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Community sports projects and effective

community empowerment: a case study in
Rochdale
a a
Janine Partington & Mick Totten
a
Carnegie Faculty , Leeds Metropolitan University , UK
Published online: 24 Feb 2012.

To cite this article: Janine Partington & Mick Totten (2012) Community sports projects and
effective community empowerment: a case study in Rochdale, Managing Leisure, 17:1, 29-46, DOI:
10.1080/13606719.2011.638205

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 Managing Leisure 17, 29 –46 (January 2012)

Community sports projects and effective

community empowerment: a case study in
Rochdale
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Janine Partington and Mick Totten

Carnegie Faculty, Leeds Metropolitan University, UK

How can community empowerment be most effectively achieved through the use of sport? In a case
study of a bespoke voluntary sector project, an action research approach revealed insights into effec-
tive community empowerment. Although focused on a comparatively small project within a provin-
cial UK town, the issues addressed and lessons learned can be generalised and transferred much
more universally to community-based sports delivery. Detached from mainstream providers, and
more agile and responsive to local needs, the project succeeded in achieving a very local degree
of ownership and control. The study revealed the limitations of much mainstream provision and
some of the sustainability vulnerabilities of small-scale projects, with funding dependencies in deli-
vering broader structural change. The project challenged many of the values and approaches of its
larger statutory neighbours and signified exemplary good practice. It demonstrated how to achieve
sustainable community development despite its own funding being in jeopardy. And it further chal-
lenged its statutory neighbours to consider adopting its practices, investing in the project’s long-term
future or presiding over its eventual demise.

Keywords: sport, community development, empowerment, sustainability

INTRODUCTION munity empowerment (Coalter et al., 2000;

Department of Culture, Media and Sport
This paper focuses on community empower-
and the Strategy Unit, 2002; Long and Sander-
ment within a community sport project
son, 2001; Long et al., 2002). This criticism
managed by the Rochdale Federation of
formed the basis of the rationale behind
Tenants and Residents Associations (here-
this research. The action research nature of
after referred to as RoFTRA). Community
the study, based on community develop-
empowerment necessitates the integration
ment principles, promoted a critical con-
of community development principles, a
sciousness whereby research findings were
movement away from the ‘development of
recycled back into practice alongside theor-
sport in communities’ to the ‘development
etical reflection. Analysis of power relations
of communities through sport’, and a focus
determined that empowerment is an
on the relationship between the community
ongoing process of continuous struggle.
and the provider (Bolton et al., 2008;
Coalter, 2002; Houlihan and White, 2002;
Hylton and Totten, 2008). Yet, despite Rochdale Federation of Tenants and
increasing investment in this type of work, Residents Associations
there has been a lack of research on it, and Historically, RoFTRA followed a remit
on the impact of community sport on com- focused around supporting its members
Managing Leisure ISSN 1360-6719 print/ISSN 1466-450X online # 2012 Taylor & Francis
http://www.tandfonline.com
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13606719.2011.638205
 30 Partington and Totten

(individual tenants and residents associ- recreation services in the heart of their own
ations on social housing estates), by lobby- council housing estates. It had very few
ing and campaigning on their behalf to externally driven targets and objectives,
mainstream agencies, predominantly resulting in a level of freedom to respond to
around housing issues (RoFTRA, 2004). community needs that is highly unusual in
Social housing estates across Rochdale are today’s performance management culture.
typified by high levels of anti-social behav- This gave RCS the autonomy, and RoFTRA’s
iour and crime, health inequalities, low edu- members and their communities a ‘voice’,
cational attainment and above-average to challenge the balance of power held by
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levels of unemployment. This is illustrated the local authority and Rochdale Cultural
by Rochdale’s ranking as the 10th worst Trust (which houses the sport and leisure
borough in England and Wales (out of 354) functions for the borough), and influence
in terms of ‘hot spots’ (‘rank of local concen- the planning and delivery of service
tration’) in the 2007 Index of Multiple Depri- provision.
vation (DCLG, 2008). RCS aimed to balance delivery of sports
activities with the development of skills and
capacity (RoFTRA, 2001). RCS also rep-
Rochdale Community Sports resented the interests of social housing com-
Established in 2001, the RoFTRA Community munities on borough-wide partnerships and
Sports Project (hereafter referred to as attempted to ensure that the needs of these
Rochdale Community Sports and abbre- communities were considered when making
viated as RCS) represented an organisational decisions at this strategic level. The project
shift away from dealing with just housing provides an example of the ‘development of
issues, towards a broader remit of social communities through sport’ rationale, and
regeneration. In many respects, this mir- was underpinned conceptually from its
rored similar UK policy trends that place inception by five key principles (RoFTRA,
emphasis on people and the development 2001):
of social capital in communities (Coalter
. Participation catalyst;
et al., 2000; Long and Bramham, 2006). RCS . Engagement;
was distinctive, and perhaps unique, in . Capacity building;
terms of its positioning within a tenants’ fed-
. Empowerment;
eration, independent from the state (local . Sustainability.
authority), and its role as a central aspect
of ROFTRA’s aims for community engage-
ment and empowerment (RoFTRA, 2004). It Purpose of Research
combined direct delivery with longer term Evaluation often ignores outcomes such as
capacity building. the development of social capital and the
RCS received its funding independently strengthening of community groups, both
from a series of grants, originally from of which are crucial elements in the empow-
Sport England and later the Neighbourhood erment of communities. Our research pro-
Renewal Fund (although there was some vided an opportunity to examine what
doubt as to how this would continue in the contribution community sports develop-
period after this research was conducted). ment (CSD) makes to community involve-
RCS worked in partnership with tenants ment and subsequently community
and residents associations to engage chil- empowerment (Blackshaw and Long, 2005;
dren and young people in and through Coalter, 2007; Sugden and Bairner, 1992). In
sport, and to plan and deliver sport and order to do this, the study needed to look
 Community sports projects and effective community empowerment 31

beyond what is presented externally at both influence what public bodies do for them’
a policy and delivery level, and concentrate (DCLG, 2007, p. 12), but also the autonomous
attention on the power relations that under- capacity for communities to do things for
pin provision and result in structures in themselves. Shaw (2006) suggests commu-
society that exclude and marginalise some nity empowerment remains limited in its
groups, while protecting and enabling scope when focusing solely on partnerships
others (Ledwith, 2005; Rowe, 2004). This between communities and public bodies. A
research, embedded in its ‘real-world’ more radical stance would advocate real
context, analysed power relations within transfers of power to communities, enabling
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community sport at a micro level, using a them to identify the causes (rather than
case study approach. The RCS organisational symptoms) of social problems such as anti-
framework is outlined in Figure 1 and shows social behaviour, and develop solutions to
the different relationships the project had tackle them (Ledwith, 2005). Power is
internally and externally. It examined how central to the analysis of CSD as it is omnipre-
the approach to delivery enabled (or dis- sent as the central dynamic of all social life
abled) the empowerment of tenants’ and (Sugden and Tomlinson, 2002), and therefore
residents’ associations and their commu- has a pervasive influence on all CSD. Power is
nities. Its analysis considered challenges to an ability to influence decision-making
structural constraints and power relations despite the potential opposition of others
both within and beyond a sporting context. (Horne et al., 1999).
Empowering communities involves some
COMMUNITY EMPOWERMENT AND shift in power from dominant groups to com-
COMMUNITY SPORT munities, enabling them to influence
decisions and services that affect them, and
Community Empowerment also to take action independently of domi-
Community empowerment cannot just be nant groups (Ledwith, 2005; Schuftan,
thought of as ‘giving of confidence, skills 1996). This cannot be viewed as merely the
and power to communities to shape and transfer of power from one group to

Fig. 1. Organisation Relations within RCS

 32 Partington and Totten

another: it is a much more complex process of projects is needed, in order for there to
operating to different degrees and with be any realistic opportunity for the achieve-
varying success (Checkoway, 1995). Prac- ment of social policy goals.
tices that appear empowering can actually
be manipulated by dominant groups for
their own purposes and some empowerment Community Development
strategies have been criticised for being Some of the limitations of community devel-
tokenistic, avoiding any real shift in power, opment are ‘thoughtless action’ and ‘action-
despite creating the illusion of greater influ- less thought’ (Ledwith, 2005). These refer to
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ence for communities (Berner and Phillips, practice which takes place without critical
2005; Burr, 1995; CDX, 2008). Ledwith (2005) thought and critical thought which is not put
argues that empowering individuals can into practice. Successful community develop-
help to empower groups and then commu- ment requires ‘thoughtful action’ to challenge
nities, potentially resulting in the develop- power structures and to embed local control
ment of social movements. These outcomes through ‘community consultation, empower-
are ‘vital to plans for sustainable integrated ment and involvement in sustainable transfor-
economic and social development’ mative change’ (Hylton and Totten, 2008,
(Lawson, 2005, p. 147). As Ledwith (2005) p. 81). A ‘community-led’ approach puts
maintains, there is a difference between emphasis on grassroots community involve-
good work (which may improve the quality ment, citizen participation, collectivisation,
of life in communities) and transformative empowerment and sustainability.
work (that aims to tackle the unequal Chanan et al. (1999) argue that community
power relations that result in social members are in the best position to express
inequality). local needs and wishes and these should be
incorporated in regeneration programmes.
However, community involvement as a
Community Sports Development policy has sometimes been criticised as a
Hylton and Totten (2008, p. 80) characterise token gesture aimed at quelling the frustra-
community sport as ‘a form of intervention tions of subordinate groups by offering
in sport and recreation which in some way them a place within existing structures that
addresses inequalities inherent in more, remain dominated by powerful agencies
established, mainstream, sports provision’. unresponsive to community need (Arnstein,
Top-down, ‘one solution fits all’ bureaucratic 1969; Shaw, 2008). Capacity building is
community sports schemes have failed to necessary whereby communities take the
reach and engage communities beyond an lead in developing and delivering activity in
initial contact, and have subsequently had their own communities. But as Skinner
little impact on social regeneration or long- (1997) warns, if capacity work is not sup-
term empowerment (Butcher, 1994). ported by a commitment to handover
Success depends on securing the involve- power, empowerment as a by-product is unli-
ment of communities in their own projects, kely to occur. A lack of structural change can
and Bolton et al. (2008) argue for a co-depen- masquerade under the pretence of devolved
dent ‘non-hierarchical’ partnership between power, while ignoring the material con-
citizens, communities and providers in the ditions that exist within communities that
governance of effective CSD. A community create a power imbalance in the first place
development approach that decentralises (Ledwith, 2005).
decision-making, and actively involves com- The creation of social capital can act as a
munities in the development and delivery ‘check’ on state power, and can be found in
 Community sports projects and effective community empowerment 33

a variety of cultural activities such as sport, action for social justice (Ledwith, 2005).
providing a focus around which people can Long and Bramham (2006, p. 136) question
come together, develop relationships and in the rationale behind discourses relating to
some cases develop social networks (Black- social inclusion and empowerment, arguing
shaw and Long, 2005; Matarasso, 2007). that policies frequently concentrate on tack-
Coalter (2007, p. 50) identifies social capital ling the symptoms of exclusion, not the
as the ‘formation of social networks based causes, and ‘a simple inversion will not
on social and group norms which enable promote inclusion if it fails to tackle the
people to trust and cooperate with each process of exclusion’. So crucially, CSD
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other’. Activities that are developed spon- needs to tackle underlying issues that
taneously because the community wants cause inequalities in society (Chanan et al.,
them are more likely to be successful than 1999; Ledwith, 2005). Matarasso (2007,
those facilitated more remotely by other p. 452) argues strongly that working in part-
agencies. This has the potential to form the nership with community groups, and build-
basis of collective action which can chal- ing social capital through cultural activities,
lenge dominant power relations in society provides people with more control over ser-
(Ledwith, 2005). Combining the interest and vices affecting their community and ‘the
social capital generated via the RCS with importance of this for community develop-
the organisation’s pre-existing networks ment should not be underestimated’.
offered the potential for sports activities to Coalter (2003) argues that social inclusion
contribute towards wider transformative and the subsequent focus on developing
action (RoFTRA, 2007). Action research can social capital is now the main influence for
play an important role in this process as it CSD policy. This emphasises the need to
is crucial that communities are supported empower communities to allow them to play
to develop critical consciousness to enable an active role in the planning and decision-
them to make informed choices and making of community sports schemes.
decisions, and generate a philosophy of Empowerment exists to differing degrees
‘praxis’ (Ledwith, 2005). and the approach utilised for delivery of com-
munity sports projects can impact upon the
extent to which empowerment is achieved.
‘Thoughtful Action’ and Praxis Sport has the potential to act as an ingredient
‘Liberation is a praxis; the action and reflec- in enabling subordinate groups to challenge
tion of women and men upon their world in dominant structures of power that systemati-
order to transform it’ (Freire, 1998, quoted cally exclude and marginalise at both a micro
in Freire and Macedo, 1998, p. 73). ‘Praxis’ and macro level (Budd, 2001; Ledwith, 2005).
is generated through ‘thoughtful action’. The identification of a critical praxis which
Practice is focused by a critical awareness challenges embedded inequalities and
of the social context in which it takes place. injustices with a view to creating social trans-
Praxis is the symbiosis of outlook and formation through ‘thoughtful action’ is
action, the application of a critical perspec- aspirational for best practice in CSD and
tive to a social context with the intention of therefore guided the action research
transforming it for the better. It can be approach to this research.
enhanced when strategic alliances are
formed within the political practices of sub-
RESEARCH APPROACH
ordinate groups. Community empowerment
can be seen as a direct consequence of this The bulk of the research was undertaken in
‘critical consciousness’ as groups take 2008. This research aimed to get ‘under the
 34 Partington and Totten

skin’ of RCS and to analyse power relations Action Research

that impact upon RCS and influence its The epistemological foundations of this study
potential to empower communities. A quali- were heavily influenced by employment of
tative approach was adopted utilising a one of the authors within RCS. The research-
case study framework heavily influenced by er’s insider status was central to the meth-
critical ethnography and action research. odological approach taken, and was of huge
This provided the dual advantage of allowing importance in providing access to the
the study to collect rich, insightful data, and research setting, helping to overcome poten-
to empower tenants from social housing tial issues with gatekeepers, and allowing the
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estates to have their opinions, thoughts collection of rich, insightful data (Coghlan
and experiences regarding RCS acted upon and Brannick, 2005). Action research prin-
(Marshall and Rossman, 1999). Action ciples exploited the researcher’s ‘insider
researchers aim not just to know the world, status’ to follow a cyclical process whereby
understand it and explain it, but to also the findings of the study were subsequently
change it (Coghlan and Brannick, 2005). used to improve community sport practice.
With this in mind, it became even more The existence of subjectivity within the
important that the research promoted research process is acknowledged as it is
citizen participation and was informed by impossible for individuals to be completely
data provided by those groups it sought to objective. This ‘situated-ness’ of the research
benefit. is embraced as part of the researcher’s
praxis, to test ‘thoughtful ideas’ and put
them into practice. This allowed the
Critical Ethnography
researcher to delve even deeper into the
Critical ethnography allowed the researcher hegemonic power relationships affecting the
to immerse herself in the social world being project, especially those that were a result
studied using data gathered from community of her own actions as an RCS project manager.
sports sessions, tenants’ and residents’ From an ethical perspective, as a
meetings, strategic planning meetings and researcher (as opposed to RCS project
more informal areas of RCS activity, reflect- manager), there was additional consideration
ing the variety of different settings that the given to ensuring research participants felt
project works within. Thomas (1993, pp. 2 – comfortable discussing elements of the
3) argues that a critical ethnographer project critically, and it was felt that the pre-
describes, analyses and opens ‘to scrutiny existing relationships between researcher
otherwise hidden agendas, power centres and participants actually helped this process
and assumptions that inhibit, repress and rather than hampered it. And a sense of critical
constrain’ thereby offering a researcher the self-consciousness guarded against cruder
potential to use their findings to effect applications of bias. Following a cyclical
social change. Throughout this study, the action research approach, as demonstrated
researcher took the guise of a ‘complete par- in Figure 2, helped to ensure that the findings
ticipant’ – playing a dual role as an employee of the study were acted upon, and integrated
and researcher (Robson, 2002). Unlike sys- into future working practices to build capacity
temic observation where the observer does for community empowerment.
not interact with those being studied, this
form of observation provided opportunities
for the researcher to interact with partici- Multiple Methods
pants in order to delve deeper into points The validity of this study was aided by the
of interest (Thomas, 1993). use of multiple methods (in this case, group
 Community sports projects and effective community empowerment 35
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Fig. 2. The Action Research Process (Denscombe, 1998, p. 60)

discussions, participant observation and in- associations wanted, felt was beneficial to
depth interviews) which allowed the triangu- their communities, and were able to choose
lation of data, and the crosschecking of the their level of involvement in. In the terms of
existence of common theory and phenomena Butcher (1994), RCS was seen as a resource
across all the research methods (Bell, 1993). that is ‘on tap’ rather than ‘on top’. And it
It also meant ‘multiple realities’ to be studied also developed a critical consciousness
holistically in their own context. The findings among the key project staff at RCS about
of this study and its methodological their own working practices.
approach are applicable beyond its local
boundaries as despite lived experience Engaging Communities
being unique, people and groups in society
Checkoway (1995) describes citizen partici-
can share similar circumstances (Blackshaw,
pation as involving communities in policy
1999). This provides an opportunity for con-
planning and programme implementation,
clusions developed via this study to inform
resulting in benefits for both agencies and
practice in other community sports projects
citizens. RCS promoted a strong sense of
in different geographic areas. A theoretical
community ownership over RCS activities;
analysis of power and process to develop
essentially, it had strong local credibility.
‘praxis’ can help challenge established
Although RoFTRA had a relationship with
approaches, theory and practices relating
statutory agencies, findings revealed that it
to community sport and the evaluation of
was more independent and representative
it, more universally (Long, 2007).
of local organisation and democracy. As a
tenants association, RoFTRA had established
routes of consultation into extensive local
RESEARCH FINDINGS
networks penetrating the social and cultural
RCS acted as a medium for community lives of the estates it represents. Those who
empowerment to develop community invol- might otherwise consider themselves disen-
vement in activities, build capacity within franchised or excluded from other statutory
tenants and residents associations and bodies have a far greater sense of ownership
develop social capital in communities. This over RoFTRA, more community influence,
is a service that tenants and residents empowerment and representation.
 36 Partington and Totten

A central premise of RCS is that it works as a tenants and residents association if it

with and through tenants and residents hadn’t of been for the initial participation of
associations to reach and engage commu- the sports’. Sport lent weight to the associ-
nities in the project (RoFTRA, 2006, 2007). ation’s role in the community and enabled
The research found that tenants overwhel- them to engage with young people and
mingly endorsed this approach and con- develop positive relationships. In addition
firmed that they felt consulted by project to obvious links to the development of
staff, involved in the decision-making and social capital, these arguments also demon-
able to access support at a level they are strate support for sport providing the initial
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comfortable with, as and when needed. engagement, acting as an ‘antidote to

This demonstrates similarities with the boredom’, and then creating spin-off social
community practice approach championed regeneration benefits around education
by Butcher (1994), where agencies and com- (Coalter, 2007). Sport in this case is viewed
munities work in partnership for service as the ‘ideal school of democracy’ (Black-
delivery. Mainstream sports provision in shaw and Long, 2005, p. 248) to engage
Rochdale, such as by the local authority young people and then act as a mechanism
and the Cultural Trust, was found to be pre- to integrate young people not just into
scriptive and inflexible, often not meeting more acceptable forms of behaviour, but
the needs of the young people from social into community life more generally.
housing estates. Mainstream organisations
were viewed with suspicion as there was a
wariness of being manipulated in a ‘public Anne and Suzanne’s Project
relations exercise’ as a staff member Anne and her daughter Suzanne lived on a
illustrates, small, yet very deprived council estate
(within the top 10% deprived wards in
I have links in these communities. . .and a lot
of organisations are contacting me to try and
England and Wales). There were few activi-
get a toe in the door. It winds me up! Cos basi- ties or facilities for children or young
cally I’m doing their work and they’re people. They felt increasingly frustrated by
jumping on the bandwagon! And they’ll be this, and having come into contact with a
ticking their boxes when at the end of the community youth worker who was
day it’s me and the valuable volunteers managed by RCS, expressed an interest in
who have done the work. setting up a small youth club on the estate.
They secured access to a small room in the
Addressing Anti-Social Behaviour rear of the local housing office, accessed
There was strong feedback from the research basic youth work training and opened one
process that indicated support for the sports night a week. After consulting with children
sessions acting as a mechanism for the who attended the club, they contacted RCS
reduction of anti-social behaviour. These about setting up football coaching sessions.
activities were seen by tenants as a ‘discrete This developed into a second weekly
form of education’. For many tenants and session, and following successful funding
residents associations, the desire to tackle applications, outdoor pursuits sessions and
anti-social behaviour had been the reason sports-based training courses for volunteers
for their establishment, and for them the were provided, and the small youth club
RCS had been a natural link to make. One room was expanded into a purposefully
tenant emphasised that the young people designed youth club. They also become
turn up voluntarily and concluded that ‘I involved in a local multi-agency meeting
don’t think we’d have been able to carry on with staff from statutory agencies to look at
 Community sports projects and effective community empowerment 37

improving the estate, having being encour- project costs either as a service level agree-
aged to attend by RCS, and played an integral ment with RoFTRA (thereby retaining a
role in the planning and development of a level of independence) or by taking RCS ‘in
kick pitch and play area on the estate for house’ within the Trust itself. Although
local kids. They now run three evenings of they might secure sustainable funding for
activity for local young people, and are the RCS, either of these options could also
recognised as community leaders, being the potentially undermine the key elements of
first port of call for many statutory agencies the project that make it successful, namely
working on their estate. its autonomy and community ownership. So
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the potential mainstreaming of RCS within

Building Capacity the Cultural Trust may enable a development
The promotion of community capacity build- of this advocacy, but conversely it could
ing and self help can be an ideological myth effectively neutralise it further still. It would
that with a minimal amount of support, com- be crucial that staff and tenants and resi-
munities are able to generate their own dents associations continue to utilise their
alternative provision. As a result, empower- critical consciousness to manage this
ment policies may effectively damage oppor- relationship.
tunities to challenge for the redistribution of
resources, resulting in little structural
Social Capital
change with deprived communities remain-
ing on the periphery of mainstream sports Skinner (1997) states that for capacity build-
provision (Berner and Phillips, 2005). As ing to be successful it needs to be properly
one tenant argued resourced, and should not be seen as an
alternative to mainstream provision. Both
We do things in isolation. . . because people tenants and staff members provided
have left us to it. . . avoided the social examples of the creation of social capital
housing estates saying ‘well (RCS) are doing through recreational activities. These
that why should we?’
included the establishment of a new
This is contrary to the two-way partnership tenants and residents association that
approach advocated by Checkoway (1995) formed as a result of the delivery of a
as mainstream sports agencies such as the dance session at a local community centre.
local authority and the Cultural Trust may It brought together parents and the volun-
use RCS as an excuse to redeploy resources teers responsible for running the centre
elsewhere. Despite the great advantages of who decided to form an association to rep-
independence, the lack of formal links to resent the local community. This small
mainstream provision has affected the social network has therefore become part
ability of the RCS to advocate on behalf of of a much larger social movement through
social housing communities and limits the membership of RCS which represents the
potential to bring about structural changes views of individual estates at a borough-
in mainstream sports delivery in Rochdale. wide level, offering the potential to generate
power in the community (Ledwith, 2005). As
Funding Vulnerabilities one tenant commented,
RCS was faced with a crucial dilemma in it gets more people interested in being volun-
March 2009 with the projected cessation of teers or providing other services themselves
its current funding. Its main option was to by forming their own groups and finding
approach the Rochdale Cultural Trust and their own funding. So it’s had a positive
ask for the Trust to consider mainstreaming knock-on benefit.
 38 Partington and Totten

Some of the tenants argued that the sports form of compensation, providing a shield
activities have increased awareness of for a lack of willingness among mainstream
tenants and residents associations and agencies to divert funding and resources to
their work, while one tenant referred to tackle the causes of social unrest (Sugden
improved relationships between residents ‘I and Bairner, 1992). Yet, there is a clear differ-
think the parents know we’re trying to do ence between such short term-ism and
something for the children as well, so initiatives structured around providing holis-
besides the children being positive to us, tic programmes of activity and support for
the parents are’. A staff member used young people.
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sports sessions as the basis for developing The overall evidence from this research
relationships between refugees and asylum emphasises the benefits of developing
seekers and their host communities as, social capital through sport, and as Ledwith
‘through the sports you don’t really need (2005, p. 2) summarises, ‘Collective action
English as a first language. . .and it’ll build grows in strength as individuals form
up the trust and friendship with other groups, identify issues and develop projects,
young people’. Sports activities were also and projects form alliances that have the
highlighted as a method to tackle territorial potential to become movements’, and these
issues between estates by bringing young movements can empower communities to
people and volunteers from tenants associ- challenge dominant arrangements. Even
ations together, who had previously spent though RCS had previously felt isolated and
their time working against each other, as lacking any effective mechanism to influence
this quote demonstrates, mainstream sports provision, it has sub-
sequently been able to pressurise the Cul-
Normally, never twain shall meet,
but. . .we’ve had a couple of successful tour-
tural Trust to focus more on community
naments with the young people and also its development through sport and negotiate a
helped build up the staff [volunteers] consideration of potential mainstream
relationship on both sides whereas even funding towards running costs. As Morgan
the adults are very territorial – they just (1994, p. 72) argues,
wouldn’t mix. So now they’re actually
Since the dominant class cannot treat any
linking in with each other.
threats to its dominance lightly, it can do
In these examples, sports activities offer little else but negotiate with and make con-
wider potential to make a real difference cessions to, agents of subordinate groups.
not just to those individuals involved in
them directly but also to the wider commu- Louise’s Project
nities; the benefits of social capital generated
by individuals being transferable to whole Louise and her family live on a neglected
communities (Lawson, 2005). council estate within a more affluent ward.
As a result, the estate was often overlooked
by statutory agencies and deemed compara-
Influencing Mainstream Provision tively not to be a priority, irrespective of its
As Harper (2001) concedes, social capital is semi-rural isolated position and rising anti-
not a ‘panacea’ and may have a potential social behaviour levels. And while RCS
downside. Blackshaw and Long (2005) recog- cannot claim to have initiated activity on
nise it can also lead to the integration of the estate (as Louise had already run a
social networks into existing structures summer sports programme with support
which perpetuate inequality. And commu- from the local authority), it can cite the
nity sport has been criticised as being a work done with Louise as a prime example
 Community sports projects and effective community empowerment 39

of how the project worked alongside tenants community groups are often better placed
and residents associations to empower to deliver services as they possess a better
them. RCS supported Louise and other vol- understanding of community need and have
unteers to lead, develop and manage their better links into these neighbourhoods.
own sports and activities programmes that Both have worked with RCS to develop
ultimately became quite self-reliant. RCS pro- capacity to deliver and organise their own
vided support including guidance on pro- sports provision, to compensate for a lack
gramme design, creating pathways and of support from mainstream agencies. As
support for volunteers to access training, tenant B argues,
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help with multiple funding applications,

What you’ve got to do is become a self-suffi-
support with book-keeping and attending cient community. . .you’re empowering your
meetings between Louise and statutory own community so you don’t need other
agencies to ‘champion’ the association’s agencies, if they let you down. . .you just
work. Subsequently, the association gained pull in your own resources.
representation on a number of local and
borough-wide partnerships. This has The approaches to delivery used by the
resulted in Louise securing mainstream RCS provided tenants and residents associ-
funding to cover the costs of running a com- ations on social housing estates with the
munity base for five nights a week, and for ability to influence decision-making on the
school holiday sports programmes which delivery of sports activities within their
are still running now. neighbourhoods, and far more. Community
participation extended further through
routes established by RoFTRA into other
Enabling Self-Help
multi-agency campaigning. Community con-
Feedback from tenants indicated that RCS cerns about social justice were developed
was of immense value to them as associ- through critical consciousness into a form
ations, and to their communities. As tenant of politicisation that connected local issues
A summarises, to regional ones and the broader structural
It’s an important project because it actually arrangements that create them. In this way,
delivers within the community for a start RCS acted as a conveyer for ‘participatory
off. . .it’s a project that the community feel democracy’ (Ledwith, 2005), as a vehicle for
they can have an actual involvement in and raising social and political concerns, as a
to a degree influence how it’s delivered. means through which communities could
Tenants associations have embraced RCS organise to gain representation, to campaign
whole-heartedly, having regular contact and to engage in resistance against the injus-
with project staff, planning their own sports tices they faced.
programmes and in many cases delivering
them themselves (RoFTRA, 2006). RCS pro- Addressing Restrictions on Impact
vides support to deliver sports activities, Despite some limitations, overall analysis
and for many, this is vital and enables them revealed that RCS acted successfully as a
to establish and run their own sports pro- medium for community empowerment, but
jects (RoFTRA, 2006). The active involve- the impact varied among individual estates.
ment of community groups in the delivery A dominant hegemony can emerge within
and planning of these activities is more communities and tenants associations them-
empowering than having a pre-packaged selves (Burr, 1995). Some staff members
service delivered on an estate (Butcher, described tenants and residents associ-
1994). Tenants A and B argue that ations as ‘little power bases’ that can
 40 Partington and Totten

exclude other members of the community, Blackshaw (1999) stressed, individuals have
arguing that tenants and residents associ- their own perspectives on the world and
ations are historically structured and not this was no different in the case of the
impartial, and that for RCS to become more researcher having preconceptions of RCS
representative of whole communities, they and its work. As a result of research con-
need to engage other disenfranchised ducted with tenants in particular, methods
groups. This would further the opportunity employed by the researcher when working
for RCS to transcend ‘narrow’ empowerment with tenants and residents associations
and strive towards the comprehensive (such as providing associations with an
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empowerment of communities. options list of sports activities RCS could

Although the study found that decision- support) were highlighted as reinforcing
making power is shared, staff ultimately had the dominant hegemony of the researcher
more power to make decisions than most and also being counter-productive from an
community members. Some staff members empowerment perspective. As a result of
and tenants recognised that a dominant ideol- the study, more emphasis was placed on
ogy within RCS may subconsciously influence using consultation to identify what was
decision-making as without appropriate ‘wanted and needed’ in communities and
information, community representatives can also on identifying the causes of sporting
be limited in their ability to make informed and social exclusion, and designing pro-
choices. This can result in the stagnation grammes to tackle these issues.
of services, where ‘a way of delivering
becomes the way of delivering’ and
becomes institutionalised, effectively perpe- Extending Community Influence: Praxis
tuating the exclusion of certain sections of RCS offered support for tenants and resi-
the community and only effecting a form of dents in establishing their own sports-
‘narrow empowerment’ (Lawson, 2005). based projects and through this support
However, the action research nature of the enabled associations to challenge dominant
study meant that these findings could be power relations and accepted ways of
redressed promptly through adaptations of service delivery. As Morgan (1994) argues,
working practices. The recognition of poten- sport qualifies as a form of ‘material praxis’
tial ‘little power bases’ or gatekeepers led to as it helps us define who we are and what
further emphasis on organising consultation kind of life we wish to have. This links the
sessions for children and young people to potential for cultural activities to contribute
ensure that their thoughts were used within to the empowerment of communities, and to
the decision-making process. In addition, pro- act as a form of resistance to dominant
posals were drawn up for sub-groups of the power relations in society. While sport has
RoFTRA Board, incorporating new members, historically been an arena for non-transfor-
to focus on different elements of work such mative resistance, it still offers the potential
as a ‘sports’ sub-group. The intention of to act as part of a wider social movement
these groups was to oversee the work under- and become resistance via sport (Budd,
taken by staff more closely and to contribute 2001). Although most community represen-
to the strategic direction of RCS. tatives expressed their frustration at being
unable to access local sports facilities, the
support of RCS can enable them to move
Critical Consciousness from passive resistance to taking action to
A further impact of the study was on the transform structures that previously con-
researcher’s own critical consciousness. As strained them and their communities
 Community sports projects and effective community empowerment 41

(Duncombe, 2007). In reference to a swim- The sports activities were viewed as

ming project, one tenant stated, strengthening and empowering existing com-
munity groups, and providing a link into a
They [the local authority] failed the local
people miserably by being very restrictive
wider social movement (in the form of
about who they let in the building and how RoFTRA) that could challenge power
they used it. . .and it became a real issue so relations externally. For those tenants and
we took it over. . .and also did it for a lot residents associations who have been
less money. actively involved in RCS, it has provided
them with support to build their capacity
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as groups to run their own sports projects,

Transformative Change often utilising the sports activities within a
A strength of RCS’ work was its ability to broader ‘plus sport’ context (Coalter, 2007).
engage with tenants and residents associ- This has led to the achievement of certain
ations and their communities to develop a social regeneration outcomes such as
range of sporting activities. This has improved education and employment. As
allowed it to create a critical mass of one staff member states, ‘they’ve gone from
support which has enabled it to influence playing football to the gym to employment’.
the mainstream ‘Cultural Trust’. One Crucially in this case, RCS provided support
example was the Trust diverting mainstream for these young people throughout this
resources to support RCS two months process from running initial football ses-
beyond a funding lifespan deadline. sions, to negotiating free access to a gym,
However, this illustrates the nature of hege- and ultimately supporting the young people
monic compromise as it also resulted in through job interviews.
some loss of autonomy and pressure for
RCS to take on additional pieces of ‘main-
stream’ sports development work. But CONCLUSIONS
without this additional funding, RCS may
Action Research
have ceased to exist at all. One tenant
argued, ‘we can only do something in our Monitoring and evaluation of community
own little bubble’, but RCS had the potential sports schemes remain mainly output
to transfer social capital and foster resist- driven (Coalter, 2007; Department of
ance developed via sports activities. It Culture, Media and Sport and the Strategy
offered the potential to empower commu- Unit, 2002) and focused on a presumed con-
nities to challenge established power tribution to social inclusion. As a conse-
relations that excluded and marginalised quence, the real benefits of community
subordinate groups both in a sporting involvement, and the differences made by
context and wider society. As this example community sports projects to neighbour-
from a tenant illustrates hoods and communities are seldom ident-
ified (Long et al., 2002; Loughborough
They [the young people] used to play on the Partnership, 2004). In this study, the collec-
school field but then they fenced it off a good
tion of data was specifically aided by the
few years ago, and so we’ve pushed to get a
kick pitch. . .[due to the management com-
researcher’s insider status. Utilising a
mittee] we’ve been able to say when we covert ethnographic approach to participant
wanted it open. If it had just been the observation allowed the collection of data
school we wouldn’t have been able to do that provided ‘real-life’ substance and practi-
that and it wouldn’t have been opened. . .we cal examples of power ‘in action’ within com-
run it really. munity sport.
 42 Partington and Totten

By utilising an action research approach, difficult to argue that the factors involved
‘critical consciousness’ and critical reflec- are as black and white as being either
tion were used to improve working practices empowering or disempowering. For
within RCS. Action was taken to investigate example, a coaching programme delivered
and promote the establishment of a tenant- in a community with a tenants and residents
led steering group for the project. And association empowered to direct and
more emphasis was placed on the impor- manage programme delivery is very different
tance of consulting and communicating when compared with a less empowered
with tenants and residents associations, association on another estate relying on
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especially those who were not actively RCS staff to plan and manage the pro-
involved with the RCS. In addition, there gramme. To those external to the activity,
was increased emphasis on extending con- they may have looked like identical activi-
sultation with communities beyond familiar ties, but were fundamentally different experi-
gatekeepers. And, the findings of this ences for each tenants and residents
research were integrated into the RoFTRA association. As Schuftan (1996, p. 260) states,
Community Empowerment Strategy
Empowerment is not an outcome of a single
(RoFTRA, 2008) impacting on the whole event; it is a continuous process that
organisation (and its members), not just RCS. enables people to understand, upgrade and
use their capacity to better control and
gain power over their own lives. It provides
Strengthening Community Empowerment people with choices and the ability to
This study revealed that power is a multi- choose, as well as to gain more control
layered concept and can involve different over resources they need to improve their
agencies, groups, communities and individ- condition.
uals in a constant process of negotiation in
order to either challenge dominant struc- Community Awareness
tures or consolidate them (Jarvie and The research also highlighted the need for
Maguire, 1994). These power relations and individuals and groups to develop ‘critical
negotiations interlink with forms of hege- consciousness’ and recognise the structural
mony at both macro and micro levels constraints that result in social exclusion
(Morgan, 1994; Rowe, 2004). Power relations (Ledwith, 2005). Analysis from the research
within RCS were deemed to not just influence suggested that without this form of con-
the relationship between the project and sciousness, tenants and staff effectively per-
mainstream agencies such as the local auth- petuated dominant and exclusionary ways
ority and Cultural Trust (Figure 1), but also of delivering community sport such as creat-
the relationships between RCS and tenants ing ‘menus’ of activities for tenants and resi-
and residents associations, and internally dents associations to choose from, rather
within RCS as an organisation. All of these than providing a ‘free’ choice. RCS has sup-
power-based relationships influenced the ported tenants and residents associations
empowerment potential of the project and to enable them to make informed choices
its work with tenants and residents associ- about how and what to deliver in relation
ations (Checkoway, 1995). to sport on their estates whether by
While noting that many models of commu- funding activities on their behalf, campaign-
nity empowerment represent the process as ing with them on issues to mainstream
a continuum, this research found that it is agencies (such as for improved access to
better to represent it as a series of inter- existing facilities), helping them to run con-
linked and overlapping concepts. It is sultation sessions within their communities,
 Community sports projects and effective community empowerment 43

or paying for volunteers to undertake train- losing its unique values and method of deliv-
ing courses; all of which has contributed to ery as it gets entrenched within the domi-
the empowerment of the association and nant hegemony of the mainstream. If
subsequently the wider community. As funding was secured via this route, it would
such, community sports activities can often be desirable for RCS to negotiate an agree-
be the starting point for the development of ment with the Trust regarding continued
social capital that can result in the formation support for, and involvement of, its commu-
of new groups and networks (Blackshaw and nities in the management of its work.
Long, 2005; Coalter, 2007). These activities At this point, the reader may be wishing a
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can also generate resistance to existing happy ending in which the successes of RCS
structures of power and the location of RCS are recognised and supported by the Trust?
within a community development organis- This did not happen, and RCS no longer
ation with a remit to do this, offered poten- exists! Given its own financial instability,
tial for wider collective action (RoFTRA, RoFTRA opted strategically to attempt to
2007). gain support from the Trust for RCS, but
RCS was denied funding, much to the
intense frustration and disappointment of
Sustainability all those involved in RCS. One can only
The five RoFTRA principles (RoFTRA, 2001) speculate how RCS and its history of resist-
were well evidenced in practice and ance was perceived by the dominant regional
capture much of what is desirable in best hegemonic player, but ‘budget revisions’
practice. CSD operated as a ‘participation resulted in RCS being closed down in Septem-
catalyst’ to promote the initial engagement ber 2009. Despite this, and because of earlier
of individuals into the project. ‘Engagement’ good practice by RCS, several tenants and
was maintained beyond the initial catalyst. residents associations are still actively deli-
‘Capacity building’ provided individuals and vering sport and physical activity within
communities with new skills and knowledge. their communities. So Anne and Suzanne’s
‘Empowerment’ resulted in individuals and project still exists, and Louise’s project still
communities developing their own sports- exists, and some other projects initiated by
based activities and services, and cham- RCS have been integrated into the Cultural
pioned the sporting needs of social housing Trust’s Neighbourhoods and Communities
estates at a borough-wide level. And ‘sustain- programme. So aspects of community
ability’ was ensured through the promotion empowerment enabled through RCS con-
of self-reliance in the development of individ- tinue to thrive.
ual projects and the long-term provision of
new sports-based activities on Rochdale
Borough Council estates. In summary, RCS Community Ownership
was extremely successful in creating effec- RCS did effectively strengthen community
tive community empowerment. But what of empowerment. The local identity of the
the sustainability of RCS itself? project lent it credibility and acceptance,
Earlier, reference was made to the tempor- which in turn lead to a stronger community
ary nature of RCS funding and negotiations engagement and penetrative impact. A
with the Cultural Trust to mainstream sense of local democracy helped to build
funding and protect the long-term viability capacity for self-help which strengthened
of RCS. This carried its own dangers as ‘main- community empowerment. RCS worked
streaming’ might have resulted in RCS being because of its very locally embedded credi-
incorporated and diluted, subsequently bility. It worked because it was not the
 44 Partington and Totten

Government, not the Council, not the Cul- project also need to be utilised. And CSD
tural Trust and not Sport England. It was practitioners need to be critically conscious,
trusted and not an ‘outsider’. It was indepen- reflexive and constantly evaluating their
dent and unfettered by macro-politics. It was work, while engaged in praxis.
agile and responsive. RCS worked because it
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