THE SONGKET MOTIFS: BETWEEN REALITY

AND BELIEF
AZIZI BAHAUDDIN & ALDRIN ABDULLAH
Abstract
The Songket motifs found in Malay textile art depict the journey and the history of the Malay people in
creating their cultural identity. Songket is a Malay word which means to bring out or to pull a thread from a
background cloth or to weave using gold and silver thread. Historically, the songket indicates a symbol of
royalty, the rulers of the people in Peninsular Malaysia. Since gaining independence from the British in 1957
after numerous foreign influences over Peninsular Malaysia, the Malay people, the predominant group in
Malaysia, carry forward the meaningful symbol of the Malay race. The supremacy of this race can be seen
reflected in the songket and its motifs along with the beliefs of animism and religious beliefs of Hindu-
Buddhism and Islam. The sense of growth, unity and human spirituality associated with animism was
expressed in the songket motifs. For tourism purposes, the songket becomes one of the Malay symbols for
tourism-related product representing multi-racial Malaysia in the eyes of the world. This can be seen in
buildings portraying the songket motifs around Malaysia. The symbol is based solely on the Malay supremacy
as found in the states of Terengganu and Kelantan in the east coast of Peninsular Malaysia. It creates a
misunderstanding of the truth of the nation of being a melting pot country. A strong sense of belonging
towards this race in Malaysia dignifies the identity and the superior being of the Malay race in Malaysia seen
in these motifs. The existence of the songket motifs presents an issue of the identity of Malaysia based on the
purity of the Malay race although other influences such as the Hindu-Buddhist, Islamic and Western apart
from the animist belief of the people played a role in characterizing these people. The difference between the
reality and the belief represented in the songket motifs becomes a myth while the truth remains uncovered.

Introduction
This paper explores Malay cultural identity and ethnicity, an understanding between reality
and belief that are apparent in the songket motifs in relation to tourism, history and
representation and Malaysian cultural identity. It is significant to note that the songket
motifs are portrayed in a Malay textile art (figure 1) called the songket in the states of
Kelantan and Terengganu, Malaysia for the reasons:
1. The only states which still produce the songket.
2. The people of these states are known by Malaysians for their practice of and
strong beliefs in traditional Malay customs and teachings.
3. These two states illustrate the most traditional settings and the least affected
by foreign influences.
4. They are the most appropriate contexts for discussing discourse on sense of
belonging and localised identity.

Methodology
The undertaken research began in 1996 and is still on going with a specific base for the

1
purpose of understanding further the songket motifs. Currently, the research is being
conducted in a songket village called Pasir Panjang in Terengganu. The cottage industry of
weaving songket in this village is run by a close knit society that points to an industry that is
being passed on through generations to the same lineage of family. In oral cultures such as
the Malay culture, oral communication is dominant and takes precedence in any activities
involving acquiring information. It is also the most respectable way of communicating and
is widely practised in Malaysia today. Custom allows such activity to become the most
important method of gaining knowledge, again based on respect to the elders and the wiser
ones. Moreover, the oral tradition expresses a very strong cultural value and in the songket
motifs adages, metaphors, proverbs and the philosophy are distinctive. The investigation is
concerned with a manifestation of the Malay culture requiring the exploration of the
context, setting and the subject’s frame of reference in relation to tourism in Malaysia.
During field research literature was reviewed, interviews were carried out and recorded and
visual evidence was collected. Additional information on songket was acquired through in-
depth interviews with the songket related individuals and the elite interview with the Malay
cultural specialists.

figure 1 – Songket

Songket
Songket 1 is a Malay word which means to bring out or to pull a thread from a background
cloth or to weave using gold and silver thread (Nawawi). In weaving terms it means to inlay
a gold thread or an extra weft (Serian). According to another definition, the songket means
the act of weaving using the supplementary metallic threads which are inserted in between
silk or cotton weft or latitudinal threads of the main cloth (Noor). Historically, the songket

1
For the verb, songket is also spelled sungkit to describe the action of bringing out or picking a thread from the cloth. The end product of
the action is called songket according to the Kamus Dewan, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (a Malay dictionary).
2
threads were of gold, with the application of silver threads2 beginning after the influx of
Indian and Arab traders to the Malay Peninsula in the 13th to 16th centuries. The songket
weaving flourished during the Malacca Malay Sultanate Empire period when trade to the
Malay Peninsula was at its peak during the 15th century. The port city of Malacca, the city
for the administrative and economic centre of the Malay Sultanate Empire, drew traders
from India, China, the Arab world and the West, via India. Thus came materials necessary
for the songket weaving (Serian). Malay historical texts indicated that the songket costumes
could only be worn by royalty, the court officials elected by the sultans, and those who
received awards and titles. There were very strict rules of attire for the wearing of the
songket costumes. Those who failed to comply could be punished severely.3

Spatial harmony, balance, rhythm, repetition, and sizes of the motifs express a high level of
artistic achievement. The arrangement of motifs in Malay art pieces always deals with the
appreciation of the Malay people of God’s creation. The way to appreciate God’s creation
is by looking at and into nature to find answers to human existence (Su). In Su’s case, the
Supreme Being refers to Allah, the God of the Muslims. However, before the Malay people
were converted to Islam after the 12th century, the Malay people were animists, Buddhists
and Hindus (Kasimin). They were producing art long before the conversion to Islam.
However, the philosophy in these religions is in keeping with Malay devotion to the divine
power of the Supreme Being. The meaning of motifs, spaces and gaps between motifs are
designed according to these religious beliefs. The songket motifs of the past represented the
animist belief and the assimilation with Hindu-Buddhist and Islamic ideologies. The motifs
always appear in numbers to signify unity of the community creating the patterns divided
into seven categories. There are motifs derived from flora and fauna that have been stylised
because of Islamic religious restrictions, foods, nature and significant court objects.

Malaysia’s tropical location provides an abundance of plants. The Malay people have
exploited the medicinal properties of these plants. They have successfully used all parts
of plants: the flowers, roots, leaves, fruits, bark and even seeds. Plants are portrayed
repeatedly in Malay art because they are believed to have the power of healing those who
own the art pieces. The bamboo shoot motif was located within folklore long before the
coming of Islam. When the Malays converted to Islam, the symbolic meaning of the
bamboo shoot was changed to be incorporated with Islamic teachings, leading away from

2
Nowadays, the thread also comes in coloured threads, which are freely applied to replace the expensive gold and silver threads.
3
The punishment was redeemable through the payment of the amount of ‘sekati lima’ which was equivalent to 150,000 pitis (currency)

3
the superstitious and supernatural beliefs (Jusoh). However, the folkloristic beliefs
regarding bamboo shoot motifs still remain deeply embedded in the Malay culture. This
is because most of Malay historical texts combined facts with myths, legends and
folkloristic beliefs (Osman). The long period of Hindu-Buddhist influences had deepened
the beliefs in spiritual elements and supernatural beings which existed in the early Malay
communities of the archipelago (Ibid). The beliefs were passed on through oral tradition
practised by the Malays to ensure that the folk tales would live on through the
generations and would be portrayed in motifs of every Malay art4 piece. Mohamad, a
Malay Kelantanese historian and religious teacher (Sufism), believes that one should look
into one’s religion to obtain a deeper comprehension of the meaning in one’s art.
(Mohamad, 1997)

figure 2 – pucuk rebung motif

The pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot) represents Gunung Sari or the universe in a triangle
shape (figure 2). The motifs in pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot) express the beauty of the
universe as they are derived from ‘something beautiful’ (referring to the Divine Essence
of God) (Ibid). The ‘universe’ is depicted in a triangle that is divided into four areas
(figure 3) (Ibid).
1. Alam Syahadah (universe) - at the bottom of the triangle visible to the naked
eyes signifies the reality or physicality of the world/universe, in keeping with the
understanding of the human of nature.
2. Alam Mithal (unseen world) - in the middle portion designates the unseen and
less understood world/universe.
3. Alam Arwah (spiritual world) - the degree of understanding of human kind
towards this world as basically minimal.
4. At the apex and confined to a small dot is the Zat Allah (Divine Essence) and
the place for Divine Power and Supreme Being which is beyond human
intelligence (Mohamad, 1984).

according to W.G. Shellabear or ‘satu kati lima tahil’ of gold or equivalent to 0.8 kg.
4
Historical texts pointed out that the songket motifs exist with other Malay arts such as batik, wood carving, mat weaving, dances,
architecture, music and weaponry design.
4
 - Alam Syahadah (alam nyata) or the real world/universe
- Alam Mithal (alam ghaib) or the unseen world
- Alam Arwah or the spiritual world
- Zat Allah or Divine Essence

figure 3 - pucuk rebung (bamboo shoot) symbolism

Spices are other sources for motifs. Cloves and star anise (figures 4 & 5), renowned for
their fragrance, are principal motifs supporting the bamboo shoot and to balance the
composition of the pattern. Cloves and star anise hold some medicinal values. It is
believed that the motifs of cloves and star anise act as an ‘invisible’ boundary defining
the outline of bigger motifs and in most cases defining the motifs of bamboo shoot
(Jusoh).

figure 4 – cengkih motif figure 5 – bunga lawang motif

Most of the flowers5 that are portrayed in the songket motifs have sweet fragrance, are
small to medium in size, white and cream in colour and possess some medicinal
properties. These are the flowers that were used in the custom of mandi bunga or scented
bath. Traditionally, the Malays used seven types of traditional flowers that were believed
to have special effect in revitalising and rejuvenating the bather. Nature in the Malay
society has always been a reflection of the creation of the Supreme Being6 as described in

5
The flowers were bunga tanjung (mimosops elengi), bunga kenanga (canagium odoratum), bunga cempaka (michelia champaca), bunga
cina (gardenia augusta), bunga melur (jasminum sambac), bunga kemboja (plumeria acuminata) and bunga mawar (rosa spp) (Arifine
Jusoh, 1997).
6
Supreme Being has always being referred to the existence of Divine Power in animism, Hindu-Buddhism and Islam.
5
metaphors. Traditional flowers in the songket motifs have always been used as a reminder
for the Malays to look to nature to comprehend the Supreme Being’s limitless resources.
A flower connected to a stem symbolises the strength of a thread to the teaching of Islam
(figure 6). Loss of faith in Allah, the Supreme Being, destroys the belief of the people in
their faith, causing them go astray (Jusoh).

figure 6 - diagram of a flower

Teratai (lotus) is the ‘mother’ of all flowers as far as the people of Southeast Asia are
concerned (Mohamad, 1984). Interpretation of teratai (lotus) (figure 7) indicates various
very strong religious beliefs bringing about traditions and customs.

figure 7 – teratai pecah lapan (lotus)

The interpretation has changed in the process of appropriating, but the shape of the motif
remained the same. The lotus motifs appear in teratai pecah empat (four petalled-lotus)
and teratai pecah lapan (eight petalled-lotus) (Yin and various songket weavers). The
lotus petals symbolise levels of being, as the lotus has always been associated with the
Malay culture and religions (Mohamad, 1984). In the current context, the lotus is
associated with the Islamic beliefs strongly associated with Malay people.
Diagrammatically, the circle that holds the lotus petals together represents the
kalbu/kalbun (‘trueself’) (figure 8). This representation holds the functions of the body.
The kalbu/kalbun (‘trueself’) is situated in the heart of a human and can only be reached
or touched through rasa (feelings) (Ibid).

6
 1. Forehead (dahi) 2. Chest (dada)
3. Right shoulder (bahu kanan) 4. Left shoulder (bahu kiri)
5. Right elbow (siku kanan) 6. Left elbow (siku kiri)
7. Right leg (kaki kanan) 8. Left leg (kaki kiri)
figure 8 - the human body parts in relation to the eight petalled lotus

The feelings and the other eight parts of the body in total made up nine parts of the
human body where the rasa (feelings) is connected to the stem of the plant. In
humankind, the rasa (feelings) is connected to the power of the Divine Being through his
devotion in a spiritual relationship (Ibid). The eight petalled lotus symbolises the parts of
the human body. The functions are reflected as follows, describing how the human body
parts have to work together in order to give their fullest devotion to the Divine Being
(Ibid). The four petalled lotus signifies the four elements of earth, water, fire and wind
(figure 9) in relation to the human character (Ahmad).
1. The earth element - stability associated with coldness and dryness. It is
considered sawida/suddawi (black).
2. The water element - slow condition known as balgam/balpawi associated with
coldness and wetness.
3. The fire element - quick temperament known as safrun/suprawi (yellow water)
in association with hotness and dryness.
4. The air element - moderation known as darnawi/dammawi (blood) associated
with hotness and wetness.
These characters must co-exist in balance and harmony in the human body. Lack of an
element will result in an imbalanced body, causing sickness. Traditional medicine
practitioners believe that using natural sources such as flowers for medicine will
apparently heal the sickness through the process of rejuvenating and revitalising, thus
bringing balance to the human body.

7
 figure 9 - four-petalled lotus and elements in human body

The commonly used fruit motifs are based on the tampuk manggis/tampuk semesta
(mangosteen) (figure 10) and buah cermai (cidda acida) (figure 11). The character of a
mangosteen is expressed in an old Malay adage translated as black is the shell, but
sweetness lies inside, on the judging of a person’s personality.

figure 10 – tampuk manggis figure 11 - cermai

It is reflected in the contrast of colours between the black shell of the fruit and the white
fleshy pulp. The mangosteen also symbolises the pelita hati which means reflection of
one’s feelings or one’s inner self as related to human spiritual state (Dawa). It also
signifies purity of heart in one’s relationship with the Supreme Being. Buah cermai
(cidda acida) is particularly intriguing because of its size. It is a small acidic fruit that is
yellow in colour and has a very sour taste. It has a similarity to the strength of a chilli,
described in the old proverb as ‘the spiciness of a chilli lies in its taste rather than its size’
similar to the Western adage don’t judge the book by its cover. Therefore, this metaphor
has always been used to characterise the social behaviour of the Malay people.

The coming of Islam and the spread of Islamic teachings from 8th century AD onward
saw the diminishing representation of animals in Malay art. Orthodox Islamic beliefs

8
written in the Al-Hadis7 forbid animals’ representation in any art form, stated on the day
of Judgement when the painter (any artist) stands before the Throne of God, he will be
commanded to put life into the works of art he has created and when he confesses his
inability to do so, he will be forthwith cast down into Hell (Arnold). However, the belief
did not prevent the Malays from recreating images of animals in the songket motifs. The
animals that are portrayed frequently in Malay arts are the motifs of the cockerel’s tail
and sea horses (Hussein). These motifs are stylised and turned into geometrical patterns
aligned with the teachings of Islam. The shape of the sea horses (unduk-unduk laut)
(figure 12) motif was derived from the intricate form of the sea horses and associated
with the fishermen and sailors in their seafaring journeys. The creature possesses some
medicinal properties (i.e. the horse’s powder8 is a cure for male impotence). The Malay
people also believe that sea horses have the ability to ward off evil spells; thus, dried sea
horses are hung on the door for such task, a well-known animistic belief (Ibid).

figure 12 – unduk-unduk laut

The awareness of the beautiful creation of God is reflected in the portrayal of elements of
nature. Mountains, waves (figure 13), rain, clouds, water are examples of natural
elements that are captured in the motifs. The motif of mountains (figure 14) stressed a
very strong Buddhist influence. The Buddhist religious teachings enforced the strong
animist belief that magical and spiritual powers existed in elements in nature. Thus, the
elements in nature became the symbols and sources for creation in art forms (Ismail).

figure 13 – ombak-ombak figure 14 – pergunungan

7
The two rules of Islamic ideologies are written in the Koran and in the Al-Hadis, the lifestyle of the Prophet Mohamad.
8
The powder is produced by drying up the sea horses and being ground into powder.
9
According to the teaching of Buddhism, the mountain links the worlds, serving as a
channel of communication between the realms of existence. The tip of the mountain is the
focal point for such interchange (Snodgrass). The faith was strengthened by the Hindu
myth that the chariots of the gods, the sky travellers, alight upon the summit of the World
mountain (Ibid). This was believed to be the point of contact between man and gods. The
summit of the cosmic mountain is not only the highest point of the earth; it is also the
earth’s navel, the point at which the creation began (Eliade). The Islamic belief
expresses that the tip of the mountain is an abstract location where one can find god but
only through looking into nature and understanding it. The concept of communicating
with God through the tip of the mountain is also applied in the architecture of the
mosques (figure 15). Physically, a dome that points upward serves the same function as
applied in Buddhist temple (Yatim).
God (Allah)

Nature Mankind
figure 15 - mountain in Islamic belief

The motifs taken from nature symbolise the notion of growth, spiritually and physically.
They allow the process of nurturing life and seeking perfection. The nature represents the
vehicle for humankind to use in trying to understand what faith and religion will offer in
achieving the ‘higher’ level of spiritual beings. However, the beliefs of the Malay people
interacted with several religious beliefs before coming to Islamic belief. Myths and
superstitious beliefs starting in the animist and Hindu-Buddhist periods became
intertwined with the Islamic religious beliefs. Therefore, it is this blend that characterises
the Malay people.

Foods become part of the songket motifs for their moulded shapes and ingredients
required to produce them. Most of the foods portrayed in the motifs require a mixture of
brown sugar, coconut milk and flour as contained in kuih madu manis (honey sweet cake)
and potong wajik (glutinous rice sweet cake) (figures 16 & 17).

10
figure 16 – kuih madu manis figure 17 – potong wajik

In order to understand the importance of the foods, the ingredients must be analysed. Any
single ingredient is tasteless without the others (Dawa, 1997). The foods represent the
participation of a community and preserve unity and the repetition and combination of
motifs indicate the idea of ‘united we stand, divided we fall’ and the strength of
communal activities.

Motifs derived from court objects depict the favourite game for royalty. They are the
symbols of a ruler’s power (figures 18 & 19).

figure 18 ---tapak catur (chess) figure 19 ---pagar istana (palace fence)

The songket motifs depict the traditional establishment of the Malay political system
(associating spirituality with Divine Kingship), largely agrarian economy and social
system expressing communal activities. These motifs also indicate the process of
reshaping cultural values through assimilation with the Hindu-Buddhist and ultimately
Islamic cultural influences combined with the animist traditions. The flexibility of
accommodating foreign ideologies in the songket motifs agrees with the concept of
cohesiveness of a form of art to combine and to oppose to become a system of multiple
references (Firth). The motifs signify that the Malay culture today is a product of
assimilation that already allowed the process of assimilation and transformation of
cultural identity. However, cultural identity in the songket motifs will remain culturally
Malay as ‘the cultural change involves modified social patterns, but not all social change
produces cultural change’ (Davis). The concepts of ‘growth’, ‘sense of unity’ and

11
‘human spirituality’ will remain a part of the cultural identity in Malaysia that satisfy the
requirements of exhibiting cultural identity pressured by the tourism promise of wealth.

Malaysia’s Cultural Identity: History and Representation

This section details the complexity of Malaysia’s cultural identity. It also examines a multi-
cultural nation and the configuration of the Malays as the ‘sons of the soil’, the Bumiputera,
and the Chinese and Indian as the ‘Other’, as non-Bumiputera, still seen as outsiders. In this
paper, the songket motifs are used as examples of the embodiment of the traditional Malay
cultural identity touched by the economic, political and social systems. History and
representation are clearly marked. The motifs also illustrate the assimilation process that
took place during Malay cultural development and to further suggest a shift in
contemporary cultural identity.

Malaysia is known for its multi-cultural society with a population of almost 23.27 million
people9 (Statistics Department of Malaysia). The Malay/Bumiputera people are the largest
group followed by the Chinese, Indian, smaller groups of Arabs, Sinhalese, Eurasians and
Europeans and a few of the indigenous tribes scattered in the Malay Peninsula and in Sabah
and Sarawak. The many races comprising a developing Malaysia raises the issue of cultural
identity and what forms it should take. The Malay people were the first to occupy the Malay
Archipelago and became known as the Bumiputera, ‘the sons of the soil’. Archaeological
findings based on many Malay communities’ artefacts dated as early as 2500 BC pointed to
the rightful claim by the Malay people to the land. This proof of the Malays being the early
inhabitants of the land is used in a claim for identity in the creation of the National Culture
policy by the government in 1971.

Historically, the Malays went through various stages of cultural development (Deraman).
1. Pre-Historic Era 2500 BC
2. Hindu-Buddha Influence Era 1st - 12th centuries AD
3. Islamic Civilisation Influence Era 13th - 16th centuries AD
4. European Influence Era 16th - 20th centuries AD

The Malay people accepted and assimilated foreign influences into their culture as part of
reformation processes. They were aware of the change of and changing influence on their
traditional set of values and customs. Regardless of awareness, the situation evokes the

9
Statistics are based on 2000 figures. 14.10 million or 60.6% Malay/Bumiputeras, 6.54 million or 28.1% Chinese and 1.84 million or
7.9% Indians.
Source: Statistics Department of Malaysia. http://www.statistics.gov.my on 22/05/2003.
12
concept of culture, which indicates that the existence of a social group will depend on its
formation, its maintenance as a coherent entity, its definition against other groups and the
constant process of its reformation (Frow). Apparently, the establishment of the Malay
culture and politics was based on Divine Kingship and Spirituality. On the other hand, the
Malay socio-economics were based on the agrarian system and the class structure of royalty
and commoners (Kasimin).

Malaysia began the 20th century with an immigration of ‘outsiders’ of totally different
religions, customs and traditions that characterises Malaysia today; the Chinese for the tin
mine industries and the Indians for the tea and rubber plantations. By this time, in the early
1900’s, Malaysia was already facing complications in creating its cultural identity, caught
between protecting the natives and appropriating the ‘outsiders’. Separation, between the
‘coloniser’ and the ‘colonised’ and between the mainstream and the ‘Other’, became
rampant and went on for almost a century under the watchful eye of the British. Now, the
Chinese still hold the commercial power while the Malays are known for holding political
power and the Indian as non-committal in the country’s development, a stereotyping that is
still apparent in Malaysia today. Hall suggests that the stereotyping reduced people to a few,
simple and essentialised characteristics (Hall). The ‘difference’ between the Malay
mainstream and the ‘Other’ is still evident. It is deeply rooted even when the power in the
country changed hands seemingly radically. It is also strongly characterised by a
stereotyping of the people that started when the ‘Other’ was brought into the country, a
disruption to the traditional political, economic and social establishment of the Malay. This
division in the political and economic distribution created the stereotyping of the races
which is still distinct in Malaysia today: the Malay of being loyal to the government and in
charge of the political issues, the Chinese of holding the commercial power and the Indians
of having non-committing opinion10.

‘Unity in diversity’ was apparent in the demand for a modern Malaysia anchored in appeals
to a ‘lost’ cultural identity established centuries ago, and the unity of the national subject
was forged in the space of difference and conflicts. The Malays prioritised their privileges
against any other races, namely the Chinese and the Indians who were seen as adversaries.
The Malays felt that they had the responsibility to protect their identity as based solely on
the culture of the Malays with the rationale that the colonial era has served to de-culturise
the Malaysians and leave them unaware of the historical roots of their culture heritage

13
(Arus et.). However, this was not total de-culturisation; as noted, the Malay could assimilate
well, in the case of religion from animism to Hinduism, to Buddhism, to Islam and, finally,
to the Christian tradition of the Western powers. The Western legacy can be seen in the
present system of government and economy, the legacy of the imperialistic power.

The past is essentialised for the reliving or re-appropriation of the lost or forgotten identity
in a contemporary context. Thus, the Malay people refer to history to anchor their traditions
and culture to the cultural identity, agreeing with the concept of ‘history’ which determines
who they are and what they are. Moreover, they are constantly reminded that their ongoing
‘struggle’ is itself continually updating and extending their history (Chambers). This is also
a method for the people to use to assert their own identity and the existence of their own
history. The Malay people claim their dual birthright of history and identity to characterise
Malaysia. The issue of the centrality and pivotal position of history in this context is
expressed due to the fact that the people have been denied their identity and history by their
colonisers, mainly the British (Ibid). The assertion of history will also involve looking into
mainly aesthetic forms with the principal aim of achieving pleasure and expressing the
rightful claim of the Malay mainstream to the land. These forms can be seen in
ethnography, historiography, philology, sociology and history (Said). Thus the songket
motifs in this paper are seen as an assertion of history, a form of the Malay visual culture, to
identify the culture for tourism purposes. These motifs were claimed by many Malay
cultural specialists to embody the purity and signify the traditional establishment of the
Malay cultural identity and traditions. They also illustrate the traditional political system,
which was based on Divine Kingship and Spirituality, and a socio-economic system based
on agrarian society and class structure of the rulers and the subjects (Deraman).

The formulation of the National Culture was agreed at a Congress on National Culture
called by the Malaysian government in August 1971, in response to the 1969 race riots. The
three inter-related principles constituent of the National Culture are (Ministry of Culture,
Youth and Sports):
1. The National Culture of Malaysia must be based on the culture of the people
indigenous to the region, the Bumiputera, the sons of the soil.
2. Elements from other cultures that are suitable and reasonable may be incorporated
into the National Culture.
3. Islam will be an important element in the National Culture.

10
The non-commitment of the Indian towards the development of the society led to very few literature has been written about them.
14
Discussion of culture always involves and analyses a particular way of life which expresses
or promotes certain meanings and values implicitly and explicitly. The word ‘culture’ has
many definitions that entail practices and a source of identity. The practices involve the arts
of description, communication and representation that have relative autonomy from the
economic, social and political realms (Said). In the Malay society, the heritage of the Malay
culture comes in ‘material’ or spiritual and ‘non-material’ or physical forms. Abdul Aziz
Deraman, a former Culture Director of the Ministry of Culture, Youth and Sports (1981 -
1987), elaborates that the Malay culture is represented in (Deraman):
1. thoughts or ideas
- knowledge, language, philosophy, literature, myths, beliefs
and oral traditions
2. materials
- architecture, machinery, objects de art, costumes, foods,
medicines, furniture
3. arts
- performance arts (theatre, dances, music, songs), visual arts
(carvings, paintings, sculpture, cloth weaving, embroidery,
mat weaving)
4. values and norms
- rules, traditions, folkways, mores, customs, taboos,
ceremonies and rituals, manners

The songket motifs are both the ‘material’ and ‘non-material’ of a Malay culture
manifestation. They embody the thoughts and ideas of the Malay culture represented in the
richness of oral traditions. Moreover, the motifs symbolise the etiquette of the Malay
portrayed in the patterning of the motifs, highlighting and urging the unity of the people.

The assimilation of suitable cultural traditions of the Chinese and the Indian being
assimilated into the Malay mainstream requires a serious consideration. However, it is
clearly stated that recognition of the other cultural traditions is done through their
appropriation into the mainstream culture. It is another clear indication that concern over
recognising difference among the races is never properly addressed but rather ignored.
Arguments for the Malay culture becoming congruent with Malaysia’s cultural identity
point out the danger of nepotism and favouritism evident if the Malay mainstream alone
enjoys the economic, political and social adjustment privileges offered by the government.
Known as ‘constitutional identity’ where the identity is imposed on the people illustrating
an act of power, it is essential for the government to uphold the power of the dominant and,
in this case, the Malay people (Laclau).

15
At this juncture, the appropriateness of the Malay cultural identity becoming the national
identity representing a multi-racial society must be addressed in response to the National
culture policy. The concept of national identities should be based on the concepts of
hegemony and articulation. The concepts will allow us to come to grips with those
identities, to transform them instead of rejecting them in the name of essentialism or
universalism (Mouffe). A multi-racial and multi-cultural society in Malaysia already
provides ideas concerning shifting cultural identity and its constitution. Malaysia has all the
elements necessary for recreation of cultural identity as formulated by theorists on discourse
of identity. However, the issue of cultural identity in this context should be considered more
than just a catch-phrase and must be addressed analytically. The construction must address
its non-unification and increasingly fragmented and fractured; never singular but multiply
constructed across different, often intersecting and antagonistic, discourses, practices and
positions (Hall et.). Malaysia’s cultural identity has already designated the
Malay/Bumiputera as the main stream, a racial identity rather than a national identity. As
identity is dynamic, a fixed policy in determining an identity complicates the racial balance.
Moreover, cultural identity should not be based solely on historical factors. Goethe
suggested that nations could not return to their settled and independent life again without
notions that they had learned many foreign ideas and ways which they had unconsciously
adopted and come to feel here and there previously unrecognised, spiritual and intellectual
needs (Spigarn).

The combination of different cultural values into the local culture was acknowledged but
remained static until the present period. Perceived as too superficial, the multi-racial display
is seen to be playing a major role in attracting tourists to visit the country. In comparison to
other countries in the world, Malaysia’s cultural identity is based mainly on Malay customs
and traditional values. If the cultural traditions are to be used to characterise the cultural
identity, it could be suggested that the cultural traditions can be appropriated with the
current political, economic and social situation to make it recognisable by Malaysians and
the international population. Thus, for this research the songket motifs are applied as the
trajectory for analysis of the Malaysian cultural identity. This is due to the songket motifs
having been part of the process of assimilation with other cultural traditions and beliefs,
mainly Hinduism-Buddhism and Islam. The songket motifs are considered in this research
as a cultural representation. A cultural representation is the specificities of the material
object world and of visual systems of communication. If globalisation operates through
ideological and medialogical channels by generating and communicating at ever increasing
16
speed images, schemata and revising and transforming the signification of object-
identification then it is here that we need to focus our investigation of cultural identity
(Deliss).

Before the Asian and world financial crises back in the late 1990’s, Southeast Asian
countries had experienced a vast economic and social growth. The economic boom and the
social change were deeply embedded within the framework of capitalism of economic
globalisation, a new involvement in global trades and economic liberalisation. The booming
economies were accompanied by large-scale social change, economic and urban growth,
rising income, expanding education, massive consumption, business cargo-cultism of a high
order and considerable optimism about developing democracy (Maila). Besides
experiencing wealth in the early to mid 1990’s, Malaysians also experienced an influx of
foreign ideas especially from the West. The development of the country, labelled
‘modernised’ by Mahathir Mohamad, is in contrast to the true movement of the country.
Malaysians are urged to go back to traditional values and religious beliefs as embracing
modernisation depletes the traditional philosophy and customs. Modernisation in Malaysia
has always been misinterpreted as involving Westernisation; therefore, Western cultural
ideologies are considered inappropriate for the Malaysian society. Western capitalism
(global capitalism) tends to colonise the world and those who oppose it are considered
outdated, and ignorant of modern methods. We must hold true systems that have our values
(Mohamad, M., 1998).

The paradox exists in the direction of the culture, retaining the inherited traditions on the
one hand but changing the methods of gaining wealth along with economic prosperity. As
economic, political and social concerns move hand in hand in a contemporary Malaysia,
change in all these concerns can be suggested as necessary, for the world culture does not
only proceed via language but also via ideological and medialogical channels (Gever).
Relatively, the cultural identity of Malaysia it can be suggested must be always in the
process of formation, dependent on and in symbiosis with constantly changing external
forces (Ibid). The economic boom in Malaysia also saw the tourism industry as a major
income earner. This industry demands the cultural identity of Malaysia to be portrayed for
the sake of the tourist. Thus, Malaysia’s cultural identity is represented as based on the
principles of representation and the National Culture policy in a multi-cultural society, a
representation of exotic culture (figures 20 & 21).

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figure 21 - Malay dance figure 22 – National Library with songket Motifs
with songket costume

Syed Amin Aljefri, a Malaysian cultural analyst, suggested that the Malay culture is
superficially portrayed based on three elements: firstly, the Malay culture applies the usage
of English words for simple conversations; secondly, the Islamic ideology is limited to the
ritual aspects and rules; and thirdly, Malay culture is limited to traditional customs,
ceremonies and title (Aljefri). These superficialities indicate that the tourism industry delays
the shift in the Malaysia’s cultural identity while posing the question of maintaining it for
the sake of tourism.

Conclusion
The Malaysian government fixed policy on cultural identity clearly indicates limitation of
representation to having a dynamic culture, although efforts have been made to slowly
rectify the complexity of such culture. It is understood that the Malaysian government
imposes the National Culture policy to prioritise privileges for the Malay people, an
essentialised cultural identity. However, identifications belong to the imaginary; they are
phantasmatic efforts of alignment, loyalty, ambiguous and cross-corporeal cohabitations,
they unsettle the I; they are the sedimentation of the ‘we’ in the constitution of any I, the
structuring present of alterity in the very formulation of the I. Identifications are never fully
and finally made; they are incessantly reconstituted, and as such are subject to the volatile
logic of iterability. They are that which is constantly marshalled, consolidated, retrenched,
contested and on occasion compelled to give way (Hall, 1993). If Malaysia’s cultural

18
identity is to recognise the ‘Other’ and acknowledge the ‘difference’ the National Culture
has to shift to one appropriate to the current condition. In order to recognise the importance
of the Chinese and Indian people, the Malays have to position and reposition themselves in
a society that is ever-changing (Hall, 1990). The Malay people need to acknowledge the
existence of the ‘Other’, mainly the Chinese and Indian in a contemporary Malaysia. If
historical factors become the important factor in determining the rights of the Malays as
shown in the songket motifs, the assimilation that took place since the 1st century AD
should not be ignored. A dynamic culture has to accept reformation and reposition itself in
order to be identified and accepted locally and internationally and to be understood well as
far as representation of a culture in the aspect of tourism.

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