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“Frozen Tears”
A Study of Representations of Masculinity in Three Egyptian Movies
Nesma Hewidy
2023
Master’s Thesis
Media and Communication Studies
Advisor: Malin Mc Glinn
Examiner: Erin Cory
Word Count: 14825
Grade: A
Abstract
This thesis examines representations of masculinity in the following Egyptian movies: El Badla
(2018), Welad Rizk 2 (2019) and Taymour w Shafika (2007). Each movie is from a different genre to
further explore how this may influence the constructed representation of masculinity. The genres are
comedy, action and romance. Additionally, both El Badla and Welad Rizk 2 are among the top ten
highest grossing movies in the history of Egyptian cinema. Whilst Taymour w Shafika is considered
one of the most iconic romance movies in its era. Thus, it is inevitable that all these movies have been
watched (and will be watched) by a large audience, hence it is crucial to study the constructed values
within them as arguably they influence the society. The thesis studies Egyptian masculinity using two
different methods: film analysis and interviews with Egyptian men. The main theories this paper
applies are: active audience encoding/decoding theory, social role theory and social identity and self-
categorization theories. All three movies were found to represent masculinity through traditional traits
e.g. emotionless, family provider. Egyptian men reflected on some of the scenes and had varied
perspectives on the matter. Men who did not agree with certain values in those representations did
mention that they still have to follow them as it is the way they have been brought up. The results of
this study cannot be generalized but it is a step forward in the research on representation of
masculinities in Egyptian cinema, which is extremely under researched in comparison to the size of
the film industry in Egypt.
Keywords: masculinity, representation, Egyptian cinema, social role theory, patriarchal society
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Table of Contents
Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... 2
1. Introduction: Egyptian Cinema ............................................................................................. 4
2. Research Questions ................................................................................................................ 6
3. Literature Review ................................................................................................................... 7
3.1. Masculinity ................................................................................................................................ 7
3.2. Femininity.................................................................................................................................. 9
3.3. Representations ......................................................................................................................... 9
3.4. Si El-Sayed ............................................................................................................................... 10
3.5. Similar Studies......................................................................................................................... 11
4. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................ 12
4.1. Active Audience Theory .......................................................................................................... 12
4.2. Social Theories......................................................................................................................... 13
5. Methodology and Method..................................................................................................... 15
5.1. Methodology ............................................................................................................................ 15
5.2. Method ..................................................................................................................................... 16
5.2.1. Critical Discourse Analysis.................................................................................................................. 16
5.2.2. Interviews ........................................................................................................................................... 18
5.3. Limitations............................................................................................................................... 20
6. Ethical Concerns .................................................................................................................. 21
7. Data Presentation and Analysis ........................................................................................... 22
7.1. Scene Stops .............................................................................................................................. 22
7.2. Critical Discourse Analysis ..................................................................................................... 31
7.3. Interviews ................................................................................................................................ 37
7.4. Critical Reassessment.............................................................................................................. 40
8. Conclusion ........................................................................................................................... 41
9. Bibliography ......................................................................................................................... 44
List of figures and Tables
Figure 1. Fairclough’s 3D model (1995b, p.59) ............................................................................. 16
Table 1. Interview Questions........................................................................................................ 19

Table 2. El Badla Scene Stops....................................................................................................... 22
Table 3. Welad Rizk 2 Scene Stops ............................................................................................... 24
Table 4. Taymour w Shafika Scene Stops ..................................................................................... 27
Table 5. Fairclough's 3D model of El Badla .................................................................................. 31
Table 6. Fairclough's 3D model of Welad Rizk 2 ......................................................................... 33
Table 7. Fairclough's 3D model of Taymour w Shafika ................................................................. 35
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1. Introduction: Egyptian Cinema
The Egyptian cinema industry was the first in North Africa and the whole Arab world has been
immensely influenced by it (Abdel-Fadil & Van Eynde 2016), because it is considered the most
popular one in the region (Van Eynde 2014; Shafik 2007). National tv channels and cinemas are
dominated by Egyptian movies (Gugler 2011). Thus, movies are not only consumed in cinemas, the
distribution phase enables the consumption of the films in various environments e.g. television and
internet (Baran 2011). However, there have been extremely limited approaches applied to the
research of Arab and Egyptian cinema; studies on Egyptian cinema mostly focus on the theme being
portrayed without considering the cultural context that was involved in constructing the meaning
(Shafik 2007). It is clear that any meaning is constructed and that representations are not mere
reflections of reality as the reflectionist approach claims. Thus, portrayals of certain subgroups of the
Egyptian society e.g. associating lower-class regions as dangerous reflects how the filmmakers (who
are most likely not from the represented societal group) perceive such neighborhoods (Van Eynde
2014). This is a clear example of how representations are constructed not mirrored.
A society's definition of masculinity and femininity is based on the social construct of gender (Brooks
& Hebert 2006). Milestone and Meyer (2012) explain that traditional masculinity involves power and
control combined with absence of vulnerability and feelings. Men as the natural breadwinners of the
family, are expected and required to work (Van Eynde 2014). Being from the Egyptian culture, I
argue that to further understand Egyptian masculinity, it is vital to examine the concept of Si El-
Sayed. Si El-Sayed’s transliteration is Mr. Sayed and he is a widely recognized fictional character in
the Egyptian and Arab societies. Created in 1956 by the Nobel-prize winner, Naguib Mahfouz in the
novel of Bayn Al-Qasryen, as a caricature of social standards that were motivated with gender
inequality, Si El-Sayed represented the patriarchal injustice witnessed in Egypt in the 20th century; he
expected respect and authority for being the father of the house and was feared even by his submissive
wife (Abdou 2022). In 1964, Si El-Sayed’s character achieved most of its fame after the release of a
movie that was based on the novel with the same title and names. Si El-Sayed’s wife, Amina is
portrayed as an oppressed, powerless wife who is expected to strictly follow her husband’s orders
(Sami 2015) who does not allow her to leave the house expect on very rare occasions (Abdelmoez
2021). Even though Si El-Sayed was initially constructed to shed light on the hypocritical perspectives
towards genders at the time, eventually and after many years it became an icon for Egyptian
masculinity (Abdou 2022). Si El-Sayed is a way to understand how the Egyptian society perceives
both masculinity and femininity.
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To understand masculinity, one must understand femininity. In other words, studying the
representation of masculinity in Egyptian movies is not a matter that only involves men, it is the way
these examined movies chose to define both what masculinity and femininity is. The communicative
aspect of films tends to focus on messages produced for consumption by the audience (Zborowski
2016). Some like to refer to the sender-receiver concept in such case, but this model disregards the
complexity of relationship between the producers and consumers (Hanson 2017). Movies use codes
to transfer the messages of the filmmakers and/or producers to the audience that decodes it to
understand the intended message (ibid.). For example, Egyptian cinema has a significant role in the
creation of cultural identities of the Egyptians (Van Eynde 2014). Mass communication is
communicating with entire populations of different groups e.g. ages, gender etc., and movies are
considered a medium of mass communication (Hanson 2017). People create their perceptions of the
world through their social environments, where media serves as a major source of information for
many (Lee et al. 2009). Mass communication and media in general can (and is expected to) affect the
audiences’ behaviors and attitudes, yet, many scholars have noted the different manner individuals
react to situations, arguing that the influence does not occur to everyone in an identical way (Hanson
2017). Furthermore, mass communication can be studied from various approaches such as the
delivered messages/codes or the audience consuming the products and how they decode these
messages (Hanson 2017). This research however, focuses on both the delivered messages and how
the audience decodes them.
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2. Research Questions
The aim of this research is to study the representation of masculinity in three Egyptian movies: El
Badla (2018), Welad Rizk 2 (2019) and Taymour w Shafika (2007) and how Egyptian men reflect on
such representations. Additionally, this paper intends to understand these representations through the
application of the social role theory. Thus, the research questions this thesis aims to answer are the
following:
RQ1: How is masculinity represented in the following Egyptian movies: El Badla (2018), Welad Rizk
2 (2019), and Taymour w Shafika (2007)?
RQ2: How do Egyptian men reflect on the representation of masculinity in these films?
RQ3: How can these representations be understood through the lens of social role theory?
Specifying the movies that will be examined in this thesis highlights that the aim of this paper is not
to generalize, instead examine specific representations. Similarly, using the term reflect in RQ2 shows
the ethnographic nature of this research.
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3. Literature Review
The following chapter discusses previous literature on the research topic. The main concepts
examined in this section are definitions of masculinity, femininity and representations. The meaning
of masculinity and femininity in the Arab world is highlighted in this chapter. Additionally, the
impact media representations have on audience is discussed while also touching upon the evolution
of representations of masculinities in Egyptian movies. Lastly, previous similar studies in this field
are mentioned. Critical literature on film studies in the Arab world is limited, hence this chapter
approaches the topic using other foundations.
3.1. Masculinity
Clare (2001) suggest that traditionally men were the main and only family providers, despite that
currently women, too, have become family providers. Thus, he argues that men should also shift their
masculinity to focus on emotions in relationships rather than the concept of power (ibid). Even though
traditional masculinity and hegemonic masculinity are not synonymous concepts, most traditional
masculinity norms match the notions of gender inequality associated with hegemonic masculinity
(Scheibling & Lafrance 2019). Hegemonic masculinity was first coined by Connell who explained
that there is a hierarchical pyramid of masculinities and hegemonic is the most desired by both men
themselves and women (Inhorn 2012). Connell claimed that in order to be classified as a hegemonic
masculine man one would require specific fundaments, ideally being a high-class white man of
power, thus, this shed light on the marginalization of other ethnicities within this hierarchal inequality
(ibid.). It is vital to note that like feminist studies that originate from the West so does masculinity
studies, hence they are constructed based on Western guidelines (Gerami 2005). Thus, it is important
to examine how hegemonic masculinity is defined in Arab societies.
Inhorn (2012) attempts to define hegemonic masculinity for the Middle Eastern region as patriarchs
of their family, asserting power over sisters and younger brothers and later controlling their own
families after marriage. Despite the fact that in any given society there are various types of
masculinities (and femininities), patriarchal cultures favor hegemonic masculinity (Uggen &
Blackstone 2004). Ouzgane (2011) argues that being a man in the Middle East and North Africa
mainly evolves around the hierarchical competition with other men. He continues to explain that for
this reason misogyny is the result of fearing not being perceived as masculine enough by other men
(ibid.). According to some gender theorists there is a strong similarity in Middle Eastern and North
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African societies between patriarchal standards within households and in the political field (Stollery
2001). Arguably when patriarchal attributes are both dominant within families and in the society itself
it becomes the known standard.
Some scholars have found men to act differently depending on the situational context; men adhere to
traditional masculinity standards when surrounded in an exclusively male environment in comparison
to a rather progressive masculinity when surrounded with women (Iacoviello et al. 2022). Similarly,
masculinity in the Middle East relies on approval from other men on the action performed (Inhorn
2003). Generally, men value traditional masculinity norms more than women (Levant & Richmond
2007). Duckworth and Trautner (2019) noted the pressure young men experience to conform to
traditional masculinity, especially when accompanied with other men (from the same age). The
likelihood for men to adhere to traditional norms depends on how highly they perceive society to
respect this perception of traditional masculinity (Iacoviello et al. 2022). Men have little motivation
to conform to these standards if society is no longer seen as placing value on them (ibid.) Thompson
and Bennett (2015) argue that traditional masculinity measures are being abandoned. In other words,
it is possible that traditional masculinity is not regarded as highly as men think it is (Iacoviello et al.
2022). However, the continuous romanticizing of traditional masculinity in societies results in its
presence in different forms of popular culture (Scheibling & Lafrance 2019). Arguably this
representation acts as a factor in maintaining the desirability of the concept in societies.
Men and masculinities have suffered greatly of barely been researched critically (Van Eynde 2014).
To fully examine masculinities, one should explore the context these masculinities exists in,
geographically, socially and historically (Scheibling & Lafrance 2019). It is crucial to stop the
categorization of Arab men according to their presumptive connection with the stereotypical identity
of males as patriarchs or their association with groups which removes their ability of acting as
individual men (Van Eynde 2014). Gender studies in North Africa and the Middle East have mainly
centered around the oppression of women and various religious practices like hijab, with barely any
mentioning of masculinities in these countries (Ouzgane 2011). Van Eynde (2014) argues that the
field of gender studies in the Arab region is a fairly young one, hence there is a limited number of
research in comparison to other areas. Additionally, he explains that gender studies in the region have
been highly influenced due to the male domination and patriarchal discourse in Arab societies leading
scholars to perceiving Arab men as a single dominant form of male identity (ibid.). This can lead to
extreme limitations in understanding masculinity in the region. Additionally, I argue that to
understand masculinity, femininity should also be discussed.
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3.2. Femininity
Contrary to common assumptions, women do not aim to adjust their identities to fit the concept of
femininity, unlike men who enjoy aligning their identities with the notion of masculinity (Gauntlett
2008). Additionally, the traditional common definition of femininity as a passive human authorized
by men is not desirable today anymore (ibid..). However, some societies, especially, patriarchal ones
continue to follow such perception of femininity. North African and Middle Eastern countries are
identified as masculine societies (Alhalal et al. 2019), and as expected such societies follow
patriarchal norms that demand women to remain powerless and comply (Archer 2006). Even though
gender roles differ depending on various aspects such as class, culture and the time period (Dines &
Humez 2003), gender roles that stem from patriarchal foundations highly influence the status of
women in the society as men gain privileges such as authority (Kisa et al. 2021). This authority can
be harmful as it may in cases result in violence. According to the UN, violence against women is
considered any form of violence that is gender-based causing physical, psychological, or sexual
trauma (Ennaji & Sadiqi 2011). Kisa et al. (2021) argues that due to cultural measures that value
families, domestics violence in the Middle East and North African nations is still a taboo topic. In
other words, older generations have always believed that it is the responsibly of woman to sustain the
marriage and led woman to the belief that they have to bear with the situation to achieve such goal.
This ideology was typical represented in Egyptian movies until the late 2000s, but its representation
is becoming less common in newer movies.
3.3. Representations
Media shapes how people construct their perceptions of social identities including gender and race,
making media crucial for the creation of social realities (Brooks & Hebert 2006) and as media is
primarily a method of representation, the messages that are communicated through it are constantly
evolving (Hall 2003) to suit societies norms. Gauntlett (2008) claims that with the number of images
and messages media contain on both men and women, it is inevitable that these representations would
affect one’s own perception of themselves. Yet he continues to argue that it is inaccurate to assume
self-perceptions and identities are entirely constructed based on the media representation available
(ibid.). Nevertheless, the continuous representation of genders and men in particular in a specific
tough and unsensitive character is argued to have an influence on the audience.
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According to Orgad (2012) representations are extremely influential as they construct one’s
ideologies, actions and perceptions. Representations has been divided into two dominant approaches:
the reflectionist that argues that representations are mirrored into media and that is the reflection of
reality and constructivist that argues that any representation in media is constructed through choosing
to highlight certain aspects (ibid.). According to my interpretation the reflectionist approach is
certainly a naïve perspective as it is almost impossible to represent anything in a completely objective
manner as even the language chosen to express on the matter may alter its interpretation. The
constructivist approach on the other hand, is more realistic as even if representation is based on reality
it is constructed in a specific way that focuses on certain features.
Media representation in the past was strongly based on stereotypes (Gauntlett 2008). However,
arguably it is still based on stereotypical attributes. One must acknowledge that representations are
constructed within a specific context for a given effect when proceeding to analyze portrayals of men
and masculinities (Van Eynde 2014). Thus, with or without the use of stereotypes the societal context
a representation is created in highly influences the final product. Media representation is an ongoing
area that requires significant work (Alexander et al. 2015). Traditionally, research on media and
gender has focused on women (Brooks & Hebert 2006), hence it is extremely crucial to dive deeper
into the topic of representations of masculinities in movies.
3.4. Si El-‐Sayed
Mens’ and masculinities’ representations in Egyptian movies have always been influenced by social
and political contexts, however, the 2000s witnessed a shift back to the old traditional masculinity
that was commonly portrayed in the 50s and 60s (Van Eynde 2014). In other words, Si El-Sayed
became popular once again, but not in a sarcastic manner instead as a representation of Egyptian
masculinity. Van Eynde (2014) explains that the patriarchal masculinities represented in the late
2000s movies focused on dominating through the protection trap that eventually evolves into control;
women were in return were portrayed to accept this control and consent to this behavior, similar to
the behavior of Amina. Arguably, these “new” masculinities in Egyptian films destroy any gender
equality portrayals of the past and create a challenge for women to fulfill powerful roles in society
(ibid.). Generally, popular cinema focuses on appealing to the audience through a number of aspects
including its dramatic plot and conflicting stereotypes (Shafik 2007). Thus, it is arguable that the
current representation of Egyptian masculinities in movies is constructed to appeal for the vast
audience.
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3.5. Similar Studies
Representations of masculinity in film have been previously studied in a number of different settings
and from various perspectives. Some scholars have chosen to focus on movies from specific
geographical areas and others have chosen to focus on certain genres. For example, Schoene-
Harwood (2000) examined the representations of men in British fiction with the focus on movies
within the 20th century, while others such as Mitchell (1996) chose to research a particular genre and
examine the representations of masculinities used in it. On the other hand, Baker (2006) studied the
representations of masculinities in movies from 1945-2000 in relation to the link between the state
and hegemonic masculinity. He argued that the American and British ideologies after the second
World War had a significant influence on the type of masculinity portrayed in movies (ibid.). Thus,
it is clear that this topic is not a new one and has been researched before, however, I have found a
gap in this research in relation to the Egyptian scene. The topic of masculinity in movies is under
researched in the Egyptian context and the few studies that have been carried on it have been more
descriptive than critical and did not consider the societal context. Hence, this paper aims to contribute
to this gap through the application of two different methods.
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4. Theoretical Framework
The following theoretical framework are significant to further research the topic of representation of
masculinity in Egyptian movies: active audience theory, social role theory, social identity and self-
categorization theory. The audience theory highlights the different ways a media message can be
decoded. The social role theory focuses on how labor roles of genders have led to given social roles.
Whilst the social identity and self-categorization theories both centralize around the importance of
belonging to a group and following its values. These theories are further applied in the discussion of
the presented and analyzed data.
4.1. Active Audience Theory
Over the past couple decades audience research has centered around the following three points: 1)
media messages must be interpreted by the audience to understand meaning, 2) the interpretation
process is done differently by the audience, resulting in unique understandings, and 3) the audiences’
personal experiences alter the process of media message interpretation (Livingstone 2000).
Historically, some theorist claimed media to have dangerous effects on the audiences’ behaviors and
beliefs e.g. Cultivation Theory. The cultivation theory, argued that the television was the main
information source that constructed and shaped the audience’s perceptions of the world (Baran 2011).
However, the issue with this theory is that it completely disregarded the audiences’ abilities to process
the given information.
One of the significant models that enhanced the theory of active audience was Hall’s
encoding/decoding concept (Philo 2008). Hall (1980) argued that television discourse had to first be
decoded by audience and acknowledged that societal differences between individuals influences their
interpretations and decoding. He claimed that every code had a dominant interpretation or a specific
preferred way of understanding (1980). The discourse discussed here included both visual and
language codes (Jin 2012). Philo (2008) claimed that the acceptance or rejections of the dominant
interpretation is highly based on the individual’s own moral compass. Hall suggested three media
message decoding approaches: dominant hegemonic, negotiated and oppositional (1980). The
dominant hegemonic position accepts the message and decodes it in preferred intended manner, while
the negotiated position accepts some of the media messages and decodes them in the preferred way
but may also reject other messages that do not align with one’s own values and experiences (Philo
2008). The oppositional position on the other hand, understands the encoded message but rejects it
hence decoding it in an unwanted manner (ibid.). This model shifted the focus of audience research
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towards the viewers that decode the media message instead of the effects the media content has on
the audience (Livingstone 2000). However, the power of media should not be dismissed because of
the audiences’ ability to be active (Philo 2008), yet this research chooses to focus on the audiences’
decoding approaches.
A criticism of the encoding/decoding model focuses on Hall’s assumption that the audience decoded
the messages in the preferred interpretation by existing within that given perspective hence, not being
aware that there may be other alternatives (Philo 2008). An individual may accept a specific message
while still understanding that this viewpoint is not preferred by everyone, thus is not a natural choice
(ibid.). Nevertheless, Hall understood the difference within the audience and that a given media is not
consumed in the same identical manner by all viewers. Thus, this theory is crucial to understand how
the audience may understand the encoded message differently.
4.2. Social Theories

The social role theory coined by Eagly in 1987, argues that the clear differences between the male
and female genders in societies is constructed based on their division in labor roles and hence affects
the manner they experience and express emotions (Fischer & Manstead 2000). Globally, and as a
broad result of natural differences between the genders, men are expected to work and succeed in
their careers while women are expected to care for the families (ibid.). Thus it is believed that each
gender has characteristics that enable them to prosper in their social roles (Alexander & Wendy
2000.). Coming from the culture myself I find this theory fundamental to further understand
foundations of gender representation in general and in Egyptian films in particular. This theory
combined with the patriarchal nature of the Egyptian society explains why men (and women) are
represented in specific manners.
According to the social identity theory, originally coined by Tajfel and Turner (1979), individuals
perceive their own identities through the social group they identify with, thus, individuals who have
similar values or interests form an ingroup. Additionally, the self-categorization theory explains that
people need to categorize themselves and others, hence depending on the situation they tend to follow
the values of the social identity they categorize themselves as (Trepte & Loy 2017). Simply, a social
group may be a given ethnic group, gender or specific age and in case an individual categorizes
themselves with a certain group the behavior and characteristics of that group become the norm of
that individual. Both the social identity theory and self-categorization theory can be used to further
understand the effects of media on the audience (Trepte & Loy 2017). The social identity theory
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(1979) focuses on the differences between the ingroup and outgroup, thus individuals conform to
values of their group to maintain their sense of belonging to the given group. These theories are
referred to in this research in regards to the influence the representation of masculinities in the
Egyptian movies may have on Egyptian men. Arguably, an Egyptian man would socially identify as
a member of the Egyptian men group, hence sharing their perspectives.
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5. Methodology and Method
The following chapter discusses the methodology and method of this paper. It explains applied
methodological paradigm and the research design in-depth.
5.1. Methodology
This thesis studies the representation of masculinities in Egyptian movies from a critical discourse
and ethnographic perspective as it focuses on the Egyptian society. As it is apparent this research’s
focal point is Egyptian cinema which is the oldest in the region, making it rich of all types of movies,
thus, this thesis chooses to focus on three Egyptian movies for data collection and analysis. Initially,
the three movies were planned to be from the list of the top ten highest grossing movies in Egyptian
cinema history. However, as most of the movies on that lists are considerably new, Taymour w
Shafika (2007) was added to the list to add contrast to the other two movies that are quite recent
(2018-2019). Examining a movie from a different time era is assumed to add depth to the study.
Taymour w Shafika (2007) was purposely added to the list to further examine this movie that holds
clear representations of a specific type of masculinity, which many have chosen to ignore. The other
two movies are El Badla (2018) and Welad Rizk 2 (2019). Additionally, it was vital to collect data
from various movie genres, hence these three movies were chosen also on the basis of their genres
which include: romance, comedy and action. El Badla (2018) and Welad Rizk 2 (2019) were chosen
based on being the highest grossing in their genres from the list. In other words, the list of the top ten
highest grossing movies in Egyptian cinema history includes three other comedy films and four other
action films. However, El Badla (2018) and Welad Rizk 2 (2019) are the highest grossing compared
to the others. This factor is of high significance as I believe that it is crucial to examine such popular
movies.
This study analyzes the representation of masculinity in the above three movies in addition to
interviews with Egyptian men to obtain qualitative data. Simply, the movie analysis will aid with the
conceptualization of these representations, while the interviews will give a better perspective on how
Egyptian men reflect upon these representations as it represents a group they belong to.
An epistemological interpretivism paradigm is applied in this study. In interpretative research, the

researcher is naturally an insider using a bottom-up method, typically presenting and discussing a
particular event from the perspective of the participants (Blaikie and Priest 2017). In this thesis this
consisted of the film analysis and interviews used to find meaning. As opposed to positivism, which
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may overlook many aspects of the studied element and tends to handle social sciences similarly to
other natural sciences (Bryman et al. 2022). The constructionism notion, which holds that realities do
not exist independently from the researcher or the social actors (Blaikie and Priest 2017), is connected
to the epistemological interpretivism paradigm, which analyzes individuals and the society in which
they live (O’Donoghue 2019). Thus, this approach was chosen for this thesis to develop an
understanding on the role the Egyptian society has on the representation of masculinity in movies.
5.2. Method
This section discusses the analysis process of the mentioned movies while explaining more about
the interviews and presenting some of the interview questions.
5.2.1. Critical Discourse Analysis
Discourse analysis is a technique that aims to extract meaning from spoken and written material
(Fairclough, 1995). As examples, Van Dijk's cognitive-structural model (Carvalho 2000) and
Fairclough's 3D model (Fairclough 1995b) are two critical discourse analysis experts who claim to
use distinct styles and frames to study text and discourse. This thesis applies Fairclough's 3D model
of critical discourse analysis. Fairclough’s 3D framework acknowledges the relationship between the
text, its producers and consumers, as well as the larger society in which it is situated (Fairclough
1995b).
Figure 1. Fairclough’s 3D model (1995b, p.59)
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In line with Fairclough’s 3D framework (Fig. 1) the scenes act as the text, scriptwriters, actors,
filmmakers are text producers and the public audience are the text consumers in the discourse of film
as a medium of communication and the utilization of film to portray the values and norms of the
Egyptian society including the patriarchal society as the sociocultural practice.
The movie analysis consists of various steps. First the plot and main characters will be summarized
to give context to the reader. Secondly, specific scenes will be focused on with minutes added for the
reader to potentially find the scene (if desired). The scene analysis, will be referred to as scene stops.
These scene stops will be examined thoroughly to highlight the different characteristics of the
represented masculinity. The three movies are not about masculinity hence, to study the
representation of masculinity within them it is vital to choose specific scenes that portray this
representation, thus the data collection of the scenes stops cannot be referred to as an objective one.
I chose the scenes by first watching each movie and noting all scenes that represented something on
masculinity then rewatched the movie to narrow down the scene stops that will be analyzed to around
5-6 scenes, choosing scenes that represented masculinity both directly and indirectly. I aimed to
analyze scenes of different nature of masculinity, some using sarcasm others using violence and the
inclusion of scenes on masculinity between men was crucial for me. Some of the scenes are key
scenes for the movie’s general plot, others are shorter/minor scenes that many people may have not
even strongly focused on while watching but are also viewed as significant for the research. The
reason behind choosing key scenes is clear, but, the minor scenes analyzed can be questionable.
However, I intended to include minor scenes as they give a perspective to what is said about
masculinity between lines. In other words, the representation in such scenes is significant as it is most
likely not focused on and in many cases can be addressed through a joke. As the movies are in Arabic
and particularly in the Egyptian dialect, everything will be translated by me, as I am an Arabic speaker
of Egyptian origin.
To best present the scene stops a table for each movie will be used. Within these tables, I will highlight
specific words and phrases in the scene stops and link it to the representation of masculinity applying
Fairclough’s 3D discourse analysis model. Again, this will be presented in a table format with one
for each movie and some of the scene stops will be combined in the same column if they portray
similar attributes. The social role theory, mentioned in the previous chapter, will be applied to the
collected data to further understand these representations from a theoretical perspective with the
support of related previous literature. The overall represented masculinity in the three movies will be
compared in the last chapter to explore the possible differences in the portrayal in regards to genres.
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5.2.2. Interviews
According to Hoey (2014), ethnography is any type of study that incorporates in-depth analysis and
perspectives of daily life through qualitative data. For example, interviews are frequently utilized in
ethnographic research to allow discussion of a chosen topic with the respondent without limiting their
response, contrary to quantitative data (ibid.). Ethnography is typically applied to accurately depict a
person's own experience (Hoey 2014). Hence, it is the most suitable method to collect data from
Egyptian men. As explained this is applied to give voice to the represented and researched group,
Egyptian men. Semi-structured interviews are used very frequently in social science studies (Alsaawi
2014). This format is a hybrid of the structured and unstructured interviews, in which the interviewer
plans some main questions but still provides the interviewee the opportunity to clarify and expand
specific concerns through the application of open-ended questions (ibid.). A structured interview can
influence the depth of the collected data (Bryman 2008). Thus, for the purposes of this study a semi-
structured interview format is the most suitable. It will set certain topics for discussion while allowing
participants to respond freely. Such answers cannot be completed compared in data analysis however,
it enables a view on different opinions and mindsets. Additionally, the interviews will be conducted
online due to my current location of not being in Egypt.
The interviews apply a snowball sampling technique. Snowball sampling is a data collection sampling
technique that consists of locating a fitting initial participant who then uses their social relations to
help find other suitable participants who fit the criteria (Ellard-Gray et al. 2015). As any sampling
technique it has advantages and disadvantages; it is an affordable method to reach and recruit suitable
participants. However, it is nonrandom (ibid.) but arguably as this research does not aim for
generalization of data this nonrandom aspect is acceptable. Although it might not be as obvious, the
topic of masculinity may be perceived as a sensitive topic to discuss even more with a female
researcher like myself. Thus, the most suitable sampling for this study is the snowball sampling
technique. The interviews will be conducted in Arabic as the movies discussed are in Arabic.
The interviews lasted around 1 hour and 15 minutes each and were conducted online using Zoom.
The number of participants interviewed was 6 and their age ranged from 22-50. It was anticipated
that the participants’ ages would influence their opinions and views thus, I aimed for different age
ranges. However, as the sampling technique relies on networking, if I would have not landed on
participants from older ages I would have still continued with my interviews. Hence, the age range
was aimed for but would have not stopped the study if not achieved. The interviews consisted of
18
presenting two scene stops from each movie to the participants and collecting their thoughts on them.
All 6 participants were shown and asked about the same scenes to possibly compare various
perspectives. As previously stated, the interviews were semi-structured thus, there were some main
written questions that were used in all interviews. Table 1 below lists some of the prepared questions.
The findings of the interviews will be presented after the tables referred to above (in the second half
of the next chapter).
Table 1. Interview Questions

Movies Scene Stops Interview Questions
El Badla Scene 2 & 5 S2: Do you believe Nagat has the right to treat her son and
brother in the presented manner because of their
unemployment?
Do you think unemployment is shameful for men?
S5: Why is the expression of emotions linked to being a

child? Are men taught to act tough in front of other men?
Welad Rizk 2 Scene 1 & 3 S1: Are men not allowed to cry or else they will be too
feminine?
S3: What is your opinion on the ballet instructor metaphor?

From your perspective do you think the role of a
boyfriend/fiancé/husband grants one full authority over
their partner?
Taymour w Shafika Scene 3 & 4 S3: Who do you believe was wrong in this scene, Taymour
or Shafika and why?
What do you think of the term Si El-Sayed?
S4: Was Taymour trying to tell Shafika something through

gifting her the male doll?
Do you personally, believe that there are specific jobs for
men and women?
19
5.3. Limitations
The methods this thesis applies have their limitations that should also be mentioned. Due to time
constraints and the tight schedule of the thesis module I was not able to analyze more than the three
movies discussed. Thus, this thesis does not in any way claim to have ended the discussion on the
matter of representation of masculinity in Egyptian movies but instead opens a door that has not been
previously opened in this region. On the other hand, a clear limitation of the interviews is the
questions. Some of the questions may can come across as leading or as yes/no questions. However,
this was not intended; for example, the question on unemployment being shameful was worded in
that manner because of the idea that was being portrayed in that scene. Other questions that are more
general are also due to the scene they discuss. Additionally, any questions that seem like yes or no
questions, were actually lengthy conversations with the participants. This has to do with the nature
of the Egyptian people, as they did not view such questions as one-word answer questions. Hence, it
is crucial to note that even limitations may differ due to cultures and the nature of the studied
community.
20
6. Ethical Concerns
The ethical concerns of this research mainly lie within the second data collection technique:
interviews. The main reason for this is that the first data collection technique of scene stops does not
generally face any ethical challenges as the content is online and is produced to be consumed so its
analysis does not breach guidelines. Interviews, however, contain a lot of information that needs to
be handled sensitively. First, all participants were informed about the research and signed an online
consent form to ensure that data collection was permissible. Secondly, the participants were granted
anonymity if preferred. All participants requested the removal of their names for various reasons,
some perceived the topic as sensitive others did not want their opinions on the matter to be easily
accessible. Thus, the only personal information shared about the participants is their age, which they
consented to be shared.
A main aspect that must be considered regarding the scene stops and the movie analysis in general is
the language of the analyzed content. As the movies are Egyptian, they are all in the Egyptian dialect
of Arabic, and in order to present the data analysis and findings the scenes are translated by me.
Fluency in the studied community’s language among the researcher offers for a viewpoint on the
method being used that would not be available to others (Temple and Young 2004). Nevertheless,
this leads to the question of objectivity and bias of the researcher. It is important to understand that
qualitative data is mostly collected by the researcher (Brouke 2014). As a result, it is very likely that
my values, beliefs and identity could impact the study (ibid.). Due to my familiarity with the Egyptian
society, identifying as an Egyptian myself and a keen consumer of Egyptian movies, there may be
some bias caused by being an insider (Blaikie and Priest 2017). However, as Haraway (1988) argues
knowledge cannot be fully objective coining the term situated knowledge. Many topics cannot be
studied with an objectivity such as culture. Even more an insider researcher like myself is arguably
able to collect more accurate data than an outsider.
21
7. Data Presentation and Analysis
This chapter presents the collected data, through multiple tables. The first three tables include
summaries of the movies and analyzed scenes. The following three tables are applications of
Fairclough’s 3D model mentioned in the previous chapter. Finally, some responses of the interviews
are presented.
7.1. Scene Stops
Table 2. El Badla Scene Stops

El Badla Walid has finally graduated university after 7 long years and begins to pursue a career
that is completely different than his degree, a Lego project. He is struggling to start the
project and realizes his school is having a class reunion. Walid’s young uncle, Hamada
mistakes the party as a costume party instead of a dish party. Both Walid and Hamada
attend the reunion wearing police officer uniforms from Walid’s mother’s collection
of costumes as she is a costume designer. Walid meets his old crush, Riim, in the party
and notices how respectfully everyone is treating both of them because of the uniforms.
Walid decides to continue acting as a police officer to impress Riim and sets a license
inspection station in front of her apartment, where he accidently pumps into a
dangerous international criminal who is being searched for.
Scene Minutes Scene summary

Stops
Scene 1 (14:32) Walid is wondering and asking his uncle Hamada why his mother Nagat
is blaming him [for unemployment] while she should blame the country.
Hamada replies with sarcasm agreeing with him and adding that the
country should indeed support failures like Walid who completed
university in 15 years. Hamada continues with the sarcastic tone and ends
the conversation by telling Walid to forget it and focus on the cubes,
[referring to his Lego project] to which Walid replies with a degrading
tone telling Hamada to stop by referring to him as the guy with a whistle
and shorts [referring to his job as a football referee].
Scene 2 (17:08) Walid and Hamada are aggressively woken up by Nagat (Walid’s mother
and Hamada’s older sister) who orders them to wake up after referring to
them as failures and jobless. She then shames them for sleeping until
after 12pm and tells them to instead go search for jobs. Lastly, Nagat calls
22
them calfs (cows) spits on them and shames them for being
unemployed while she is about to leave for work.
Scene 3 (42:29) Nagat confronts Walid about wearing the police officer uniform after
forcing Hamada to tell her the truth. She then swears that if he is to wear
it ever again she will be the one calling the cops on him. Nagat then
proceeds to send the uniform away from their home to forbid Walid from
using it. Walid on the other hand believes his mother is overreacting who
cries and asks him why he is doing all this to her while wondering how it
is not enough that he cannot succeed in anything and know he wants
her to follow him around different police stations [referring to him being
prisoned]. She finally, asks him if he is aware of the years he would be
sentenced to if he would be caught wearing the uniform.
Walid leaves the living room and enters his bedroom where he is followed
by his uncle Hamada who begs him to not be upset [referring to Hamada
snitching on him to Nagat] explaining that he did not mean to betray him
but was truly worried about him. Walid angrily tells him not to speak
to him again and clearly states that he is not a man [referring to the
action of snitching] while telling him to leave.
Scene 4 (45:15) Walid and Hamada set a fake police control station in front of Riim’s
house. Hamada shares his concerns after they finish setting the station
about its location [worried of being caught] but Walid asks him why he
has become such a coward. Walid reassures his uncle that he should not
worry as Walid is with him, however, they both escape after hearing a
loud noise seconds later.
23
Scene 5 (1:05:17) Walid and Hamada are terrified after finding out that the man in their
bedroom is a dangerous criminal. Even though both of them are clearly
scared Walid scolds Hamada for tripping over of fear and asks him why
he is being stupid and scared while Walid is with him and continues to
ask him if he is a child [referring to him being scared]. Walid later uses
Hamada as a shield to enter the room but in the end enters the room
first.
Table 3. Welad Rizk 2 Scene Stops

Welad Rizk 2 The Rizk brothers have agreed to stop their illegal errands and try to
individually make a living in any other way. Reda the eldest of the brothers,
does so to keep his promise to his wife, Hanan, to provide his family in a legal
manner, while the rest of the brothers are forced to comply. All brothers
eventually end in a bad situation financially causing them to partially return to
their old work. However, the issue occurs when Reda does not approve of an
errand while Rabea and his brothers decide to continue with it. Things do not
go as planned and Reda’s wife and child are taken hostage until he fixes the
mess his brothers caused. The whole plot is told through Atef, the Rizk brothers
neighbor and assistant who is held hostage by Kamal El Sherif a professional
scammer who was scammed by Welad Rizk.
Scene Stops Minutes Scene Summary
24
Scene 1 (7:47) Atef is being held hostage by Kamal El Sherif to tell where to find
Welad Rizk (The sons of Rizk). A lie detector is attached to his
arm to assure he tells the truth, Atef however, is not willing to say
anything as he is certain Welad Rizk will arrive soon to rescue
him. Atef is then punched for not willing to corporate which
causes him to bleed and cry out of pain. Kamal tells him to stop
crying while the guy who punched him tells Kamal to let him cry
like women. Later Atef tells them everything he knows.
Scene 2 (10:46) Hanan is arguing with her husband Reda about him constantly not
having money and that she has had to sell her and her mother’s
gold to spend money on him. Reda tells her to not act crazy and
try to make it work, Hanan, however, asks him if he expects them
to starve. Reda on the other hand blames her for the situation as
she has asked him not to work in illegal errands anymore. She tells
him not everyone is either starving or stealing so he should find a
job instead of the workshop that is useless. Hanan continues by
telling him to stop trying to cover his failure and calls him a loser.
Reda reacts to being called a loser by calling Hanan a dirty
woman (who smells bad) and throws his slipper at her that
luckily hits the door as she is leaving.
Scene 3 (24:04) Reda goes to visit his wife and son at his mother-in-law’s house.
Hanan asks Reda where he got the money to buy their son and her
so many gifts [referring to him going back to the illegal work].
Reda tries to convince her that the money is from actual legal work
that he worked. Hanan tells her son to go to the other room, and
tells Reda she wants a divorce. Reda slaps her, calls her a filthy
woman and asks her sarcastically if she thinks she is married to
ballet instructor. He continues to remind her that he is Reda and
would bury her right now [referring to the fact that he would
rather kill her than divorce her]. Hanan angrily denounces Reda
for hitting her who says that he is willing to hit her mother as well
25
(in who’s house they are). Hanan proceeds to threaten Reda to sue
him if he does not divorce her, who replies by threatening to kill
her mother (if Hanan were to sue him). Hanan’s mother tries to
save Hanan from Reda by standing in between the two of them.
Hanan is shocked at how Reda is trying to act like a man by
hitting her, and while escaping the living room she promises him
to find another man but an actual man, not someone who slaps
her. Reda throws his shoe at her before she rushes to another
room. He ends the discussion by ordering her to not leave the
house or even open the window.
Scene 4 (53:13) Fouad calmly confronts Reda and Rabea about the necklace they
stole and the fake money they gave him, wanting his necklace
back. Fouad assures them that he will retrieve his necklace back
either through an easy way or a hard one. Fouad admits that Reda
and Rabea have the right to act so [referring to them
underestimating the situation] after seeing the people present who
are rich, with fancy cars and partying, and after seeing Fouad’s
earrings. Fouad proceeds to tell them that the earrings he is
wearing are glued and that he does not pierce his ears, Reda
tells him he is a good man [referring to the no piercing concept].
Scene 5 (1:31:26) Reda visits his brothers’ home to find Rabea and attacks him for
not following his orders of not accepting the errand. Rabea is
shocked to find his brother about to hit him over a failed errand
and promises to fix the situation himself. Rizk tells him his wife
and son are kept hostage (because of the failed errand) and
aggressively asks him to handle it, while referring to him as a
woman.
26
Scene 6 (1:48:44) Reda arrives to the location Atef and the Kamel are at. Atef is
crying asks Reda to forgive him (for leading them to this place)
assuring him he was beat up and tortured so he could not bear it.
Reda in return tells Atef to man up.
Table 4. Taymour w Shafika Scene Stops
Taymour w Taymour a special police officer in his final year and Shafika an excellent STEM
Shafika university student who each live with their mothers in facing apartments have been
both neighbors and lovers for their whole lives. Taymour has taken Shafika’s
protection as his duty since her father passed away and controls a lot of her actions
without allowing much discussion to take place. The lovers separate after an incident
that finally causes Shafika to refuse Taymour’s behavior and authority over her.
Both continue thriving in their careers with Shafika becoming the youngest Minister
of Environment and Taymour being assigned to guard her. The two reunite for
professional purposes that lead them to reliving the old days, as they still have
feelings for each other. The biggest issue however, is to find a solution to the new
situation of her being a minister and him her guard.
Scene Minutes Scene Summary

Stops
Scene 1 (6:45) Taymour is at Shafika’s home sitting with her mother waiting for
Shafika to dress up for a friend’s birthday party they are about to attend.
Shafika is finally ready to leave when Taymour stops her to question her
choice of clothing, wondering why she is wearing a swimsuit to a
birthday party [referring to it being revealing]. He proceeds to angrily
ask whether Shafika has worn it before in his absence. Taymour lets
her know that she will not be wearing the outfit while she is with him
27
or alone and orders her to either immediately change the outfit
without any further discussion or threatens to not allow her to leave
her own room [referring to not attending the party]. Shafika is upset but
has no choice but changing her outfit and her mother later proudly
supports Taymour’s action.
Scene 2 (13:12) Shafika is trying to convince Taymour to allow her to accept a job offer
she has gotten. She calmly reminds him that he has forbid her from
going anywhere or even meeting her girlfriends after the birthday
party situation and all she does now is go to university. She reminds him
about their agreement that after graduating she is allowed to work and
working while studying is not a big difference to the agreement. Shafika
explains to Taymour that the job offer is within her field and with the
UN. Taymour speaks about his constant worries about her when he is
away for university and not knowing who is potentially catcalling her.
He continues that he does not want to add her work environment (her
boss and male collogues) to his list of worries. Shafika tells him that he
should trust her and should not lock her up, not allowing her to go
anywhere without his presence and he should support her career instead
of ruining it. Taymour does not like the direction the conversion is
taking of how he is either forced to approve of the job or else he would
be ruining her career and erasing her personality. He tells her that he
cannot be forced to do anything and leaves while she is still trying to
convince him.
Scene 3 (26:13) Shafika initiates a discussion with Taymour who has been avoiding her
because she traveled to another city with her girlfriends without his
approval. Shafika argues about his tendency to not discuss matters with
28
her and instead refuse everything she wants. Taymour does not believe
there is anything to discuss and that she should apologize for her
actions and it is up to him to either accept the apology or not. Shafika
is not willing to apologize as she believes the issue is in his
communication [referring to him deciding matters on her behalf].
Adding that she will not be receiving any orders from him anymore
without him listening to her perspective on matters first, as she is not
willing to have her personality erased because he wants to be Si El-
Sayed. Taymour explains that he cannot be anything other than Si El-
Sayed and it is up to her if she cannot cope with who he is, declaring
than he will begin to treat her like his sister [referring to ending the
relationship but still caring for her].
Scene 4 (50:10) Every year on Eid (Muslim celebration) Taymour buys Shafika a new
doll. This Eid is the first one for Shafika after becoming the minister.
Taymour leaves Shafika the gift on her doorstep. She takes it over to
Taymour and asks him to check it as her police guard. Shafika is shocked
to find a male doll. Taymour explains that he wanted to buy her a gift
that matches her new job title. Adding that before he used to buy her
girly gifts to match who she was but now she is the Minister of
Environment, thus her job title is masculine. Shafika shockingly asks
him if he perceives her now as a man to which Taymour replies that he
sees her as the Minister (masculine version). Shafika takes the doll
and leaves.
Scene 5 (1:12:11) Taymour shares his concerns with Shafika about not being able to marry
her while they are both in their job roles, he did not want to be selfish
29
and ask her to compromise her job to enable the marriage. Shafika
is shocked about Taymour not being able to find a solution to the
situation other than her having to compromise her job. She states that
because he is a man he would never compromise but instead erase her
personality and career. Taymour tells her that he has been
compromising ever since she has become a minster. Shafika says that
she is not planning on leaving her job, not even because of their love.
Scene 6 (1:36:19) Shafika’s old colleague congratulates the newlyweds on their marriage
while stating that the ministry has lost her [referring to her leaving the
role]. Taymour replies to him stating that her husband and home have
instead gained her [referring to her becoming a housewife]. Shafika
disapproves the statement reminding Taymour about their agreement on
her work explaining that her leaving the ministry does not mean that she
will become a housewife. Taymour tells her that he is the man and has
the authority to decide on the matter. Shafika argues about his
decision and both of the mothers get involved to which Taymour orders
everyone not to speak anymore.
30
7.2. Critical Discourse Analysis
Table 5. Fairclough's 3D model of El Badla

El Badla Scene 1 & 2 Scene 3 Scene 4 & 5
Scene Stops
Textual Multiple phrases and This scene can be split Multiple words used to
analysis words used to indicate into two main share emotions (Hamada):
unemployment combined sections. share concerns, terrified,
with the use of sarcasm: scared
the country should indeed Nagat showed her
support failures (sarcasm), anger about Walid not The use of degrading
failures, jobless. achieving anything words for expressing
and being jobless: how worries (Walid): coward,
Both Walid and Hamada is it not enough that he stupid, child. Here child is
degrade each other’s jobs cannot succeed in used to refer to the fact
or potential project anything. that men should not be
through the use of the scared and that such
following phrases: focus attribute belong to
on the cubes, the guy with Walid expressed his children.
a whistle and shorts. anger to Hamada for
telling Nagat their Ironically, Walid is
Nagat refers to the Walid business through the portrayed to fear the same
and Hamada as: calfs use of a couple situations: both escape
(cows). The term here is phrases: tells him not after hearing a loud noise
used to refer to them being to speak to him again, seconds later, uses
useless and only states that he is not a Hamada as a shield to
consuming food like calfs man. enter.
do.
Hamada expressed
that he did so out of
fear for his nephew:
truly worried.
Discursive Film as a medium of communication.

practice
Text production: scriptwriters, actors, filmmakers all contribute to the production
of the text and have the power to alter it if desired.
Text consumption: the text is consumed as a part of the movie in cinemas and later
on tv and online (for free) by the public. In cinemas this is monitored through the
box office and online through the number of views. This movie is the fifth highest
grossing film in Egyptian cinema history with a total of 67 million Egyptian
pounds (Al-Shabrawy 2022).
Sociocultural Utilization of film to portray the values and norms of the Egyptian society
practice including the patriarchal society.
31
The way Walid and Hamada speak to each other about their jobs in scene 1 is a clear example of men
holding onto traditional masculinity measures when around men only (Iacoviello et al. 2022). It is
also vital to discuss Walid’s bedroom and the interior of it that is not very “manly” but instead leans
towards a child’s room. The choice of colors and the cartoons behind the bed are an indirect reference
to Walid and Hamada’s masculinity. On the other hand, Walid and Hamada are shamed by Nagat for
being unemployed and spat in scene 2 and in scene 3 Nagat refers to Walid as unsuccessful. All these
scenes can be further understood through the application of the social role theory. According to the
social role theory the expectation for males is to work hard and advance in their jobs (Fischer &
Manstead 2000). Men are perceived as the natural family provider (Van Eynde 2014) hence cannot
be unemployed as unemployment equivalents for unsuccessfulness. Additionally, scene 3 highlights
how men are meant to act in given ways, as the action of snitching would not be approved by men
and hence lacks of masculinity (Inhorn 2003).
The last two scenes represent two types of masculinities. Hamada who openly expresses his feelings
and is faced with mocking and disrespect as being vulnerable and expressing emotions is not
considered apart of traditional masculinity (Milestone & Meyer 2012). Walid on the other hand acts
in a particular “manly” brave manner but in reality, is also scared as men adhere to certain masculine
characteristics in the presence on other men (Inhorn 2003).
32
Table 6. Fairclough's 3D model of Welad Rizk 2
Welad Rizk 2 Scene 1, 4, 5, 6 Scene 2 Scene 3
Scene Stops
Textual Scenes 1, 5 and 6 all Hanan highlights Reda reacts to Hanan asking for a
analysis use different phrases that Reda has not divorce by disrespecting her
and words to been able to referring to her as: filthy woman.
highlight that a provide for their
specific action is not family by Reda uses a specific expression to
a manly one: let him explaining: she portray his disapproval of the
cry like women, has had to sell her Hanan’s wish and its disrespect to
handle it while and her mother’s his masculinity wondering if he
referring to him as a gold to spend looks like a: ballet instructor. This
woman, man up. money on him. expression is used as a metaphor for
She uses two being feminine or less masculine and
Scene 4 also focuses words to express hence accepting to divorce his wife.
on certain aspects Reda’s
not being manly but unsuccessful role
about one’s outer as the family Reda also expresses his willingness
appearance. Fouad provider: failure, to kill her and her mother: bury you
himself understands loser. right now, threatening to kill her
that wearing earrings mother.
may have caused the
brothers to perceive The masculinity Additionally, throughout the whole
him as less portrayal here is scene Reda is portrayed to use
masculine and not as represented violence in multiple cases: slaps her,
serious as he is, through Reda’s throws his shoe at her.
justifying: that the anger at Hanan’s
earrings he is statements, Hanan uses a couple phrases to
wearing are glued blaming her for explain the link between masculinity
and that he does not the situation and and violence: trying to act like a man
pierce his ears. disrespecting her by hitting, an actual man, not
while using someone who slaps.
This scene violence: calling
highlights that Hanan a dirty Lastly, Reda demands Hanan to
masculinity has a woman, throws follow his instructions: ordering her
specific look that is his slipper at her. to not leave the house or even open
agreed upon as Reda the window. He does so as a form of
replies to Fouad: authority to control her actions as her
tells him he is a husband.
good man.

practice
33
box office and online through the number of views. This movie is the second
highest grossing film in Egyptian cinema history with a total of 100 million
Egyptian pounds (Al-Shabrawy 2022).
Scenes 1 and 6 show that expressing feelings and emotions is not masculine enough (e.g Milestone
& Meyer 2012). Scene 5 uses the term woman while referring to Rabea to express that he will not be
able to do much to fix the situation, following the traditional definition of femininity (e.g Gauntlett
2008). Additionally, social role theory can be applied to the relationship between emotions and
women as it is seen as a characteristic that supports their social role (Alexander & Wendy 2000). On
the other hand, in scene 4, Fouad links how the brothers view him to his earrings, which is a clear
example of masculinity requiring approval from other men in the Middle East (Inhorn 2003).
Scenes 2 and 3 are slightly different as they are both arguments between Reda and his wife Hanan.
Hanan refers to Reda not providing for his family, which is his natural role according to the social
role theory (Fischer & Manstead 2000). She refers to him as a loser as men are required to work (e.g.
Van Eynde 2014). Reda’s violent and disrespectful reaction to Hanan’s statements is a way to assert
some sort of authority to maintain his masculine sense over his wife (Inhorn 2012), especially that he
is not fulfilling his role as a provider. Scene 3 on the other hand, should be divided into a couple
sections. Reda’s reference to the ballet instructor is a crucial point as it highlights how masculinity is
based on hierarchal competition with men (Ouzgane 2011). In other words, specific jobs are
perceived less masculine and linking the less masculine attribute to allowing rights such as divorce.
Secondly, in Hanan’s reply to being slapped she uses phrases to refer to the biological physical
strength of a man. She first explains that his only way to be a man was to use that strength and
physically abuse her. The second phrase is used to highlight that a real man does not abuse women.
An indirect reference to gender-based violence (e.g. Ennaji & Sadiqi 2011). This scene can be
summed through the application of the social role theory that demands women to care for their
families (Fischer & Manstead 2000) and how women are expected to comply with orders in
patriarchal settings (Archer 2006). It also highlights the privileges men have in societies that follow
patriarchal values such as authority (Kisa et al. 2021).
34
Table 7. Fairclough's 3D model of Taymour w Shafika
Taymour Scene 1, 2, 3, 6 Scene 4 Scene 5
w Shafika
Scene Stops
Textual Scene 1, 2, 3 and 6 portray Taymour’s The use of words Taymour
analysis controlling personality and authority and phrases to expresses that for
over Shafika in different situations and explain why their marriage to
is shown using various phrases and Taymour work out Shafika
words: asks whether Shafika has worn it changed his needs to leave her
before in his absence, will not be usual tradition of role as a minister:
wearing the outfit while she is with him buying female ask her to
or alone, orders her to either dolls to buying a compromise her
immediately change the outfit without male doll this job to enable the
any further discussion, threatens to not time: he used to marriage.
allow her to leave her own room, has buy her girly
forbid her from going anywhere or even gifts to match Shafika responds
meeting her girlfriends, he cannot be who she was, she to his request by
forced to do anything, refuses everything is the Minister of stating that it is
she wants, should apologize for her Environment, purely initiated
actions and it is up to him to either this her job title because he is the
accept the apology or not, he cannot be is masculine. man: he is the
anything other than Si El-Sayed, her man he would
husband and home have instead gained Indirectly never
her, he is the man and has the authority referring to her compromise.
to decide on the matter, orders everyone as a male: sees
not speak anymore. her as the
Minister Taymour however
Taymour justifies his control as a form (masculine states: he has
of protection: constant worries about her version). been
when he is away, not knowing who is compromising
potentially catcalling her, does not want ever since she has
to add her work environment to his list become a
of worries. minister. This
may refer to him
The use of sarcasm to state that even allowing her
Shafika’s outfit is too revealing: to become a
wondering why she is wearing a minister, which
swimsuit. he perceives as a
big compromise,
Shafika’s mother approving of or potentially,
Taymour’s behaviour is a crucial point: accepting to work
her mother later proudly supports as her guard.
Taymour’s actions.
Taymour expresses unwillingness to

change his control: it is up to her if she
cannot cope with who he is, treat her like
his sister.
35
practice
box office and online through the number of views. This movie is earned a total of
17 million Egyptian pounds (Gouda 2017) - for its period of time a fairly good
value.
Scenes 1,2,3 and 6 all portray Taymour as the family’s patriarch hence representing hegemonic
masculinity (Inhorn 2012). Additionally, he is proud to be Si El-Sayed as it is a symbol of masculinity
in Egypt (Abdou 2022). Generally, Taymour’s actions follow the protection trap represented in 2000s
movies through patriarchal masculinities (Van Eynde 2014). It is vital to also acknowledge Shafika’s
mother in scene 1 where she applauds Taymour for his behaviour. This
reaction is due to the favorism of hegemonic masculinities in patriarchal cultures (Uggen &
Blackstone 2004) like Egypt. On the other hand, when Taymour could not control Shafika anymore
he decided to end the relationship, still asserting a type of authority and privilege (e.g. Kisa et al.
2021).
The male doll in scene 4 is a metaphor Taymour uses to show Shafika what her new job title is. As
Egypt is a masculine community (Alhalal et al. 2019) women in such settings are expected to stay
powerless (Archer 2006). Hence, Taymour does not perceive Shafika’s role as a minister suitable to
her femininity and does so by referring to Shafika in the male version of the word minister.
On the other hand, Taymour’s request and Shafika’s reply in scene 5 can both be understood through
the social role theory as men are expected to prosper in their jobs while women are family careers
(Fischer & Manstead 2000). Taymour represents a clear portrayal of hegemonic masculinity through
power (Inhorn 2012).
As already mentioned the Egyptian society is a patriarchal one, hence having an impact on how both
men and women live. Many tend to overlook the influence patriarchal societies have on men
themselves, however, it forces men to act in a specific manner. It is inevitable that all societies have
their own shared values that they live by but this research focuses on the origin of these values. In
36
other words, a patriarchal society respects a strong man; this consists of being strong physically but
also emotionally, or simply emotionless. A strong man does not express his feelings or cry, because
he is a man, and men do not cry. A phrase that many Egyptian men have heard throughout their
upbringing and has become engraved in their minds even if they do not agree with it. Thus, this idea
of crying is not common for men. Similarly, being an unemployed man in the Egyptian society is
unacceptable, as they are considered the main provider. Hence, the significance of many of the scene
stops that are discussed is their representation of values that are not common within the Egyptian
society. Additionally, Egyptians are known to be funny by nature. They use jokes and a whole lot of
sarcasm in their everyday lives. Most Egyptians respond sarcastically to anything they do not agree
with. This is also another point that some scene stops include, the use of sarcasm to deliver the
message.
7.3. Interviews
The interviews with the 6 Egyptian men allowed a perspective into their reflections on the matter. At
times their responses were extremely different to one another and at other times different to what I,
as the researcher may have perceived. One participant expressed his believe that scene 2 from El
Badla is slightly exaggerated especially in aspects such as the spitting for comedic purposes but
continued to explain that it is indeed unacceptable that the women is providing for her son and brother
who are both of a young age and much more capable of going into workforce. All 6 participants
agreed that unemployment in general should not be perceived as shameful if one is constantly trying
to change the situation and find a job but that it is problematic in a case such as the one presented in
scene 2 where the female becomes the only provider. This shared reflection can be further understood
through the application of the social identity theory (Tajfel & Turner 1979) and self-categorization
theory (Trepte & Loy 2017). The participants are all Egyptian men who identify within the social
identity of Egyptian men, thus follow the values of the group they identify as to fit its standards (e.g.
Tajfel & Turner 1979) and the values of their groups become their own (e.g. Trepte & Loy 2017).
Thus, a shared ideology is that women cannot provide families solely, hence all participants agreed
on the problem within the scene from a social identity and self-categorization perspective.
Most participants linked their reflections on scene 5 of El Badla and scene 1 of Welad Rizk 2 as the
expression of emotions in both scenes was referred to as not a masculine attribute. Again, all
participants agreed that they have been taught from a young age as children that men do not cry (even
though that they were children and not men yet) and heard phrases such as do not cry you are not a
37
girl, thus, naturally this ideology stuck to their minds. Younger participants shared their opposition
to this ideology whilst older participants believed it to be the only correct way to raise strong men.
This is a clear example that even though the younger participants do not necessarily agree with this
ideology they still follow it because it is a value among the social group they identify with, having to
conform to values to fit into their category (e.g Tajfel & Turner 1979). Additionally, it was mentioned
by most that acting tough in the presence of other men is also a norm that they have learned and if
someone reveals a slightly softer side of their personality they would usually end as the day’s main
joke.
Scene 3 in Welad Rizk 2 was an interesting scene as it resulted in a number of various reflections.
One participant perceived the whole scene as funny and stated that he does not see the need to
overthink it. Another participant stopped to call out multiple issues with the scene including the
violence as a reaction for asking for divorce. He also did not find the ballet instructor metaphor funny
stating that he does not see that a specific job makes a person more masculine or feminine and that
the casual use of such references should not be used anymore. Interestingly another participant
disagreed with the ballet instructor phrase but had a different perspective. He explained that ballet
instructor as a job and a dance in general is foreign to Egypt and the Middle East as a whole. Hence,
he believed that its use here may not refer to the femininity of a male ballet instructor but rather the
ideologies of Western communities from which ballet originates from were divorce is simply
achieved. This participant however, did not approve of this phrase as he explained that divorce is very
common in Egypt and is obviously a religious and legal right so taking such action does not make
one less Egyptian and a Westerner. The number of different encoding approaches by the participants
highlights that theories like the cultivation theory cannot be applied as it ignores individual’s ability
to interpret things (Baran 2011). Another participant focused on killing threats and expressing that
even if the threats are the furthest from actually being done they should not be mentioned in the first
place. This participant linked the threats with a few recent incidents in Egypt that witnessed the
murder of young women by potential suitors after being rejected, he explained that such action is
caused as a result of many different aspects but having such scenes that use similar threats is also
potentially a reason for such behavior. This participant’s perspective on the scene linked topics such
as the significance of representation and social identity theory. He acknowledged the influence
representation of masculinity has on the construction of values (Orgad 2012) while potentially
following these values to fit within the shared social identity group (Tajfel & Turner 1979) of
Egyptian men. This participant also discussed the authority some men think they have over their
38
partners and especially their wives. He mentioned that some men justify their full control as a form
of protection and love.
Younger participants did not like Taymour’s stance in scene 3 forcing an apology without discussing
the matter whilst older participants focused more that her actions lead to causing him a problem in
his job dismissing that the whole situation may have been different if a conversion was set beforehand.
This is a clear example of the active audience theory, where the audience decode messages differently
based societal differences (Hall 1980). The term Si El-Sayed was also perceived in various ways. One
participant expressed that Si El-Sayed means being an old fashioned traditional controlling man, while
another participant explained it as a natural role of family’s leader who is responsible for their
wellbeing thus, has a better perspective on what is best for them. Another participant highlighted
how this attribute and the general characteristics of Si El-Sayed are desired by some women in the
Egyptian and Arab society as a whole thus, some men still live by it even if it has outdated origins.
Simply, men would not follow traditional masculinity measures if they are not desired by the society
they belong to (Iacoviello et al. 2022).
Scene 4 in Taymour w Shafika stroke multiple conversations. Someone expressed that Taymour was
not as supportive as he acted and that the male doll was a clear indication of it. Another participant
did not find any logic in Taymour’s action as being a minister is not a certain gender’s job and should
be respected and honored regardless of its holder’s gender, a clear oppositional approach (Hall 1980).
A participant with a negotiated decoding approach (Hall 1980) explained that traditionally there were
certain jobs for women and other for men due to physical strength but things have changed a lot and
are not the same anymore, as most jobs can be done by both men and women with the use of modern
technology and developed equipment. One of the older participants expressed that he believes that
for the sake of women some jobs just do not suit them and that this fact has nothing to do with
inequality, a dominant hegemonic approach (Hall 1980). This scene is a clear example of how media
messages can be interpreted and decoded in various ways based on one’s own values (Philo 2008).
Older participants showed more traditional-oriented opinions towards many matters and their
decoding of the scenes mostly leaned towards the dominant hegemonic approach (Hall 1980) while
younger participants expressed modern perspectives through negotiated and oppositional decoding
approaches (ibid). All older participants agreed upon shared values of their social identity group of
Egyptian men. Younger participants did not agree with all these values but still followed them as they
were taught to accept it to belong to the group. It is inevitable that one’s reflections and opinions on
39
topics is generated through many points, including the period someone was raised in and the general
shared values at that time. Thus, it is interesting to hear how Egyptian men may hold different views
based on the era they were born in.
7.4. Critical Reassessment

It is vital to reassess the applied theoretical frameworks used to analyze the findings. In earlier
sections I mentioned the use of three main theories in the data analysis: social role theory, social
identity and self-categorization theories and active audience encoding/decoding theory. The social
role theory was extremely helpful in understanding the empirical data as it explained that most
representations are due to the traditional different societal roles of the genders. This gave a foundation
meaning to where these portrayals and values have possibly come from. Secondly, the active audience
encoding/decoding and social identity and self-categorization theories were applied for the interview
data. The active audience theory served positively as the participants reflections of the scenes varied
and fit the different decoding approaches of Hall (1980). The social identity and self-categorization
theories on the other hand, were applied to further understand if participants feel the need to comply
with values to fit into groups and they helped with analyzing some of the empirical data. Thus, overall
all three theories assisted with the unfolding of the collected material.
40
8. Conclusion
To conclude it is crucial to revisit the research questions and whether this paper has managed to
answer them. The research questions were:
RQ1: How is masculinity represented in the following Egyptian movies: El Badla (2018), Welad Rizk
2 (2019), and Taymour w Shafika (2007)?
RQ2: How do Egyptian men reflect on the representation of masculinity in these films?
RQ3: How can these representations be understood through the lens of social role theory?
El Badla, Welad Rizk 2 and Taymour w Shafika are all movies that are not produced to portray
masculinity instead have other main plotlines far from this theme. However, examining the ways
these movies represent masculinity have resulted in interesting insights to the topic. It was noted that
masculinity in each movie is created to fit the other variables of the film. For example, as El Badla is
a comedy, all the representation in it is produced in a somewhat funny basis, most of the scene stops
are created to make the audience laugh. On the other hand, Welad Rizk 2 is an action film that highly
appreciates the meaning of being a man thus, many scene stops included reminders of how to be a
man e.g. man up. Scene 3 in Welad Rizk 2 in particular is interesting to discuss as possibly someone
who is not Egyptian might perceive it in a more serious manner than people in the Egyptian society.
In other words, many of the phrases and words used in this scene can be found funny, in fact I,
personally, witnessed how the whole cinema room burst out laughing in this particular scene. Thus,
it is arguably that Egyptians have become used to this type of representation in movies that they are
no longer shocked or disturbed by it, instead find it comedic. Lastly, Taymour w Shafika is a romance
movie, hence most of its representation consists of control, which is portrayed as a form of love and
protection, again to widely fit the movie’s storyline. Hence, it is possible to conclude that different
genres do indeed represent masculinity differently in order to suit the film’s general plot. It is also
crucial to note the use of sarcasm as it was present in all three movies and is considered a strong
characteristic of the Egyptian population. Egyptians rely on sarcasm in their everyday lives thus, its
incorporation into the movies is natural.
The movies portray various societal classes within the Egyptian society which should also be
considered. Reda in Welad Rizk 2 was a low-class Egyptian, hence some may link his masculinity to
41
his class. For example, Taymour and Reda are both controlling partners, yet, Taymour did not use
violence with Shafika the way Reda did with Hanan. Arguably this representation can be linked to
their social class. This may raise questions of stereotypical representations of different classes in
Egyptian movies, however, that would require another research paper. Overall the masculinity
represented in all three movies follows the standard of hegemonic traditional masculinity as it the
most preferred in the Egyptian society.
The reflections of the Egyptian men on the representation of masculinity were diverse. The main
reason for the interviews was to gain insight into how Egyptian men themselves reflect on this matter,
as I have a critical perspective on it. Some of the participants were more critical than others and
discussed the underlying messages of the scenes while other participants did not find a need to
overthink them. The interview findings cannot be generalized for a number of factors e.g. small
sample, but helped study the topic from their views. Some participants were clear advocates of men
expressing emotions but could not break the cycle. They mentioned that being taught to do so from a
young age has caused them to be so and even if they do not agree they now follow this value to fit
within the social identity group of Egyptian men. Others agreed that a strong man does not show
emotions and thus happily comply with this shared value. Hence, it is arguable that values and beliefs
are forced upon Egyptian men not only due to representation but also due to upbringing and societal
perceptions.
Applying the social role theory to the representations of masculinity in the discussed movies can
further explain the possible origins of these representations. In other words, as previously mentioned,
the social role theory explains that men and women have different expectations in society that root
from biological differences, hence express emotions differently. The representations in all three
movies manage to follow the social role theory as men are expected to provide for their families and
women are meant to be caregivers. Additionally, as women are the expected careers of their families,
emotions are considered a feminine characteristic. Thus, again the representations in these movies
highlight aspects such as crying not being manly, and instead link any form of fear or expression of
emotions to women and children. Frozen Tears, the title of this paper, is a metaphor for such
representation that has limited men into being controlling emotionless humans that are required to
provide for their family’s without expressing any of their personal concerns or fears.
This research allows an insight on some representations of masculinities in different Egyptian movies
while also listening to reflections of real Egyptian men on such representations. It is inevitable that
42
the reflections are not completely objective as I chose to discuss specific scenes. However, the data
is still of significance as the participants had different perspectives than the ones I discussed.
According to the reflections, there may be a distinguished difference between the values of younger
and older generations, yet this may be highly influenced by levels of education and social class.
As mentioned previously even though the Egyptian cinema is the oldest in its region there is limited
research on it, making this study of high significance. There was a clear gap in finding critical analysis
of movies thus, this research can be a step forward. The aim of this study was to gain some
understanding on the representation of masculinity in Egyptian movies and how Egyptian men reflect
on it. It is safe to say that this was achieved. However, this research can be possibly broadened by
discussing the topic in mix-gendered focus groups instead of individual interviews with males. Even
though masculinity is obviously a topic that men care about it is also important for woman, as many
times e.g. as presented in various scene stops, this masculinity is asserted onto woman. Thus, it would
be interesting to also hear their reflections on this media portrayal. Another suggestion for future
research is the type of movies examined; for example, comparing the representation of masculinity
between popular movies (like the ones discussed in this thesis) and film festival movies can be an
interesting study. Film festival movies is a whole category in Egypt, that consists of movies that are
made to participate in film festivals and are known to have barely any audiences despite their
outstanding quality and storylines. There is a number of reasons for this phenomenon but focusing
on the different messages movies may have depending on their anticipated audience size calls for
another research.
On the other hand, one could compare between the same movie genre within different time periods.
This would give an insight of the development of the representation of masculinity in that given genre
throughout the years. Generally, I believe that any future research should be conducted by insider
researchers like myself, as studying a culture outside the Western world using the Western lens can
be extremely biased. Thus, an insider would aid the understanding of that culture without judging it,
which unfortunately has been the case many times with any studies on the Middle East or North
Africa conducted by Western researchers. Additionally, one could compare the representation of
masculinity of a specific actor as some actors portray a certain character with similar traits in various
films. Again, it is important to note that research on Egyptian movies cannot be generalized as it is
impossible to examine all produced movies but it is crucially needed to give some insight to the matter
as these movies are widely consumed not only by Egyptians but by many other Arabic-speaking
countries.
43
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“Frozen Tears”

A Study of Representations of Masculinity in Three Egyptian Movies

List of figures and Tables

Figure 1. Fairclough’s 3D model (1995b, p.59) ............................................................................. 16

Table 1. Interview Questions........................................................................................................ 19

4.1. Active Audience Theory

4.2. Social Theories

An epistemological interpretivism paradigm is applied in this study. In interpretative research, the

5.2.1. Critical Discourse Analysis

Figure 1. Fairclough’s 3D model (1995b, p.59)

Table 1. Interview Questions

S5: Why is the expression of emotions linked to being a

S3: What is your opinion on the ballet instructor metaphor?

S4: Was Taymour trying to tell Shafika something through

7.1. Scene Stops

Table 2. El Badla Scene Stops

Scene Minutes Scene summary

Table 3. Welad Rizk 2 Scene Stops

Scene Stops Minutes Scene Summary

Table 4. Taymour w Shafika Scene Stops

Scene Minutes Scene Summary

Table 5. Fairclough's 3D model of El Badla

Discursive Film as a medium of communication.

Discursive Film as a medium of communication.

Taymour expresses unwillingness to

7.4. Critical Reassessment

Clare, A., 2001. On Men: Masculinity in Crisis. London: Arrow.

Fairclough, N. (1995a). Critical Discourse Analysis: The Critical Study of Language.

Fairclough, N., 1995b. Media discourse. London: Edward Arnold.

Hanson, R. E., 2017. Mass communication: Living in a media world. Sage.

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