SHIBAO GUO

18. LIVING IN A DOUBLE DIASPORA

Transnational Talent Mobility between China and Canada

INTRODUCTION

This chapter theorizes “double diaspora” from the experiences of Chinese Canadians
in Beijing who had previously emigrated to Canada from China and later “returned”.
Early notions of diaspora portray the phenomenon as catastrophic – the traumatic
dispersal of victimized groups from an original homeland, and the salience of that
homeland in the collective memory of a forcibly dispersed group (Cohen, 2008).
More recently the concept has been extended to include labour, trade, imperial, and
cultural diasporas. In delineating a diaspora, Cohen proposes nine criteria, including
dispersal from an original homeland, the expansion from a homeland in search
of work or pursuit of trade or colonial activities, a collective memory and myth
about the homeland, an idealization of the real or imagined ancestral home, a return
movement or intermittent visits, a strong ethnic group consciousness, a troubled
relationship with host societies, a sense of solidarity with co-ethnic members in
other countries, and the possibility of a distinctive creative, enriching life in host
countries. Commenting on Cohen’s typology, Anthias (1998, 2001) argues that it is
descriptive and inductivist. Anthias summarizes some of the problems associated
with Cohen’s typology as follows: reliance on a notion of deterritorialized ethnicity
which references to the primordial bonds of “homeland”; privileging the point of
“origin” in constructing identity and solidarity; failure to examine trans-ethnic
commonalities and relations; and a lack of concern with the intersectionalities of
class and gender.
Despite such critiques, diaspora continues to be used as a category of analysis
(Brubaker, 2005; Wahlbeck, 2002). More recently, with the development of modern
transportation and advanced communication technologies, migration has shifted
from “inter-national” to “trans-national” and subsequently “transnational diaspora”
has emerged out of this context (Lie, 1995). In articulating transnational diaspora,
Lie argues that “the sojourn itself is neither unidirectional nor final. Multiple, circular
and return migrations, rather than a singular great journey from one sedentary space
to another, occur across transnational spaces” (p. 304). In this view, migrants are no
longer expected to make a sharp and definitive break from their homelands.
Situated in the debate about transnational diaspora, this study examines the
experience of Chinese Canadians in Beijing with an aim of theorizing an emerging

S. Guo & Y. Guo (Eds.), Spotlight on China: Chinese Education in the Globalized World, 301–318.
© 2016 Sense Publishers. All rights reserved.
s. guo

phenomenon of “double diaspora” – a hybrid experience that transcends boundaries of

ethnicity and nationalism. The study reveals that Chinese Canadians are increasingly
internationally mobile as a result of globalization, modern communications and
transportation. The double diaspora is characterized by a number of dualities as both
Chinese and Canadian, living in Chinese and Canadian diaspora, simultaneously
diasporas and returnees, playing a double role as cultural and economic brokers
between Canada and China. The double diaspora views the diaspora sojourn as
neither unidirectional nor final, but rather as multiple and circular. It rejects the
primordial notion of diaspora and theorizes diaspora as heterogeneous and conflictual
forms of sociality. This study provides an alternative framework in understanding
transnational talent mobility and representing multiple ways of affiliations and
belonging.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This study employs transnationalism as its theoretical framework. Transnationalism

and diaspora are often used interchangeably, although they are not synonymous
(Wong & Satzewich, 2006). As transnationalism is often viewed as a broader
and more inclusive concept than diaspora, it is important to examine the concept
of transnationalism before proceeding to further considerations of diaspora.
Transnationalism is not a new concept per se. Precursors of contemporary immigrant
transnationalism can be traced back several centuries (Portes, Guarnizo, & Landolt,
1999). However, although early migrations allowed flows of returnees to their
home countries, they lacked the “regularity, routine involvement, and critical mass
characterizing contemporary examples of transnationalism” (p. 225).
Portes et al. (1999) propose three criteria for identifying a transnational
phenomenon: the process involves a significant proportion of persons in the relevant
universe, the activities of interest possess certain stability and resilience over time,
and the content of these activities is not captured by some pre-existing concept. When
analyzing transnationalism, individuals and their support networks are regarded as
the proper units of analysis. According to Portes et al., a study that begins with the
history and activities of individuals is “the most efficient way of learning about the
institutional underpinnings of transnationalism and its structural effects” (p. 220).
Unlike early transnationalism, which was often limited to elites, contemporary grass-
roots transnational activities have commonly developed in reaction to government
policies, and to conditions of dependent capitalism foisted on weaker countries to
circumvent the permanent subordination of immigrants and their families. At the
grass-roots level, Portes (1999) points out, transnationalism offers an economic
alternative to immigrant’s low-wage dead-end employment situations, gives them
political voice, and allows them to reaffirm their own self-worth.
Transnational activities can be organized into three types: economic, political,
and socio-cultural (Portes et al., 1999). The main goals of each type are different.
Transnational economic entrepreneurs are interested in mobilizing their contacts

302
 Living in a double diaspora

across borders in search of suppliers, capital and markets; transnational political

activities aim for the achievement of political power and influence in the sending or
receiving countries; and socio-cultural transnationalism aims to promote or reinforce
a national identity abroad via the export of cultural events and goods. Another useful
distinction is between transnationalism “from above” and “from below”, initiated
respectively by powerful states and transnational corporations to advance global
capitalism, and by grass-roots transmigrants and their home country counterparts
to generate multiple and counter-hegemonic powers among non-elites (Guarnizo &
Smith, 2006; Mahler, 2006). In commenting on the fear that transnational activities
will slow down the process of assimilation in immigrant host nations, Portes (1999)
maintains that transnational activities can actually facilitate successful adaptation
by providing opportunities for economic mobility and for a vital and purposeful
life for migrant groups. He also points out that the overall impact of transnational
activities on sending countries is positive, both economically and politically. Migrant
remittances and business investments promote economic growth while political
activism is more likely to line up with the forces of change in promoting democracy
and reducing corruption and violation of human rights at home.
Commenting on the above discussion, Kivisto (2001) contends that Portes’
unit of analysis excludes communities and more overarching structural units
such as governments. With respect to the three types of transnationalism, Kivisto
argues that labour and professional immigrants are missing from his definition of
economic transnationalism and mobile capitalist entrepreneurs have become the
sole representation. Regarding his political transnationalism, the emphasis on party
officials, governmental functionaries, or community leaders excludes community
activists and violates his stated intention of keeping transnationalism from below
analytically distinct from transnationalism from above. Lastly, his emphasis of
socio-cultural transnationalism on the collective enjoyment of cultural events and
goods tends to preserve immigrant’s nostalgic “symbolic ethnicity”.
As stated above, the concepts of diaspora and transnationalism share a number of
similarities, but also have some differences (Satzewich & Liodakis, 2007). First, they
have had similar currency in recent years, garnering attention in scholarly circles at
about the same time. Second, the concepts were presented as alternatives to the ill-
equipped traditional studies of immigration and ethnic relations. Proponents of both
concepts argue that diaspora and transnationalism capture “the importance of real
and imagined places of origin in immigrant and ethnic groups lives and identities
as well as the complex interactions between ‘here’ and ‘there’ for individuals,
families, and communities that have moved abroad” (Satzewich & Liodakis, 2007,
p. 208). However, despite their analytical concerns, the two concepts do have
differences. Satzewich and Liodakis further point out, one major difference is the
extent to which they permeated popular consciousness and wider public discourse.
While the popularity of diasporas has reached outside of an immigrant or ethnic
nexus, transnationalism has generally not gone beyond the scholarly community
and entered immigrant and ethnic community organizations. At the same time,

303
s. guo

the concept of diaspora has been more sharply criticized than its counterpart. For
example, Anthias (1998) and Butler (2001) warn us the risk of moving towards
essentializing “diaspora” as an ethnic label rather than a framework of analysis.
In the age of globalization, a globalized economy permits greater connectivity
and creates new opportunities for diasporas. In articulating transnational diaspora,
Lie (1995) argues that “The idea of transnationalism challenges the rigid, territorial
nationalism that defines the modern nation-state; the dividing line is replaced by
the borderlands of shifting and contested boundaries” (p. 304). According to Lie,
transnationalism makes it possible for the imagined diaspora communities to subvert
the unidirectionality of migrant passage and to replace it instead with an unending
sojourn across different lands. “Along with the complexity of crossings”, Lie
continues, “the valence of premigration backgrounds has highlighted the diversity of
migrant identities” (p. 304). He further notes that scholars now detail the diversity of
immigration circumstances, including their class backgrounds, gendered transitions,
and the sheer multitude of migration experiences. It is hoped that findings of
this study will enrich our understanding about the diversity and rich experiences
of Chinese Canadians as transnational talents and the emerging phenomenon of
transnational diaspora.

RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

This study combined questionnaires with personal interviews. The questionnaire

consisted of four parts. Part one captured the age, gender, marital status, citizenship,
and educational background of respondents. It was hoped this demographic
information would yield a profile of double diasporas in Beijing. Part two asked
respondents about their motivations for moving to Canada, their reasons for
returning to China, and whether they had achieved their original goals prior to their
moving back to China. Part three formed the core of the questionnaire. It explored
the experiences of Chinese Canadians in Beijing, including their employment,
income, social integration, and satisfaction with life in China. The last part included
only open-ended questions, which invited participants to comment on changes they
felt were most needed to help Canadians in China. The questionnaire was made
available in both English and Chinese. The reason for adopting the questionnaire
approach derived from its capability to maximize the number of responses in a
reasonably short period of time.
However, limited space and the non-reciprocal nature of questionnaire
prevented me from further probing some of the responses in the questionnaire.
Consequently, I chose to enrich the questionnaire data by interviewing a number
of the respondents. Semi-structured face-to-face interviewing was selected because
it offers flexibility in asking in-depth questions (Fontana & Frey, 2005). In the
selection of interviewees, I tried to strike a balance among people of different age,
gender, education background, occupation, and citizenship status. Ten interviews

304
 Living in a double diaspora

were conducted in English, each lasting between 1 and 1.5 hours. All interviews
were taped and transcribed verbatim for analysis, which was an ongoing process.
Data from the questionnaires and interviews complemented each other in significant
ways, offering enriched understandings of the experiences of Canadians in China.
Many of the questions in the questionnaire were explored in greater depth in the
interviews; responses from the interviews, in turn, were instrumental to a richer
interpretation of the questionnaire responses. Questionnaires were analyzed while
collecting them; and interviews were built on what was learnt from the survey
results. Each interview was conducted after the previous one was transcribed and
preliminary analysis completed. Thus the analysis of preceding interviews fed into
the conduct of the interviews that followed.

REPORT OF FINDINGS

Profile of Chinese Canadians in Beijing

The first section of the questionnaire drew together demographic data and migration
patterns of participants. Among the 76 respondents who completed the questionnaire,
60.5% were male and 39.5% female. Most (89%) were married with one to two
children. The majority of my respondents were young; over 90% were in their
thirties and forties. The largest group hailed originally from Beijing (20%). Fifty-
three percent held Canadian citizenship, and the rest were permanent residents of
Canada. At the time of this study, 38% still had immediate family members residing
in Canada. Eighty-four percent had left Canada within six years, and the average
length of time the respondents had stayed in Canada before returning to China was
five years. Before returning to China, they had resided in Vancouver (30%), Toronto
(25%), Montreal (13%), Ottawa (9%), and Calgary (5%). Since returning, they had
lived in China for an average three years, with 92% of the sample having returned
to China in the past five years. The group was highly educated: 31% held bachelor’s
degrees, 42% had master’s degrees, and 27% held PhDs. Most (70.3%) had completed
their highest level of education from institutions in China, a smaller proportion (23%)
from Canada, and the remaining 7% from other countries in the world.
According to the 2010 National Census of China (cited in APFC, 2011), about
20,000 Canadians were living in China. However, it is possible that this figure
underestimates the true population. It is not clear how many are Canadians of
Chinese descent who emigrated to Canada from China and later “returned”; the
exact size of Chinese Canadians in Beijing is also unknown. As one of the research
participants mentioned later in the interview, it is possible that some of them are
not revealing their Canadian identity because of its inconveniences as a foreigner
in looking for jobs and finding schools for their children. Despite the difficulties in
assessing its size, what emerges clearly from the above findings is a profile which
depicts the Chinese-Canadian double diaspora in Beijing as a young, well-educated

305
s. guo

and economically active community. Their movement indicates that this is a hyper
mobile group.

Understanding the Evolving Push and Pull Factors

What initially motivated participants to move to Canada? This is a big decision

requiring careful thinking of immigrants and hence a fundamental question for this
study. Preceding studies of Chinese Canadian immigrants show that non-economic
reasons such as environment, education, and citizenship, were among their primary
motives for moving to Canada (Guo, 2013; Guo & DeVoretz, 2006). Findings
from this study show similar incentives, with respondents most often citing natural
environment (49%), seeking new opportunities (43%), children’s education (37%),
and obtaining Canadian citizenship or permanent residence (36%) as reasons for
moving to Canada.
Unfortunately, half (50.7%) of the respondents stated they had not achieved their
main goals in Canada before moving back to China. Some of the factors which
prevented them from achieving their goals were lack of social network (63%),
Chinese work experience not being recognized (58%), Chinese qualifications not
being recognized (55%), lack of Canadian work experience (47%), and language
difficulties (47%). A number of studies conducted by independent scholars (Guo,
2009, 2010, 2013, 2015; Li, 2008; Reitz, 2001) as well as government-sponsored
research (Statistics Canada, 2003) have repeatedly reported similar barriers
facing immigrant professionals in Canada, constituting the “push” factors that
encourage emigration from Canada. The devaluation and denigration of immigrant
professionals’ prior learning and work experience contrasts starkly with China’s
favourable government policies and attitudes towards returnees and their expertise,
which may mobilize Chinese expats to move again (Zweig, Chen, & Rosen, 2004).
In the personal interviews conducted for this study, several participants discussed
the barriers that made it difficult for them to adjust to life in Canada. Feida Deng (all
interviewees’ names are pseudonyms.) received his bachelor’s degree in computer
science, and had ten years experience working in the IT field in Beijing before
moving to Canada. He had a hard time finding a job in his field in Canada. As a
consequence, he worked as an office cleaner, volunteered for a recycling company,
worked on a job as an entry level computer technician, and finally moved up to
a middle level consultant. Because his Canadian work experiences were neither
challenging nor rewarding, he decided to return to China to take up a job in an
electronics company as its Chief Information Officer. Recalling his experience in
Canada, this is what he had to say:
I have 10 years experience in IT technology. Yeah, so I feel that I’ve failed
in Canada because your English is not good and uh you don’t have network.
The employers in Calgary don’t recognize our education background, work
experience. That is bad. That is too bad.

306
 Living in a double diaspora

Another computer engineer experienced difficulties similar to those of Feida. In

1999, Guofang Zhang left Beijing for Vancouver to seek more opportunities in
Canada, but returned to Beijing only three years later, in 2002. He worked as a
computer programmer and analyst for nine years before leaving China. In the process
of seeking work in Canada, he sent out more than 100 resumes, which resulted in
only a three months contract. In the meantime, he worked minimum wage jobs to
support his family. He stated:
The job security is crucial. If no job, everything is not possible, you know. In
Canada my pressure is very heavy because I have to find a job. But my wife
was also a fruit cutter, she only made $800 or $900 a month. My rent is about
$500. You feel depressed.
Both the questionnaire and the interview data confirmed that Chinese immigrants
experience multi-faceted barriers in Canada, which consist of a glass gate blocking
entrance to guarded professional communities, a glass door denying access to
professional employment at high-wage firms, and a glass ceiling preventing
immigrants from moving into management positions or receiving the same pay with
their white colleagues who work on the same job (Guo, 2013). Guo argues that glass
gate, glass door, and glass ceiling may converge to produce a triple glass effect – a set
of multiple structural barriers causing unemployment and underemployment, poor
economic performance, and downward social mobility. When such “push factors”
are combined with China’s favourable government policies as “pull factors”, they
generate a global force mobilizing Chinese immigrants to repatriate themselves and
once again seek opportunities in China.

Experience of Economic Re-Integration

Current literature on Chinese migrants’ motivations to return primarily highlights

economic factors. According to Zweig, Chen and Rosen (2004), Chinese returnees
went home because they saw excellent opportunities in China’s rich domestic
market. In this study, when Chinese Canadians were asked what motivated them
to return to China, half (50%) stated seeking new opportunities, followed by taking
care of parents (42%), living in Chinese culture (41%), having more opportunities
for promotion (37%), and having more job opportunities (34%). These findings
support Zweig, Chen and Rosen’s (2004) similar finding that economic opportunities
were major reasons behind the decision to move back to China. However, family
considerations were also important. Similar to Ho’s (2008) findings about
Singaporean migrants, familial considerations here were also important reasons
for eventual return. Following the Confucian values of filial piety, many may have
decided to return to fulfill family responsibilities. Because of China’s one child
policy, which was put in place thirty years ago, it is predicted that more people may
return in the future to care for their aging parents. Given this unique demographic

307
s. guo

condition, familial obligations and economic motivations may work together to bind
transmigrants to particular geographical and national contexts.
In sharp contrast to respondents’ accounts of their failure to achieve their goals
in Canada, the majority (75%) indicated that they had fared better since returning
to China. All participants had secured a job in China, while 12% reported they
were unemployed before returning. Eleven percent of respondents had worked
in Canada as labourers in processing, manufacturing and utilities; none were
employed in these fields upon returning to China. Conversely, employment in
the professions increased once respondents returned to China, with the biggest
changes occurring in shifts to management and teaching. Senior management
positions increased from 5% in Canada to 15.5% in China, and teachers and
professors from 19% to 32%. It is also worth noting that 52% played leadership
roles in China, a significant increase from 25% who stated they had done so in
Canada. Interestingly, 65% stated that their Canadian experience had helped them
obtain their current positions in China, suggesting a shift from brain drain to
brain circulation that Saxenian (2005) discussed in her research about the benefits
of transnational movement of talents between the United States and China and
India. When invited to compare their current employment situation in China with
their prior one in Canada, it is not surprising that most (81%) felt their current
employment was better or much better. Likewise, when participants were asked
to compare their current employment with that before leaving China for Canada,
the majority (66%) indicated their most recently obtained positions were better
or much better. The employment experience of Chinese transmigrants speaks to
the liberatory character of transnationalism from below as counter-hegemonic
practices (Mahler, 2006), which ironically did not happen in Canada but rather
after return to China.
Respondents’ improved employment situations in China naturally led to positive
impacts on their income. Before returning to China, half of respondents reported
a Canadian household income of less than $31,000, a rate much lower than the
median family income of $65,500 in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2011). Only a
minority of families (13%) earned more than $78,000. Participants’ income in China
after returning reflected almost opposite trends. An overwhelming majority (93%)
reported an annual household income more than ¥50,000 RMB. In particular, it is
worth noting that almost one third (30%) earned more than ¥250,000 RMB, while
the average annual income per capita in Beijing is less than ¥25,000 RMB (Beijing
Municipal Statistic Bureau, 2010). Only 7.1% earned less than ¥50,000 RMB. It is
clear that this was an elite group. As Wang, Zweig and Lin (2011) point out, elite
migrants are playing a leading role in many aspects of China’s booming economy.
They are more likely to bring in foreign capital, transfer more goods and services
into China, and introduce cutting-edge technology, which subsequently helped with
the increase of their income.

308
 Living in a double diaspora

Experience of Social Re-Integration

In addition to changing employment patterns, this study also explored the social
experience of those living in a double diaspora in Beijing. Since returning to China,
the majority reported that they had reconnected with old friends and colleagues
(86.8%) or made new friends (84.2%); a relatively smaller group indicated that
they lived close to relatives (72.4%). Most of the study participants (78%) did
not encounter any difficulties re-integrating into the Chinese society. Those who
had cited difficulties noted pollution (47.1%), bureaucracy (41.2%), difficulties in
building social network (41.2%), and difficulties in cultural adjustment (35.3%).
It is not surprising that so many people mentioned bureaucracy, because China is
notorious for this. Many scholars, Cheng (2008) for one, highlight bureaucracy
and corruption as two of the major challenges facing China today. The finding on
pollution is consistent with people’s motivations for initially migrating to Canada
(Guo, 2013; Guo & DeVoretz, 2006). Participants’ difficulties with building social
network were likely to do with their absence from China for a lengthy period of
time. Regarding difficulties in readjusting to their home culture, it seems that
although the respondents were brought up in Chinese culture, they still needed time
to readjust because China has changed so much, and the “home” they returned to
was not necessarily the same one they left. Clearly, some experienced reverse culture
shock as a result of being away for a lengthy period of time (Christofi & Thompson,
2007; Gaw, 2000). In fact, when asked if China had changed since they left, 76%
answered “yes”. Major changes included perceptions of China as more open and
more developed, and of migration being easier than before. However, the surveyed
also indicated that the traffic in Beijing was worse than before and that Beijing was
more polluted than before. Despite these problems, the majority (67.2%) indicated no
regrets about returning. Overall, most (68.9%) felt happier about their life in China
than in Canada, and were happier than before leaving China for Canada (67.1%).
Difficulty of re-adjusting to life in China was discussed by several participants
in the interviews. Guifang Lin first moved to Vancouver in 1999 as an international
student at the University of British Columbia (UBC), became a permanent resident in
2003, and returned to China in 2006 after she completed her PhD at the University of
Toronto. After being away for seven years, she discovered her Chinese had become
rusty: “When I just came back, I found I’m not used to speaking Chinese for such
a long time, so I always missed the tone, right? I also mixed Chinese with English.
I think maybe it sounds strange, especially my husband started teasing me, ‘Don’t
speak English to me.’” She found the traffic in China crowded compared to Canada,
and she was now unfamiliar with Chinese popular culture. She noted:
Many things have changed, so it takes me some time to really learn about
some pop culture. When people talk about pop culture, at the very beginning
I felt lost because I don’t know many of the names of the singers or movie

309
s. guo

stars because you didn’t know them, because you didn’t get the change to
watch their movie or listen to their songs. So it took me some time to know
their names, even I don’t spend a lot of time, I mean paying a lot of attention
to them.
However, she also commented on positive changes coming out of the Olympic
Games. She stated:
So I think Beijing, especially after Olympic, the life is much easier, like public
transportation is much convenient, I don’t have to drive, now I don’t drive
actually, I think it’s much easier. If you drive, …the parking is not easy to find,
it’s expensive, so I think it’s much convenient to take the public transportation.
So now you have a lot of choices: you could take express bus, you could take
slow bus, so it really depends.
Like Guifang, Huawei Li moved to Canada in 1989 as an international student
working on his MA and then PhD in English literature at the University of Toronto.
Before he moved back to China in 2003, he taught at a university in Atlantic
Canada. What he found difficult in his process of adaptation was adjusting to a
Chinese academic culture, which is challenged by issues of plagiarism and academic
integrity. He noted:
It was difficult in a way because the society has changed quite a lot. So has
the educational system, not so much about the system itself as about the
quality of the criteria within the system. Um, as you are well aware that
there’s a lot of corruption, academic corruption, lots of plagiarism, cases like
that which are not tolerated at all in western society. But here it’s rampant,
it’s widespread so it’s difficult to do the real scholarship here. So that’s a big
adjustment.

No-Glow Canadian Citizenship

In the process of social and economic re-integration, most participants found

their friends and families (88.2%) more helpful than their work units (26.5%) or
government organizations (4.4%) when they needed help. This echoes similar
patterns in Canada, where Chinese immigrants are more likely to seek help from
friends and families rather than government or non-government organizations (Guo,
2013; Guo & DeVoretz, 2006). What differs between the two countries is that in
China, the role of NGOs is lacking. Instead work units replaced NGOs in helping
returnees with their re-integration. They needed the most help in two areas: finding a
school for their children (27.9%) and applying for residence permit (27.5%). Owing
to their dual identity as Canadian diasporas and Chinese returnees, the participants
fell under the responsibilities of both Canadian and Chinese governments. This
finding has important implications for both governments in initiating collaborative
efforts to help Chinese Canadians with their re-integration process.

310
 Living in a double diaspora

The issues of citizenship and resident permits identified in the surveys

concerned many of the interviewees as well. With a relatively prestigious reputation
internationally, Canadian citizenship is often perceived to offer security and greater
convenience and flexibility in visa-free international travel. For many, holding a
Canadian passport is regarded as an open door to countries across the world.
However, living in a double diaspora in China is a different matter, even for those of
Chinese origin. Participants in this study had little difficulty finding work in China,
but as “foreigners” they need to apply for a work permit, which can be a complicated
and bureaucratic process. One interviewee had to leave the country to renew her
visitor’s visa every six months before securing a job in Beijing. Another participant,
Lixia Liu, adopted a “hide and seek” strategy to obtain a job in a foreign embassy as
a translator. Because this embassy only hires Chinese citizens, she had to hide her
Canadian citizenship in order to win the job. Luckily her old Beijing ID was still
valid. She said:
It was interesting experience to look for a job here. Yeah, all those experience
actually I worked as a Chinese. I worked as a Chinese because they didn’t
expect you to be a foreigner with a Chinese face… And so right now I’m still
working as a Chinese ’cause this embassy, so the embassy doesn’t know I’m
not, I’m no longer a Chinese… When I came to look for work at this embassy,
in my resume I put down the advantages. One of the advantages I said I hold
a Canadian passport. And my friend said “No, maybe you’d better delete that
because they, they don’t want to hire any foreigners working in the embassy.”
So if you have the Canadian citizenship, you just pretend, you just say you are
Chinese.
Qiang Wu, who is a production director of film and television, always hides his
Canadian passport when he travels because, as he stated:
Sometimes your foreign passport is really trouble. For example, if I got to
make a documentary at the border of China and another country, if I show them
a foreign passport, that’s a big deal. Yeah, it gives me big trouble. It will take
much much longer time than a regular inspection.
According to Qiang, a Canadian passport is only good for “show-off purposes.”
He continued, “You know, I’m pretending I’m not a Canadian, I’m a pure Chinese
because sometimes you know the passport you can show off to your friends but it’s
not convenient when you travel across China.”
Another interviewee, Guohua Fang, originally moved to Montreal in 1994 to
pursue a PhD in education, and returned to Beijing in 2002 to work in an international
school as a principal. He described that he often sees himself as Chinese, but in
legal terms he is Canadian. Often, he had found himself caught between these two
identities when he forgot to report to the police upon returning to Beijing after visits
to Canada. Once he was fined a few hundred yuan because he was late to report to
the police. He said:

311
s. guo

Based on the Chinese law, a foreigner has to go to the local police station
within twenty-four hours after your arrival but I totally forgot that. Each time
I just forgot that. I don’t think I’m a foreigner. I just take my severance a native
local people, local person, native. I don’t think there’s the need I should go and
report to the police station to apply for a residence permit.
For Huawei Li, the penalties for Canadian citizenship were much greater than
a few hundred yuan. After teaching in a Chinese university for several years, he
decided to renounce his Canadian citizenship, owing to its limitations in China. He
explained:
After returning to China I was first hired as so called foreign expert. I brought
my certificates with me, my both passports… But then I realized that unless
you become you know, full member in the Chinese Society, i.e. you have to
have the Chinese citizenship then you would face a lot of difficulties working
in the academia. For example, funding application, you’re not allowed, you’re
not eligible as a foreign national to apply for any funding. And your work
published theoretically cannot apply for awards, you can’t compete with other
publications for awards, metals, you know … So that’s a big drawback. And
also you can’t be considered in the normal rank of the academic ranks as a
lecturer, associate professor, full professor, so I was only, I was appointed as
visiting, sort of visiting professor of English. So you cannot fully integrate
into the Chinese academic society. So I decided to renounce my Canadian
citizenship and resume my Chinese Canadian citizenship. As you know
Chinese government does not recognize dual citizenship, yes, so you have to
make a choice there, that’s the choice I made.
Following Huawei, several interviewees also commented on the various
difficulties of holding dual citizenship. There was consensus among them that
Canadian and Chinese governments should work together to design a policy that
recognizes dual citizenship. Xiaopeng Sun, who has been actively involved in
advocating dual citizenship in China, had this to say:
I recommend they [Chinese government] should recognize dual citizenship.
They should really relax on the visa, you know. They should for overseas
Chinese who have joined foreign nationality, they should give them something
like the same treatment as people from Hong Kong, have a returning home
permit you know, or maybe they should enjoy all the same benefits as the local
Chinese.
However, not everyone is optimistic about its possibility. Guohua Fang noted:
If there is a dual citizenship, I would welcome it. I heard people talking about it.
The Chinese government is discussing about that law but whether it’s possible
or not I really doubt it because there are too many people.

312
 Living in a double diaspora

The above discussion suggests that for repatriated Chinese, the “glow” of
Canadian citizenship wears off quickly. The limitations and inconveniences of
holding Canadian citizenship hinder the efforts of those living in a double diaspora
to re-integrate into Chinese society. Fortunately, their dual identity as both Canadian
diasporas and Chinese returnees helps minimize the limitations. When their Canadian
identity becomes a barrier, they can return to their Chinese roots.

Ambiguities of Home and Homeland

One important feature of a diaspora is maintaining connections with the homeland

through intermittent visits, or, often, the development of a return movement (Cohen,
2008; Safran, 1991). In the questionnaire, when asked if they were planning to return
to Canada in the future, many (42.9%) were undecided. Those who committed a
response one way or the other were evenly split between those who answered “yes”
(28.6%) and those who stated “no” (28.6%). Given that 38% still had immediate
family members residing in Canada and many frequently visited home while living
in China, it is likely that many will return to reside in Canada, while some will
continue their transnational journeys between China and Canada, a clear indication
of openness to circular migration.
The interview data further illuminated the meanings behind these figures. Among
the ten interviewees, four still had immediate families living in Canada. They
frequently visit home while living in a double diaspora. Several people mentioned
that they missed Canada. Lixia Liu commented:
I think in the first 2 years we miss [Canada] a lot especially for my children.
Yeah, they stayed there, like the older one stayed there for more than 3 years,
so he really missed the place. For the little one, he is happy anywhere with
parents.
Although Huawei Li had to renounce his Canadian citizenship, he still goes to
visit his wife every summer in Toronto, where he still has a house. His daughter also
joins them from the United States every year for a family reunion. Indeed, this is a
transnational family living in three countries.
Almost everyone who was interviewed indicated that they missed Canada. Michael
Liang, who had lived in Vancouver, had, at the time of the interview, lived in Beijing
for fifteen years. He described that what he missed the most about Canada was the
beautiful mountains and the blue oceans. He often shows the Canadian flag to his
children. Michael plays important bridging roles between Canada and China. During
the Olympic and the Paralympic Games, he was the team attaché for Team Canada.
He also worked for the Team Canada trade mission led by former Prime Minister
Jean Chretien. He goes back to visit Canada once every year or two. “Vancouver
is still home,” he stated. “It was reminding me of the lifestyle back home, the way
things are done, so it was just giving me a reminiscent kind of feeling.” Despite this,

313
s. guo

Michael had no immediate plans to return to Canada full-time because, he claimed,

he has “the best of both worlds.”
For Guofang Zhang, visits to Canada were desirable, but he would not return
there to live. He said Canada is not suitable for someone like himself. Xinsheng
Wang, on the other hand, had a specific plan to return to Canada in 2012 so that his
children could attend school there. Lixia Liu also shared a plan to return to Canada:
And now since we have been away for almost five years, so we might go
back to have a visit… We are also thinking about maybe going back for the
children’s education. We don’t know right now. Maybe. My older boy attends
Grade 10 and we have to see what he likes. What we’re thinking right now is
at least he should attend the Canadian, if not Canadian but maybe university
abroad. Yeah, at least the two boys will stay in Canada.
Qiang Wu’s dream was to retire in Canada and purchase a house in Victoria by the
seaside, and live with his two children and wife. For Huawei Li, the ideal would be
to live for six months in each country. He stated:
I think when I retire, as we have discussed between my wife and myself, the
ideal situation be that we could spend half of the year say six months in China
and six months in Canada. Taking advantage of the weather I guess, ’cause in
Beijing it’s very hot you know, better escape the heat.
The above discussion has clearly shown that transnational travel plans are evolving
and changeable rather than complete, which represent certain stopping points in a
lifelong trajectory of moves across borders (Ley & Kobayashi, 2005). Similar as the
experience of those in Hong Kong, return migration is not sufficient description of
the hyper-mobility of Chinese Canadians in Beijing. Their continuing itinerary over
time depicts “a perennial openness to further movement at distinctive passages in the
life cycle” (p. 123). The transnational experience of Chinese Canadians in Beijing
speaks to the phenomenon of transnational diaspora which is “neither unidirectional
nor final” (Lie, 1995, p. 304). Instead, multiple, circular and return migrations
occur across transnational spaces between Canada and China. It also speaks to the
ambiguities of home and homeland which are shifting from static and fixed notions
to fluid and evolving conceptualization.

CONCLUSION AND POLICY IMPLICATION

This study was set out to theorize double diaspora from the experience of
Chinese Canadians in Beijing. The study reveals that Chinese Canadians are
becoming increasingly internationally mobile as a result of globalization, modern
communications and transportation. Their transnational migration experiences can
be classified as “double diaspora” – a hybrid experience that transcends boundaries
of ethnicity and nationalism. As part of Chinese diaspora who had previously
emigrated to Canada from China and later returned, many also held Canadian

314
 Living in a double diaspora

passports and maintained connections with Canada as part of a newly formed

Canadian diaspora. The double diaspora is characterized by a number of dualities,
such as being both Chinese and Canadian, living in Chinese and Canadian diaspora,
living simultaneously diasporas and returnees, and playing double roles as cultural
and economic brokers between Canada and China. While some hold Canadian
citizenship, others are yet to be naturalized. Their previous homeland (China) is their
adopted country, and their newly adopted country (Canada) is also their original
homeland. Unlike traditional diasporic communities which are often composed of
people who spent much of their lives in their home countries, the length of stay for
the participants in this study in Canada has been relatively short, a finding consistent
with APFC’s (2011) study reporting that naturalized Canadians make up the fastest
growing segment of Canadians abroad. Furthermore, these individuals have a dual
belonging. They are simultaneously diasporas and returnees. On the one hand, they
are Chinese returnees completing the cycle of Chinese diaspora; on the other hand,
their migration does not stop here. In fact, China is just a stopping point and they will
continue to move across borders after this.
The double diaspora is closely associated with the notion of “transnational
diaspora” that Lie (1995) spoke of. Consistent with transnationalism, it views the
diaspora sojourn as neither unidirectional nor final, but rather as multiple and circular.
As Lie notes, it subverts the unidirectionality of migrant passage, replacing it instead
with an unending sojourn across different lands. It demonstrates how diasporic space
is configured by multiple locations of home and abroad and contested relations
among and between people with diverse subject positions (Knott & McLoughlin,
2010). It challenges the rigid, territorial nationalism that defines nation state as a
political organization bound by one common language, culture, and ethnicity, which
fails to recognize the reality of multicultural Canada. It rejects the primordial notion
of diaspora which relies on “homeland” and “origin” as its criteria in defining
diaspora (Anthias, 1998, 2001). More importantly, double diaspora allows for a
theorization of diaspora “not as homogeneous, unified, monolithic, harmonious
forms of sociality but as heterogeneous and conflictual” (Werbner, 2010, p. 77).
This study demonstrates that the boundaries between diaspora, territory, and
transnational migration are blurred. This phenomenon can perhaps be understood
from the notion of extraterritoriality, a particular way of representing oneself in
space. According to Ma Mung (1998, 2004), the process of extraterritoriality involves
a heightened awareness of the spatial configuration of the diaspora; individuals’
perception of the multi-polarity of migration; individuals’ awareness of potential for
inter-polarity as a result of their concrete links with people in other countries; and the
development of a diaspora culture, which acts to make the spatial configuration an
asset. Ma Mung contends that the diaspora’s relationship to territory is fundamentally
different from that of a sedentary society. Unlike the traditional territory, which is
often defined by the ongoing presence of a population, the diaspora is uprooted from
its original territory. As such, it cannot reproduce “in the tangible, circumscribed,
closed physical space form which it would traditionally proceed” (1998, p. 37). The

315
s. guo

diaspora territory is everywhere, and thus nowhere. It is an imaginary, “fantasized”

space. “The territory is virtual, and virtual alone” (Ma Mung, 2004, p. 219). In the
age of transnational migration, the identification with a national or territorial space
has been transcended by the notion of extraterritoriality. As Ma Mung (2004) notes:
“National borders dissolve; they are irrelevant. The feeling of extraterritoriality is thus
the key to conceiving of the unity of a dispersed, scattered entity. It unlocks national
borders” (p. 218). It is evident that the double diaspora has redefined the concept of
territory, not as a single space, or a precise, circumscribed territory, but a part of a
supra-national phenomenon. Their dualities as both Chinese and Canadian diasporas
have also transcended the traditional definition of identity with its multiple allegiances.
The findings of this study have important implications for transnational talent
mobility. Dispersal of talent can be an important resource when it is claimed and
optimized by its homeland and subject. As such, sending countries should step
up their efforts to strengthen ties with their overseas citizenries through proactive
initiatives (Ho, 2008). These might include emphasizing that migrants are an asset
to the country of origin; establishing state agencies to promote the formation of
migrant associations; disseminating the work of nationalist artists, writers and
musicians; and extending dual citizenship to overseas nationals (Ho, 2008). These
actions, suggests Ho, nurture an extraterritorial form of national identity. It is time
for China and Canada to develop diaspora policies that recognize the existence
of double diasporas, facilitates the movement of global talents, maintains their
connection with the homeland, and helps them adapt to a new life overseas. It also
calls upon Canadian and Chinese governments to collaborate in designing policies
that recognize dual citizenship with a broadened understanding of multiple ways of
affiliations and belonging.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This is a revised version of an article that appeared in the Journal of International

Migration and Integration, 17(1), 153–171, 2016. It is included here with permission
from Springer Publishers.

REFERENCE
Anthias, F. (1998). Evaluating ‘diaspora’: Beyond ethnicity? Sociology, 32(3), 557–580.
Anthias, F. (2001). New hybridities, old concepts: The limits of ‘culture’. Ethnic and Racial Studies,
24(4), 619–641.
APFC. (2011). Canadians abroad: Canada’s global asset. Vancouver: Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada.
Brubaker, R. (2005). The ‘diaspora’ diaspora. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28(1), 1–19.
Cheng, L. (2008). Will China’s “lost generation” find a path to democracy? In L. Cheng (Ed.), China’s
changing political landscape: Prospects for democracy (pp. 98–117). Washington, DC: Brookings
Institution Press.
Christofi, V., & Thompson, C. L. (2007). You cannot go home again: A phenomenological investigation
of returning to the sojourn country after studying abroad. Journal of Counseling & Development, 85,
53–63.

316
 Living in a double diaspora

Cohen, R. (2008). Global diaspora: An introduction (2nd ed.). London & New York, NY: Routledge.
Fontana, A., & Frey, J. H. (2005). The interview: From natural science to political involvement. In
N. K. Denzin & Y. S. Lincoln (Eds.), Sage handbook of qualitative research (pp. 695–728). Thousand
Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.
Gaw, K. F. (2000). Reverse culture shock in students returning from overseas. International Journal of
Intercultural Relations, 24, 83–104.
Guarnizo, L. E., & Smith, M. P. (2006). The locations of transnationalism. In M. P. Smith & L. E. Guarnizo
(Eds.), Transnationalism from below (pp. 3–34). New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers.
Guo, S. (2009). Difference, deficiency, and devaluation: Tracing the roots of non/recognition of foreign
credentials for immigrant professionals in Canada. Canadian Journal for the Study of Adult Education,
22(1), 37–52.
Guo, S. (2010). Toward recognitive justice: Emerging trends and challenges in transnational migration
and lifelong learning. International Journal of Lifelong Education, 29(2), 149–167.
Guo, S. (2013). Economic integration of recent Chinese immigrants in Canada’s second-tier cities: The
triple glass effect and immigrants’ downward social mobility. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 45(3), 95–115.
Guo, S. (2015). The colour of skill: Contesting a racialised regime of skill from the experience of
recent immigrants in Canada. Studies in Continuing Education, 37(3), 236–250. doi:10.1080/
0158037X.2015.1067766
Guo, S., & DeVoretz, D. (2006). Chinese immigrants in Vancouver: Quo vadis? Journal of International
Migration and Integration, 7(4), 425–447.
Ho, E. L. (2008). “Flexible citizenship” or familial ties that bind? Singaporean transmigrants in London.
International Migration, 46(4), 145–175.
Kivisto, P. (2001). Theorizing transnational immigration: A critical review of current efforts. Ethnic and
Racial Studies, 24(4), 549–577.
Knott, K., & McLoughlin, S. (2010). Introduction. In K. Knott & S. McLoughlin (Eds.), Diasporas:
Concepts, intersections, identities (pp. 1–16). London: Zed Books.
Ley, D., & Kobayashi, A. (2005). Back in Hong Kong: Return migration or transnational sojourn?
(Metropolis British Columbia Working Paper Series # 05-09). Vancouver: Metropolis British
Columbia.
Li, P. S. (2008). Immigration from China to Canada in the age of globalization: Issues of brain gain and
brain loss. Pacific Affairs, 81(2), 217–239.
Lie, J. (1995). From international migration to transnational diaspora. Contemporary Sociology, 24(4),
303–306.
Ma Mung, E. (1998). Groundlessness and utopia: The Chinese diaspora and territory. In E. Sinn (Ed.), The
last half century of overseas Chinese (pp. 35–47). Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
Ma Mung, E. (2004). Dispersal as a resource. Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies, 13(2/3),
211–225.
Mahler, S. J. (2006). Theoretical and empirical contributions toward a research agenda for transnationalism.
In M. P. Smith & L. E. Guarnizo (Eds.), Transnationalism from below (pp. 64–100). New Brunswick,
NJ: Transaction Publishers.
National Bureau of Statistics of China. (2011). Communiqué of the national bureau of statistics of
people’s Republic of China on major figures of the 2010 Population Census [1] (No. 2). Retrieved
from http://www.stats.gov.cn/english/newsandcomingevents/t20110429_402722516.htm
Portes, A. (1999). Conclusion: Towards a new world – the origin and effects of transnational activities.
Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22(2), 463–477.
Portes, A., Guarnizo, L. E., & Landolt, P. (1999). The study of transnationalism: Pitfalls and promise of
an emergent research field. Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22(2), 217–237.
Reitz, J. G. (2001). Immigrant skill utilization in the Canadian labour market: Implications of human
capital research. Journal of International Migration and Integration, 2(3), 347–378.
Safran, W. (1991). Diasporas in modern societies: Myths of homeland and return. Diaspora: A Journal of
Transnational Studies, 1(1), 83–99.
Satzewick, V., & Liodakis, N. (2007). Race and ethnicity in Canada: A critical introduction. Don Mills,
ON: Oxford University Press.

317
s. guo

Saxenian, A. L. (2005). From brain drain to brain circulation: Transnational communities and regional
upgrading in India and China. Studies in Comparative International Development, 40(2), 35–61.
Statistics Canada. (2003). Longitudinal survey of immigrants to Canada: Process, progress and prospects.
Ottawa: Statistics Canada.
Statistics Canada. (2011). Income in Canada 2009. Ottawa: Statistics Canada.
Wahlbeck, Ö. (2002). The concept of diaspora as an analytical tool in the study of refugee communities.
Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 28(2), 221–238.
Wang, H., Zweig, D., & Lin, X. (2011). Returnee entrepreneurs: Impact on China’s globalization process.
Journal of Contemporary China, 20(70), 413–431.
Werbner, P. (2010). Complex diasporas. In K. Knott & S. McLoughlin (Eds.), Diasporas: Concepts,
intersections, identities (pp. 74–78). London: Zed Books.
Wong, L., & Satzewich, V. (2006). Introduction: The meaning and significance of transnationalism.
In V. Satzewich & L. Wong (Eds.), Transnational identities and practices in Canada (pp. 1–16).
Vancouver: UBC Press.
Zweig, D., Chen, C., & Rosen, S. (2004). Globalization and transnational human capital: Overseas and
returner scholars to China. The China Quarterly, 179, 735–757.

Shibao Guo
Werklund School of Education
University of Calgary

318