Cambridge International Examinations

Cambridge International Advanced Subsidiary and Advanced Level

HISTORY 9389/11
Paper 1 Document Question October/November 2016
1 hour
No Additional Materials are required.
* 3 8 3 3 6 2 2 4 2 4 *

READ THESE INSTRUCTIONS FIRST

An answer booklet is provided inside this question paper. You should follow the instructions on the front cover
of the answer booklet. If you need additional answer paper ask the invigilator for a continuation booklet.

This paper contains three sections:

Section A: European Option
Section B: American Option
Section C: International Option

Answer both parts of the question from one section only.

The marks are given in brackets [ ] at the end of each part question.

This document consists of 7 printed pages, 1 blank page and 1 Insert.

DC (RCL (KM)) 135991/4 R

© UCLES 2016 [Turn over
 2

Section A: European Option

Liberalism and Nationalism in Italy and Germany, 1815–1871

Bismarck and France

1 Read the sources and then answer both parts of the question.

Source A

It remains to be remarked that the feeling of uneasiness in Germany is increased by the

impression that, when the Paris Exhibition of next year shall have passed over, and when
France has completed her military preparations, she will seek a war with Germany. She will
try to obtain those compensations for the aggrandisement of Prussia which she has sketched
out, but which she has already learned will only be yielded to a superior force.

British Ambassador in Bavaria to the British Foreign Secretary, December 1866.

Source B

I think it is probable that German unity will be forwarded through violent events. It is quite
another matter, however, to bring about such a catastrophe and to bear responsibility for the
choice of time for it. France will almost certainly oppose the rise of Germany and Germany
must be prepared to fight for it. However, our position in Europe is such that we must not
be seen to be aggressors and there may be the opportunity, however unlikely it may seem
at present, for agreement with France. German unity is not at this moment a ripe fruit; the
capacity to wait while circumstances develop is one of the requirements of a practical policy.

Bismarck to Werthern, Prussian ambassador to Bavaria, February 1869.

Source C

Our government has had no part in the candidacy of a German prince for the throne of Spain.
It is of no real interest to us beyond that we are a friendly nation hoping to obtain an orderly
and peace-loving regime there. Yet it has led the government of the French Emperor to war.
Germany in the past has silently put up with such violations of her rights and honour. Now
Germany, with its spiritual and legal bond of unity, has the ability to frustrate any new French
violence. It is a fact that those in power in France have understood how to utilise for their
personal interest the well-meaning but excitable temperament of our great neighbouring
people. The more our German allies realise how every honourable and dignified method was
used to secure the blessings of peace for Europe and how plain it is before all eyes that the
sword has been forced into our hands, the more certain we shall be in our call to defend our
honour and independence.

Speech from the Throne by William I, July 1870, on the declaration of war against France.

© UCLES 2016 9389/11/O/N/16

 3

Source D

After dinner last night I was present when the three conspirators, Generals Roon, Moltke
and Bismarck sat around smoking cigars and discussing the events of the summer of 1870.
Bismarck said, ‘What a stroke of luck it was that the French went so far! How hard it would
have been to find another equally favourable opportunity! We never actually altered the French
telegram, but shortened it in such a way to show the French ambitions in their full strength.
We had given up everything that the French wanted over the Hohenzollern candidacy, and if
the French had not insisted that we promise never to do so again, we would have conceded
even more to them.’ Bismarck then asked both men, ‘Were you ready for war?’ and when
they replied that they had been, he said, ‘So was I and the country, all preparations had been
made.’

From the diary of Robert Lucius von Ballhausen, a Prussian politician

and member of Bismarck’s inner circle, January 1877.

Answer both parts of the question with reference to the sources.

(a) To what extent do Sources B and D agree on Bismarck’s views on a war with France?
[15]

(b) To what extent do Sources A to D show that Prussia was responsible for the war against
France? [25]

© UCLES 2016 9389/11/O/N/16 [Turn over

 4

Section B: American Option

The Origins of the Civil War, 1846–1861

Zachary Taylor and the Wilmot Proviso, 1848

2 Read the sources and then answer both parts of the question.

Source A

The fact is not denied, even by his supporters, that General Taylor was nominated by the Whig
Convention at Philadelphia solely on the ground of his availability. That he has no political
principles and is perfectly ignorant of political matters, he humbly acknowledges. Therefore
the advocates of his election can represent him to be anything they choose, as will best suit
the different localities where they hope to gain supporters. But particularly on the subject of
slavery and the Wilmot Proviso he is represented with two aspects to his face. At the North
he is represented in favour of the Wilmot Proviso because he has endorsed himself against
the exercise of the veto power. At the South, his advocates contend that he is opposed to the
Wilmot Proviso and will certainly kill it with the veto, if elected, because he is a southern man
and a slaveholder. It is important that this disgraceful fraud should be exposed.

From ‘General Taylor’s Two Faces’, published by the National and Jackson Democratic
Association Committee, August 1848.

Source B

Mr Kellogg then introduced the Hon. Abraham Lincoln, Whig member of Congress from
Illinois, a representative of free soil. Mr Lincoln spoke in a clear, cool and very eloquent
manner for an hour and a half. He began to show the fallacy of some of the arguments against
General Taylor, making his chief theme the fashionable statement of those who oppose him
that the Whig party have abandoned their principles in adopting him as their candidate. He
maintained that General Taylor occupied a high and unexceptional Whig ground. Mr Lincoln
proceeded to examine the absurdity of an attempt to make a platform or creed for a national
party to all parts of which all must consent and agree. The speaker then went on to show
the danger of the extension of slavery likely to result from the election of General Cass, the
Democratic candidate. General Taylor, he confidently believed, would not encourage it and
would not prohibit its restriction.

From a speech by Abraham Lincoln, as reported in the Boston (Massachusetts)

‘Daily Advertiser’, September 1848.

© UCLES 2016 9389/11/O/N/16

 5

Source C

The Whigs at the North affirm that General Taylor is in favour of the Wilmot Proviso. Everybody
in Louisiana knows that General Taylor cannot be in favour of any doctrine or measure which
would afford the slightest countenance to the machinations of the abolitionists because
he is the owner of at least TWO HUNDRED SLAVES which he works on two plantations,
one in Louisiana, the other in Mississippi, and not long since he added to their force by
PURCHASING A CONSIDERABLE NUMBER OF NEGROES from New Orleans. It would
be strange indeed if General Taylor, under such circumstances, could be so forgetful of the
safety of his property and that of his family as to aid the enemies of the South.

From the New Orleans (Louisiana) ‘Courier’, October 1848.

Source D

It is said of General Taylor that he is unsound on the vital issue of the extension of slavery.
Yet his most zealous of enemies have not produced a shadow of reliable evidence going to
show that he would veto the Wilmot Proviso, if passed by Congress during his administration.
And again we have assurances from the most reliable private sources that he is accustomed
to express his dislike of the institution of slavery and his settled opinion that it should not be
extended beyond its present limits. Whatever his individual opinions, he has explicitly declared
his determination to leave all such matters of legislation ENTIRELY TO CONGRESS. His
language on this subject has been invariably interpreted in that sense by all Northern Whigs,
from whom his chief support is derived, so that no man in his situation, unless utterly deluded,
would think for a moment of violating this implied pledge.

From the Middlebury (Vermont) ‘Galaxy’, 7 November 1848.

Answer both parts of the question with reference to the sources.

(a) To what extent do Sources A and B agree about General Taylor’s commitment to Whig
principles? [15]

(b) How far do Sources A to D support the assertion that the Whig party was deeply divided
over the extension of slavery? [25]

© UCLES 2016 9389/11/O/N/16 [Turn over

 6

Section C: International Option

The Search for International Peace and Security, 1919–1945

The League of Nations and Disarmament, 1919–1921

3 Read the sources and then answer both parts of the question.

Source A

The leading members of the League of Nations should arrive at an understanding regarding
armaments. It is pointless to impose an arms limitation upon Germany unless we are
prepared to impose a similar limitation upon ourselves. League members must arrive at such
an armaments agreement as would make it impossible for suspicion to arise between them
in regard to their intentions towards one another. If the League is to succeed it will only be
because the members trust it themselves and because there are no rivalries and jealousies
in the matter of armaments between them. The first condition of success for the League
of Nations is, therefore, a firm understanding between Britain, the USA, France and Italy
that there will be no competitive building up of fleets or armies between them. Unless this is
agreed, the League of Nations will be a mockery and we shall not achieve lasting peace.

Lloyd George, British Prime Minister, March 1919.

Source B

Members of the League recognise that the maintenance of peace requires the reduction of
national armaments to the lowest point consistent with national safety and the enforcement
by common action of international obligations.

The Council, taking account of the geographical situation and circumstances of each State,
shall formulate plans for such reduction for the consideration and action of the member
Governments. Such plans shall be subject to reconsideration and revision at least every ten
years.

After these plans have been adopted by the member Governments, the limits of armaments
therein fixed shall not be exceeded without the agreement of the Council.

The Members of the League undertake to interchange full and frank information as to the
scale of their armaments, their military, naval and air programmes and the condition of such
of their industries as are adaptable to war-like purposes.

Article VIII of the League of Nations’ Covenant, June 1919.

© UCLES 2016 9389/11/O/N/16

 7

Source C

Disarmament has become the symbol of a new hope in the world. Disarmament is the
dream of common people everywhere in Europe. Even some of Europe’s leaders agree.
Only recently the Danish Minister of Defence, in a strong plea for immediate disarmament,
advocated the abolition of conscription. How is disarmament to be accomplished? It is here
that we run into difficulties. If there were in the world some great democratic power, with
no warlike traditions to maintain, no far-flung empire to protect, no territorial ambitions to
be satisfied, such a power, by sheer force of leadership and the contagion of ideas, could
compel the universal adoption of disarmament. But where is there such a nation? Surely not
France or Britain under their present governments. And America? America has repudiated
the League of Nations and announced its plans for ‘the world’s biggest navy’. The USA is
raising the stakes in the gamble of armaments and jeopardising the peace of the world by
rejecting the League of Nations.

From an article in an American magazine, June 1920.

Source D

We all want the League to be effective. We desire security, but the Covenant will only provide
security if it is loyally observed. Quite frankly, at the present moment we do not feel that
the securities are adequate. German disarmament is nearly completed, but the impossibility
of re-armament is no less an essential condition of security. What is the use of destroying
weapons if people may manufacture improved weapons of greater destructive power? We
can only feel secure when the German Republic is established on a stable foundation.
Meanwhile, we must keep our weapons in readiness. France is obliged to be military for the
present, and to continue to be so in order to avoid the resumption of war. France does not
want to have lost a million and a half lives for nothing.

From a speech by the French delegate to the League of Nations Assembly, 1921.

Answer both parts of the question with reference to the sources.

(a) Compare and contrast the views of Lloyd George (Source A) and the French delegate
(Source D) regarding the League of Nations’ ability to maintain peace and security. [15]

(b) How far do Sources A to D support the view that there was strong support for disarmament
in the period from 1919 to 1921? [25]

© UCLES 2016 9389/11/O/N/16

 8

BLANK PAGE

Permission to reproduce items where third-party owned material protected by copyright is included has been sought and cleared where possible. Every
reasonable effort has been made by the publisher (UCLES) to trace copyright holders, but if any items requiring clearance have unwittingly been included, the
publisher will be pleased to make amends at the earliest possible opportunity.

To avoid the issue of disclosure of answer-related information to candidates, all copyright acknowledgements are reproduced online in the Cambridge International
Examinations Copyright Acknowledgements Booklet. This is produced for each series of examinations and is freely available to download at www.cie.org.uk after
the live examination series.

Cambridge International Examinations is part of the Cambridge Assessment Group. Cambridge Assessment is the brand name of University of Cambridge Local
Examinations Syndicate (UCLES), which is itself a department of the University of Cambridge.

© UCLES 2016 9389/11/O/N/16