahap.
tions: to resist or be abused by the Japanese (Lanzona, 2009, p. Other guerilla members or supporters had other tasks
36). Many women fled their villages and joined the resistance crucial to the Hukbalahap. Women, in particular, took roles as
against the Japanese as they experienced first-hand and heard nurse aids, either in the Hukbalahap camps or in their homes.
stories of the atrocities of the Japanese. For example, two wom- They also worked within the administrations as secretaries.
en recalled fleeing and choosing to live with the Huks in the Since the Huk camps offered mass schools for students who
hills after the Japanese raided their villages (p. 41). Thus, for were interested in the Hukbalahap, there were teaching jobs
many, especially women, the arrival of the Japanese equated available for those experienced in the field (Taruc, 1953, p. 119).
their lives being disrupted. Overall, although many joined the Youth members also had their share of educating the adults,
Hukbalahap to help with the resistance against the Japanese, for example, teaching the adults in the areas of hygiene (p. 122).
other civilians were forced to join the Huks because they feared Another essential task that Hukbalahap members were
the atrocious Japanese. assigned was delivering messages between neighboring vil-
Not every guerilla member engaged in a physical alter- lages and guerilla members (p. 121). Although both men and
cation with the Japanese. There was the Cultural Information women shared the role of courier, the task was generally as-
Division (CID) or Propaganda Core of the Hukbalahap which signed to women, especially since the Japanese least suspected
task was to organize the villages (Maceda, 1996, p. 133). Wom- women of participating in guerilla activities (Lanzona, 2009,
en, in particular, made up the majority of the Propaganda Core p. 60–61). To ensure that the letters they carried did not fall
(Lanzona, 2009, p. 50, 56). They were used as the face of the into the hands of the enemy, the women would hide them in
organization when entering the villages because they appealed their baskets or inside their blouses. Otherwise, they had to
to the mass. The CID entered the villages as performers and memorize the content or swallow the entire letter if the Japa-
would invite the villagers to watch their plays. Their perfor- nese soldiers began suspecting them (p. 61).
mances, called flying meetings, were short as they consisted Aside from the communications networks, another
of spoken word poetry, short drama, and a concluding speech critical piece within the organization was the intelligence de-
(Maceda, 1996, p. 135). The music played, like the emotional partment. Everyone, including children, had a role in the in-
song “Condiman ng Pagkaulila,” and skit performances be- formation or communication system (Taruc, 1953, p. 120–121;
came the instruments that won the sympathy and the heart of Kerkvliet, 1977, p. 94). The intelligence network was so effi-
the masses. Some guerilla performances that were “invariably” cient that specific details were relayed to the Huks (Taruc, 1953,
anti-Japanese were done in front of the Japanese who watched p. 121). To elaborate, women would seem like they were gossip-
the shows thinking that the Filipinos were having a festival ing when, in reality, they were collecting information about the
(Lanzona, 2009, p. 60). The performances that the Hukhala- Japanese. Finally, coordinated warning signals between the vil-
hap staged in the villages were more than just entertainment. lagers contributed to the communications system of the Huk-
They captured the hearts of the people and convinced them to balahap. For example, visual and audio signals, like white bed
support the Huks who were fighting the enemies of the Filipi- sheets and the hacking of bamboo, were used to warn villagers
no nation, which were the Japanese. and guerilla fighters of the presence of the Japanese (p. 122).

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 Bonilla Guns, Art, and Empathy 13

Another example of the importance of collaboration among the and obtain Japanese-issued permits and licenses (Jose, 1992,
Huks would be during the harvest time. The members would p. 13; Terami-Wada, 1990, p. 291). It was revealed, however,
coordinate with each other to prevent the Japanese from ac- that despite Japanese restrictions, Filipinos were able to uti-
cessing the harvests of the villagers (p. 125). Overall, the Huks lize the creative platforms, provided or supported by the new
outsmarted the Japanese by using elaborate yet discreet tactics. occupiers, to express their opposition to the Japanese. Hence,
These tactics, done in opposition to the Japanese, reinforced Filipinos expressed their opposition through creative writing
the relationship between Hukbalahap members, especially (poems), illustrations (comics and paintings), and verbal com-
those in the villages. munication (theater plays). These expressions were executed
The success of the Hukbalahap in mobilizing and uni- by the creative language and symbols which helped surpass
fying the Filipinos, apparent by the mass base of the organi- Japanese censorship, allowing Filipinos to defy and criticize
zation near the end of the occupation period, solidified the the Japanese during the occupation period.
bitterness Filipinos felt toward the Japanese. This sentiment In restoring a sense of normalcy in the Philippines,
was transformed into the collective actions of the Huks by tak- the Japanese encouraged artistic expressions to not only pro-
ing up arms, winning the support of the villagers, and partak- mote their objectives, like the ideas of Greater East Asia Co-­
ing in guerilla roles, either within the Huk camps or in the Prosperity Sphere, but also to distract the society from the
villages. These actions share a commonality in that they had “tension and suffering” experienced during the time (Pilar,
to be secretly executed, especially in the towns under Japanese 1992, p. 149). It is revealed, however, that a few artists were
surveillance. Otherwise, the Japanese would have quickly sup- able to depict the economic and social crisis unfolding in the
pressed the Hukbalahap rebels upon discovery. Hence, Huk Philippines during the occupation period. These expressions
members risked their lives by being a part of the organization, were forms of opposition to the Japanese because they deviated
which shows that Filipinos strongly felt a need to resist and from the guidelines that the Japanese promoted. By exposing
oppose the Japanese occupation. It is also important to note the harsh conditions brought by the war, which the Japanese
that the Hukbalahap was successful in organizing the mass were responsible for, Filipino artists and content creators were
because it took advantage of the fragile emotional state of the able to share, either directly or indirectly, their criticisms about
Filipinos during the occupation period. The feelings Filipinos the Japanese.
carried were amplified through the music and cultural perfor- Some poems depicted the harsh city life, which contra-
mances of the CID. Such performances gave room for solidar- dicted the theme majority of the Filipino writers during the oc-
ity to flourish, convincing the Filipino society to support and cupation period portrayed. A poem published on Liwayway in
join the fight against the Japanese occupiers. Overall, during 1944, titled “Katubusan, Nasaan Ka?” by Mabini Rey Centeno,
the Japanese occupation, many Filipinos feared the Japanese reflects the suffering that Filipinos were experiencing while
and felt ambivalent about their future. Despite these apparent chained under a new ruler (Agoncillo, 2001, p. 593). Another
feelings, the Hukbalahap provided a sense of safety, comrad- poem was published in 1943 titled, “Nangangailangan: Isang
ery, and responsibility for every ordinary Filipino, which pulled Mamimili” by Manuel P. Bautista which “alludes to the ‘buy-
the society to its cause. and-sell’ racket in referring to the miseries of war victims”
(Lumbera, 1990, p. 54). The poem shares the perspective of a
seller whose desperation, in search of a buyer, is felt through
Filipinos opposed the Japanese the lines, “sino ang bibili? Lapit ang tatawad.” or in translation,
by creatively expressing themselves. “who will buy? Come and bargain the price” (p. 54). Lastly, a
poem published in 1944 called “Tula sa Tagatulak ng Kariton”
At the beginning of the occupation period, between 1942 and by Pedro S. Dandan describes a pushcart-man who is symbolic
1945, the Japanese sought to bring a sense of normalcy to the “of a nation groaning under the burdens of war” (p. 54). These
Philippines by redirecting the people’s attention in the culti- three poems portray the harsh reality that Filipinos were expe-
vation of a pre-Western identity. Such a goal incited a process riencing during the Japanese occupation. Their messages were
of mass brainwashing: by carrying out cultural campaigns successfully conveyed through the use of figurative language,
and isolating the nation through media censorship. Hence, as it allowed the poets to express their criticisms of the Jap-
during the Japanese occupation in the Philippines, although anese whose promised duties were to alleviate the suffering
a few publications, like the Tribune and Liwayway, as well as of the people. With promises left unfulfilled, Filipino writers
entertainment, like movies and theater performances, were were discontent and had ironically been let loose.
restored, they were done so under Japanese surveillance. The The Tribune, coined the “mouthpiece” of the Japanese re-
Japanese deployed various mechanisms to regulate the spread gime, also became a medium where Filipino artists criticized
of information and ideas in the Philippines. One particular and opposed the Japanese occupation (Agoncillo, 2001, p. 562).
example was the requirement to register with the authorities Despite the apparent Japanese censorship, Filipino comic cre-

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 14 Mānoa Horizons Vol. 4, Fall 2019

ators were able to insert counter-propaganda content. They ple ran frantically; some trying to get on the train while others
attacked the solutions of the Japanese, whose purpose was to were pushing their carts and carrying their loads for departure
help solve the food and supply shortage during the occupation (p. 154).
period. Chue (2005) described the method of the Filipino art- Simeon Saulog’s “Conspiracy,” dated 1943, showed men
ists as a “solution-subversion approach” because not only were huddled together under a lamp post. Pilar describes the paint-
they creating propaganda for the Japanese, but they were also ing as, “The faces and gestures of the characters are picked
criticizing the Japanese (p. 88). A comic artist, under the name up by dingy yellow highlights as if to hint at their defiant in-
GAT, was behind the series “The Philosopher of the Sidewalk,” tentions” (p. 154). These paintings, dated during the Japanese
which repeatedly made fun of the solutions that were promot- occupation, were expressions of defiance to the Japanese be-
ed by the Japanese. cause, just like the poems and comics, they showcased misery
An example, published in 1942, emphasizes the limited and suffering brought by the war. Hence, these paintings con-
availability of commodities in the Philippines during the occu- tradicted one of the goals of the Japanese in the Philippines,
pation period. The “Philosopher” in the comic is shown wait- which was to display to the Filipino nation the optimism still
ing in a long line. When he finally reaches the end of the line, possible under Japanese rule.
he discovers that rice was the only item he could purchase, Stage performances held in theaters, where Filipinos de-
implying a tone of disappointment (p. 78). Two other examples prived of entertainment flocked, became a venue for Filipino
of the series, both published in 1942, portrayed defiance to the actors, directors, and scriptwriters to express opposition to the
food substitution of the Japanese. The first comic was about Japanese. There were instances when actors blurted lines that
the Philosopher who showed his preference to cow’s milk, contradicted the “new order.” For example, a scriptwriter ad-
even in its scarcity, as he patiently waits “for the cow to yield mitted during an interview conducted years after the war that
milk” until he falls asleep. The other comic strip implied that expressions of opposition had been inserted in script lines
Filipinos would be unwilling to accept mangoes as an alterna- when such an opportunity would arise (Bonifacio, 1992, p.
tive to fruit jams, especially since they are “uncooperative” or 143–144). The same scriptwriter confirmed that an actor said
stubborn with the idea (p. 83). the following words, “Talagang sumosobra na,” which indirect-
Additionally, there was a particular comic that indirect- ly describes the Japanese as being abusive to Filipinos. Inter-
ly insulted the Japanese. Published by Ros in 1942 was “Now estingly, the audience would respond in agreement (p. 145). It
I’ve Seen Everything,” which insulted the Japanese for being was also noted that another actor, during a play, recited lines
“bow-legged.” The insult is highlighted through the captions about the arrival of General McArthur who was given a Filipino
implying the misfortune of the Japanese if they had to wear name, Mang Arturo or Mister Arthur (p. 145).
shorts, which would expose their legs, as suggested by the au- Additionally, a prominent stage director during the time
thority to save on soap (p. 79). Hence, although the Japanese also admitted to allowing an actor to utter indirect insults about
had full censorship over newspapers like the Tribune, a few the Japanese. The actor blurted out that Filipinos were becom-
Filipino comic strip creators were able to express their oppo- ing “bow-legged,” just like the Japanese, due to the burdens
sition to the Japanese by criticizing or insulting the Japanese that they were currently facing in life (Terami-Wada, 1992, p.
and their programs. Understanding the message of the comic 133). Finally, the same director purposely hired a well-known
artists requires a literal and metaphorical lens, mainly because actor to play the role of a guerilla fighter in a propaganda play
their subtle messages were meant to be discreet. Overall, Filipi- that was put together by the Japanese. The actor’s words of de-
nos displayed defiance to the Japanese by creatively expressing fiance in the show would, again, serve as a catalyst, causing the
themselves through a medium that was supposedly controlled audience to cheer in approval (p. 133). Therefore, expressions of
by the Japanese. opposition to the Japanese authority were deliberately inserted
Besides the comic strips in the newspapers, there were in the stage performances. Their expressions were embedded
also artworks, dated between 1942 and 1945, that criticize the with deep meanings clear to the Filipino audience. Finally, they
Japanese as they similarly portray the harsh conditions experi- became powerful tools that conveyed the sentiment Filipinos
enced by Filipino society during the occupation period. Ama- felt about the Japanese occupation, as well as reminded society
do Dela Cruz’s “Food Is Where You Find It” depicted food that the Japanese were the enemies.
short­ages during the occupation period as the characters in The association of symbolic meanings was not limited
the painting, who seemed to be in a hurry, placed “crops in to verbal expressions. Objects and sounds were used during
containers” (Pilar, 1992, p. 154). Ricarte Puruganan had two the stage performances, which amplified the emotions the au-
entries for the 1944 art exhibition sponsored by the Japanese. dience, actors, and those behind the curtains felt during the
The first one was the “Mass Burial at Capas,” which portrays occupation period. One example was the Katipunan flag, a
the dead bodies of soldiers. The second painting was the “Rail- symbol of the Filipino revolutionary fighters who fought for
road Scene,” which depicts the chaos in a railroad track as peo- the nation’s independence during the Spanish and U.S. coloni-

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 Bonilla Guns, Art, and Empathy 15

zation of the Philippines. The Katipunan flag was shown at the dience reaffirmed the intentions of the artists. Therefore, both
end of the Tandang Sora play, and its impact was most appar- Filipinos and Japanese used the available creative media to de-
ent by the reaction of the audience as they rose from their seats ploy their agendas: for the Japanese to assert their power and
upon seeing the flag (Terami-Wada, 1992, p. 133). There was for Filipino artists to unify their nation.
also a stage singer, a member of the Philippine Artists League,
who would sing Bakit or Babalik Ka Rin to signal or warn gue-
rilla fighters in the audience of the arrival of Japanese soldiers
Filipinos opposed the Japanese by empathizing
to the theater (p. 134). Hence, the purpose of the theaters was with the Americans.
far from just being an entertainment venue for the ordinary
Filipinos during the Japanese occupation. They became a plat- Although Manila fell into the hands of the Japanese in early
form where artists and performers were able to express their 1942, the American and Filipino forces held out for several
opposition to the Japanese. The performances, attached with months in Bataan and on a small island offshore of the pen-
symbolic meanings, expressed through spoken words, objects, insula called Corregidor. By April 9, 1942, the Japanese troops
or songs, fostered the emotions Filipinos felt during the occu- captured Bataan and Corregidor by May 7, 1942. After the fall
pation period. Thus, through time, a sense of solidarity and of Bataan, the captured allied forces were ordered to march
unity to oppose the Japanese was nurtured. the long distance to Camp O’Donnell where they would be
The Japanese aspired to restore a sense of normalcy in imprisoned. It would be known as the Death March as many
the Philippines during the occupation period from 1942 to of the captured soldiers suffered or died during the journey.
1945. Hence, entertainment and mass media were reinstated However, the horrific scenes of American and Filipino soldiers
under Japanese control. Ironically, Filipino artists were encour- suffering­— exhausted, disease-ridden, amputated, hungry, and
aged to use the creative platforms to express and share their parched—during the march were unfolding before the eyes of
creativity, though within the approved guidelines and objec- the Filipinos. It was through this context that Filipinos became
tives of the Japanese. However, despite apparent censorship, convinced that the Japanese were the enemies of the people.
Filipinos took advantage of the creative venues to express their Accordingly, being aware that the American soldiers were
opposition to the Japanese, as highlighted through the men- fighting beside fellow Filipinos, and on Filipino soil, inculcat-
tioned poems, illustrations, and theatrical plays. Additionally, ed in the minds of the people the idea that the Americans were
these expressions of opposition reiterated, depicted, and com- sacrificing their lives for the Filipino nation. This reinforced
municated the pain and suffering Filipinos were experienc- the notion that the U.S. was an ally who was deserving of the
ing during the occupation period through the creative media, Filipino people’s loyalty. Despite threats from the Japanese and
which were controlled and promoted by the Japanese. Hence, the display of punishment of uncooperative civilians, Filipi-
the Japanese failed to distract the society from the worsening nos consistently defied the Japanese by empathizing with the
conditions in the Philippines and had instead helped to sustain Americans. The Filipino people showed their empathy by ex-
the emotions Filipinos carried during the occupation period. pressing their emotional feelings, providing sustenance, and
Finally, although the Japanese had the advantage to reach out other means of support to the Americans.
to society and disseminate propaganda through their cultur- To illustrate this phenomenon, I draw on examples from
al campaigns, they failed to control creativity completely. A the accounts of four American soldiers who survived the war
reason for this is perhaps because creativity is not meant to in the Philippines. The first is William Edwin Dyess, an officer
be restricted. Censorship did not stop Filipino creativity from of the U.S. Army Air Force who was among those fortunate
blossoming. Instead, creativity itself helped Filipinos surpass enough to escape the war in the Philippines and the first Amer-
Japanese censorship. Overall, Filipino artists utilized the pow- ican prisoner of war to tell his story in the U.S. The second is
er of figurative language and symbolism, incorporated within Ernest Miller, a commander of the 194th Tank Battalion who
the expressions understood by the society, to defy and oppose lived through the Japanese occupation. The third and fourth,
the Japanese occupation. Bernard T. FitzPatrick and Richard M. Gordon, were American
The Japanese censorship incited Filipinos to cultivate soldiers who were imprisoned in the Philippines and later sent
stronger feelings of opposition, especially since it did not stop to Japan. Their stories share similarities, not only through the
Filipinos from expressing themselves creatively. There was no events these soldiers experienced, but also because they reveal
doubt that restriction on creativity was a challenge for Filipino how Filipinos showed their empathy toward the American sol-
artists. They had to be extremely creative to achieve their ar- diers.
tistic goals. From the examples that were mentioned, Filipino The actions of the Filipino bystanders during the Bataan
artists had to be deliberate on the symbols and language they Death March, as recounted by the four American soldiers, were
used so that their messages surpassed Japanese censorship a form of opposition to the Japanese during the occupation pe-
and were received by their audience. The reactions of the au- riod. The stories of the soldiers depict Filipinos risking their

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lives to give the exhausted and parched soldiers food and water. viate the thirst of the captured soldiers with water. The four sol-
For example, although Gordon only superficially mentions Fil- diers recalled Filipinos placing cans, buckets, and jars of water
ipinos giving food and water to the captured soldiers, the three on the sides of the road for the captured soldiers (FitzPatrick
other accounts elaborate on how the Filipinos defied the Jap- & Sweetser, 1993, p. 68, 71; Dyess, 2002, p. 97). For instance,
anese through these empathetic actions (Gordon & Llamzon, Gordon remembered Filipinos, “Men, women, and even chil-
1999, p. 97, 99, 101). For instance, some Filipino bystanders dren would leave five-gallon containers of water alongside the
directly handed out food to the captured soldiers. During the road” (Gordon & Llamzon, 1999, p. 101). Miller elaborated by
march, near Abucay, FitzPatrick remembered boys and women saying that the buckets of water, which were stationed outside
giving rice cakes, bananas, and all sorts of snacks to the sol- the houses of the Filipino civilians, would be refilled when they
diers (FitzPatrick & Sweetser, 1993, p. 68). Then, from Orani ran out or after the Japanese had knocked them over (Miller,
to Lubao, he described a boy who “darted behind one of the 1949, p. 231). There was an instance when Filipinos, behind
guards and passed like a flash , , , thrusting a small watermel- the back of the Japanese, procured buckets of water after Mill-
on” into the hands of an American soldier (p. 71). Similar ac- er made the request (p. 221–222). Besides water, Miller also
tions by Filipinos would be witnessed again during the march enjoyed a fruit-drink prepared by Filipinos at a train station (p.
by FitzPatrick as a boy and an old man placed food in his hand 259). These examples of Filipinos providing sustenance to the
(p. 72–73). Dyess, on the other hand, noted direct interactions captured soldiers, as remembered by the Americans, contrib-
with Filipinos while imprisoned in Cabanatuan. For example, ute to a narrative of Filipinos defying the Japanese during the
he recalled Filipino families living near the prison camps who occupation period, especially since the Japanese deprived their
slipped food over the fences (Dyess, 2002, p. 126). Overall, the prisoners of food and water. Additionally, these examples only
sight of suffering soldiers elicited the instinct of the Filipinos reaffirm the perspective of the Japanese during the occupation
to provide help and support by giving the soldiers food or wa- period as being atrocious. Overall, these empathetic actions of
ter. Even when Filipinos were aware that they were defying the Filipinos emphasize how, during the Japanese occupation,
the Japanese by empathizing with the captured soldiers, they the Americans won the hearts of the Filipinos.
chose to risk their lives. Aside from providing sustenance, Filipinos found other
There were Filipinos who were determined to give food means of lifting the spirits of the captured soldiers. For Dyess,
and gifts to the captured soldiers, especially since they wit- there was an instance when he was given a smuggled-cigarette
nessed the critical conditions of the captured soldiers during by a Filipino, which contained a note saying: “Be Brave. You
the Bataan Death March. Hence, Filipinos resorted to anoth- will soon be free.” (Dyess, 2002, p. 113). Such notes provided
er method: by throwing or showering the food at the soldiers. hope, which helped boost the morale of the imprisoned sol-
At Lubao, Dyess noted food being showered from an upper diers. Miller, on the other hand, recalled a “Mr. Filipino” who
window which, upon sight, encouraged Filipino bystanders to received U.S. radio lines. Mr. Filipino had willingly relayed the
toss food at the captured soldiers (Dyess, 2002, p. 90). Miller information he received to the American soldiers (Miller, 1949,
recalled a similar case. In his account, it reads, “We began to p. 255).
see Filipino civilians along the road . . . covertly tossing raw tur- In contrast to the Filipinos grieving during the Bataan
nips at us” (Miller, 1949, p. 225). Two of the accounts noted, Death March, there were Filipinos, as recounted by the Amer-
during the train ride from San Fernando to Capas, that there icans, who displayed their signs of support to the captured sol-
were Filipinos who aimed at the trains and threw food, like ba- diers. A reoccurring signal was the V hand-sign, which stood
nanas, tomatoes, and sugar canes, at the soldiers (FitzPatrick for victory. FitzPatrick was one among the men from Camp
& Sweetser, 1993, p. 74; Miller, 1949, p. 229). Miller would wit- O’Donnell who was chosen to help the Japanese restore or
ness similar action from the Filipinos when he was relocated build bridges in the Philippines. Hence, FitzPatrick was able
from Camp O’Donnell to Cabanatuan (Miller, 1949, p. 246). to see beyond the prison camps and, to some degree, interact
Some of the accounts also recalled, during the trek through with Filipino civilians. While in Manila, he saw a Filipino bar-
Capas, how there were Filipinos lined-up on the roads tossing ber make a V sign using his scissor while a Japanese soldier
bags of food containing rice cakes and fruits at the soldiers was getting his hair done (FitzPatrick & Sweetser, 1993, p. 123).
(FitzPatrick & Sweetser, 1993, p. 117; Miller, 1949, p. 229). The Additionally, FitzPatrick noted, several times in his account,
empathetic actions of the Filipinos, to provide food to the cap- Filipinos smiling at him as if to reassure him of their loyalty
tured soldiers, equated actions that risked their lives. Despite (FitzPatrick & Sweetser, 1993, p. 124, 131, 135). Miller record-
the danger they were putting themselves in, they knew that ed this similar experience in Manila, on their way to a ship
their empathetic actions, to provide even a small amount of that would take them to Japan, saying, “. . . we constantly saw
food, could save other lives. Thus, these expressions of opposi- Filipinos quietly placing their hands to their faces. The index
tion to the Japanese were acts of bravery and kindness. finger and the one next to it would form a V!” (Miller, 1949, p.
As stated earlier, besides food, Filipinos also tried to alle- 259–260). Dyess had also witnessed these signs a few times

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 Bonilla Guns, Art, and Empathy 17

in Manila. The first time was when he was summoned for in- their opposition to the Japanese. The four accounts reveal sim-
terrogation. On the way, Dyess saw Filipinos showing their V ilar narratives of Filipinos being emotionally supportive at the
signs, which he described as “signs of friendship and encour- sight of the captured soldiers, as well as giving food and wa-
agement” (Dyess, 2002, p. 142). The hand gesture would be ter to the captured soldiers during the Bataan Death March,
seen again when he left Manila for Davao (p. 149). Filipinos which was the procession of the defeated allied forces to Camp
showed their support to the captured soldiers through their V O’Donnell. The sight of suffering soldiers during the Bataan
signs, notes of encouragement, and smiles. These signs, which Death March may have incited a sense of guilt among the Fil-
were expressions of opposition to the Japanese occupation, ipino bystanders.
imply the optimism and hope Filipinos had during a period Hence, by helping the captured American and Filipino
where the nation felt oppressed and silenced. soldiers, the Filipino sideliners were trying to alleviate feelings
The most dramatic display of empathy by Filipinos was of pain and sorrow, which they carried during the Japanese
helping Dyess escape imprisonment in the Philippines. What occupation. This would justify the lengths Filipinos took to
might have given Dyess the idea to escape was most likely his help the captured soldiers, especially during the Bataan Death
earlier experience during the Bataan Death March when he March. Such an explanation would be limiting, especially since
witnessed a Filipino who tried to hide three American soldiers the Filipinos themselves were feeling the harsh conditions of
in his covered horse-drawn cart (Dyess, 2002, p. 92–93). For the Japanese occupation: a period of oppression and economic
Dyess, it was logical to ask for help from Filipinos familiar with hardships. Despite these circumstances, Filipinos continued to
the corners of their homeland. Hence, as Dyess and his other help the captured soldiers even with their meager resources.
American imprisoned soldiers planned their escape, they de- Filipinos, during the Japanese occupation, showed their sup-
cided to recruit two viable Filipino convicts: Ben and Victor port and kindness to the captured soldiers. These gestures
(Dyess, 2002, p. 168). The assistance of the two Filipinos, who were witnessed and recorded by American soldiers. Accord-
could have just abandoned the Americans as the Japanese sol- ingly, through their accounts, Filipinos are acknowledged and
diers pursued them, in navigating through what seemed to be remembered for their acts of bravery. After all, the American
the inescapable jungle of Davao reflects the collaborative ef- soldiers would not have been able to write their stories without
forts between the Americans and Filipinos to escape the brutal the efforts of Filipinos during the Japanese occupation.
Japanese.
The Japanese soldiers, who witnessed the empathetic
expressions of the Filipinos, were enraged and reacted, pun- Conclusion
ishing the uncooperative Filipinos. The accounts of the four
American soldiers reveal similar reactions from the Japanese Filipinos expressed their opposition to the Japanese occupa-
as they perceived Filipinos to be empathetic with the captured tion of the Philippines, from 1942 to 1945, through these three
soldiers. For instance, the Japanese denounced and forbade categories. First, Filipinos opposed the Japanese by joining and
the Filipinos who insisted on giving the soldiers food, water participating in the activities of the Hukbo ng Bayan Laban
and other gifts (Dyess, 2002, p. 90; FitzPatrick & Sweetser, sa Hapon (People’s Anti-Japanese Liberation Army) or Huk-
1993, p. 72). Additionally, there were cases when the Japa- balahap. The Hukbalahap members took up arms, organized
nese would chase Filipinos who offered food and water to the villages, and performed underground tasks. Second, Filipi-
captured soldiers (Dyess, 2002, p. 95; Miller, 1949, p. 229; nos opposed the Japanese by expressing themselves through
FitzPatrick & Sweetser, 1993, p. 71). The four accounts also poems, illustrations—like comics and paintings—and stage
recalled how the Japanese responded to the empathetic ex- performances. These creative expressions criticized, insulted,
pressions of the Filipino bystanders: Filipinos were clubbed, and defied the Japanese. Finally, Filipinos opposed the Japa-
slugged at, and even beaten to death (Dyess, 2002, p. 90–91; nese occupation by empathizing with the American soldiers.
FitzPatrick & Sweetser, 1993, p. 72). Miller included, in his Filipinos displayed their empathy to the captured soldiers by
account, Filipino children being murdered by the Japanese af- showing their emotional support, providing sustenance, and
ter displaying their V signs in front of the Japanese soldiers helping soldiers escape imprisonment. Overall, the majority
(FitzPatrick & Sweetser, 1993, p. 261). A Filipino cart-driver of the expressions of opposition necessitated being executed
who tried to hide the American soldiers in his cart, as not- covertly and discreetly, especially in areas where the Japanese
ed by Dyess, was whipped to laceration (Dyess, 2002, p. 93). were present. Otherwise, the Japanese would have retaliated by
Overall, these four accounts agree that Filipinos risked their punishing the Filipinos who executed these acts of o ­ pposition.
lives by providing their help and support to American soldiers The primary purpose of these expressions was to validate
during the Japanese occupation. the emotions Filipinos felt during the occupation period. As
By empathizing with the captured soldiers, as recount- discussed through the examples presented, feelings of bit-
ed by the four American soldiers, Filipinos were expressing terness, pain, and sorrow amalgamated into forms of resis-

Manoa Horizons 4.indb 17 9/13/2019 8:16:06 AM

 18 Mānoa Horizons Vol. 4, Fall 2019

tance. In the case of the Hukbalahap, it garnered mass support

because the Huks, who were assigned to organize the villages, Reference
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Cropped U.S. News Service Photograph of Filipino guerrillas
under the command of Captain Jesus Olmedo by Unknown U.S. maan sa Sining, 127–136.
Army Photographer https://en.wikipedia​.org/wiki​/File​:­Filipino​
_Guerrillas_Under_Captain_Jesus_­O lmedo​ _ Come​ _‌O ut_To​
_Meet​_7th_​­Division_Command_Post_For_­Conference​_With​
_Major​_General_A.V._​­Arnold_Cropped.jpg

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