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Early years
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Family and childhood
Education in England
Legal and early political career
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Barrister
Trade unionist
Rising leader
Farewell to Congress
Wilderness years; interlude in England
Return to politics
Struggle for Pakistan
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Background to independence
Iqbal's influence on Jinnah
Second World War and Lahore Resolution
Postwar
Mountbatten and independence
Governor-General
Illness and death
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Aftermath
Legacy and honors
See also
References and notes
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Explanatory notes
Citations
Bibliography
Further reading
External links
Muhammad Ali Jinnah

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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
"Jinnah" redirects here. For Muhammad Ali Jinnah's sister, see Fatima Jinnah. For
other uses, see Jinnah (disambiguation).
Baba-e-Qaum
Quaid-e-Azam
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
‫ُمَحَّم ْد َع ِلّی ِج َناْح‬
A view of Jinnah's face late in life
Jinnah in 1945
1st Governor-General of Pakistan
In office
14 August 1947 – 11 September 1948
Monarch George VI
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by Khawaja Nazimuddin
1st Speaker of the Constituent Assembly
In office
11 August 1947 – 11 September 1948
Deputy Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan
Preceded by Position established
Succeeded by Maulvi Tamizuddin Khan
Personal details
Born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai
25 December 1876
Karachi, Bombay, British India
(now Sindh, Pakistan)
Died 11 September 1948 (aged 71)
Karachi, Federal Capital Territory, Pakistan
(now Sindh, Pakistan)
Resting place Mazar-e-Quaid,
Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan
Nationality British Indian (1876–1947)
Pakistani (1947–1948)
Political party Muslim League (1947–1948)
Other political
affiliations Indian National Congress (1906–1920)
All-India Muslim League (1913–1947)
Spouses
Emibai Jinnah

(m. 1892; died 1893)

Rattanbai Petit

(m. 1918; died 1929)

Relations See Jinnah family
Children Dina Wadia
Parent
Jinnahbhai Poonja (father)
Alma mater Lincoln's Inn
Profession
Barristerpolitician
Signature

This article is part of

a series about
Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Jinnah familyEarly lifeCaucus CasePolitical career
Governor-General of Pakistan
14 August 1947 – 11 September 1948

Political views
11 August SpeechFourteen Points of JinnahUnity, Faith, DisciplineTwo nation theory
Parties

Indian National CongressAll-India Muslim LeaguePakistan Muslim League

Properties

List Jinnah Mansion, MumbaiJinnah House, LahoreQuaid-e-Azam HouseWazir Mansion

Tributes

Mazar-e-QuaidAiwan-e-Nawadrat-e-Quaid-i-AzamList of things named after Jinnah

Gallery: Picture, Sound, Video

vte
Muhammad Ali Jinnah (Urdu: ‫[ ;محمد علی جناح‬mʊɦəmːəd̪ əli d͡ ʒɪnɑː(ɦ)]; born Mahomedali
Jinnahbhai; 25 December 1876 – 11 September 1948) was a barrister, politician and
the founder of Pakistan. Jinnah served as the leader of the All-India Muslim League
from 1913 until the inception of Pakistan on 14 August 1947, and then as the
Dominion of Pakistan's first Governor-General until his death.

Born at Wazir Mansion in Karachi, Jinnah was trained as a barrister at Lincoln's

Inn in London, England. Upon his return to India, he enrolled at the Bombay High
Court, and took an interest in national politics, which eventually replaced his
legal practice. Jinnah rose to prominence in the Indian National Congress in the
first two decades of the 20th century. In these early years of his political
career, Jinnah advocated Hindu–Muslim unity, helping to shape the 1916 Lucknow Pact
between the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, in which Jinnah had also
become prominent. Jinnah became a key leader in the All-India Home Rule League, and
proposed a fourteen-point constitutional reform plan to safeguard the political
rights of Muslims in the Indian subcontinent. In 1920, however, Jinnah resigned
from the Congress when it agreed to follow a campaign of satyagraha, which he
regarded as political anarchy.

By 1940, Jinnah had come to believe that the Muslims of the subcontinent should
have their own state to avoid the possible marginalised status they may gain in an
independent Hindu–Muslim state. In that year, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah,
passed the Lahore Resolution, demanding a separate nation for Indian Muslims.
During the Second World War, the League gained strength while leaders of the
Congress were imprisoned, and in the provincial elections held shortly after the
war, it won most of the seats reserved for Muslims. Ultimately, the Congress and
the Muslim League could not reach a power-sharing formula that would allow the
entirety of British India to be united as a single state following independence,
leading all parties to agree instead to the independence of a predominantly Hindu
India, and for a Muslim-majority state of Pakistan.

As the first governor-general of Pakistan, Jinnah worked to establish the new

nation's government and policies, and to aid the millions of Muslim migrants who
had emigrated from neighbouring India to Pakistan after the two states'
independence, personally supervising the establishment of refugee camps. Jinnah
died at age 71 in September 1948, just over a year after Pakistan gained
independence from the United Kingdom. He left a deep and respected legacy in
Pakistan. Innumerable streets, roads and localities in the world are named after
Jinnah. Several universities and public buildings in Pakistan bear Jinnah's name.
He is revered in Pakistan as the Quaid-e-Azam ("Great Leader") and Baba-e-Qaum
("Father of the Nation"). His birthday is observed as a national holiday in
Pakistan. According to his biographer, Stanley Wolpert, Jinnah remains Pakistan's
greatest leader.

Early years
Family and childhood
See also: Jinnah family

Portrait of Jinnah's father, Jinnahbhai Poonja

Jinnah's given name at birth was Mahomedali Jinnahbhai, and he likely was born in
1876,[a] to Jinnahbhai Poonja and his wife Mithibai, in a rented apartment on the
second floor of Wazir Mansion near Karachi,[1] now in Sindh, Pakistan but then
within the Bombay Presidency of British India. Jinnah's paternal grandfather lived
in Gondal state in Kathiawar peninsula (now in Gujarat, India).[2][3] He was a
Khoja of Nizari Isma'ili Shi’a Muslim background from Gujarat, though Jinnah later
followed the Twelver Shi'a teachings.[4][5] After his death, his relatives and
other witnesses claimed that he had converted in later life to the Sunni sect of
Islam.[6]

Jinnah was from a wealthy merchant background. His father was a merchant and was
born to a family of textile weavers in the village of Paneli in the princely state
of Gondal; his mother was from the nearby village of Dhaffa.[7] They had moved to
Karachi in 1875, having married before their departure. Karachi was then enjoying
an economic boom: the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 meant it was 200 nautical
miles closer to Europe for shipping than Bombay.[8][9] Jinnah was the second child;
[10][11] he had three brothers and three sisters, including his younger sister
Fatima Jinnah.[12] Jinnah was not fluent in Gujarati, his mother-tongue, nor in
Urdu; he was more fluent in English.[13][14][15] Except for Fatima, little is known
of his siblings, where they settled or if they met with their brother as he
advanced in his legal and political careers.[16] Some writers have referred to him
as a Muhajir.[17] However, the use of the term "Muhajir", meaning "immigrant", in
reference to his early life, is considered anachronistic by others as this term
came into use after the partition in 1947, referring to Muslim refugees who
migrated to Pakistan.[18]

As a boy, Jinnah lived for a time in Bombay with an aunt and may have attended the
Gokal Das Tej Primary School there, later on studying at the Cathedral and John
Connon School. In Karachi, he attended the Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam and the
Christian Missionary Society High School.[19][20][21] He gained his matriculation
from Bombay University at the high school. In his later years and especially after
his death, a large number of stories about the boyhood of Pakistan's founder were
circulated: that he spent all his spare time at the police court, listening to the
proceedings, and that he studied his books by the glow of street lights for lack of
other illumination. His official biographer, Hector Bolitho, writing in 1954,
interviewed surviving boyhood associates, and obtained a tale that the young Jinnah
discouraged other children from playing marbles in the dust, urging them to rise
up, keep their hands and clothes clean, and play cricket instead.[22]

Education in England

Lincoln's Inn, seen in 2006

In 1892, Sir Frederick Leigh Croft, a business associate Jinnahbhai Poonja, offered
young Jinnah a London apprenticeship with his firm, Graham's Shipping and Trading
Company.[23] He accepted the position despite the opposition of his mother, who
before he left, had him enter an arranged marriage with his cousin, two years his
junior from the ancestral village of Paneli, Emibai Jinnah. Jinnah's mother and
first wife both died during his absence in England.[24] Although the apprenticeship
in London was considered a great opportunity for Jinnah, one reason for sending him
overseas was a legal proceeding against his father, which placed the family's
property at risk of being sequestered by the court. In 1893, the Jinnahbhai family
moved to Bombay.[19]

Soon after his arrival in London, Jinnah gave up the business apprenticeship in
order to study law, enraging his father, who had, before his departure, given him
enough money to live for three years. The aspiring barrister joined Lincoln's Inn,
later stating that the reason he chose Lincoln's over the other Inns of Court was
that over the main entrance to Lincoln's Inn were the names of the world's great
lawgivers, including Muhammad. Jinnah's biographer Stanley Wolpert notes that there
is no such inscription, but inside (covering the wall at one end of New Hall, also
called the Great Hall, which is where students, Bar and Bench lunch and dine)[25]
is a mural showing Muhammad and other lawgivers, and speculates that Jinnah may
have edited the story in his own mind to avoid mentioning a pictorial depiction
which would be offensive to many Muslims.[26] Jinnah's legal education followed the
pupillage (legal apprenticeship) system, which had been in force there for
centuries. To gain knowledge of the law, he followed an established barrister and
learned from what he did, as well as from studying lawbooks.[27] During this
period, he shortened his name to Muhammad Ali Jinnah.[28]

During his student years in England, Jinnah was influenced by 19th-century British
liberalism, like many other future Indian independence leaders. His main
intellectual references were peoples like Bentham, Mill, Spencer, and Comte.[29]
[30] This political education included exposure to the idea of the democratic
nation, and progressive politics.[31] He became an admirer of the Parsi British
Indian political leaders Dadabhai Naoroji and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta. Naoroji had
become the first British Member of Parliament of Indian extraction shortly before
Jinnah's arrival, triumphing with a majority of three votes in Finsbury Central.
Jinnah listened to Naoroji's maiden speech in the House of Commons from the
visitor's gallery.[32][33]

Jinnah wearing a suit

The Western world not only inspired Jinnah in his political life, but also greatly
influenced his personal preferences, particularly when it came to dress. Jinnah
abandoned local garb for Western-style clothing, and throughout his life he was
always impeccably dressed in public. His suits were designed by Savile Row tailor
Henry Poole & Co.[34] He came to own over 200 suits, which he wore with heavily
starched shirts with detachable collars, and as a barrister took pride in never
wearing the same silk tie twice.[35] Even when he was dying, he insisted on being
formally dressed, "I will not travel in my pyjamas."[16] In his later years he was
usually seen wearing a Karakul hat which subsequently came to be known as the
"Jinnah cap".[36]

Dissatisfied with the law, Jinnah briefly embarked on a stage career with a
Shakespearean company, but resigned after receiving a stern letter from his father.
[37] In 1895, at age 19, he became the youngest British Indian to be called to the
bar in England.[11] Although he returned to Karachi, he remained there only a short
time before moving to Bombay.[37]

Legal and early political career

Barrister

Jinnah as a barrister
At the age of 20, Jinnah began his practice in Bombay, the only Muslim barrister in
the city.[11] English had become his principal language and would remain so
throughout his life. His first three years in the law, from 1897 to 1900, brought
him few briefs. His first step towards a brighter career occurred when the acting
Advocate General of Bombay, John Molesworth MacPherson, invited Jinnah to work from
his chambers.[38][39] In 1900, P. H. Dastoor, a Bombay presidency magistrate, left
the post temporarily and Jinnah succeeded in getting the interim position. After
his six-month appointment period, Jinnah was offered a permanent position on a
1,500 rupee per month salary. Jinnah politely declined the offer, stating that he
planned to earn 1,500 rupees a day—a huge sum at that time—which he eventually did.
[38][39][40] Nevertheless, as Governor-General of Pakistan, he would refuse to
accept a large salary, fixing it at 1 rupee per month.[41]
As a lawyer, Jinnah gained fame for his skilled handling of the 1908 "Caucus Case".
This controversy arose out of Bombay municipal elections, which Indians alleged
were rigged by a "caucus" of Europeans to keep Sir Pherozeshah Mehta out of the
council.[42] Jinnah gained great esteem from leading the case for Sir Pherozeshah,
himself a noted barrister. Although Jinnah did not win the Caucus Case,[citation
needed] he posted a successful record, becoming well known for his advocacy and
legal logic.[43][44] In 1908, his factional foe in the Indian National Congress,
Bal Gangadhar Tilak, was arrested for sedition. Before Tilak unsuccessfully
represented himself at trial, he engaged Jinnah in an attempt to secure his release
on bail. Jinnah did not succeed, but obtained an acquittal for Tilak when he was
charged with sedition again in 1916.[45]

One of Jinnah's fellow barristers from the Bombay High Court remembered that
"Jinnah's faith in himself was incredible"; he recalled that on being admonished by
a judge with "Mr. Jinnah, remember that you are not addressing a third-class
magistrate", Jinnah shot back, "My Lord, allow me to warn you that you are not
addressing a third-class pleader."[46] Another of his fellow barristers described
him, saying:

He was what God made him, a great pleader. He had a sixth sense: he could see
around corners. That is where his talents lay ... he was a very clear thinker ...
But he drove his points home—points chosen with exquisite selection—slow delivery,
word by word.[43][47]

Trade unionist
Jinnah was also a supporter of working class causes and an active trade unionist.
[48] He was elected President of All India Postal Staff Union in 1925 whose
membership was 70,000.[48] According to All Pakistan Labour Federation's
publication Productive Role of Trade Unions and Industrial Relations, being a
member of Legislative Assembly, Jinnah pleaded forcefully for rights of workers and
struggled for getting a "living wage and fair conditions" for them.[49] He also
played an important role in enactment of Trade Union Act of 1926 which gave trade
union movement legal cover to organise themselves.[49]

Rising leader
Further information: Indian independence movement and Pakistan movement

Jinnah in 1910
In 1857, many Indians had risen in revolt against British rule. In the aftermath of
the conflict, some Anglo-Indians, as well as Indians in Britain, called for greater
self-government for the subcontinent, resulting in the founding of the Indian
National Congress in 1885. Most founding members had been educated in Britain, and
were content with the minimal reform efforts being made by the government.[50]
Muslims were not enthusiastic about calls for democratic institutions in British
India, as they constituted a quarter to a third of the population, outnumbered by
the Hindus.[51] Early meetings of the Congress contained a minority of Muslims,
mostly from the elite.[52]

Jinnah devoted much of his time to his law practice in the early 1900s, but
remained politically involved. Jinnah began political life by attending the
Congress's twentieth annual meeting, in Bombay in December 1904.[53] He was a
member of the moderate group in the Congress, favouring Hindu–Muslim unity in
achieving self-government, and following such leaders as Mehta, Naoroji, and Gopal
Krishna Gokhale.[54] They were opposed by leaders such as Tilak and Lala Lajpat
Rai, who sought quick action towards independence.[55] In 1906, a delegation of
Muslim leaders, known as the Simla Delegation, headed by the Aga Khan called on the
new Viceroy of India, Lord Minto, to assure him of their loyalty and to ask for
assurances that in any political reforms they would be protected from the
"unsympathetic [Hindu] majority".[56] Dissatisfied with this, Jinnah wrote a letter
to the editor of the newspaper Gujarati, asking what right the members of the
delegation had to speak for Indian Muslims, as they were unelected and self-
appointed.[54] When many of the same leaders met in Dacca in December of that year
to form the All-India Muslim League to advocate for their community's interests,
Jinnah was again opposed. The Aga Khan later wrote that it was "freakishly ironic"
that Jinnah, who would lead the League to independence, "came out in bitter
hostility toward all that I and my friends had done ... He said that our principle
of separate electorates was dividing the nation against itself."[57] In its
earliest years, however, the League was not influential; Minto refused to consider
it as the Muslim community's representative, and it was ineffective in preventing
the 1911 repeal of the partition of Bengal, an action seen as a blow to Muslim
interests.[58]

Although Jinnah initially opposed separate electorates for Muslims, he used this
means to gain his first elective office in 1909, as Bombay's Muslim representative
on the Imperial Legislative Council. He was a compromise candidate when two older,
better-known Muslims who were seeking the post deadlocked. The council, which had
been expanded to 60 members as part of reforms enacted by Minto, recommended
legislation to the Viceroy. Only officials could vote in the council; non-official
members, such as Jinnah, had no vote. Throughout his legal career, Jinnah practised
probate law (with many clients from India's nobility), and in 1911 introduced the
Wakf Validation Act to place Muslim religious trusts on a sound legal footing under
British Indian law. Two years later, the measure passed, the first act sponsored by
non-officials to pass the council and be enacted by the Viceroy.[59][60] Jinnah was
also appointed to a committee which helped to establish the Indian Military Academy
in Dehra Dun.[61]

In December 1912, Jinnah addressed the annual meeting of the Muslim League although
he was not yet a member. He joined the following year, although he remained a
member of the Congress as well and stressed that League membership took second
priority to the "greater national cause" of an independent India. In April 1913, he
again went to Britain, with Gokhale, to meet with officials on behalf of the
Congress. Gokhale, a Hindu, later stated that Jinnah "has true stuff in him, and
that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador
of Hindu–Muslim Unity".[62] Jinnah led another delegation of the Congress to London
in 1914, but due to the start of the First World War in August 1914, found
officials little interested in Indian reforms. By coincidence, he was in Britain at
the same time as a man who would become a great political rival of his, Mohandas
Gandhi, a Hindu lawyer who had become well known for advocating satyagraha, non-
violent non-co-operation, while in South Africa. Jinnah attended a reception for
Gandhi where the two men met and talked with each other for the first time. Shortly
afterwords, Jinnah returned home to India in January 1915.[63]

Farewell to Congress
Jinnah's moderate faction in the Congress was undermined by the deaths of Mehta and
Gokhale in 1915; he was further isolated by the fact that Naoroji was in London,
where he remained until his death in 1917. Nevertheless, Jinnah worked to bring the
Congress and League together. In 1916, with Jinnah now president of the Muslim
League, the two organisations signed the Lucknow Pact, setting quotas for Muslim
and Hindu representation in the various provinces. Although the pact was never
fully implemented, its signing ushered in a period of co-operation between the
Congress and the League.[64][52]

During the war, Jinnah joined other Indian moderates in supporting the British war
effort, hoping that Indians would be rewarded with political freedoms. Jinnah
played an important role in the founding of the All India Home Rule League in 1916.
Along with political leaders Annie Besant and Tilak, Jinnah demanded "home rule"
for India—the status of a self-governing dominion in the Empire similar to Canada,
New Zealand and Australia, although, with the war, Britain's politicians were not
interested in considering Indian constitutional reform. British Cabinet minister
Edwin Montagu recalled Jinnah in his memoirs, "young, perfectly mannered,
impressive-looking, armed to the teeth with dialectics, and insistent on the whole
of his scheme".[65]

In 1918, Jinnah married his second wife Rattanbai Petit ("Ruttie"), 24 years his
junior. She was the fashionable young daughter of his friend Sir Dinshaw Petit, and
was part of an elite Parsi family of Bombay.[31] There was great opposition to the
marriage from Rattanbai's family and the Parsi community, as well as from some
Muslim religious leaders. Rattanbai defied her family and nominally converted to
Islam, adopting (though never using) the name Maryam Jinnah, resulting in a
permanent estrangement from her family and Parsi society. The couple resided at
South Court Mansion in Bombay, and frequently travelled across India and Europe.
The couple's only child, daughter Dina, was born on 15 August 1919.[31] The couple
separated prior to Ruttie's death in 1929, and subsequently Jinnah's sister Fatima
looked after him and his child.[66]

Relations between Indians and British were strained in 1919 when the Imperial
Legislative Council extended emergency wartime restrictions on civil liberties;
Jinnah resigned from it when it did. There was unrest across India, which worsened
after the Jallianwala Bagh massacre in Amritsar, in which British Indian Army
troops fired upon a protest meeting, killing hundreds. In the wake of Amritsar,
Gandhi, who had returned to India and become a widely respected leader and highly
influential in the Congress, called for satyagraha against the British. Gandhi's
proposal gained broad Hindu support, and was also attractive to many Muslims of the
Khilafat faction. These Muslims, supported by Gandhi, sought retention of the
Ottoman caliphate, which supplied spiritual leadership to many Muslims. The caliph
was the Ottoman Emperor, who would be deprived of both offices following his
nation's defeat in the First World War. Gandhi had achieved considerable popularity
among Muslims because of his work during the war on behalf of killed or imprisoned
Muslims.[67][68][69] Unlike Jinnah and other leaders of the Congress, Gandhi did
not wear western-style clothing, did his best to use an Indian language instead of
English, and was deeply rooted in Indian culture. Gandhi's local style of
leadership gained great popularity with the Indian people. Jinnah criticised
Gandhi's Khilafat advocacy, which he saw as an endorsement of religious zealotry.
[70] Jinnah regarded Gandhi's proposed satyagraha campaign as political anarchy,
and believed that self-government should be secured through constitutional means.
He opposed Gandhi, but the tide of Indian opinion was against him. At the 1920
session of the Congress in Nagpur, Jinnah was shouted down by the delegates, who
passed Gandhi's proposal, pledging satyagraha until India was independent. Jinnah
did not attend the subsequent League meeting, held in the same city, which passed a
similar resolution. Because of the action of the Congress in endorsing Gandhi's
campaign, Jinnah resigned from it, leaving all positions except in the Muslim
League.[71][72]

Wilderness years; interlude in England

Jinnah's passport
The alliance between Gandhi and the Khilafat faction did not last long, and the
campaign of resistance proved less effective than hoped, as India's institutions
continued to function. Jinnah sought alternative political ideas, and contemplated
organising a new political party as a rival to the Congress. In September 1923,
Jinnah was elected as Muslim member for Bombay in the new Central Legislative
Assembly. He showed much skill as a parliamentarian, organising many Indian members
to work with the Swaraj Party, and continued to press demands for full responsible
government. In 1925, as recognition for his legislative activities, he was offered
a knighthood by Lord Reading, who was retiring from the Viceroyalty. He replied: "I
prefer to be plain Mr Jinnah."[73]
In 1927, the British Government, under Conservative Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin,
undertook a decennial review of Indian policy mandated by the Government of India
Act 1919. The review began two years early as Baldwin feared he would lose the next
election (which he did, in 1929). The Cabinet was influenced by minister Winston
Churchill, who strongly opposed self-government for India, and members hoped that
by having the commission appointed early, the policies for India which they
favoured would survive their government. The resulting commission, led by Liberal
MP John Simon, though with a majority of Conservatives, arrived in India in March
1928.[74] They were met with a boycott by India's leaders, Muslim and Hindu alike,
angered at the British refusal to include their representatives on the commission.
A minority of Muslims, though, withdrew from the League, choosing to welcome the
Simon Commission and repudiating Jinnah. Most members of the League's executive
council remained loyal to Jinnah, attending the League meeting in December 1927 and
January 1928 which confirmed him as the League's permanent president. At that
session, Jinnah told the delegates that "A constitutional war has been declared on
Great Britain. Negotiations for a settlement are not to come from our side ... By
appointing an exclusively white Commission, [Secretary of State for India] Lord
Birkenhead has declared our unfitness for self-government."[75]

Birkenhead in 1928 challenged Indians to come up with their own proposal for
constitutional change for India; in response, the Congress convened a committee
under the leadership of Motilal Nehru.[1] The Nehru Report favoured constituencies
based on geography on the ground that being dependent on each other for election
would bind the communities closer together. Jinnah, though he believed separate
electorates, based on religion, necessary to ensure Muslims had a voice in the
government, was willing to compromise on this point, but talks between the two
parties failed. He put forth proposals that he hoped might satisfy a broad range of
Muslims and reunite the League, calling for mandatory representation for Muslims in
legislatures and cabinets. These became known as his Fourteen Points. He could not
secure adoption of the Fourteen Points, as the League meeting in Delhi at which he
hoped to gain a vote instead dissolved into chaotic argument.[76]

After Baldwin was defeated at the 1929 British parliamentary election, Ramsay
MacDonald of the Labour Party became prime minister. MacDonald desired a conference
of Indian and British leaders in London to discuss India's future, a course of
action supported by Jinnah. Three Round Table Conferences followed over as many
years, none of which resulted in a settlement. Jinnah was a delegate to the first
two conferences, but was not invited to the last.[77] He remained in Britain for
most of the period 1930 through 1934, practising as a barrister before the Privy
Council, where he dealt with a number of India-related cases. His biographers
disagree over why he remained so long in Britain—Wolpert asserts that had Jinnah
been made a Law Lord, he would have stayed for life, and that Jinnah alternatively
sought a parliamentary seat.[78][79] Early biographer Hector Bolitho denied that
Jinnah sought to enter the British Parliament,[78] while Jaswant Singh deems
Jinnah's time in Britain as a break or sabbatical from the Indian struggle.[80]
Bolitho called this period "Jinnah's years of order and contemplation, wedged in
between the time of early struggle, and the final storm of conquest".[81]

In 1931, Fatima Jinnah joined her brother in England. From then on, Muhammad Jinnah
would receive personal care and support from her as he aged and began to suffer
from the lung ailments which would eventually kill him. She lived and travelled
with him, and became a close advisor. Muhammad Jinnah's daughter, Dina, was
educated in England and India. Jinnah later became estranged from Dina after she
decided to marry a Parsi, Neville Wadia from a prominent Parsi business family.
Wadia is the son Sir Ness Wadia and Homi Wadia.[82] When Jinnah urged Dina to marry
a Muslim, she reminded him that he had married a woman not raised in his faith.
Jinnah continued to correspond cordially with his daughter, but their personal
relationship was strained, and she did not come to Pakistan in his lifetime, but
only for his funeral.[83][84]

Return to politics
The early 1930s saw a resurgence in Indian Muslim nationalism, which came to a head
with the Pakistan Declaration. In 1933, Indian Muslims, especially from the United
Provinces, began to urge Jinnah to return and take up again his leadership of the
Muslim League, an organisation which had fallen into inactivity.[85] He remained
titular president of the League,[b] but declined to travel to India to preside over
its 1933 session in April, writing that he could not possibly return there until
the end of the year.[86]

Among those who met with Jinnah to seek his return was Liaquat Ali Khan, who would
be a major political associate of Jinnah in the years to come and the first Prime
Minister of Pakistan. At Jinnah's request, Liaquat discussed the return with a
large number of Muslim politicians and confirmed his recommendation to Jinnah.[87]
[88] In early 1934, Jinnah relocated to the subcontinent, though he shuttled
between London and India on business for the next few years, selling his house in
Hampstead and closing his legal practice in Britain.[89][90]

Muslims of Bombay elected Jinnah, though then absent in London, as their

representative to the Central Legislative Assembly in October 1934.[91][92] The
British Parliament's Government of India Act 1935 gave considerable power to
India's provinces, with a weak central parliament in New Delhi, which had no
authority over such matters as foreign policy, defence, and much of the budget.
Full power remained in the hands of the Viceroy, however, who could dissolve
legislatures and rule by decree. The League reluctantly accepted the scheme, though
expressing reservations about the weak parliament. The Congress was much better
prepared for the provincial elections in 1937, and the League failed to win a
majority even of the Muslim seats in any of the provinces where members of that
faith held a majority. It did win a majority of the Muslim seats in Delhi, but
could not form a government anywhere, though it was part of the ruling coalition in
Bengal. The Congress and its allies formed the government even in the North-West
Frontier Province (N.W.F.P.), where the League won no seats despite the fact that
almost all residents were Muslim.[93]

Jinnah (front, left) with the Working Committee of the Muslim League after a
meeting in Lucknow, October 1937
According to Jaswant Singh, "the events of 1937 had a tremendous, almost a
traumatic effect upon Jinnah".[94] Despite his beliefs of twenty years that Muslims
could protect their rights in a united India through separate electorates,
provincial boundaries drawn to preserve Muslim majorities, and by other protections
of minority rights, Muslim voters had failed to unite, with the issues Jinnah hoped
to bring forward lost amid factional fighting.[94][95] Singh notes the effect of
the 1937 elections on Muslim political opinion, "when the Congress formed a
government with almost all of the Muslim MLAs sitting on the Opposition benches,
non-Congress Muslims were suddenly faced with this stark reality of near-total
political powerlessness. It was brought home to them, like a bolt of lightning,
that even if the Congress did not win a single Muslim seat ... as long as it won an
absolute majority in the House, on the strength of the general seats, it could and
would form a government entirely on its own ..."[96]

In the next two years, Jinnah worked to build support among Muslims for the League.
He secured the right to speak for the Muslim-led Bengali and Punjabi provincial
governments in the central government in New Delhi ("the centre"). He worked to
expand the League, reducing the cost of membership to two annas (1⁄8 of a rupee),
half of what it cost to join the Congress. He restructured the League along the
lines of the Congress, putting most power in a Working Committee, which he
appointed.[97] By December 1939, Liaquat estimated that the League had three
million two-anna members.[98]

Struggle for Pakistan

Main article: Pakistan Movement
Background to independence

Jinnah addresses the Muslim League session at Patna, 1938

Until the late 1930s, most Muslims of the British Raj expected, upon independence,
to be part of a unitary state encompassing all of British India, as did the Hindus
and others who advocated self-government.[99] Despite this, other nationalist
proposals were being made. In a speech given at Allahabad to a League session in
1930, Sir Muhammad Iqbal called for a state for Muslims in British India. Choudhary
Rahmat Ali published a pamphlet in 1933 advocating a state "Pakistan" in the Indus
Valley, with other names given to Muslim-majority areas elsewhere in India.[100]
Jinnah and Iqbal corresponded in 1936 and 1937; in subsequent years, Jinnah
credited Iqbal as his mentor, and used Iqbal's imagery and rhetoric in his
speeches.[101]

Although many leaders of the Congress sought a strong central government for an
Indian state, some Muslim politicians, including Jinnah, were unwilling to accept
this without powerful protections for their community.[99] Other Muslims supported
the Congress, which officially advocated a secular state upon independence, though
the traditionalist wing (including politicians such as Madan Mohan Malaviya and
Vallabhbhai Patel) believed that an independent India should enact laws such as
banning the killing of cows and making Hindi a national language. The failure of
the Congress leadership to disavow Hindu communalists worried Congress-supporting
Muslims. Nevertheless, the Congress enjoyed considerable Muslim support up to about
1937.[102]

Events which separated the communities included the failed attempt to form a
coalition government including the Congress and the League in the United Provinces
following the 1937 election.[103] According to historian Ian Talbot, "The
provincial Congress governments made no effort to understand and respect their
Muslim populations' cultural and religious sensibilities. The Muslim League's
claims that it alone could safeguard Muslim interests thus received a major boost.
Significantly it was only after this period of Congress rule that it [the League]
took up the demand for a Pakistan state ..."[92]

Balraj Puri in his journal article about Jinnah suggests that the Muslim League
president, after the 1937 vote, turned to the idea of partition in "sheer
desperation".[104] Historian Akbar S. Ahmed suggests that Jinnah abandoned hope of
reconciliation with the Congress as he "rediscover[ed] his own Islamic roots, his
own sense of identity, of culture and history, which would come increasingly to the
fore in the final years of his life".[20] Jinnah also increasingly adopted Muslim
dress in the late 1930s.[105] In the wake of the 1937 balloting, Jinnah demanded
that the question of power sharing be settled on an all-India basis, and that he,
as president of the League, be accepted as the sole spokesman for the Muslim
community.[106]

Iqbal's influence on Jinnah

There is only one way out. Muslims should strengthen Jinnah's hands. They should
join the Muslim League. Indian question, as is now being solved, can be countered
by our united front against both the Hindus and the English. Without it, our
demands are not going to be accepted. People say our demands smack of communalism.
This is sheer propaganda. These demands relate to the defence of our national
existence.... The united front can be formed under the leadership of the Muslim
League. And the Muslim League can succeed only on account of Jinnah. Now none but
Jinnah is capable of leading the Muslims.
Muhammad Iqbal, 1938[107]

Jinnah seated with Iqbal at the round table conference

The well documented influence of Iqbal on Jinnah, with regard to taking the lead in
creating Pakistan, has been described as "significant", "powerful" and even
"unquestionable" by scholars.[108][109][110] Iqbal has also been cited as an
influential force in convincing Jinnah to end his self-imposed exile in London and
re-enter the politics of India.[111] Initially, however, Iqbal and Jinnah were
opponents, as Iqbal believed Jinnah did not care about the crises confronting the
Muslim community during the British Raj. According to Akbar S. Ahmed, this began to
change during Iqbal's final years prior to his death in 1938. Iqbal gradually
succeeded in converting Jinnah over to his view, who eventually accepted Iqbal as
his "mentor". Ahmed comments that in his annotations to Iqbal's letters, Jinnah
expressed solidarity with Iqbal's view: that Indian Muslims required a separate
homeland.[112]

Iqbal's influence also gave Jinnah a deeper appreciation for Muslim identity.[113]
The evidence of this influence began to be revealed from 1937 onwards. Jinnah not
only began to echo Iqbal in his speeches, he started using Islamic symbolism and
began directing his addresses to the underprivileged. Ahmed noted a change in
Jinnah's words: while he still advocated freedom of religion and protection of the
minorities, the model he was now aspiring to was that of the Prophet Muhammad,
rather than that of a secular politician. Ahmed further avers that those scholars
who have painted the later Jinnah as secular have misread his speeches which, he
argues, must be read in the context of Islamic history and culture. Accordingly,
Jinnah's imagery of the Pakistan began to become clear that it was to have an
Islamic nature. This change has been seen to last for the rest of Jinnah's life. He
continued to borrow ideas "directly from Iqbal—including his thoughts on Muslim
unity, on Islamic ideals of liberty, justice and equality, on economics, and even
on practices such as prayers".[114][115]

In a speech in 1940, two years after the death of Iqbal, Jinnah expressed his
preference for implementing Iqbal's vision for an Islamic Pakistan even if it meant
he himself would never lead a nation. Jinnah stated, "If I live to see the ideal of
a Muslim state being achieved in India, and I was then offered to make a choice
between the works of Iqbal and the rulership of the Muslim state, I would prefer
the former."[116]

Second World War and Lahore Resolution

Main article: Lahore Resolution

The leaders of the Muslim League, 1940. Jinnah is seated at centre.

On 3 September 1939, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain announced the
commencement of war with Nazi Germany.[117] The following day, the Viceroy, Lord
Linlithgow, without consulting Indian political leaders, announced that India had
entered the war along with Britain. There were widespread protests in India. After
meeting with Jinnah and with Gandhi, Linlithgow announced that negotiations on
self-government were suspended for the duration of the war.[118] The Congress on 14
September demanded immediate independence with a constituent assembly to decide a
constitution; when this was refused, its eight provincial governments resigned on
10 November and governors in those provinces thereafter ruled by decree for the
remainder of the war. Jinnah, on the other hand, was more willing to accommodate
the British, and they in turn increasingly recognised him and the League as the
representatives of India's Muslims.[119] Jinnah later stated, "after the war began,
... I was treated on the same basis as Mr Gandhi. I was wonderstruck why I was
promoted and given a place side by side with Mr Gandhi."[120] Although the League
did not actively support the British war effort, neither did they try to obstruct
it.[121]
Jinnah and Gandhi arguing in 1939
With the British and Muslims to some extent co-operating, the Viceroy asked Jinnah
for an expression of the Muslim League's position on self-government, confident
that it would differ greatly from that of the Congress. To come up with such a
position, the League's Working Committee met for four days in February 1940 to set
out terms of reference to a constitutional sub-committee. The Working Committee
asked that the sub-committee return with a proposal that would result in
"independent dominions in direct relationship with Great Britain" where Muslims
were dominant.[122] On 6 February, Jinnah informed the Viceroy that the Muslim
League would be demanding partition instead of the federation contemplated in the
1935 Act. The Lahore Resolution (sometimes called the "Pakistan Resolution",
although it does not contain that name), based on the sub-committee's work,
embraced the Two-Nation Theory and called for a union of the Muslim-majority
provinces in the northwest of British India, with complete autonomy. Similar rights
were to be granted to the Muslim-majority areas in the east, and unspecified
protections given to Muslim minorities in other provinces. The resolution was
passed by the League session in Lahore on 23 March 1940.[123][124]

Jinnah makes a speech in New Delhi, 1943

Gandhi's reaction to the Lahore Resolution was muted; he called it "baffling", but
told his disciples that Muslims, in common with other people of India, had the
right to self-determination. Leaders of the Congress were more vocal; Jawaharlal
Nehru referred to Lahore as "Jinnah's fantastic proposals" while Chakravarti
Rajagopalachari deemed Jinnah's views on partition "a sign of a diseased
mentality".[125] Linlithgow met with Jinnah in June 1940,[126] soon after Winston
Churchill became the British prime minister, and in August offered both the
Congress and the League a deal whereby in exchange for full support for the war,
Linlithgow would allow Indian representation on his major war councils. The Viceroy
promised a representative body after the war to determine India's future, and that
no future settlement would be imposed over the objections of a large part of the
population. This was satisfactory to neither the Congress nor the League, though
Jinnah was pleased that the British had moved towards recognising Jinnah as the
representative of the Muslim community's interests.[127] Jinnah was reluctant to
make specific proposals as to the boundaries of Pakistan, or its relationships with
Britain and with the rest of the subcontinent, fearing that any precise plan would
divide the League.[128]

The Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941 brought the United States into
the war. In the following months, the Japanese advanced in Southeast Asia, and the
British Cabinet sent a mission led by Sir Stafford Cripps to try to conciliate the
Indians and cause them to fully back the war. Cripps proposed giving some provinces
what was dubbed the "local option" to remain outside of an Indian central
government either for a period of time or permanently, to become dominions on their
own or be part of another confederation. The Muslim League was far from certain of
winning the legislative votes that would be required for mixed provinces such as
Bengal and Punjab to secede, and Jinnah rejected the proposals as not sufficiently
recognising Pakistan's right to exist. The Congress also rejected the Cripps plan,
demanding immediate concessions which Cripps was not prepared to give.[129][130]
Despite the rejection, Jinnah and the League saw the Cripps proposal as recognising
Pakistan in principle.[131]

Jinnah with Mahatma Gandhi in Bombay, 1944

The Congress followed the failed Cripps mission by demanding, in August 1942, that
the British immediately "Quit India", proclaiming a mass campaign of satyagraha
until they did. The British promptly arrested most major leaders of the Congress
and imprisoned them for the remainder of the war. Gandhi, however, was placed on
house arrest in one of the Aga Khan's palaces prior to his release for health
reasons in 1944. With the Congress leaders absent from the political scene, Jinnah
warned against the threat of Hindu domination and maintained his Pakistan demand
without going into great detail about what that would entail. Jinnah also worked to
increase the League's political control at the provincial level.[132][133] He
helped to found the newspaper Dawn in the early 1940s in Delhi; it helped to spread
the League's message and eventually became the major English-language newspaper of
Pakistan.[134]

In September 1944, Jinnah hosted Gandhi, recently released from confinement, at his
home on Malabar Hill in Bombay. Two weeks of talks between them followed, which
resulted in no agreement. Jinnah insisted on Pakistan being conceded prior to the
British departure and to come into being immediately, while Gandhi proposed that
plebiscites on partition occur sometime after a united India gained its
independence.[135] In early 1945, Liaquat and the Congress leader Bhulabhai Desai
met, with Jinnah's approval, and agreed that after the war, the Congress and the
League should form an interim government with the members of the Executive Council
of the Viceroy to be nominated by the Congress and the League in equal numbers.
When the Congress leadership were released from prison in June 1945, they
repudiated the agreement and censured Desai for acting without proper authority.
[136]

Postwar

Nehru (left) and Jinnah walk together at Simla, 1946

Field Marshal Viscount Wavell succeeded Linlithgow as Viceroy in 1943. In June
1945, following the release of the Congress leaders, Wavell called for a
conference, and invited the leading figures from the various communities to meet
with him at Simla. He proposed a temporary government along the lines which Liaquat
and Desai had agreed. However, Wavell was unwilling to guarantee that only the
League's candidates would be placed in the seats reserved for Muslims. All other
invited groups submitted lists of candidates to the Viceroy. Wavell cut the
conference short in mid-July without further seeking an agreement; with a British
general election imminent, Churchill's government did not feel it could proceed.
[137]

British voters returned Clement Attlee and his Labour Party to government later in
July. Attlee and his Secretary of State for India, Lord Frederick Pethick-Lawrence,
immediately ordered a review of the Indian situation.[138] Jinnah had no comment on
the change of government, but called a meeting of his Working Committee and issued
a statement calling for new elections in India. The League held influence at the
provincial level in the Muslim-majority states mostly by alliance, and Jinnah
believed that, given the opportunity, the League would improve its electoral
standing and lend added support to his claim to be the sole spokesman for the
Muslims. Wavell returned to India in September after consultation with his new
masters in London; elections, both for the centre and for the provinces, were
announced soon after. The British indicated that formation of a constitution-making
body would follow the votes.[139]

Jinnah with Muslim League leaders in the corridor of the Central Legislative
Assembly in New Delhi in 1946.
The Muslim League declared that they would campaign on a single issue: Pakistan.
[140] Speaking in Ahmedabad, Jinnah echoed this, "Pakistan is a matter of life or
death for us."[141] In the December 1945 elections for the Constituent Assembly of
India, the League won every seat reserved for Muslims. In the provincial elections
in January 1946, the League took 75% of the Muslim vote, an increase from 4.4% in
1937.[142] According to his biographer Bolitho, "This was Jinnah's glorious hour:
his arduous political campaigns, his robust beliefs and claims, were at last
justified."[143] Wolpert wrote that the League election showing "appeared to prove
the universal appeal of Pakistan among Muslims of the subcontinent".[144] The
Congress dominated the central assembly nevertheless, though it lost four seats
from its previous strength.[144]

Jinnah with Stafford Cripps (right) and Pethick-Lawrence (left)

In February 1946, the British Cabinet resolved to send a delegation to India to
negotiate with leaders there. This Cabinet Mission included Cripps and Pethick-
Lawrence. The highest-level delegation to try to break the deadlock, it arrived in
New Delhi in late March. Little negotiation had been done since the previous
October because of the elections in India.[145] The British in May released a plan
for a united Indian state comprising substantially autonomous provinces, and called
for "groups" of provinces formed on the basis of religion. Matters such as defence,
external relations and communications would be handled by a central authority.
Provinces would have the option of leaving the union entirely, and there would be
an interim government with representation from the Congress and the League. Jinnah
and his Working Committee accepted this plan in June, but it fell apart over the
question of how many members of the interim government the Congress and the League
would have, and over the Congress's desire to include a Muslim member in its
representation. Before leaving India, the British ministers stated that they
intended to inaugurate an interim government even if one of the major groups was
unwilling to participate.[146]

The Congress soon joined the new Indian ministry. The League was slower to do so,
not entering until October 1946. In agreeing to have the League join the
government, Jinnah abandoned his demands for parity with the Congress and a veto on
matters concerning Muslims. The new ministry met amid a backdrop of rioting,
especially in Calcutta.[147] The Congress wanted the Viceroy to immediately summon
the constituent assembly and begin the work of writing a constitution and felt that
the League ministers should either join in the request or resign from the
government. Wavell attempted to save the situation by flying leaders such as
Jinnah, Liaquat, and Jawaharlal Nehru to London in December 1946. At the end of the
talks, participants issued a statement that the constitution would not be forced on
any unwilling parts of India.[148] On the way back from London, Jinnah and Liaquat
stopped in Cairo for several days of pan-Islamic meetings.[149]

The Congress endorsed the joint statement from the London conference over the angry
dissent from some elements. The League refused to do so, and took no part in the
constitutional discussions.[148] Jinnah had been willing to consider some continued
links to Hindustan (as the Hindu-majority state which would be formed on partition
was sometimes referred to), such as a joint military or communications. However, by
December 1946, he insisted on a fully sovereign Pakistan with dominion status.[150]

Following the failure of the London trip, Jinnah was in no hurry to reach an
agreement, considering that time would allow him to gain the undivided provinces of
Bengal and Punjab for Pakistan, but these wealthy, populous provinces had sizeable
non-Muslim minorities, complicating a settlement.[151] The Attlee ministry desired
a rapid British departure from the subcontinent, but had little confidence in
Wavell to achieve that end. Beginning in December 1946, British officials began
looking for a viceregal successor to Wavell, and soon fixed on Admiral Lord
Mountbatten of Burma, a war leader popular among Conservatives as the great-
grandson of Queen Victoria and among Labour for his political views.[149]

Mountbatten and independence

Lord Louis Mountbatten and his wife Edwina Mountbatten with Jinnah in 1947
Main article: Partition of India
On 20 February 1947, Attlee announced Mountbatten's appointment, and that Britain
would transfer power in India not later than June 1948.[152] Mountbatten took
office as Viceroy on 24 March 1947, two days after his arrival in India.[153] By
then, the Congress had come around to the idea of partition. Nehru stated in 1960,
"the truth is that we were tired men and we were getting on in years ... The plan
for partition offered a way out and we took it."[154] Leaders of the Congress
decided that having loosely tied Muslim-majority provinces as part of a future
India was not worth the loss of the powerful government at the centre which they
desired.[155] However, the Congress insisted that if Pakistan were to become
independent, Bengal and Punjab would have to be divided.[156]

Mountbatten had been warned in his briefing papers that Jinnah would be his
"toughest customer" who had proved a chronic nuisance because "no one in this
country [India] had so far gotten into Jinnah's mind".[157] The men met over six
days beginning on 5 April. The sessions began lightly when Jinnah, photographed
between Louis and Edwina Mountbatten, quipped "A rose between two thorns" which the
Viceroy took, perhaps gratuitously, as evidence that the Muslim leader had pre-
planned his joke but had expected the vicereine to stand in the middle.[158]
Mountbatten was not favourably impressed with Jinnah, repeatedly expressing
frustration to his staff about Jinnah's insistence on Pakistan in the face of all
argument.[159]

Mountbatten meets Jinnah, Nehru and other leaders to plan the Partition of India
Jinnah feared that at the end of the British presence in the subcontinent, they
would turn control over to the Congress-dominated constituent assembly, putting
Muslims at a disadvantage in attempting to win autonomy. He demanded that
Mountbatten divide the army prior to independence, which would take at least a
year. Mountbatten had hoped that the post-independence arrangements would include a
common defence force, but Jinnah saw it as essential that a sovereign state should
have its own forces. Mountbatten met with Liaquat the day of his final session with
Jinnah, and concluded, as he told Attlee and the Cabinet in May, that "it had
become clear that the Muslim League would resort to arms if Pakistan in some form
were not conceded."[160][161] The Viceroy was also influenced by negative Muslim
reaction to the constitutional report of the assembly, which envisioned broad
powers for the post-independence central government.[162]

On 2 June 1947, the final plan was given by the Viceroy to Indian leaders: on 15
August, the British would turn over power to two dominions. The provinces would
vote on whether to continue in the existing constituent assembly or to have a new
one, that is, to join Pakistan. Bengal and Punjab would also vote, both on the
question of which assembly to join, and on the partition. A boundary commission
would determine the final lines in the partitioned provinces. Plebiscites would
take place in the North-West Frontier Province (which did not have a League
government despite an overwhelmingly Muslim population), and in the majority-Muslim
Sylhet district of Assam, adjacent to eastern Bengal. On 3 June, Mountbatten,
Nehru, Jinnah and Sikh leader Baldev Singh made the formal announcement by radio.
[163][164][165] Jinnah concluded his address with "Pakistan Zindabad" (Long live
Pakistan), which was not in the script.[166] Some listeners misunderstood his Urdu
as "Pakistan's in the bag!".[167] In the weeks which followed Punjab and Bengal
cast the votes which resulted in partition. Sylhet and the N.W.F.P. voted to cast
their lots with Pakistan, a decision joined by the assemblies in Sind and
Baluchistan.[165]

Jinnah announcing the creation of Pakistan over All India Radio on 3 June 1947
On 4 July 1947, Liaquat asked Mountbatten on Jinnah's behalf to recommend to the
British king, George VI, that Jinnah be appointed Pakistan's first governor-
general. This request angered Mountbatten, who had hoped to have that position in
both dominions—he would be India's first post-independence governor-general—but
Jinnah felt that Mountbatten would be likely to favour the new Hindu-majority state
because of his closeness to Nehru. In addition, the governor-general would
initially be a powerful figure, and Jinnah did not trust anyone else to take that
office. Although the Boundary Commission, led by British lawyer Sir Cyril
Radcliffe, had not yet reported, there were already massive movements of
populations between the nations-to-be, as well as sectarian violence. Jinnah
arranged to sell his house in Bombay and procured a new one in Karachi. On 7
August, Jinnah, with his sister and close staff, flew from Delhi to Karachi in
Mountbatten's plane, and as the plane taxied, he was heard to murmur, "That's the
end of that."[168][169][170] On 11 August, he presided over the new constituent
assembly for Pakistan at Karachi, and addressed them, "You are free; you are free
to go to your temples, you are free to go to your mosques or to any other place of
worship in this State of Pakistan ... You may belong to any religion or caste or
creed—that has nothing to do with the business of the State ... I think we should
keep that in front of us as our ideal and you will find that in course of time
Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the
religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the
political sense as citizens of the State."[171] On 14 August, Pakistan became
independent; Jinnah led the celebrations in Karachi. One observer wrote, "here
indeed is Pakistan's King Emperor, Archbishop of Canterbury, Speaker and Prime
Minister concentrated into one formidable Quaid-e-Azam."[172]

Governor-General

Jinnah during the oath taking ceremony as Governor General

The Radcliffe Commission, dividing Bengal and Punjab, completed its work and
reported to Mountbatten on 12 August; the last Viceroy held the maps until the
17th, not wanting to spoil the independence celebrations in both nations. There had
already been ethnically charged violence and movement of populations; publication
of the Radcliffe Line dividing the new nations sparked mass migration, murder, and
ethnic cleansing. Many on the "wrong side" of the lines fled or were murdered, or
murdered others, hoping to make facts on the ground which would reverse the
commission's verdict. Radcliffe wrote in his report that he knew that neither side
would be happy with his award; he declined his fee for the work.[173] Christopher
Beaumont, Radcliffe's private secretary, later wrote that Mountbatten "must take
the blame—though not the sole blame—for the massacres in the Punjab in which
between 500,000 to a million men, women and children perished".[174] As many as
14.5 million people relocated between India and Pakistan during and after
partition.[174] Jinnah did what he could for the eight million people who migrated
to Pakistan; although by now over 70 and frail from lung ailments, he travelled
across West Pakistan and personally supervised the provision of aid.[175] According
to Ahmed, "What Pakistan needed desperately in those early months was a symbol of
the state, one that would unify people and give them the courage and resolve to
succeed."[176]

Jinnah speaking at the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan on 14 August 1947

Among the restive regions of the new nation was the North-West Frontier Province.
The referendum there in July 1947 had been tainted by low turnout as less than 10
per cent of the population were allowed to vote.[177] On 22 August 1947, just after
a week of becoming governor general, Jinnah dissolved the elected government of
Khan Abdul Jabbar Khan.[178] Later on, Abdul Qayyum Khan was put in place by Jinnah
in the Pashtun-dominated province despite him being a Kashmiri.[179] On 12 August
1948 the Babrra massacre in Charsadda occurred resulting in the death of 400 people
aligned with the Khudai Khidmatgar movement.[180]

Along with Liaquat and Abdur Rab Nishtar, Jinnah represented Pakistan's interests
in the Division Council to appropriately divide public assets between India and
Pakistan.[181] Pakistan was supposed to receive one-sixth of the pre-independence
government's assets, carefully divided by agreement, even specifying how many
sheets of paper each side would receive. The new Indian state, however, was slow to
deliver, hoping for the collapse of the nascent Pakistani government, and reunion.
Few members of the Indian Civil Service and the Indian Police Service had chosen
Pakistan, resulting in staff shortages. Partition meant that for some farmers, the
markets to sell their crops were on the other side of an international border.
There were shortages of machinery, not all of which was made in Pakistan. In
addition to the massive refugee problem, the new government sought to save
abandoned crops, establish security in a chaotic situation, and provide basic
services. According to economist Yasmeen Niaz Mohiuddin in her study of Pakistan,
"although Pakistan was born in bloodshed and turmoil, it survived in the initial
and difficult months after partition only because of the tremendous sacrifices made
by its people and the selfless efforts of its great leader."[182]

The Princely states of India were advised by the departing British to choose
whether to join Pakistan or India. Most did so prior to independence, but the
holdouts contributed to what have become lasting divisions between the two nations.
[183] Indian leaders were angered at Jinnah's attempts to convince the princes of
Jodhpur, Udaipur, Bhopal and Indore to accede to Pakistan—the latter three princely
states did not border Pakistan. Jodhpur bordered it and had both a Hindu majority
population and a Hindu ruler.[184] The coastal princely state of Junagadh, which
had a majority-Hindu population, did accede to Pakistan in September 1947, with its
ruler's dewan, Sir Shah Nawaz Bhutto, personally delivering the accession papers to
Jinnah. But two of three vassal states that were subject to the suzerainty of
Junagadh—Mangrol and Babariawad—declared their independence from Junagadh and
acceded to India. In response, the Nawab of Junagarh militarily occupied the two
states. Subsequently, the Indian Army occupied the principality in November,[185]
forcing its former leaders, including Bhutto, to flee to Pakistan, beginning the
politically influential Bhutto family.[186]

Jinnah's arrival at Lahore to discuss the Kashmir crisis in 1948

The most contentious of the disputes was, and continues to be, that over the
princely state of Kashmir. It had a Muslim-majority population and a Hindu
maharaja, Sir Hari Singh, who stalled his decision on which nation to join. With
the population in revolt in October 1947, aided by Pakistani irregulars, the
maharaja acceded to India; Indian troops were airlifted in. Jinnah objected to this
action, and ordered that Pakistani troops move into Kashmir. The Pakistani Army was
still commanded by British officers, and the commanding officer, General Sir
Douglas Gracey, refused the order, stating that he would not move into what he
considered the territory of another nation without approval from higher authority,
which was not forthcoming. Jinnah withdrew the order. This did not stop the
violence there, which broke into Indo-Pakistani War of 1947.[183][187]

Some historians allege that Jinnah's courting the rulers of Hindu-majority states
and his gambit with Junagadh are evidence of ill-intent towards India, as Jinnah
had promoted separation by religion, yet tried to gain the accession of Hindu-
majority states.[188] In his book Patel: A Life, Rajmohan Gandhi asserts that
Jinnah hoped for a plebiscite in Junagadh, knowing Pakistan would lose, in the hope
the principle would be established for Kashmir.[189] However, when Mountbatten
proposed to Jinnah that, in all the princely States where the ruler did not accede
to a Dominion corresponding to the majority population (which would have included
Junagadh, Hyderabad and Kashmir), the accession should be decided by an 'impartial
reference to the will of the people', Jinnah rejected the offer.[190][191][192]
Despite the United Nations Security Council Resolution 47, issued at India's
request for a plebiscite in Kashmir after the withdrawal of Pakistani forces, this
has never occurred.[187]

In January 1948, the Indian government finally agreed to pay Pakistan its share of
British India's assets on 15 January 1948. The partition violence stopped by 18
January following the fast by Mahatma Gandhi with religious rioters promising
Gandhi to frown upon the violence.[193] Only days later, on 30 January, Gandhi was
assassinated by Nathuram Godse, a Hindutva activist, who claimed that Gandhi was
pro-Muslim. After hearing about Gandhi's murder on the following day, Jinnah
publicly made a brief statement of condolence, calling Gandhi "one of the greatest
men produced by the Hindu community".[194]

In February 1948, in a radio talk broadcast addressed to the people of the US,[195]
Jinnah expressed his views regarding Pakistan's constitution to be in the following
way:

The Constitution of Pakistan is yet to be framed by the Pakistan Constituent

Assembly, I do not know what the ultimate shape of the constitution is going to be,
but I am sure that it will be of a democratic type, embodying the essential
principles of Islam. Today these are as applicable in actual life as these were
1300 years ago. Islam and its idealism have taught us democracy. It has taught
equality of man, justice and fair play to everybody. We are the inheritors of these
glorious traditions and are fully alive to our responsibilities and obligations as
framers of the future constitution of Pakistan.

In March, Jinnah, despite his declining health, made his only post-independence
visit to East Pakistan. In a speech before a crowd estimated at 300,000, Jinnah
stated (in English) that Urdu alone should be the national language, believing a
single language was needed for a nation to remain united. The Bengali-speaking
people of East Pakistan strongly opposed this policy, and in 1971 the official
language issue was a factor in the region's secession to form the country of
Bangladesh.[196]

Illness and death

Jinnah smoking a cigar

From the 1930s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis; only his sister and a few others
close to him were aware of his condition. Jinnah believed public knowledge of his
lung ailments would hurt him politically. In a 1938 letter, he wrote to a supporter
that "you must have read in the papers how during my tours ... I suffered, which
was not because there was anything wrong with me, but the irregularities [of the
schedule] and over-strain told upon my health".[197][198] Many years later,
Mountbatten stated that if he had known Jinnah was so physically ill, he would have
stalled, hoping Jinnah's death would avert partition.[199] Fatima Jinnah later
wrote, "even in his hour of triumph, the Quaid-e-Azam was gravely ill ... He worked
in a frenzy to consolidate Pakistan. And, of course, he totally neglected his
health ..."[200] Jinnah worked with a tin of Craven "A" cigarettes at his desk, of
which he had smoked 50 or more a day for the previous 30 years, as well as a box of
Cuban cigars. As his health got worse, he took longer and longer rest breaks in the
private wing of Government House in Karachi, where only he, Fatima and the servants
were allowed.[201]

In June 1948, he and Fatima flew to Quetta, in the mountains of Balochistan, where
the weather was cooler than in Karachi. He could not completely rest there,
addressing the officers at the Command and Staff College saying, "you, along with
the other Forces of Pakistan, are the custodians of the life, property and honour
of the people of Pakistan."[202] He returned to Karachi for the 1 July opening
ceremony for the State Bank of Pakistan, at which he spoke. A reception by the
Canadian trade commissioner that evening in honour of Dominion Day was the last
public event he attended.[203]

Jinnah spent many of the last days of his life at Quaid-e-Azam Residency, Ziarat,
Pakistan.
On 6 July 1948, Jinnah returned to Quetta, but at the advice of doctors, soon
journeyed to an even higher retreat at Ziarat. Jinnah had always been reluctant to
undergo medical treatment but realising his condition was getting worse, the
Pakistani government sent the best doctors it could find to treat him. Tests
confirmed tuberculosis, and also showed evidence of advanced lung cancer. He was
treated with the new "miracle drug" of streptomycin, but it did not help. Jinnah's
condition continued to deteriorate despite the Eid prayers of his people. He was
moved to the lower altitude of Quetta on 13 August, the eve of Independence Day,
for which a ghost-written statement for him was released. Despite an increase in
appetite (he then weighed just over 36 kilograms or 79 pounds), it was clear to his
doctors that if he was to return to Karachi in life, he would have to do so very
soon. Jinnah, however, was reluctant to go, not wishing his aides to see him as an
invalid on a stretcher.[204]

By 9 September, Jinnah had also developed pneumonia. Doctors urged him to return to
Karachi, where he could receive better care, and with his agreement, he was flown
there on the morning of 11 September. Dr Ilahi Bux, his personal physician,
believed that Jinnah's change of mind was caused by foreknowledge of death. The
plane landed at Karachi that afternoon, to be met by Jinnah's limousine, and an
ambulance into which Jinnah's stretcher was placed. The ambulance broke down on the
road into town, and the Governor-General and those with him waited for another to
arrive; he could not be placed in the car as he could not sit up. They waited by
the roadside in oppressive heat as trucks and buses passed by, unsuitable for
transporting the dying man and with their occupants not knowing of Jinnah's
presence. After an hour, the replacement ambulance came, and transported Jinnah to
Government House, arriving there over two hours after the landing. Jinnah died
later that night at 10:20 pm at his home in Karachi on 11 September 1948 at the age
of 71, just over a year after Pakistan's creation.[205][206]

Special services and prayers were held in the Kwitang mosque of Jakarta (Indonesia)
after the death of Jinnah.
Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru stated upon Jinnah's death, "How shall we
judge him? I have been very angry with him often during the past years. But now
there is no bitterness in my thought of him, only a great sadness for all that has
been ... he succeeded in his quest and gained his objective, but at what a cost and
with what a difference from what he had imagined."[207]

Tomb of Muhammad Ali Jinnah in Karachi

Jinnah was buried on 12 September 1948 amid official mourning in Pakistan; a
million people gathered for his funeral led by Shabbir Ahmad Usmani.[208] Today,
Jinnah rests in a large marble mausoleum, Mazar-e-Quaid, in Karachi.[209][210][211]

Aftermath
After Jinnah died, his sister Fatima asked the court to execute Jinnah's will under
Shia Islamic law.[212] This subsequently became part of the argument in Pakistan
about Jinnah's religious affiliation. Iranian-American academic Vali Nasr claimed
that Jinnah "was an Ismaili by birth and a Twelver Shia by confession, though not a
religiously observant man."[213] In a 1970 legal challenge, Hussain Ali Ganji Walji
claimed Jinnah had converted to Sunni Islam. Witness Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada
stated in court that Jinnah converted to Sunni Islam in 1901 when his sisters
married Sunnis. In 1970, Liaquat Ali Khan and Fatima Jinnah's joint affidavit that
Jinnah was Shia was rejected. But in 1976 the court rejected Walji's claim that
Jinnah was Sunni; effectively implying that he was a Shia. In 1984 a high court
bench reversed the 1976 verdict and maintained that "the Quaid was definitely not a
Shia", which suggested that Jinnah was Sunni.[214] According to the journalist
Khaled Ahmed, Jinnah publicly had a non-sectarian stance and "was at pains to
gather the Muslims of India under the banner of a general Muslim faith and not
under a divisive sectarian identity." Liaquat H. Merchant, Jinnah's grandnephew,
writes that "the Quaid was not a Shia; he was also not a Sunni, he was simply a
Muslim".[212] An eminent lawyer who practised in the Bombay High Court until 1940
testified that Jinnah used to pray as an orthodox Sunni.[215] According to Akbar
Ahmed, Jinnah became a firm Sunni Muslim by the end of his life.[6]

Legacy and honors

See also: List of things named after Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Jinnah and his sister Fatima. Wax statues in the Lok Virsa Museum at the Pakistan
Monument, Islamabad.
Jinnah's legacy is Pakistan. According to Mohiuddin, "He was and continues to be as
highly honored in Pakistan as [first US president] George Washington is in the
United States ... Pakistan owes its very existence to his drive, tenacity, and
judgment ... Jinnah's importance in the creation of Pakistan was monumental and
immeasurable."[216] American historian Stanley Wolpert, giving a speech in honour
of Jinnah in 1998, deemed him Pakistan's greatest leader.[217]

Statue of Jinnah at York University in Toronto

According to Jaswant Singh, "With Jinnah's death Pakistan lost its moorings. In
India there will not easily arrive another Gandhi, nor in Pakistan another
Jinnah."[218] Malik writes, "As long as Jinnah was alive, he could persuade and
even pressure regional leaders toward greater mutual accommodation, but after his
death, the lack of consensus on the distribution of political power and economic
resources often turned controversial."[219] According to Mohiuddin, "Jinnah's death
deprived Pakistan of a leader who could have enhanced stability and democratic
governance ... The rocky road to democracy in Pakistan and the relatively smooth
one in India can in some measure be ascribed to Pakistan's tragedy of losing an
incorruptible and highly revered leader so soon after independence."[220]

Blue Plaque in London dedicated to Jinnah

His birthday is observed as a national holiday, Quaid-e-Azam Day, in Pakistan.[221]
[222][223] Jinnah earned the title Quaid-e-Azam (meaning "Great Leader"). His other
title is Baba-i-Qaum (Father of the Nation). The former title was reportedly given
to Jinnah at first by Mian Ferozuddin Ahmed. It became an official title by effect
of a resolution passed on 11 August 1947 by Liaquat Ali Khan in the Constituent
Assembly of Pakistan.[224] Within a few days of Pakistan's creation Jinnah's name
was read in the khutba at mosques as Amir-ul-Millat, a traditional title of Muslim
rulers.[215]

75 Pakistani rupee commemorative banknote (front)

The civil awards of Pakistan includes an 'Order of Quaid-i-Azam'. The Jinnah
Society also confers the 'Jinnah Award' annually to a person that renders
outstanding and meritorious services to Pakistan and its people.[225] Jinnah is
depicted on all Pakistani rupee currency, and is the namesake of many Pakistani
public institutions. The former Quaid-i-Azam International Airport in Karachi, now
called the Jinnah International Airport, is Pakistan's busiest. One of the largest
streets in the Turkish capital Ankara, Cinnah Caddesi, is named after him, as is
the Mohammad Ali Jenah Expressway in Tehran, Iran. In Chicago, a portion of Devon
Avenue was named "Mohammed Ali Jinnah Way". A section of Coney Island Avenue in
Brooklyn, New York was also named 'Muhammad Ali Jinnah Way' in honour of the
founder of Pakistan.[226] The Mazar-e-Quaid, Jinnah's mausoleum, is among Karachi's
notable landmarks.[227] The "Jinnah Tower" in Guntur, Andhra Pradesh, India, was
built to commemorate Jinnah.[228] The royalist government of Iran also released a
stamp commemorating the centennial of Jinnah's birth in 1976. The Jinnah House in
Malabar Hill, Bombay, is in the possession of the Government of India, but the
issue of its ownership has been disputed by the Government of Pakistan.[229] Jinnah
had personally requested Prime Minister Nehru to preserve the house, hoping one day
he could return to Bombay. There are proposals for the house to be offered to the
government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in the city as a goodwill gesture,
but Dina Wadia had also staked a claim on the property.[229][230]

Jinnah's portraits on the stamps of Turkmenistan and Iran

There is a considerable amount of scholarship on Jinnah which stems from Pakistan;
according to Akbar S. Ahmed, it is not widely read outside the country and usually
avoids even the slightest criticism of Jinnah.[231] According to Ahmed, some books
published about Jinnah outside Pakistan mention that he consumed alcohol, but this
is omitted from books published inside Pakistan. Ahmed suggests that depicting the
Quaid drinking would weaken Jinnah's Islamic identity, and by extension,
Pakistan's. Some sources allege he gave up alcohol near the end of his life.[92]
[232] The professor Maya Tudor concluded that "Jinnah could not be described as a
practicing Muslim" given his consumption of pork, use of alcohol, and usage of
interest.[233] On the other hand, Yahya Bakhtiar, who observed Jinnah at close
quarters, concluded that Jinnah was a "very sincere, deeply committed and dedicated
Mussalman."[215]

According to historian Ayesha Jalal, while there is a tendency towards hagiography

in the Pakistani view of Jinnah, in India he is viewed negatively.[234] Ahmed deems
Jinnah "the most maligned person in recent Indian history ... In India, many see
him as the demon who divided the land."[235] Even many Indian Muslims see Jinnah
negatively, blaming him for their woes as a minority in that state.[236] Some
historians such as Jalal and H. M. Seervai assert that Jinnah never wanted the
partition of India—it was the outcome of the Congress leaders being unwilling to
share power with the Muslim League. They contend that Jinnah only used the Pakistan
demand in an attempt to mobilise support to obtain significant political rights for
Muslims.[237] Francis Mudie, the last British Governor of Sindh, in Jinnah's honour
once said:

In judging Jinnah, we must remember what he was up against. He had against him not
only the wealth and brains of the Hindus, but also nearly the whole of British
officialdom, and most of the Home politicians, who made the great mistake of
refusing to take Pakistan seriously. Never was his position really examined.[238]
[239]

Muhammad Ali Jinnah, according to Yasser Latif Hamdani and Eamon Murphy, is
associated with his call for Direct Action Day, which resulted in bloodshed and
communal violence that culminated in the partition of India and the creation of
Pakistan.[240] This incident and Jinnah's role, according to these authors, is
viewed with contempt especially in India.[241][242]

Jinnah has gained the admiration of Indian nationalist politicians such as Lal
Krishna Advani, whose comments praising Jinnah caused an uproar in his Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP).[243] Indian politician Jaswant Singh's book Jinnah: India,
Partition, Independence (2009) caused controversy in India.[244] The book was based
on Jinnah's ideology and alleged that Nehru's desire for a powerful centre led to
Partition.[245] Upon the book release, Singh was expelled from his membership of
Bharatiya Janata Party, to which he responded that BJP is "narrow-minded" and has
"limited thoughts".[246][247]

Jinnah was the central figure of the 1998 film Jinnah, which was based on Jinnah's
life and his struggle for the creation of Pakistan. Christopher Lee, who portrayed
Jinnah, called his performance the best of his career.[248][249] The 1954 Hector
Bolitho's book Jinnah: Creator of Pakistan prompted Fatima Jinnah to release a
book, titled My Brother (1987), as she thought that Bolitho's book had failed to
express the political aspects of Jinnah. The book received positive reception in
Pakistan. Jinnah of Pakistan (1984) by Stanley Wolpert is regarded as one of the
best biographical books on Jinnah.[250]

The view of Jinnah in the West has been shaped to some extent by his portrayal in
Sir Richard Attenborough's 1982 film, Gandhi. The film was dedicated to Nehru and
Mountbatten and was given considerable support by Nehru's daughter, the Indian
prime minister, Indira Gandhi. It portrays Jinnah (played by Alyque Padamsee) in an
unflattering light, who seems to act out of jealousy of Gandhi. Padamsee later
stated that his portrayal was not historically accurate.[251] In a journal article
on Pakistan's first governor-general, historian R. J. Moore wrote that Jinnah is
universally recognised as central to the creation of Pakistan.[252] Stanley Wolpert
summarises the profound effect that Jinnah had on the world:

Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the
map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state.
Mohammad Ali Jinnah did all three.[253]

See also
List of peace activists
List of civil rights leaders
References and notes
Explanatory notes
While Jinnah's birthday is celebrated as 25 December 1876, there is reason to
doubt that date. Karachi did not then issue birth certificates, no record was kept
by his family (birth dates being of little importance to Muslims of the time), and
his school records reflect a birth date of 20 October 1875. See Bolitho, p. 3.
Jinnah was permanent president of the League from 1919 to 1930, when the position
was abolished. He was also sessional president in 1916, 1920, and from 1924 until
his death in 1948. See Jalal, p. 36.
Citations
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in Jhirk, located in Thatta district. But most historians and biographers go along
with the official line ..."
Ahmed, p. 4.
Pirbhai 2017, p. 25: Jinnah family had deep roots in the minor “Princely State” of
Gondal in the Kathiawar area of Gujarat–one of hundreds of such British tributary
states scattered about South Asia.
Walsh, Judith E. (2017). A Brief History of India. Infobase Publishing. p. 173.
ISBN 978-1-4381-0825-4. son of a middle-class merchant of the Muslim Khoja
community who had migrated to Sind from Gujarat
Ahmed, Khaled (24 December 2010). "Was Jinnah a Shia or a Sunni?". The Friday
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Ahmed, p. 4: "Although born into a Khoja (from khwaja or 'noble') family who were
disciples of the Ismaili Aga Khan, Jinnah moved towards the Sunni sect early in
life. There is evidence later, given by his relatives and associates in court, to
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Pirbhai 2017, p. 25.
Singh, pp. 30–33.
Wolpert, pp. 3–5.
Desai, Anjali (2007). India Guide Gujarat. Indian Guide Publications. ISBN 978-0-
9789517-0-2. In 1913, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the son of an affluent Gujarati merchant
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Ahmed, p. 3.
 Jinnah, Fatima, pp. 48–49.
Swamy 1997: "The future Mahatma insisted that the speeches be made in Gujarati by
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Gujarati was limited, objected to the suggestion."
Ghosh 1999: "Jinnah was not as fluent in his mother tongue or for that matter in
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Puri, p. 34.
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Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had studied,[...]"
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Read, pp. 95–96.
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"Paintings". Lincoln's Inn. Retrieved 17 August 2019.
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Singh, pp. 41–42.
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Wolpert, pp. 34–35.
Wolpert, pp. 35–37.
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Bolitho, pp. 61–70.
Ahmed, pp. 11–15.
Singh, pp. 90–93.
Wolpert, pp. 61–71.
Mohiuddin, p. 61.
Jalal, p. 8.
Bolitho, pp. 84–85.
Wolpert, pp. 71–72.
Wolpert, pp. 74–76, 87.
Singh, pp. 130–131.
Wolpert, pp. 89–90.
Wolpert, pp. 96–105.
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 Paul, T. (2014). The Warrior State: Pakistan in the Contemporary World. Oup USA.
pp. 37–38. ISBN 978-0-19-932223-7. Iqbal wrote several letters to Jinnah in 1937
persuading him to take the lead in creating Pakistan... These correspondences would
change the way Jinnah would look at the issue of a separate homeland for Muslims.
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230. Iqbal's influence was perhaps the most powerful in Jinnah's decision to
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"The Concept". Pakistani Periodicals. 26 (1–6): 21. 2006. Certainly these views
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constitutional problem by projecting Muslims as a separate body
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permanently
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Mohammed Iqbal. Oxford University Press. p. 153. ISBN 978-0-19-563979-7. Iqbal was
indirectly responsible for Jinnah's return to India from London
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his self-imposed exile in London.
Ahmed, pp. 62–73.
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Bolitho, p. 123.
Singh, p. 223.
Jalal, pp. 47–49.
Singh, pp. 225–226.
Singh, p. 225.
Jalal, pp. 51–55.
Singh, pp. 232–233.
Jalal, pp. 54–58.
Wolpert, p. 185.
Wolpert, p. 189.
Jalal, pp. 62–63.
Moore, p. 551.
Jalal, pp. 71–81.
 Wolpert, pp. 196–201.
Moore, p. 553.
Jalal, pp. 82–84.
Wolpert, pp. 208, 229.
Ahmed, p. 107.
Singh, pp. 266–280.
Singh, pp. 280–283.
Singh, pp. 289–297.
Jalal, p. 132.
Singh, pp. 301–302.
Singh, p. 302.
Wolpert, p. 251.
Jalal, pp. 171–172.
Bolitho, p. 158.
Wolpert, p. 254.
Singh, pp. 302, 303–308.
Singh, pp. 308–322.
Jalal, pp. 221–225.
Jalal, pp. 229–231.
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Further reading
K. R. N. Swamy (1 December 1997), Mughals, maharajas, and the Mahatma,
HarperCollins Publishers India, p. 71, ISBN 978-8-17-223280-1
Partha Sarathy Ghosh (1 January 1999), BJP and the Evolution of Hindu Nationalism:
From Periphery to Centre, Manohar Publishers & Distributors, p. 60, ISBN 978-8-17-
304253-9
Iftikhar Haider Malik (2006), Culture and Customs of Pakistan, Greenwood Publishing
Group, p. 61, ISBN 978-0-313-33126-8
Ludwig W. Adamec (14 December 2016), Historical Dictionary of Islam, Rowman &
Littlefield, p. 231, ISBN 978-1-4422-7724-3
"Special report: The Legacy of Mr Jinnah 1876–1948". Dawn.
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