895585

research-article2020
HOL0010.1177/0959683619895585The HoloceneBoethius et al.

Research Paper

The Holocene

Knowledge from the ancient sea – a

2020, Vol. 30(5) 632­–645
© The Author(s) 2020
Article reuse guidelines:

long-term perspective of human impact sagepub.com/journals-permissions

DOI: 10.1177/0959683619895585
https://doi.org/10.1177/0959683619895585
journals.sagepub.com/home/hol
on aquatic life in Mesolithic Scandinavia

Adam Boethius,1 Knut Andreas Bergsvik2

and Björn Nilsson1

Abstract
Lately, evidence for early-Holocene emerging sedentism has been suggested among foragers in Northern Europe. The core of this suggested sedentism
lies in the increasing dependency on large-scale fishing and mass consumption of fish and a territorial behaviour associated with access to the best fishing
locations. This territoriality might also be associated with increasing numbers of people settling and living in Northern Europe at this time. In this article,
we review the evidence for forager sedentism and territoriality and relate it to large-scale fishing, during a time of global warming, in early-Holocene
Scandinavia. We explore the requisites of using the archaeological record to study the long-term effect of intense fishing on some of the best-preserved
Stone Age sites in the area of study. We suggest that the archaeological record can enable a discussion of how aquatic life varies corresponding to human
exploitation and climate change. In addition, we discuss how these changes might be traceable through temporal fluctuations in species composition,
within species size reduction/increases, temporal fish age changes and within species dietary changes. In the end, we suggest that the archaeological record
holds one of the keys to predict future impact on life below the surface, by offering a long-term perspective on aquatic exploitation in a period of climate
change. At the same time as we acknowledge the potential hidden in the archaeological record, we also raise the dire warning that this record might be
rapidly disappearing, because of an accelerated deterioration of archaeological organic remains in areas previously known for their good preservation.

Keywords
aquatic environments, early Holocene, ecological, ecology, fish, foragers, hunter–fisher–gatherer, long-term perspective, modelling, prehistorical,
Scandinavia, shifting baseline syndrome, territoriality

Received 22 August 2019; revised manuscript accepted 25 October 2019

Introduction advances in technology and calculations are done on the same

premises, it becomes apparent that aquatic life has been diminish-
Climatic and environmental changes affect our world, not least the
ing, at least in well-exploited areas, compare, for example, the dra-
aquatic ecosystems where rapid and sometimes unpredictable
matic decline in fish landings per unit of fishing power outside the
changes appear. The anthropogenic-induced changes are apparent,
UK during the last 118 years (Thurstan et al., 2010). On the same
however difficult to pinpoint (Hoegh-Guldberg and Bruno, 2010).
line, humans are travelling further into previously uncharted terri-
In addition, oceans are being polluted by human waste products
tories to fish, as the more local fishing grounds become depleted,
(e.g. plastic) and by industrial waste. Aquatic environments are
disturbing the balance in the water in remote areas as well as local.
also being depleted by the ever-expanding human demand for
The social, ecological and political consequences of a depleted
aquatic resources. This is taking a heavy toll on aquatic life and we
aquatic economy are hard to foresee. Even though we are begin-
are now starting to see the consequences. The depletion of aquatic
ning to see an increasing awareness of how to delimit and pre-
environments is noted in decreased fish catches over the years
serve special restriction areas where no fishing or other human
(Thurstan et al., 2010) accompanied by a need to change fishing
exploitation is allowed, in order for the aquatic systems to recover,
focus to other species, as the originally sought species become rare
the results vary depending on how strictly the fish ban is enforced
because of overexploitation (Myers and Worm, 2003). This is evi-
and on the physical properties of the no-go zones (Edgar et al.,
dent by a general decline in global aquatic species population
2014). Furthermore, and despite the positive effect on the fish
numbers with more than 50% in the last 40 years (Tanzer et al.,
population, in Sweden, these ‘no-fishing zones’ cover less than
2015). This has also resulted in an exponential growth in the num-
1% of the available sea, divided into 11 different areas, four in the
ber of species threatened by extinction, for example, around 25%
Kattegat, four in the Baltic and three in Lake Vättern (Bergström
of all rays and sharks are now critically endangered and threatened
by extinction because of overfishing (Dulvy et al., 2014). Further
implications, such as technological adaptation, become key to 1Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Lund University, Sweden
catching new species and we have seen the increasing use of, for 2University Museum of Bergen, University of Bergen, Norway
example, bottom trawling, and other mass capture methods of fish-
ing, peaking in the mid-1980s (Watson et al., 2006). These techno- Corresponding author:
logical advances have often compensated for a gradually depleting Adam Boethius, Department of Archaeology and Ancient History, Lund
aquatic life, complicating historical comparison with more recent University, Helgonavägen 3, 221 00 Lund, Sweden.
fish catches. However, when fish catches are corrected for Email: adam.boethius@ark.lu.se
Boethius et al. 633

et al., 2016: Figure 1). In addition, these Swedish areas constitute overexploitations and extinctions; thereby, there are no existing
two-thirds of all the ‘no-fishing zones’ in Europe (Bergström pristine ecosystems and most biotopes on earth have been under
et al., 2016). stress from humans for millennia.
Considering the many anthropogenically induced problems in The dangers of believing that a certain ecosystem is ‘natural’
aquatic environments all over the world, it is evident that a suc- when it, in fact, has been challenged for thousands of years is
cessful aquatic future must rely upon scientifically trustworthy understandably hazardous as it becomes difficult to tell when and
predictions. Today, aquatic ecologist and fisheries managers rely how close a system collapse is or when the allé-effect threshold
on historical catch records and ecological observations, spanning (Allee et al., 1949; Dennis, 1989) is reached, that is, when further
to around a century (often less), to create models for predictions exploitation will push the species over the edge of extinction.
of future aquatic life and abundances. These models are good for However, this need not be the case and, unknowingly to most
finding and using short-term fluctuations by naturally reoccurring ecologists dealing with these types of dilemmas, the archaeologi-
phenomenon, for example, the fluctuation and correlation cal record is a good source of information to gain a long-term
between El Niño and anchovy and sardine productivity in the perspective on the fluctuations that have occurred during (in
eastern Pacific Ocean (Bakun and Broad, 2003; Chavez et al., Scandinavia) the last 14,000 years or so. In this largely unused
2003). However, the models are missing the long-term perspec- record lies the effect of climate change and intense human aquatic
tive in ecological variation, environmental changes and long-term exploitation. In other words, aquatic life has changed and adapted
effects of human aquatic exploitation. over millennia of temperature changes since the last Ice Age, and
This problem has been known for some decades and is often subsurface ecosystems have undergone a continuous change
referred to as the shifting baseline syndrome (Pauly, 1995). through the effects of intense human aquatic exploitation.
Because of a lack of larger time depth, most modern ecological
investigations fail to see the long-term perspective on both local
and global aquatic life and are thereby fundamentally flawed. The
What does the archaeological
failure to recognize the impact by indigenous people, prior to the record have to offer?
industrial revolution, impairs the study of key species abundance Human impacts on aquatic environments are currently at an all-
and the long-term effect if they are heavily exploited for centuries time high. We are exploiting both close and remote areas, changing
(Jackson, 2001; Jackson et al., 2001). If global warming and its the composition in all water bodies simultaneously, which makes
effect on aquatic life are added to the equation, we are in a pre- repopulation of collapsed areas much more difficult now, compared
dicament when modelling for future subsurface scenarios (if rely- with how it has been before industrialized fishing and modern fish-
ing only on the historical record), since environmental changes ing technology. The recovery time after a fish stock collapse is con-
are often highlighted as the most difficult aspect to account for siderably longer than originally suspected (Hutchings, 2000),
when managing fisheries and establishing fishing quotas in differ- implying that if continuous exploitation occurs after a collapse or if
ent regions of today (Cury and Christensen, 2005; Hsieh et al., the collapse is situated in the contexts of changing climate (e.g.
2006; Pikitch et al., 2004). through global warming), its effect might be altogether irreversible.
If looking at today’s problem with depleting life in the oceans The overexploitation of a fish population, under these circum-
by using a longer time frame, it becomes apparent that the techno- stances, might cause severe changes in the aquatic ecological com-
logical boom we have experienced in fishing methods over the last position and cause local depletion of key species and disruptions in
100 years or so, for example, industrialized trawlers, sonar sys- the ecosystem (Beverton, 1990). Furthermore, industrial pollution
tems, steam and combustion engines, powered net drums, is a and plastic waste littering the oceans are affecting the aquatic ecol-
continuation of an ever-growing/changing adaptation to aquatic ogy without any ancient or historical analogies to rely on for com-
exploitation in general. Technological achievements in the past parison. Considering this, is it worth the time and effort taken to
were likely driven by the same incitements as in modern times. secure a long-term record, given all the dissimilarities and unique
Consequently, past humans were, just as today, trying to reduce the prerequisites connected to modern fisheries, or should we resign
amount of invested labour while maximizing the yield and they and hope that the short-term record is enough to accurately model
were striving for stability by developing strategies to ensure that the future of different aquatic systems?
catches would not decline. Interestingly, this pattern has led to To enable any form of comparable analogies for future long-
similar effects, as is observed in modern fisheries from all over the term perspectives, it is important that the archaeological material
world, that is, a decline in one species (a high-trophic-level fish) is is carefully selected. First, to simulate the global impact on fish
followed by an increased human focus of another (e.g. Baisre, stocks of today, the archaeological material has to represent areas
2000; Pauly and Palomares, 2005; Pinnegar et al., 2002; Stergiou that have been under intense human exploitation for centuries or
and Koulouris, 2000; Valtýsson and Pauly, 2003). However, where millennia, without pauses that could have allowed the local
the modern fisheries data stretch for decades, the archaeological aquatic systems to recover. Second, global warming and rapidly
record stretches for millennia, enabling the study of key species increasing water temperature also play a significant role in aquatic
depletion and the long-term effect of their decline, as well as a life abundancies. Thereby, to account for the ongoing global
deeper and more profound understanding of ecological bottle- warming of today (Brooks et al., 2018; Goudie, 2018; McCarthy
necks and their effect on later species abundance and frequencies. et al., 2001; Root et al., 2003), the studies on archaeological mate-
In light of the time depth available from the archaeological record, rial have to derive from a period of similar temperature increase
it becomes clear that ecological modelling lacking this time depth and the archaeological assemblages have to be large enough and
becomes flawed because they fail to see the impact humans have cover enough time and space to be representative. Third, the
had on the aquatic ecosystem for millennia prior to modern indus- effects of modern pollution have to be considered and its negative
trialized fishing (cf. Braje and Rick, 2011, and articles therein; effect on different species and habitats has to be accounted for and
Erlandson and Rick, 2010; Gifford-Gonzalez and Sunseri, 2009; the data have to be applied to the archaeological models before
Rick and Erlandson, 2008, and articles therein). Currently, these comparisons can be made. Fourth, the recovery of the archaeo-
ecological models are thereby missing an important point, that is, logical material has to be (or have been) such that biases can be
they are based on false assumptions of an undisturbed baseline, ruled out, or accounted for. Fifth, the organic preservation on the
aka a false ground zero. As a consequence, the ‘undisturbed and archaeological sites has to be very good to enable the preservation
pristine’ environment believed to be ‘natural’ is, in fact, an aquatic of small and fragile fish bones. Sixth, there should be a reasonable
ecosystem which has already experienced collapses, key species control with the shoreline displacement in the relevant study area,
634 The Holocene 30(5)

Figure 1. The area of study including the location of the sites referred to in this paper.

since there are often major differences in the use of aquatic contexts (Rowley-Conwy, 1983), often because of the discovery
resources between shore-bound and interior archaeological sites. of well-preserved shell middens and cultural layers with abundant
Finally, investigations of archaeological material should aim to fish bone material (Enghoff, 1987, 1989, 1991, 1994, 2011;
start as far back in time as possible, to mitigate the effects of ear- Ritchie, 2010). Until recently, little data on fish exploitation have
lier human exploitation disturbing the ‘baseline’. been available from the first millennia of the early Holocene,
While all the prerequisites discussed above cannot be met with- whereby fishing has been largely invisible in discussions of diet
out further studies, the Scandinavian early-Holocene archaeologi- and subsistence (Boethius, 2018a). However, in the last few years,
cal record fits most of these criteria and would, consequently, be and from a Scandinavian perspective, assumptions regarding lim-
perfect to use as a point of departure. We will exemplify and high- ited importance of fish in early-Holocene subsistence have been
light this below, using southern Sweden/Denmark and western questioned (Boethius, 2018a; Hansson et al., 2019; Robson and
Norway as case studies (Figure 1). By discussing the prerequisites Ritchie, 2019). Several new studies have shown an increasingly
for heavy fish exploitation among Scandinavian early-Holocene strong evidence for mass exploitation of fish during the early
societies, and how they developed into sedentary and territorial Holocene, not least through the discovery of the early-Holocene
fishing communities, we wish to show that an understanding of site Norje Sunnansund (dated to around 9600–8600 cal. BP),
ancient life and subsistence strategies is essential for discussing located on the southeast coast of Sweden, in which large amounts
their impact on the environment. By extension, we will connect of fish bones were recovered (Boethius, 2016, 2017, 2018c; Kjäl-
the material from some of the key sites and envision to what extent lquist et al., 2016). The reanalysis of the bone material from the
this material can be used to study the long-term effects of aquatic early to middle Mesolithic site Huseby Klev on the Swedish west
exploitation during a period of gradual global warming. coast (Boethius, 2018b) and the circumstantial evidence from the
island of Gotland in the Baltic Sea (Boethius et al., 2017) provide
further indications of the importance of aquatic resources. Fur-
Early-Holocene fishing in thermore, the discovery of late Maglemose large-scale stationary
Scandinavia fish traps at the now submerged site Haväng on the southeast
Fish have long been considered as a major dietary source in late coast of Sweden (Groß et al., 2018; Hansson et al., 2018; Nilsson
Mesolithic (around 7500–6000 cal. BP) southern Scandinavian et al., 2018), and the even older Antrea Korpilahti fishing net from
Boethius et al. 635

Figure 2. Photos from some of the Swedish sites mentioned in the text: (a) Two-step water sieving at Huseby Klev. Photo: Bengt Nordqvist.
(b) The excavation of Norje Sunnansund. © Blekinge Museum. (c) Fish trap at Haväng. Photo: Arne Sjöström. (d) The fermentation pit at Norje
Sunnansund. © Blekinge Museum. (e) and (f) Water sieving and excavating at the site Gisslause on Gotland. Photo: Jan Apel.

Finnish Karelia (Miettinen et al., 2008; Pälsi, 1920), highlights analyses from these skeletons equally indicate a dependency on
the importance of fish (Figure 2). aquatic resources (Schulting et al., 2016; Skar et al., 2016).
In western Norway, aquatic resources have long been assumed These new pieces of evidence, sprung from new methods of
to have played an important role, not least because the vast major- excavating, sampling and analysing the early-Holocene archaeo-
ity of Mesolithic sites are located very close to the contemporary logical record, highlight the importance of aquatic resources,
shorelines. Direct evidence for fishing and consumption of fish is regardless of whether its exploitation is connected to marine, riv-
generally lacking in this region, because of the bad preservation erine or lacustrine ecosystems. Thus, aquatic life, from both fresh
conditions for bone material. However, a few sites have excellent and saline waters, can be considered of major dietary importance
data from c. 9000 cal. BP onwards. Fishing equipment and large for humans in Scandinavia from, at least, the early Holocene. A
amounts of fish bones are, for example, present at the recently perceived importance of aquatic resources, in turn, affects our
excavated cave/rockshelter site Sævarhelleren dated to c. 9000– current view of these foragers and widens our understanding of
8000 cal. BP (Bergsvik and David, 2015; Bergsvik et al., 2016; these societies and the impact they did on their surroundings.
Ritchie et al., 2016). Data from the contemporary Viste cave also
indicate fishing (Mikkelsen, 1979; Schulting et al., 2016). The
open-air site Kotedalen also has fishhooks and significant Sedentism among foraging aquatic economies
amounts of (burnt) fish bones from c. 8500–8000 cal. BP (Bergs- Human societies can, under certain circumstances, affect the local
vik, 2001; Hufthammer, 1992; Olsen, 1992), and the later Meso- environment if they have a large enough demand for a certain
lithic rockshelter sites Skipshelleren and Olsteinhelleren (c. resource. However, to do so, the humans must be numerous
7600–6800 cal. BP) also have fishing equipment and abundant enough and stationary enough not to give the resource in question
fish bone material (Bergsvik et al., 2016; Faltinsen, 2018; Ritchie time to recover. When studying hunter–fisher–gatherer societies,
et al., 2016; Figure 3). It appears that the main fishing methods they can be seen as either mobile or stationary. If applying opti-
were by fishhooks and barbed points. Except for large possible mal foraging theory to the ethnographic data on the mobility of a
net-sinkers of stone and a few possible netting needles of bone forager group, it indicates that when practising a high mobility
(Bergsvik and Ritchie, in press), evidence for stationary fishing rate, people are moving between different resource patches, and
has yet to be uncovered, and structures for storage are also lack- when it becomes more difficult to find resources, you move on to
ing. However, this may be because of the poor conditions for the a better area (Kelly, 2013: 85–87). Thus, if discussing animal
preservation of organic materials at open-air sites in this region. exploitation connected to high human mobility, the number of
The above examples suggest that fish did make up a large part available animals in a specific area will not be diminished to unre-
of the diet from at least the early Holocene in Scandinavia, and coverable levels. People will move from the area long before it is
the Swedish evidence also shows that the fishing and storing tech- completely drained, that is, when the amount of labour invested in
niques were highly effective, elaborate and stationary. It is some- searching for, killing, butchering and bringing the animal back to
what more uncertain whether the fishing only with hook and line camp is more ‘costly’ than moving to a new area where animals
matches that level of efficiency (e.g. Kelly, 2013: 58). Neverthe- are easier to find.
less, when investigating the stable isotope values from the colla- In 1980, Binford divided hunter–fisher–gatherer societies into
gen of available human bone remains from early-Holocene two different types, those practising logistical and those practis-
southern Scandinavia (82 individuals), they indicate that fish and ing residential mobility (Binford, 1980). Logistical mobility was
aquatic resources dominated the protein intake of these individu- defined as humans who rarely moved their homes but moved
als (Boethius and Ahlström, 2018). A temporal decrease in human logistically through the landscape to gather/hunt resources, which
isotopic niche width is also detectable from the early to the mid- were brought back to the settlement. Residential mobility is prac-
dle Mesolithic period, which suggests a general homogenization tised when foragers move their entire homes when it becomes
of subsistence strategies, that is, a consecutive increasing fish difficult to gather or hunt food in a particular area. Consequently,
dependency in southern Scandinavia (Boethius and Ahlström, when people are practising logistical mobility, they have a more
2018). In western Norway, only a few Mesolithic human bone or less sedentary home base and are therefore able to exploit the
remains have so far been dated and analysed. The stable isotope local resources during extended periods.
636 The Holocene 30(5)

Figure 3. Photos from some of the sites in western Norway mentioned in the text: (a) The site Kotedalen during excavation in 1987. The
tidal current channel Fosnstraumen is in front of the site. Photo: David N. Simpson. (b) The rockshelter Sævarhelleren during excavation in
2005. Photo: Knut A. Bergsvik. (c) Excavated floor at the Mesolithic site area at Kotedalen. Photo: Knut A. Bergsvik. (d) The rock-art site Vingen.
Photo: Knut A. Bergsvik. (e) Mesolithic shells and bones during sieving at the site Sævarhelleren. Photo: Knut A. Bergsvik. (f) The rockshelter
Skipshelleren during excavations in 1931. Photo: Johs. Bøe. (g) The tidal current channel Skatestraumen. Photo: Knut A. Bergsvik. (h) The
rockshelter Olsteinhelleren during excavation in 2006. Photo: Knut A. Bergsvik.

Up until a few decades ago, foragers were largely thought to exploitation patterns seem to have been adapted to a sedentary
primarily rely on residential mobility strategies for their subsis- lifestyle (Boethius, 2017). Limited residential mobility can also
tence. However, in the last few decades, arguments have been put be discussed in terms of increasing reliance on stationary fish
forward that supports the concept that sedentism can evolve in for- traps (Nilsson et al., 2018) and on very large amounts of fish
ager economies if the right requirements are met, for example, caught at Norje Sunnansund (Boethius, 2018c) in connection to
temporal and spatial resource abundance, stability, and variability. evidence that people were also able to ferment fish as a means of
Sedentism may, in turn, imply population pressure, and sometimes conservation to facilitate long-term and large-scale storing
it leads to developed storage systems, access to mass harvesting (Boethius, 2016). Sedentism can also be seen at the coast of west-
technologies, labour control and even tribal warfare (Ames, 1981; ern Norway from at least during the late Mesolithic around 8200
Burley, 1980; Fitzhugh, 2003; Kelly, 2013; Rowley-Conwy and cal. BP. This is indicated by the increased sizes of the sites and
Zvelebil, 1989; Schalk, 1981; Testart, 1982). These types of ideas cultural layers, a broad-spectrum economy, faunal data showing
have enabled the possibility to view foraging societies as a con- several seasons of continuous occupation and evidence of reoc-
tinuum between groups that are egalitarian and mobile on the one cupation of the same sites (Bergsvik, 2001, 2002; Hufthammer,
end, and hierarchal, complex and sedentary on the other (Mur- 1992; Olsen, 1992; Warren, 1994). Aside from arguments on
dock, 1968; Price and Brown, 1985; Rowley-Conwy, 1983). For- population packing, sedentism in this area also generally makes
agers characterized by the last attributes are often connected to the sense, because residential mobility in the north–south direction
exploitation of aquatic resources (Ames, 1994). along the coast would not provide access to any new resources
While sedentism among foragers is primarily known from eth- (Warren, 1994: 86–88). Instead of residential mobility along the
nographic sources, indications of sedentism and limited residen- coast, then, the populations seem to have practised seasonal
tial mobility have recently been suggested from the early movements – within presumed territories – eastwards into the
Mesolithic period and onwards. The dietary information obtained fjord systems (Bergsvik et al., 2016).
from stable carbon and nitrogen isotope values (δ13C and δ15N)
from available southern Scandinavian human remains show, for
example, no overlap in the early Mesolithic period and very lim- Territoriality among ancient foragers – A prerequisite
ited overlap in the middle Mesolithic period (Figure 4), which for a long-term fishing record?
indicates limited coast to inland mobility (Boethius and Ahlström, A general increase in fish dependency and expanding sedentism,
2018). Limited residential mobility is also suggested at, for exam- as suggested above, can, under certain circumstances, be related to
ple, Norje Sunnansund, where the hunting strategies and animal how territoriality emerges or expands among foragers (Boethius,
Boethius et al. 637

Figure 4. Bulk collagen stable isotope data from all available early and middle Mesolithic humans from Scandinavia showing no isotopic
overlap during the early Mesolithic and little overlap during the middle Mesolithic, which suggests limited coast–inland mobility and an
indication of a territorially divided landscape during the early Holocene. Data and original publication in Boethius and Ahlström (2018), here
illustrated with the addition of the human isotope values from Hummervikholmen (Skar et al., 2016) and Viste (Schulting et al., 2016). Early and
middle Mesolithic periods are here defined according to south Scandinavian chronology (Sørensen, 2012).

2018a; Groß et al., 2018) and it can even be self-generating and act falloffs, indicating restrictions on residential mobility (but not
to intensify fishing even further. This may happen if, for example, task group mobility) across territorial boundaries along the coast
a foraging society with a high mobility rate live in an area where (Bergsvik and Olsen, 2003; Nyland, 2015; Olsen and Alsaker,
other groups of people start to settle and shift their economy more 1984; Skjelstad, 2003). A further indication of territoriality in
towards aquatic resources, as is basically a requirement for seden- western Norway is the presence of large rock-art sites at Ausevik
tary life among foragers on high latitudes when population pres- (c. 300 figures) and Vingen (c. 2200 figures), dated to between
sure increases (Binford, 2001: 197, 366). Then, the mobile groups 7500 and 6000 cal. BP, which are situated relatively close to the
will be forced to avoid the more settled areas, which will be more ‘hot spots’ Skatestraumen and Brandsøysundet, respectively
densely populated by the sedentary fish reliant foragers (as fish (Hjelle and Lødøen, 2017; Lødøen, 2014). These rock-art sites
dependency can also often be considered a density-dependent may have been important ritual arenas in which local territorial
response; cf. Marlowe, 2005; or Binford, 2001), or risk physical rights and obligations were established and maintained.
confrontation with the more numerous settled groups. This, over
time, will result in increasing mobility ‘costs’ as the most favour- Territoriality through stationary technology. In southern Scandina-
able spots in the landscape will be out of reach, resulting in larger via, the earliest known evidence of fermentation is detected on the
detours through the landscape to reach other environmental ‘hot early-Holocene site Norje Sunnansund site in southeastern Swe-
spots’ (Kelly, 2013). Thus, mobility becomes more expensive and den (Boethius, 2016). From a territorial perspective, evidence of
under these circumstances, (1) where there is variation in resource fermentation is important as it is a type of delayed-return subsis-
accessibility (e.g. when important fishing sites, where it is possible tence strategy, a food storage facility designed to store large
to extract large amounts of fish, appear at specific but limited num- amounts of food during extended periods. The effect and benefits
ber of locations) and (2) high degree of predictability (e.g. when it of large storage systems are important as they are impractical and
is possible to predict when resources will be available at these difficult to move over large areas (Rowley-Conwy and Zvelebil,
important fishing sites). Territoriality can thereby be linked to 1989), meaning that if you store large amounts of food, you invest
decreasing residential mobility among all groups in an area and it in that precise area and thus need to make sure nobody else
increasing fish dependency (Boethius, 2018a). Evidence of territo- takes advantage of your food supply. Large food storages thereby
riality can also be suggested both among early-Holocene societies act as a societal anchor, fettering a group to the food storage itself.
in southern Scandinavia and on the Norwegian west coast. Stationary fish weir and traps are similar to large storages as they
are also an indication of a delayed-return subsistence strategy. By
Territoriality and ‘hot spots’ along the Norwegian west coast. investing large amounts of both time and labour into creating
Because of the shallow waters in the skerry landscapes, and the these fish traps, you, much like with large storages, also anchor
strong water movements caused by the Atlantic current, a series yourself to these contraptions. Thereby, because the traps are sta-
of local areas along the Norwegian coast have very high marine tionary and placed to optimally exploit a certain part of an aquatic
productivity (Bjerck, 2007, 2008). These local ‘hot spots’ are system, they are also tying the group to the area. Interestingly,
mainly tidal current channels and are found in straits between evidence of fish traps designed to capture large amounts of fish
islands at the protected parts of the coast. The shores along sev- exists in Scandinavia from the early Holocene and onwards, both
eral such straits or channels have been test-pit surveyed and exca- from the east and west coast of southern Scandinavia (Hadevik
vated, such as Fosnstraumen (Bergsvik, 2001; Hufthammer, et al., 2008; Hansson et al., 2018; Karsten and Knarrström, 2003;
1992; Olsen, 1992), Vatlestraumen (Kristoffersen, 1995), Brand- Pedersen, 1995). Thus, both large food storages and stationary
søysundet (Olsen and Alsaker, 1984) and Skatestraumen (Bergs- mass capture fishing devices can be seen as a form of early terri-
vik, 2002). Comparative studies show that there are marked torialisation (Nilsson et al., 2018).
concentrations of large sedentary Mesolithic sites in these areas
compared with areas outside of the channels, which have smaller Territoriality through human remains. Another interesting obser-
and fewer sites (Bergsvik, 2001). These ‘hot spots’ were likely vation related to early-Holocene territoriality is the level of inter-
nodes in a territorial organization. Another indicator of territorial- personal violence among the foragers of southern Scandinavia.
ism in western Norway is the distribution pattern of quarried lithic For example, among the foragers in Motala Kanaljorden in south-
raw materials (basaltic rocks, siltstones and cataclasites). The dis- central Sweden, 34 human bones from a minimum of 10 individu-
tribution of these raw materials shows coincidental distribution als were recovered on the excavation. Seven of these individuals
638 The Holocene 30(5)

displayed antemortem injuries to the head, on some occasions mammals. For example, at Norje Sunnansund, it appears as if red
single blunt force trauma and, on other occasions, multiple trau- deer (Cervus elaphus) were systematically hunted when they had
mas of both healed and unhealed fractures (Gummesson et al., reached full body size but before they were able to breed, thus
2018). Violence among early-Holocene foragers from Scandina- juveniles and prime animals were spared presumably to ensure
via is not limited to Motala but can be seen on a number of occa- the continued presence in the area (Boethius, 2017). This type of
sions, for example, through the skull trauma and the slotted bone hunting strategies only makes sense for sedentary and territorial
point suggested to have been shot into the pelvic area of the Stora hunter–fisher–gatherers (else they would move on when the pop-
Bjärs man on Gotland (Arwidsson, 1979; Larsson, 1982), and ulation size of sought animals decreased) who relied on other
from Denmark several Mesolithic crania have trauma caused by food sources for sustenance (i.e. fish), thus needing a long-term
blows of axes and blunt instruments (Bennike, 1997). supply of raw material, for example, bones, hides and sinews, but
In addition to violence-related trauma among early northern who primarily relied on other resources for food (Boethius, 2017,
foragers, there are also indications of graves having been used as 2018a: 125).
territorial markers. From the early Mesolithic period, suggestions
of plausible excarnations located on visible spots in the landscape Population size in Scandinavia. It is challenging to investigate and
have been brought forward (Boethius, 2018a). During the middle calculate population densities in archaeological contexts and the
and late Mesolithic period, the burial customs include regular further back in time you go the more complicated it gets. Meso-
incarnation, that is, graves and cemeteries on visible locations, lithic demography and population densities are very likely among
compare, for example, the location of the graves from middle the most difficult to account for in Scandinavian archaeology,
Mesolithic Tågerup (Ahlström, 2001; Karsten and Knarrström, because of the problems with finding Mesolithic sites, especially
2003; Kjällquist, 2001), possibly also the prominent Viste cave with organic preservation as they are often inundated, located in
(Fürst, 1909) and the site Hummervikholmen (Skar et al., 2016), inaccessible wetlands or on the bottom of the sea. Also, the Meso-
and late Mesolithic Skateholm (Larsson, 1988a, 1988b, 1993). lithic remains on land can have potentially been disturbed by later
The same may have been the case with the late Mesolithic Ved- societies living in the same area, making them harder to find and
bæk (Albrethsen and Brinch Petersen, 1976; Brinch Petersen, interpret. It is generally argued that during the early Mesolithic,
2015), Motala Strandvägen (Gummesson and Molin, 2016) and the foraging societies in Scandinavia were more mobile and that
Grønehelleren (Jansen, 1972). To conclude territorial indication the area was consequently less densely populated (Bjerck, 2008;
based on human skeletal remains, it is appropriate to return to the Blankholm, 2008). Related to the debate on Mesolithic demogra-
Motala Kanaljorden site where the human skulls found there not phy and with the suggestions of developing sedentism, it has been
only displayed large amounts of trauma (Gummesson et al., possible to argue that at least some areas in Scandinavia were
2018), but also showed that the human skulls had been impaled rather densely populated during the later parts of the Mesolithic
and put on display in the bog, with parts of the stakes still protrud- (Solheim and Persson, 2018; Tallavaara and Pesonen, 2018). But
ing from the foramen magnum on some of the skulls (Gummesson this has even been suggested on the early Mesolithic west coast of
et al., 2018; Hallgren, 2011; Hallgren and Fornander, 2016). Sug- Sweden (central part of Bohuslän) which might have contained as
gestions have also been made that this was likely not a single much as 10,000 late Hensbacka sites (Schmitt et al., 2006). Based
occurrence and similar patterns of skull fragments in the proxim- on these calculations, large population densities might be sug-
ity of a wooden stake have been noted in, for example, Norje gested during the transition from the late Pleistocene to early
Sunnansund (Boethius, 2018a). Furthermore, human scattered Holocene on the Swedish west coast. A large population density
remains occur on around 50–70% of the known Scandinavian could also be plausible at Norje Sunnansund, where calculations
Mesolithic settlements, depending on how calculations are made of taphonomic loss indicate catches of fish large enough to sup-
and what type of settlements are included (Boethius, 2018c). port a large population over a long period (Boethius, 2018c).
Most of these scattered remains come from parts of human skulls, Furthermore, these types of large fish catches were not unique for
whereby suggestions of a Mesolithic skull cult have even been Norje Sunnansund, for example, as illustrated by the contempora-
made (Schulting, 2015). Combined, this suggests that the Motala neous fish traps found at Haväng (Nilsson et al., 2018), which
impaled skulls might not be a unique occurrence among Meso- were large and located in areas where they could provide large
lithic societies; its uniqueness instead lays in the preservation and catches of fish. Because of the fishing capacity of the fishing
recovery of the skulls. Consequently, the scattered human remains weirs at Haväng, and its location about 60 km by boat from con-
on Mesolithic settlements create a territorial link to the sites, temporaneous Norje Sunnansund, and because most coastal sites
especially if it can be suggested that many of the remains repre- from the early Mesolithic period are now submerged through
sent impaled skulls put on display. transgressions following the last Ice Age (whereby evidence of
them is difficult to obtain), the results from Haväng and Norje
Additional territoriality signals. When the stable isotope values Sunnansund could imply a general population intensification on
from C and N were analysed from the 82 early-Holocene indi- the east coast of Sweden.
viduals from southern Scandinavia mentioned above, and if also Large population densities in early-Holocene Scandinavia
including the individuals from Hummervikholmen and the Viste may also be implied by evidence of recent ancient DNA (aDNA)
cave, the results not only indicate that aquatic resources were the analyses, indicating a greater genetic diversity among Scandina-
main protein source to diet, it also showed that resources from vian Mesolithic foragers, compared with contemporaneous forag-
freshwater and marine carbon pools had been consumed in differ- ers from more southern regions of Europe (Günther et al., 2018).
ent areas and that their isotope values were separated from each Scandinavian hunter–fisher–gatherer genetic diversity is seen as
other (Figure 4). This suggested a limited mobility between coast an indication of genetic mixing of two different populations
and inland. If there had been continuous mobility between coast migrating from separate directions, via a north-eastern coastal
and inland, the dietary signals would show overlaps as the humans route (Eastern hunter–fisher–gatherers) and from the European
would have consumed a non-local diet during different parts of continent via Denmark (Western hunter–fisher–gatherers), into
the year, supporting an idea of territorial diet patterns (Boethius Scandinavia to meet and mix (Günther et al., 2018; Kashuba
and Ahlström, 2018). et al., 2019; Mittnik et al., 2018).
Indeed, this type of territorial dietary pattern is further sup- Consider that close to optimal aquatic conditions existed in
ported by indications of selective hunting strategies aimed to opti- Scandinavia at the time, that is, an ecological bonanza in the
mize the long-term gain of secondary products from terrestrial ocean along the Scandinavian west coast during initial Holocene
Boethius et al. 639

Figure 5. Frequency of fish and marine mammals between the different phases at Huseby Klev. Left: for marine mammals, based on a
comparison of NISP (number of identified specimens) between marine mammal bones and the total amount of mammal bones. For fish,
the comparison is based on ENISP (estimated number of identified specimens) in comparison with NISP from all mammals and birds. NISP:
mammals: PBO–EBO (preboreal–early Boreal) = 364; MBO (mid-Boreal) = 149; MAT (mid-Atlantic) = 169. NISP birds: PBO–EBO = 77;
MBO = 50; MAT = 15. ENISP fish: PBO–EBO = 327; MBO = 8782; MAT = 7939. See Boethius (2018a) for further details. Right: Animal-type
distribution based on bone weight from the different phases at Huseby Klev. N: PBO–EBO = 4158.3 g; MBO = 3971.3; MAT = 1552.4 g.

(Boethius, 2018b) and unlimited access to large productive Considerations must be taken because of variation in preserva-
freshwater lakes connected via rivers and outlets to larger water tion conditions, dissimilar deposition patterns, minor variations in
bodies (Boethius, 2018a; Boethius et al., 2017). Given these con- recovery methods (though all three phases were excavated within
ditions, a greater human genetic diversity might not only be an the same excavation) and possible disturbances to the cultural
indication of the genetic mixture of two hunter–fisher–gatherer layers between the different occupations at the site. Nevertheless,
populations (Günther et al., 2018), it might also indicate high the observed pattern might be one of the oldest indications of
population densities (Boethius, 2018a: 111) and the development humanly (in combination with increasing aquatic temperatures)
of social territories (Olsen and Alsaker, 1984). This in turn could induced changes to life in aquatic environments. Huseby Klev is
imply that the observed migration, seen by both genetics (Gün- thereby one of the sites where it would be interesting to further
ther et al., 2018) and stone/bone tool technology (Bergsvik and analyse the fishbone assemblage to see whether changes in both
David, 2015; Damlien, 2016; Sørensen et al., 2013), was driven size and fish species composition occurred over time, especially
by an aquatic abundance, which provided optimal conditions for since the three phases likely stem from different settlement types,
staying here, resulting in higher population densities in Scandi- which, if considering optimal foraging theories, might be said to
navia if compared with more southern regions of Europe during reflect the availability of different resources. The initial occupa-
the early Holocene. tion phase could thereby represent a seasonal hunting site where
the inhabitants gathered during limited periods of the year to
mainly hunt marine mammals, while later occupation phases
Archaeology and aquatic ecology likely represent more sedentary communities relying on fish as
Sedentary cultures with an increasing population are prone to their main diet source. The shift in diet could, in this aspect, be
affect the ecosystem in the area around the settlements. On land, stemming from a decline in the originally hunted small whales
this is hinted at by the lack of/temporal diminishing numbers of and seals and would, in this case, be an early indication of the
the largest ungulates with the slowest reproduction rates (aurochs ‘fishing down the food chain’ syndrome.
and elk) in coastal areas (Magnell, 2017: Figures 7.2–7.3), that is, Similar changes may also have taken place in western Nor-
where the largest sedentary settlements were presumably located. way, albeit possibly with a slight temporal delay suggesting that
A large dietary dependency on aquatic resources can also have the dietary changes occurred somewhat later further to the north.
affected the aquatic systems, because of the large amounts of Stable isotope values (δ13C and δ15N) from the human skeletons
resources being extracted. This type of plausible overexploitation (C14-dated to between c. 10,000 and 9000 cal. BP) from the site
is possibly seen on the Huseby Klev site on the west coast of Hummervikholmen show that more than 80% of the dietary pro-
Sweden. On Huseby Klev, three different settlements were located tein was from marine resources, and from a very high trophic
on the same area dating to 10,300–9600 cal. BP, 9600–8700 cal. level. The results are interpreted to indicate that these individuals
BP and 8000–7700 cal. BP. Zooarchaeological analysis on the were specialized seal (Phocidae) hunters (Skar et al., 2016). How-
bone material from the three different settlements suggests a tem- ever, since no animal bones related to the human finds have been
poral diminishing of aquatic mammals (whales and seals), corre- recovered, the very high human δ15N-values at Hummervikshol-
sponding with a temporal increase in fish (Boethius, 2018b) men (ranging from 19.6% to 20.5% (Skar et al., 2016)), may also
(Figure 5). The shift in dietary focus coincide with landscape imply, similar to the oldest phase from Huseby Klev (Boethius,
changes and even though the sites are today in the same area, the 2018b), a heavy exploitation of small whales (Delphinidae) along
first occupation was located in a narrow strait where it would with the exploitation of seals. The skeleton from the Viste cave is
have been optimal to hunt small whales (Boethius, 2018b). This dated to c. 8200–8000 cal. BP, and the isotopic analyses show
type of location is also characteristic for the earliest archaeologi- values that indicate a high trophic marine diet. However, with
cal sites on the Swedish west coast (Kindgren, 1995). The sites around 1–1.5% lower δ15N values than the individuals from Hum-
from the two later phases on Huseby Klev are located in a more mervikholmen, Schulting et al. (2016) argue that large cod (Gadus
sheltered bay, which is also in accordance with the general tempo- morhua) may also have been consumed by this individual. When
ral trend in the area (Boethius, 2018b; Kindgren, 1995). looking at the osteological material from phase 2 and 3 at the sites
640 The Holocene 30(5)

860 m deep near the rockshelters. Changes in the salinity of the

waters might have played a role. However, these were also mar-
ginal, and it is also uncertain whether there were differences in sen-
sitivity to salinity between different types of gadids. Another
possible factor is human behavioural change. However, both sites
seem to have been mainly used during the summer as field camps
during logistical forays from the coastal settlements – although
Olsteinhelleren for longer periods at the time. The groups using
Olsteinhelleren may have fished at deeper waters, where saithe are
more numerous during the summer months (Ritchie et al., 2016).
Still, one might expect that such a change was reflected in the fish-
ing technology between the two sites. This is hard to see, as both
sites are characterized by fishhooks of similar sizes (Bergsvik et al.,
2016). The changes between the two sites may only be of local
Figure 6. Relative abundances of gadid fish at Sævarhelleren. Figure significance, considering that cod continue to dominate at other
originally in Ritchie et al. (2016). fjord sites contemporary to Olsteinhelleren (Faltinsen, 2018). How-
ever, since it is difficult to find reasonable environmental and cul-
tural explanations for these changes in fish composition at
Olsteinhelleren, we cannot rule out a decline of resources caused by
overfishing of cod in the Hardanger fjord as a factor.

Final discussion and concluding

remarks
While archaeological material has undergone numerous processes
throughout the years and can in no sense be said to reflect the
unbiased proxy of an environment at a particular point in time, it
does provide several access points if the material is carefully
selected. Given that the archaeological record is the only means
of establishing a long-term data set of species variation and abun-
dance in connection to climate change and human predation, the
Figure 7. Relative abundances of gadid fish at Olsteinhelleren. effort is worthwhile. Here, we have emphasized the human rela-
Figure originally in Ritchie et al. (2016). tion with marine, riverine and lacustrine environments, framed by
a historical ecological perspective, to explore some of the param-
eters needed to create proxy data for studying and modelling the
Kotedalen (c. 8600–8000 cal. BP) and Sævarhelleren (c. 9000– future effects of modern aquatic exploitation. We have high-
8000 cal. BP), marine mammals, particularly seals, are well rep- lighted several early-Holocene Scandinavian contexts and showed
resented in the faunal data, but these assemblages are nevertheless how the societies responsible for the archaeological remains can
dominated by fish bones – first of all gadids (Gadidae) (Bergsvik have had a long-term effect on the ecosystems they interacted
et al., 2016; Hufthammer, 1992). This may indicate that there was with, which indeed can be useful for other disciplines not nor-
a development from a focus on marine mammals until around mally engaging with ancient societies and its long-term record.
9000 cal. BP, and then a change took place, where fishing of cod In short, and highly simplified, through this study, we have
gained importance at the expense of seal hunting. One possible demonstrated that fishing has been largely practised in Scandina-
cause of this change may have been overexploitation, that is, a via from the early Holocene and onwards. Over time, this led to
reduction in the stocks of seals along the outer coasts during these decreasing mobility and a corresponding increase of sedentary
earliest millennia of human occupation in western Norway, which hunter-fisher-gatherer societies. Following the development of
increasingly led people into other niches of food procurement. more stationary societies, specific areas became more important
There are also changes during the period c. 9000–6800 cal. BP, than others, which led to an increased territorialisation of the
particularly considering fish species caught within the gadid family. early- and mid-Holocene Scandinavian landscape. The increased
This development is observed at the rockshelters Sævarhelleren territorialisation was supported and enabled by the practice of
and Olsteinhelleren, which are situated close together by the Har- delayed-return subsistence strategies and the use of stationary
danger fjord. In the faunal assemblages at the oldest site Sævar- food procurement technologies, which allowed the people to
helleren, there is a dominance of cod (Gadus morhua), whereas catch and store large quantities of food over long periods, which,
other gadids have lesser portions. In addition, wrasses (Labridae) consequently, anchored the human groups further to a particular
make up a reasonable share. In the later Olsteinhelleren, a marked area. The large-scale storage and the stationary food procurement
change has occurred, where saithe (Pollachius virens) has taken equipment were connected to an increasing dependency on fish,
over the dominating position, whereas the consumption of cod is which, in turn, can be connected to favourable conditions for
significantly reduced (Figures 6 and 7). The fishing of wrasses is aquatic life in early-Holocene Scandinavia. These favourable
also reduced. At both sites, 2- to 3-year-old specimens dominate for aquatic conditions, and an expanding sedentary lifestyle, led to a
all gadids (Ritchie et al., 2016). It is somewhat uncertain what human population increase, which eventually led to increasing
caused this change. The conditions for preservation were similar at territorial displays and interpersonal violence, as the landscape
the two sites, and they have been fishing in the same waters. One became more crowded and the local aquatic abundancy declined.
possible factor might be changing environmental conditions, lead- With a decline in aquatic abundancy followed a subsequent shift
ing to changes in species composition in the sea. During the rele- in main targeted species, illustrated through specific patterns in
vant period, the sea level in front of the rockshelters decrease from fish and aquatic mammal exploitation. This indicates that the
c. 27 to 17 m. However, despite these changes, it is unreasonable early-Holocene societies of Scandinavia may have directly
that they had any impact, considering that the Hardanger fjord is affected life in their local aquatic environments (Figure 8).
Boethius et al. 641

Figure 8. A simplified illustration of the events, indications, observations and implications influencing the human relationship with aquatic
environments during early to mid-Holocene in Scandinavia.

However, to understand the full extent of ancient human inter- life develops when subjected to human predation. Furthermore, by
action and impact on early-Holocene aquatic life and ecosystems, correlating analyses on archaeological bone assemblages with cli-
further analyses are needed. For example, the available fish bone matic and environmental data obtained from, for example, lacus-
assemblages need to be properly analysed, to detect temporal trine/marine sediments, peat bogs, tree rings and glacial records
variations in species composition and intraspecies age variations, (cf. Bianchi and McCave, 1999; Björck et al., 1997; Jessen et al.,
size reductions/increases and season of catch. Extensive stable 2005; Leng and Marshall, 2004), it is possible to relate the contin-
isotope analyses (C and N) with a suitable temporal resolution gent changes observed in the zooarchaeological record, to fluctua-
should also be made to detect temporal changes in feeding habits tions in temperature, in climate and in the natural environment. All
among the different fish and aquatic mammal species themselves. considered, these data will be a valuable source of information and
Similar isotope analyses should also be made on the still unanal- constitute a long-term (pre)historical ecological record. When this
ysed human and dog remains from early- and mid-Holocene con- record is applied to modern contexts, it will enable the develop-
texts, to see whether the trend detected here is still valid when a ment of models to offer predictions of future environmental sce-
larger sample becomes available. narios in different areas, with increases/decreases in temperature
If considering the evidence and data presented in this study, it and other changes to the climate following the ongoing global
might be argued that the intense use of aquatic resources was one warming. Finally, these models and prediction can also assist in
of the driving forces behind the societal development in early- assessing the future outcome when modern human exploitation of
Holocene Scandinavia. Consequently, and given the criteria for aquatic environments increases and/or if key species in our aquatic
creating comparable analogies as envisioned above, this ancient environments become locally extirpated.
Scandinavian record meets the demands for what should be This long-term link is, in its essence, based on the organic
required of an archaeological material, if intended for use to remains from the discarded waste of long-gone human cultures
develop models of future environmental scenarios in a world and societies. The future usefulness of this record is connected to
affected by global warming. Thus, we have demonstrated that the how well we will be able to cope with the biases connected to the
Scandinavian early- and mid-Holocene archaeological record is a data. Unfortunately, the window of opportunity to mitigate the
good point of departure to gather appropriate proxy data useful for threat of failure to safeguard future aquatic systems from overex-
creating models of future aquatic ecosystem scenarios. Conse- ploitation and system collapses is constantly narrowing. As shown
quently, with this study, we are offering a long-term link between here, the ability to connect the long-term record of human aquatic
the ancient organic archaeological record and modern ecosystems. exploitation patterns, during a period of rapid climate change, to
In other words, when appropriate analyses have been done, a true changes in aquatic biodiversity and species abundance is intri-
baseline, unbiased by earlier human predation on aquatic life, can cately connected to the preservation and recovery of organic
be established. This baseline could be followed through time, and remains from appropriate sites and locations. Unfortunately, and
in different local environments, to form a record of how aquatic often unknown even to researchers dealing with ancient remains
642 The Holocene 30(5)

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Acknowledgements Bergsvik KA, Hufthammer AK and Ritchie K (2016) The
The authors would like to thank two anonymous reviewers for emergence of sedentism in Mesolithic Western Norway:
offering insightful comments on the manuscript. A case-study from the rockshelters of Sævarhelleren and
Olsteinhelleren by the Hardanger fjord. In: Bjerck HB,
Funding Breivik HM, Fretheim SE et al. (eds) Marine Ventures –
Archaeological Perspectives on Human-Sea Relations. Shef-
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support
field: Equinox, pp. 15–33.
for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article: The
Beverton R (1990) Small marine pelagic fish and the threat of
studies at Haväng and Hanöbukten were financed by the Swed-
fishing; Are they endangered? Journal of Fish Biology 37:
ish Research Council during the Blue Archaeology project (VR-
5–16.
2016-02027). The authors thank The Crafoord Foundation (grant
Bianchi GG and McCave IN (1999) Holocene periodicity in
number 20180631) for their part in financing this research.
North Atlantic climate and deep-ocean flow south of Iceland.
Nature 397: 515–517.
ORCID iD
Binford LR (1980) Willow smoke and dogs’ tails: Hunter-gath-
Adam Boethius https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8923-6233 erer settlement systems and archaeological site formation.
American Antiquity 45: 4–20.
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