Group Interaction As The Crucible of Social Identity Formation: A Glimpse at The Foundations of Social Identities For Collective Action
Group Interaction As The Crucible of Social Identity Formation: A Glimpse at The Foundations of Social Identities For Collective Action
Group Interaction As The Crucible of Social Identity Formation: A Glimpse at The Foundations of Social Identities For Collective Action
research-article2015
GPI0010.1177/1368430215612217Group Processes & Intergroup RelationsThomas et al.
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Group Processes & P
Intergroup Relations I
Article R
collective action
Abstract
Many of the world’s biggest problems are being tackled through the formation of new groups yet
very little research has directly observed the processes by which new groups form to respond to social
problems. The current paper draws on seminal research by Lewin (1947) to advance a perspective as to
how such identities form through processes of small group interaction. Multilevel structural equation
modelling involving 58 small group discussions (with N = 234) demonstrates that focused group
discussion can boost the commitment to take collective action, beliefs in the efficacy of that action,
and members’ social identification with other supporters of the cause. The results are consistent with
the new commitment to action flowing from emergent social identities.
Keywords
collective action, small group interaction, social identity formation
Paper received 19 November 2013; revised version accepted 17 August 2015.
In order to effect large scale social change toward the future with social identities
we clearly need to do more than focus that have the capacity to engender and
individual minds on the future. Instead, sustain positive action.
we need large sections of the public to
embrace sustainable solutions collectively.
To promote collective action of this kind, (Postmes, Rabinovich, Morton, &
we need to fuse individual orientations van Zomeren, 2012, p. 194)
Corresponding author:
Emma F. Thomas, School of Psychology & Exercise
Science, Murdoch University, South Street, Perth, WA 6150,
Australia.
Email: emma.thomas@murdoch.edu.au
138 Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 19(2)
The field of social psychology is filled with The current research draws on the two prongs
research on attitude change, prejudice, of the Lewinian legacy by extending an analysis
self-concept formation, stereotyping, and of group interaction as it relates to social identity
emotions, most of which has ignored how formation and collective action. We suggest that
these processes operate in small groups. This an important part of social psychology’s ability
neglect means that many questions central to to contribute solutions to contemporary global
the human social experience have not been problems hinges on its ability to explain the ori-
investigated. gins or foundations of psychological group for-
mation. This is because many of the most
significant problems that confront us today are
(Wittenbaum & Moreland, 2008, p. 188) problems that require collective solutions (e.g.,
Jonas & Morton, 2012; Louis, 2009; Postmes
In 1947 Kurt Lewin, one of the founders of et al., 2010). Intriguingly, Lewin’s two legacies—
modern social psychology, published findings of group decision through social interaction and
research into what he termed “group decision.” action research—may, in combination, provide
Charged with the task of finding ways to change some significant insights as to how to generate
attitudes towards serving offal as a family meal as collective identities that promote sustainable
part of the World War II effort, Lewin compared action. The current analysis explores this possi-
the effects of listening to a lecture, with the bility by drawing on recent developments in the
effects of group discussion on samples of women social psychology of social identity formation
who made food purchasing decisions for their (Postmes, Haslam, & Swaab, 2005) and collective
families. The findings were striking. Of the action (Thomas, Mavor, & McGarty, 2012;
women who had listened to the lecture, only 3% Thomas, McGarty, & Mavor, 2009; van Zomeren,
went on to prepare offal. Conversely, of those Postmes, & Spears, 2008) to specify the role of
who had participated in a group discussion (about group interaction in promoting the development
difficulties facing women in serving offal), 32% of new social identities that are built for action.
subsequently served offal to their families. Lewin
(1958, p. 202) concluded that “discussion, if con- Group Interaction and Social
ducted correctly, is likely to lead to a much higher
degree of involvement.”
Identity Formation
The legacies of this study were twofold. Lewin Despite widespread recognition of the importance
was the first to demonstrate the powerful effects of Lewin’s results, research involving group inter-
of group interaction on changing attitudes and action has been relatively rare in social psychology
behaviour, findings that were mirrored some in the intervening decades. Several reviews of the
years later with the advent of the group polariza- trends in research in social psychology have docu-
tion phenomenon (Moscovici & Zavalloni, 1969; mented marked declines in studies involving social
Myers & Bishop, 1970). Lewin (1947, p. 150) was interaction (Haslam & McGarty, 2001; Moreland,
also the founder of action research, declaring Hogg, & Hains, 1994; Wittenbaum & Moreland,
“research that produces nothing but books will 2008). Haslam and McGarty (2001) account for
not suffice.” This point is mirrored in contempo- this trend as evidence of a focus on uncertainty
rary psychological debate where there is an reduction (and concomitant low tolerance for sta-
emerging consensus that (social) psychology can tistically and methodologically “messy” data) at the
and should do more to tackle issues of global cost of a truly interactionist social psychology
importance (e.g., human induced climate change, (Turner & Oakes, 1986; see also Wittenbaum &
global poverty; see, e.g., Bazerman & Malhotra, Moreland, 2008). It is also the case that research on
2006; Leidner, Tropp, & Lickel, 2013). intragroup processes and intergroup relations have
Thomas et al. 139
tended to occupy separate conceptual and empiri- Elsewhere, Smith and Postmes (2011b) showed
cal trajectories (see Dovidio, 2013, for a review; that group discussion about a negative social ste-
Hogg, Abrams, Otten, & Hinkle, 2004). Whereas reotype (“women are bad at maths”) acted as a
the small group literature has focused on group buffer against stereotype threat.
performance, cohesion, and performance (e.g., In an important extension of this argument,
Levine & Moreland, 2006), the intergroup rela- McGarty, Bliuc, Thomas, and Bongiorno (2009)
tions literature has tended to focus on social iden- have proposed that small group interaction
tity, conflict, and competition (Dovidio, 2013). The provides a vehicle for the intensification of opin-
dearth of research into social interaction within ion-based group memberships (groups based on
the intergroup domain has arguably left some of shared opinions; Bliuc, McGarty, Reynolds, &
Lewin’s most important insights to wither on the Muntele, 2007). That is, targeted small group
vine. Indeed, one recent review identifies group discussion provides a site where people can
discussion as one of the most significant drivers of negotiate and validate a position about “how we
cooperative behaviour but notes a considerable want the world to be” (Gee, Khalaf, & McGarty,
lack of insight as to why this is the case (Meleady, 2007; Thomas & McGarty, 2009). Intensifying
Hopthrow, & Crisp, 2013; see also Hopthrow & opinion-based group memberships specifically
Abrams, 2010). Postmes, Spears, Lee, and Novak (rather than other broader social identities that
(2005) identify a similar lack of theoretical can be contested; Sani & Reicher, 2000) seems
resolution in relation to the group polarization particularly important since these identities can
phenomenon. be implicitly aspirational or future-oriented
A small number of recent papers have, how- (Rabinovich, Morton, & Postmes, 2010); they
ever, made progress in identifying the mechanisms are geared towards establishing (or preventing)
that underpin the effects of small group interac- a particular state of affairs (see Smith, Thomas,
tion as they relate to social identity formation, & McGarty, 2015). If our goal is to develop
social influence, and social action (Abrams, identities that engender action in the present
Wetherell, Cochrane, Hogg, & Turner, 1990). An but are sustainable into the future then opinion-
important contribution in this regard is Postmes based groups may be fruitful candidates (see
et al.’s (2005; also Postmes, Spears, et al., 2005) Thomas et al., 2009, for a detailed consideration
interactive model of identity formation, where it is of this point). Consistent with these arguments,
argued that inductive social identity formation occurs Thomas and McGarty (2009) found that group
through small group interaction. Inductive identi- interaction boosted social identification with an
ties form through communication, consensualiza- antipoverty opinion-based group and increased
tion, and negotiation about what it means to be a commitment to act in line with global poverty
group member and can stem from recognition of reduction efforts.
shared cognitions (thoughts and beliefs) amongst It also seems plausible that forming a novel
people (Swaab, Postmes, van Beest, & Spears, identity through small group interaction will
2007) or from a discussion of individual differ- affect some components of social identifica-
ences (Jans, Postmes, & van der Zee, 2011). tion more than others. Social identification is
Consistent with this account, social interaction has a multidimensional construct (see Ashmore,
been implicated in the expression of intergroup Deaux, & McLaughlin-Volpe, 2004, for a
hostility (Smith & Postmes, 2009, 2011a). Other review) where these identity dimensions may
research shows that group interaction is central to relate to connection, satisfaction, and self-defi-
the validation of social stereotypes (Haslam et al., nition (Cameron, 2004; Leach et al., 2008). In
1998; Stott & Drury, 2004), and can act to politi- the context of the current research, it might
cize and (under particular circumstances) radicalize take time (weeks, months, or years) for a group
sympathizers (Thomas, McGarty, & Louis, 2014). membership to become central to
140 Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 19(2)
self-perception. It might take the experience of efficacy that precede group formation.”
actual collective success or failure to influence Accordingly, EMSICA anticipates direct effects
group affect (e.g., Tausch & Becker, 2013). On of social identification on collective action but
the other hand, during the early stages of social identification also captures (and attenuates)
group formation, a bolstered sense of connect- the indirect effects of reactions to injustice (anger
edness to, or solidarity with, other group mem- or outrage) and efficacy. Put differently, the sub-
bers should arise from interaction (e.g., Jans jective feelings and beliefs associated with group
et al., 2011). Accordingly, the current paper membership become bound up in the social iden-
treats social identification as a multidimen- tity, rendering the direct links less important
sional construct and explores the role of the (Thomas et al., 2012; Thomas et al., 2015).
different identity components in the early Whereas SIMCA may be more relevant to identi-
stages of psychological group formation. ties that already exist (e.g., national, gender, or ethnic
categories), EMSICA seems particularly relevant to
understanding the interactive formation of emerg-
Collective Action for Social ing social identities that grow around the need to
Change take action. This is because social identity formation
Social psychology has also made recent progress is premised in knowledge about similar others’
in addressing another question close to Lewin’s views and judgements (e.g., Swaab et al., 2007). That
heart: how to motivate action for social change. is, it is difficult for people to form groups based on
The social identity model of collective action (SIMCA; opinions about how the world should be without
van Zomeren et al., 2008) suggests that people knowing what other people’s opinions are (Hardin
will engage in group-level efforts to bring about, & Higgins, 1996). If this is the case it seems likely
or subvert, social change when they believe that that discussions that allow people to express sup-
co-ordinated group efforts can be successful port for a cause and plan ways to achieve it should
(group efficacy; Bandura, 1997, 2000), experience contribute to the foundation for identity formation
motivating emotional reactions to the injustice rather than be supplementary to it (see also van
(anger or outrage; see Thomas et al., 2012; Zomeren, Spears, Fischer, & Leach, 2004). We
Thomas et al., 2015), and identify with relevant therefore expect that the encapsulated model of
groups that can mobilize action (social identity; collective action will be highly applicable to induc-
following Reicher, 1984, 1996). Indeed, van tively forming identities in interacting groups.
Zomeren et al. (2008) posit a particularly impor-
tant role for the social identity pathway, whereby
The Current Research
social identification has direct effects on collec-
tive action, as well as indirect effects on action The current research involves a structural analysis
through relevant reactions to injustice (e.g., anger of the outcomes of 58 small group discussions.
or outrage) and beliefs (group efficacy). Existing research identifies group interaction as a
More recently still, Thomas and colleagues vehicle for social identity formation (Postmes,
(Thomas et al., 2012; Thomas et al., 2009) pro- Haslam, et al., 2005) and opinion-based group iden-
posed the encapsulation model of social identity in collec- tification in particular (Thomas & McGarty, 2009).
tive action (EMSICA). EMSICA anticipates the The collective action literature, on the other hand,
same pathways as SIMCA (injustice, efficacy, and articulates a prominent role for social identification
identity) but proposes that new identities can in promoting collective action (van Zomeren et al.,
emerge out of shared reactions (injustice and 2008). This research integrates recent advances in
efficacy) to a state of affairs. Thomas et al., (2009, social identity formation and collective action to
p. 206) argued that: “in everyday social interaction describe the formation of action-oriented social
we might expect that in some situations it will be identities. In doing so, it answers recent calls to
the strong affective reactions and feelings of explicitly bridge research on intergroup relations
Thomas et al. 141
7.95 (1.43)
7.19 (1.74)
7.97 (1.59)
7.35 (1.88)
Discuss
Action intentions
Note: As the results are from nonindependent data the conventional significance levels of the correlations have not been
provided in this table but see Figures 1 and 2 for the results of multilevel modelling.
Figure 1. Standardized weights obtained for the encapsulated model of social identity in collective action
(EMSICA).
Note. * p < .05. ***p < .001. Dotted pathways represent those that are nonsignificant. SRMR (within) = .06.
We first tested the EMSICA model whereby effect of identification through these variables).
social identification is a direct predictor of collec- This model also fitted the data well (SRMR within
tive action and fully mediates (encapsulates) the = .057); the standardized regression coefficients
effects of outrage and efficacy on action. This (γ) are displayed in Figure 2. It can be seen that
model fitted the data well (SRMR within = .06). there were large effects of social identification on
Figure 1 displays the standardized regression outrage, efficacy, and action; however, the indirect
coefficients (γ) for the multilevel model. It can be effects of identification on action through outrage
seen that all the paths were significant at p < .001. and efficacy were small and nonsignificant
Tests of the indirect effects of efficacy on action (ps > .17). Given the nonsignificance of the direct
through identification (IE = .57, SE = 0.04, paths between outrage–action and efficacy–action,
p < .001), and outrage on action through identifi- the model implies that correlations between effi-
cation (IE = .25, SE = 0.05, p < .001), were both cacy/outrage and action intentions are subsumed
significant. within their shared variance with social identifica-
We next tested SIMCA. The model included tion. This is consistent with the idea that social
social identification, outrage, and efficacy as direct identity encapsulates the effects of efficacy and
predictors of collective action; there were also outrage. Altogether, the results support the idea
direct links from identification to outrage and that social identification is playing an encapsula-
identification to efficacy to capture the facilitating tion role rather than a facilitating role in the inter-
effect of identification (and the potential mediated active formation of social identities.
Thomas et al. 145
Figure 2. Standardized weights obtained for the social identity model of collective action (SIMCA).
Note. *** p < .001. Dotted pathways represent those that are nonsignificant. SRMR (within) = .057.
discussion. However, subsequent declines in the most relevant to social identity formation through
experimental study of social interaction and the interaction. We found that group interaction
separate trajectories of research on intragroup effectively bolstered two of the three dimensions
and intergroup processes ensured that the poten- of identification (effects on ingroup ties and
tial for group interaction to shed light on inter- centrality were greater than those for ingroup
group phenomena like collective action has affect) but that a single factor solution neverthe-
remained relatively untapped. Haslam and less fitted the data well. However, consistent
McGarty (2001; also Wittenbaum & Moreland, with arguments by Jans et al. (2011, p. 1133) who
2008) note that one of the most significant casu- suggested that a sense of connection to the
alties of the decline in research that involves group speaks to a more “organic process” of
group interaction is that it limits the study of inductive identity formation, it seems that devel-
consensus, a topic that should be of central con- oping a sense of psychological connection with
cern to social psychologists. This seems particu- group members (ingroup ties) may play a more
larly true of collective action, where group-based prominent role in capturing effects in the early
efforts to address inequality are central; knowing stages of group formation. This is not surprising
what relevant others think and intend to do seems as the ingroup ties component (in the Leach
fundamental to group formation (Klandermans, et al.’s [2008] typology named “solidarity”) may
1997; van Zomeren et al., 2004). be especially easy to bolster in small group inter-
Indeed, the little available research on small actions between strangers and this factor may
group interaction in intergroup contexts high- therefore be an especially good platform for
lights that people, tested in isolation (compared to action.
in interacting groups), will come to often mark- Finally, it is worth considering one alternative
edly different conclusions about social behaviour construal of these findings: that the results show
(Haslam et al., 1998; Smith & Postmes, 2009, nothing more than group polarization (i.e., the
2011a, 2011b; Smith et al., 2015; Stott & Drury, tendency for group discussion to polarize atti-
2004; Thomas & McGarty, 2009; Thomas et al., tudes in the direction in which they were already
2014). It is reassuring, then, that the current tending; Moscovici & Zavalloni, 1969). We agree
research supports the causal pattern of interrela- that the processes in operation here are closely
tions suggested by SIMCA and EMSICA (models related to what has been termed group polariza-
both derived in the absence of interaction; see tion. However, it is also the case that group polar-
Thomas et al., 2012, for a test of both models). ization is a more complex and sophisticated
We suggest that there is a distinction to be made phenomenon than it is commonly understood to
here between structural models, those models that be. Notwithstanding the conclusions of Isenberg
describe a set of predictors or correlates (in this (1986), there remains significant uncertainty
case, with collective action); and transformational about what produces the effects of group discus-
models, those that describe the processes and sion on attitude polarization (Postmes, Spears,
mechanisms associated with change (in this case, et al., 2005) and cooperation more generally
the processes through which identities are formed (Meleady et al., 2013). Indeed, the current data go
and transformed). This is akin to the distinction well beyond existing accounts of polarization by
between social identity as a fixed construct; and offering a substantiated account of process in
social identification as a process (Drury & Reicher, terms of the development of identity (Postmes,
2000, 2005). The current research sits between Haslam, et al., 2005; Thomas et al., 2009) and
these two extremes by identifying the dynamic demonstrate effects not only on the matters
and interactive ways in which people construe under discussion (as in standard group polariza-
their sense of self through social interaction. tion studies) but on a subset of other measures
Moreover, the current research explores the that were not discussed by the groups (including
specific dimensions of social identity that are one’s sense of self).
Thomas et al. 147
be a supporter of an end to global poverty meant nature of norm formation, conformity and group
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Funding Bazerman, M. H., & Malhotra, D. (2006). Econom-
ics wins, psychology loses, and society pays. In
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following finan-
D. De Cremer, M. Zeelenberg & J. K. Murnighan
cial support for the research, authorship, and/or
(Eds.), Social psychology and economics (pp. 263–297).
publication of this article: This research was supported
Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates.
by the Australian Research Council (DE120101029 to
Bliuc, A., McGarty, C., Reynolds, K. J., & Muntele,
the first author and DP0770731 to the second author).
D. (2007). Opinion-based group membership as
a predictor of commitment to political action.
Notes European Journal of Social Psychology, 37, 19–32.
1. Some of these instructions also contained experi- doi:10.1002/ejsp.334
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(as in Thomas & McGarty, 2009) and/or the task ing the climate change divide as an intergroup
focus of the group discussions. Some of these conflict between skeptics and believers. Nature
manipulations produced effects of small to mod- Climate Change, 5, 226–229. doi:10.1038/ncli-
erate size and together they represent another mate2507
source of variation. The effects reported here Cameron, J. (2004). A three-factor model of
are robust in that they hold over and above these social identity. Self and Identity, 3, 239–262.
effects (for example, as routinely applies in a doi:10.1080/13576500444000047
meta-analysis). Cameron, J., & Nickerson, S. L. (2009). Predictors of
2. We conducted exactly the same tests of EMSICA protest amongst anti-globalization protesters.
and SIMCA omitting the affect component from Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 39, 734–761.
the latent identification factor. Results were doi:10.1111/j.1559-1816.2009.00458.x
unchanged though the SRMR within index was Dovidio, J. (2013). Bridging intragroup processes
slightly worse (SRMR within = .064 for EMSICA, and intergroup relations: Needing the twain to
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Drury, J., & Reicher, S. (2000). Collective action and
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