Collins FamilyIntersectionsGender 1998

It's All in the Family: Intersections of Gender, Race, and Nation
Author(s): Patricia Hill Collins

Source: Hypatia , Summer, 1998, Vol. 13, No. 3, Border Crossings: Multicultural and
Postcolonial Feminist Challenges to Philosophy (Part 2) (Summer, 1998), pp. 62-82
Published by: Wiley on behalf of Hypatia, Inc.
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It's All In the Family: Intersections
of Gender, Race, and Nation
PATRICIA HILL COLLINS
Intersectionality has attracted substantial scholarly attention in the 1990s. Rathe

than examining gender, race, class, and nation as distinctive social hierarchi
intersectionality examines how they mutually construct one another. I explore h
the traditional family ideal functions as a privileged exemplar of intersectionality
the United States. Each of its six dimensions demonstrates specific connectio
between family as a gendered system of social organization, racial ideas and practic
and constructions of U.S. national identity.
When former vice president Dan Quayle used the term family values near th
end of a speech at a political fundraiser in 1992, he apparently touche
national nerve. Following Quayle's speech, close to three hundred articles
using the term family values in their titles appeared in the popular press. Desp
the range of political perspectives expressed on "family values," one thin
remained clear-"family values," however defined, seemed central to natio
well-being. The term family values constituted a touchstone, a phrase th
apparently tapped much deeper feelings about the significance of ideas o
family, if not actual families themselves, in the United States.
Situated in the center of "family values" debates is an imagined tradition
family ideal. Formed through a combination of marital and blood ties, id
families consist of heterosexual couples that produce their own biological
children. Such families have a specific authority structure; namely, a fath
head earning an adequate family wage, a stay-at-home wife, and children
Those who idealize the traditional family as a private haven from a publi
world see family as held together by primary emotional bonds of love an
caring. Assuming a relatively fixed sexual division of labor, wherein wome
roles are defined as primarily in the home and men's in the public world
work, the traditional family ideal also assumes the separation of work an
Hypatia vol. 13, no. 3 (Summer 1998) ? by Patricia Hill Collins

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Patricia Hill Collins 63
family. Defined as a natural or biological arrangement based on heterosexual

attraction, this monolithic family type articulates with governmental struc-
tures. It is organized not around a biological core, but a state-sanctioned,
heterosexual marriage that confers legitimacy not only on the family structure
itself but on children born into it (Andersen 1991).1
The power of this traditional family ideal lies in its dual function as an
ideological construction and as a fundamental principle of social organization.
As ideology, rhetoric associated with the traditional family ideal provides an
interpretive framework that accommodates a range of meanings. Just as
reworking the rhetoric of family for their own political agendas is a common
strategy for conservative movements of all types, the alleged unity and solidar-
ity attributed to family is often invoked to symbolize the aspirations of
oppressed groups. For example, the conservative right and Black nationalists
alike both rely on family language to advance their political agendas.
Moreover, because family constitutes a fundamental principle of social
organization, the significance of the traditional family ideal transcends ideol-
ogy. In the United States, understandings of social institutions and social
policies are often constructed through family rhetoric. Families constitute
primary sites of belonging to various groups: to the family as an assumed
biological entity; to geographically identifiable, racially segregated neigh-
borhoods conceptualized as imagined families; to so-called racial families
codified in science and law; and to the U.S. nation-state conceptualized as a
national family.
The importance of family also overlaps with the emerging paradigm of
intersectionality. Building on a tradition from Black Women's Studies, inter-
sectionality has attracted substantial scholarly attention in the 1990s.2 As
opposed to examining gender, race, class, and nation, as separate systems of
oppression, intersectionality explores how these systems mutually construct
one another, or, in the words of Black British sociologist Stuart Hall, how they
"articulate" with one another (Slack 1996). Current scholarship deploying
intersectional analyses suggests that certain ideas and practices surface repeat-
edly across multiple systems of oppression and serve as focal points or privi-
leged social locations for these intersecting systems.3
The use of the traditional family ideal in the United States may function as
one such privileged exemplar of intersectionality.4 In this paper, I explore how
six dimensions of the traditional family ideal construct intersections of gender,
race, and nation. Each dimension demonstrates specific connections between
family as a gendered system of social organization, race as ideology and practice
in the United States, and constructions of U.S. national identity. Collectively,
these six dimensions illuminate specific ways that ideological constructions of
family, as well as the significance of family in shaping social practices, consti-
tute an especially rich site for intersectional analysis.

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64 Hypatia
While I provide a preliminary framework of how gender, race, and nation

intersect in family rhetoric and practices, more comprehensive analyses might
reveal how other systems of inequality operate via similar processes. Social
class is certainly important across multiple social hierarchies. Ethnicity and
religion also constitute categories of belonging that invoke family rhetoric
(Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992). Politicizing ethnicity and religion requires
manipulating understandings of group loyalty conveyed by family rhetoric.
Instead of viewing this process as solely confined to ethnicity or religion,
intersectional analyses would join studies of ethnicity and religion more
closely to intersections of gender, race, class, and nation. Similarly, because it
is so closely linked to issues of gender identity and reproduction, sexuality
remains important in constructions of family, and actual families remain
deeply implicated in reproducing heterosexism. Age provides yet another
suggestive link to the richness of the root metaphor of family. While I allude
to class, ethnicity, sexuality and age in the following discussion, I place greater
emphasis on how family links social hierarchies of gender, race, and nation. A
comprehensive and more nuanced discussion of family as a site of inter-
sectionality would encompass these and other hierarchies.
MANUFACTURING NATURALIZED HIERARCHY
One dimension of family as a privileged exemplar of intersectionality lies in

how it reconciles the contradictory relationship between equality and hierar-
chy. The traditional family ideal projects a model of equality. A well-function-
ing family protects and balances the interests of all its members-the strong
care for the weak, and everyone contributes to and benefits from family
membership in proportion to his or her capacities. In contrast to this idealized
version, actual families remain organized around varying patterns of hierarchy.
As Ann McClintock observes, "the family image came to figure hierarchy within
unity [emphasis in original] as an organic element of historical progress, and
thus became indispensable for legitimating exclusion and hierarchy within
nonfamilial social forms such as nationalism, liberal individualism and
imperialism" (McClintock 1995, 45). Families are expected to socialize their
members into an appropriate set of "family values" that simultaneously rein-
force the hierarchy within the assumed unity of interests symbolized by the
family and lay the foundation for many social hierarchies. In particular,
hierarchies of gender, wealth, age, and sexuality within actual family units
correlate with comparable hierarchies in U.S. society. Individuals typically
learn their assigned place in hierarchies of race, gender, ethnicity, sexuality,
nation, and social class in their families of origin. At the same time, they learn
to view such hierarchies as natural social arrangements, as compared to socially
constructed ones. Hierarchy in this sense becomes "naturalized" because it is
associated with seemingly "natural" processes of the family.

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The "family values" that underlie the traditional family ideal work to
naturalize U.S. hierarchies of gender, age, and sexuality. For example, the
traditional family ideal assumes a male headship that privileges and naturalizes
masculinity as a source of authority. Similarly, parental control over dependent
children reproduces age and seniority as fundamental principles of social
organization. Moreover, gender and age mutually construct one another;
mothers comply with fathers, sisters defer to brothers, all with the understand-
ing that boys submit to maternal authority until they become men. Working
in tandem with these mutually constructing age and gender hierarchies are
comparable ideas concerning sexuality. Predicated on assumptions of
heterosexism, the invisibility of gay, lesbian, and bisexual sexualities in the
traditional family ideal obscures these sexualities and keeps them hidden.
Regardless of how individual families grapple with these hierarchical notions,
they remain the received wisdom to be confronted.
In the United States, naturalized hierarchies of gender and age are interwo-
ven with corresponding racial hierarchies, regardless of whether racial hierar-
chies are justified with reference to biological, genetic differences or to
immutable cultural differences (Goldberg 1993). The logic of the traditional
family ideal can be used to explain race relations. One way that this occurs is
when racial inequality becomes explained using family roles. For example,
racial ideologies that portray people of color as intellectually underdeveloped,
uncivilized children require parallel ideas that construct Whites as intellectu-
ally mature, civilized adults. When applied to race, family rhetoric that deems
adults more developed than children, and thus entitled to greater power, uses
naturalized ideas about age and authority to legitimate racial hierarchy. Com-
bining age and gender hierarchies adds additional complexity. Whereas White
men and White women enjoy shared racial privileges provided by Whiteness,
within the racial boundary of Whiteness, women are expected to defer to men.
People of color have not been immune from this same logic. Within the frame
of race as family, women of subordinated racial groups defer to men of their
groups, often to support men's struggles in dealing with racism.
The complexities attached to these relationships of age, gender, and race
coalesce in that the so-called natural hierarchy promulgated by the traditional
family ideal bears striking resemblance to social hierarchies in U.S. society
overall. White men dominate in positions of power, aided by their White
female helpmates, both working together to administer to allegedly less-qual-
ified people of color who themselves struggle with the same family rhetoric.
With racial ideologies and practices so reliant on family for meaning, family
writ large becomes race. Within racial discourse, just as families can be seen
naturally occurring, biologically linked entities who share common interests,
Whites, Blacks, Native Americans, and other "races" of any given historical
period can also be seen this way. The actual racial categories of any given
period matter less than the persistent belief in race itself as an enduring

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66 Hypatia
principle of social organization that connotes family ties. Thus, hierarchies of

gender, age, and sexuality that exist within different racial groups (whose
alleged family ties lead to a commonality of interest) mirrors the hierarchy
characterizing relationships among groups. In this way, racial inequality
becomes comprehensible and justified via family rhetoric.
This notion of naturalized hierarchy learned in family units frames issues of
U.S. national identity in particular ways. If the nation-state is conceptualized
as a national family with the traditional family ideal providing ideas about
family, then the standards used to assess the contributions of family members
in heterosexual, married-couple households with children become founda-
tional for assessing group contributions to overall national well-being. Natu-
ralized hierarchies of the traditional family ideal influence understandings of
constructions of first- and second-class citizenship. For example, using a logic
of birth order elevates the importance of time of arrival in the country for
citizenship entitlements. Claims that early-migrating, White Anglo-Saxon
Protestants are entitled to more benefits than more recent arrivals resemble
beliefs that "last hired, first fired" rules fairly discriminate among workers.
Similarly, notions of naturalized gender hierarchies promulgated by the tradi-
tional family ideal-the differential treatment of girls and boys regarding
economic autonomy and free-access to public space-parallel practices such as
the sex-typing of occupations in the paid labor market and male domination
in government, professional sports, the streets, and other public spaces.
As is the case with all situations of hierarchy, actual or implicit use of force,
sanctions and violence may be needed to maintain unequal power relations.
However, the very pervasiveness of violence can lead to its invisibility. For
example, feminist efforts to have violence against women in the home taken
seriously as a bona fide form of violence and not just a private family matter
have long met with resistance. In a similar fashion, the extent of the violence
against Native American, Puerto Rican, Mexican-American, African-Ameri-
can, and other groups who were incorporated into the United States not
through voluntary migration but via conquest and slavery remains routinely
overlooked. Even current violence against such groups remains underreported
unless captured in a dramatic fashion, such as the videotaped beating of
motorist Rodney King by Los Angeles police officers. Despite their severity
and recent increase, hate crimes against gays, lesbians, and bisexuals also
remain largely invisible. Through these silences, these forms of violence not
only are neglected, they become legitimated. Family rhetoric can also work to
minimize understandings of violence in groups that self-define in family terms.
In the same way that wife battering and childhood physical and sexual abuse
become part of the "family secrets" of far too many families, so does the routine
nature of violence targeted against women, gays, lesbians, and children within
distinctive racial and ethnic groups.

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Subordinated groups often face difficult contradictions in responding to

such violence (Crenshaw 1991). One response consists of analyzing one or
more hierarchies as being socially constructed while continuing to see others
as naturalized. In African-American civil society, for example, the question of
maintaining racial solidarity comes face-to-face with the question of how
naturalized hierarchies construct one another. Maintaining racial solidarity at
all costs often requires replicating hierarchies of gender, social class, sexuality,
and nation in Black civil society. Consider, for example, typical understand-
ings of the phrase "Black on Black violence." Stressing violence among Black
men permits patterns of Black male violence targeted toward Black women-
domestic abuse and sexual harassment in the workplace-to remain hidden
and condoned. In the face of sexual harassment, especially at the hands of
Black men, African-American women are cautioned not to "air dirty laundry"
about internal family problems. The parallel with victims of domestic violence
who are encouraged to keep "family secrets" is startling. In general, whether it
is family as household, family as a foundation for conceptualizing race, or the
national family defined through U.S. citizenship, family rhetoric that natural-
izes hierarchy inside and outside the home obscures the force needed to
maintain these relationships.
LOOKING FOR A HOME: PLACE, SPACE, AND TERRITORY
The multiple meanings attached to the concept of "home"-home as family

household, home as neighborhood, home as native country-speak to its
significance within family as a privileged exemplar of intersectionality. In the
United States, the traditional family ideal's ideas about place, space, and
territory suggest that families, racial groups, and nation-states require their
own unique places or "homes." Because "homes" provide spaces of privacy and
security for families, races, and nation-states, they serve as sanctuaries for
group members. Surrounded by individuals who seemingly share similar objec-
tives, these homes represent idealized, privatized spaces where members can
feel at ease.
This view of home requires certain gendered ideas about private and public
space. Because women are so often associated with family, home space becomes
seen as a private, feminized space that is distinct from the public, masculinized
space that lies outside its borders. Family space is for members only-outsiders
can be invited in only by family members or else they are intruders. Within
these gendered spheres of private and public space, women and men again
assume distinctive roles. Women are expected to remain in their home "place."
Avoiding the dangerous space of public streets allows women to care for
children, the sick, and the elderly, and other dependent family members. Men
are expected to support and defend the private, feminized space that houses
their families. Actual U.S. families rarely meet this ideal. For example, despite

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68 Hypatia
feminist analyses that discredit the home as a safe place for women, this myth
seems deeply entrenched in U.S. culture (Coontz 1992).
A similar logic concerning place, space, and territory constructs racialized
space in the United States.5 Just as the value attached to actual families reflects
their placement in racial and social class hierarchies, the neighborhoods
housing these families demonstrate comparable inequalities. Assumptions of
race- and class-segregated space mandate that U.S. families and the neighbor-
hoods where they reside be kept separate. Just as crafting a family from
individuals from diverse racial, ethnic, religious or class backgrounds is dis-
couraged, mixing different races within one neighborhood is frowned upon. As
mini-nation-states, neighborhoods allegedly operate best when racial and/or
class homogeneity prevails. Assigning Whites, Blacks, and Latinos their own
separate spaces reflects efforts to maintain a geographic, racial purity. As the
dominant group, Whites continue to support legal and extra-legal measures
that segregate African-Americans, Native Americans, Mexican-Americans,
Puerto Ricans, and other similar groups, thereby perpetuating cultural norms
about desirability of racial purity in schools, neighborhoods, and public facili-
ties. For example, tactics such as the continual White flight out of inner cities,
deploying restrictive zoning in suburban communities in order to restrict
low-income housing, and shifting White children into private institutions in
the face of increasingly colored schools effectively maintain racially segregated
home spaces for White men, women, and children. This belief in segregated
physical spaces also has parallels to ideas about segregated social and symbolic
spaces. For example, lucrative professional categories remain largely White
and male, in part, because people of color are seen as less capable of entering
these spaces. Similarly, keeping school curricula focused on the exploits of
Whites represents another example of ideas about segregated spaces mapped
on symbolic space. Overall, racial segregation of actual physical space fosters
multiple forms of political, economic, and social segregation (Massey and
Denton 1993).
Securing a people's "homeland" or national territory has long been impor-
tant to nationalist aspirations (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992; Calhoun
1993). After its successful anticolonial struggle against England and its forma-
tion as a nation-state, the United States pursued a sustained imperialist policy
in order to acquire much of the land that defines its current borders. This
history of conquest illustrates the significance of property in relations of space,
place, and territory. Moreover, just as households and neighborhoods are seen
as needing protection from outsiders, maintaining the integrity of national
borders has long formed a pillar of U.S. foreign policy. Because the United
States has operated as a dominant world power since World War II, shielding
its own home "soil" from warfare has been a minor theme. Instead, protecting
so-called American interests has been more prominent. Individuals and busi-

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nesses who occupy foreign soil represent extensions of U.S. territory, citizens
of the national family who must be defended at all costs.
Overall, by relying on the belief that families have assigned places where
they truly belong, images of place, space, and territory link gendered notions
of family with constructs of race and nation (Jackson and Penrose 1993). In
this logic that everything has its place, maintaining borders of all sorts becomes
vitally important. Preserving the logic of segregated home spaces requires strict
rules that distinguish insiders from outsiders. Unfortunately, far too often,
these boundaries continue to be drawn along the color line.
ON "BLOOD TIES": FAMILY, RACE, AND NATION
Presumptions of "blood ties" that permeate the traditional family ideal

reflect another dimension of how family operates as a privileged exemplar of
intersectionality. In the United States, concepts of family and kinship draw
strength from the flow of blood as a substance that regulates the spread of rights
(Williams 1995). While the legal system continues to privilege heterosexual
married couples as the preferred family organization, the importance given to
bonds between mothers and children, brothers and sisters, grandmothers and
grandchildren, illustrates the significance of biology in definitions of family.
Representing the genetic links among related individuals, the belief in blood
ties naturalizes the bonds among members of kinship networks. Blood, family,
and kin are so closely connected that the absence of such ties can be cause for
concern. As the search of adoptees for their "real" families or blood relatives
suggests, blood ties remain highly significant for definitions of family.
Given the significance attached to biology, women of different racial groups
have varying responsibilities in maintaining blood ties. For example, White
women play a special role in keeping family bloodlines pure. Historically,
creating White families required controlling White women's sexuality, largely
through social norms that advocated pre-marital virginity. By marrying White
men and engaging in sexual relations only with their husbands, White women
ensured the racial purity of White families. Thus, through social taboos that
eschewed pre-marital sexuality and interracial marriage for White women,
White families could thereby avoid racial degeneration (Young 1995). When
reinserted into naturalized hierarchies of gender, race, class, and nation, and
institutionally enforced via mechanisms such as segregated space and state-
sanctioned violence, efforts to regulate sexuality and marriage reinforced
beliefs in the sanctity of "blood ties."
Historically, definitions of race in U.S. society also emphasized the impor-
tance of blood ties.6 Biological families and racial families both rely on similar
notions. The connections between the race and blood ties were so self-evident
that nineteenth-century Black nationalist thinker Alexander Crummell
claimed, "races, like families, are the organisms and ordinances of God; a race

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70 Hypatia
feeling is of divine origin. The extinction of race feeling is just as possible as

the extinction of family feeling. Indeed, a race is a family" (quoted in Appiah
1992, 17). Definitions of race as family in the United States traditionally rested
on biological classifications legitimated by science and legally sanctioned by
law. By grouping people through notions of physical similarity, such as skin
color, facial features, or hair texture, and supported by law and custom,
scientific racism defined Whites and Blacks as distinctive social groups (Gould
1981). Just as members of "real" families linked by blood were expected to
resemble one another, so were members of racial groups descended from a
common bloodline seen as sharing similar physical, intellectual, and moral
attributes. Within this logic, those lacking biological similarities became
defined as family outsiders, while racially different groups became strangers to
one another.
A similar logic can be applied to understandings of nation. One definition
views a nation as a group of people who share a common ethnicity grounded
in blood ties. Cultural expressions of their peoplehood-their music, art,
language, and customs-constitute their unique national identity. Under this
ethnic nationalism model, each nation should have its own nation-state, a
political entity where the ethnic group can be self-governing. While this
understanding of nation has a long history in European cultures (Anthias and
Yuval-Davis 1992; Yuval-Davis 1997, 26-29), it is less often applied to ques-
tions of U.S. national identity. Instead, the United States is often seen as an
important expression of civic nationalism where many different ethnic groups
cooperate within the boundaries of one nation-state (Calhoun 1993). In
contrast to nation-states where ethnic or tribal membership confers citizenship
rights, the democratic principles of the U.S. Constitution promise equality for
all American citizens. Regardless of race, national origin, former condition of
servitude, and color, all citizens stand equal before the law. Via these princi-
ples, the United States aims to craft one nation out of many and to transcend
the limitations of ethnic nationalism.
Despite this portrayal, U.S. national identity may be grounded more in
ethnic nationalism than is typically realized. Notions of U.S. national identity
that take both family and race into account result in a view of the United
States as a large national family with racial families hierarchically arranged
within it. Representing the epitome of racial purity that is also associated with
U.S. national interests, Whites constitute the most valuable citizens. In this
racialized nation-state, Native Americans, African-Americans, Mexican-
Americans, and Puerto Ricans become second-class citizens, whereas people
of color from the Caribbean, Asia, Latin America, and Africa encounter more
difficulty becoming naturalized citizens than immigrants from European
nations. Because all of these groups are not White and thereby lack appropriate
blood ties, they are deemed to be less-worthy actual and potential U.S. citizens.

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When seen in this framework that links family, race, and nation, public
policies of all sorts take on new meaning. An example is the historical
similarity between the adoption of children and the process of acquiring
citizenship. When children are screened for their suitability for adoption,
factors such as their racial, religious, and ethnic background carry a prominent
weight. Younger children, who allegedly are less socialized, are typically pre-
ferred over older ones. When adoptions are finalized, such children become
"naturalized" and legally indistinguishable from children born into the family
unit. In a similar fashion, immigration policies screen potential citizens in
terms of how well they match the biological make-up of the U.S. national
family. Historically, immigration policies have reflected the perceived racial,
ethnic, and labor needs of a domestic political economy that routinely discrim-
inated against people of color (Takaki 1993). Those who wish to become
adopted citizens must undergo a socialization process whereby they study
important elements of U.S. culture. This socialization process aims to trans-
form so-called aliens into bona fide U.S. citizens who are indistinguishable
from those born in the United States.
MEMBERSHIP HAS ITS PRIVILEGES:

RIGHTS, OBLIGATIONS AND RULES
By suggesting an ideal relationship between the rights and responsibilities

of family membership, the traditional family ideal operates as a privileged
exemplar of intersectionality in yet another way. In a situation in which
notions of belonging to a family remain important to issues of responsibility
and accountability, individuals feel that they "owe" something to, and are
responsible for, members of their families. For example, people within family
units routinely help their family members by babysitting, lending money,
helping relatives find employment and housing, or caring for the elderly.
Family members linked by blood are entitled to these benefits merely by
belonging. Even when family members lack merit, they are entitled to benefits
simply because they belong. Beyond this issue of access to entitlements,
individuals incur differential responsibilities that depend on their placement
in family hierarchies. For example, women are expected to perform much of
the domestic labor that keeps the family going, whereas men's duties lie in
providing financial support.
In a similar fashion, U.S. citizens by birth or naturalization acquire certain
rights and responsibilities that accrue from membership. Citizens are promised
entitlements such as equal protection under the law, access to unemployment
insurance, old age pensions, free public education, and other social welfare
benefits. Citizens are also expected to fulfill certain obligations to one another.
U.S. citizens are expected to pay taxes, observe the law, and engage in military
service when required. In contrast to the rights and responsibilities provided

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72 Hypatia
insiders, outsiders lack both the entitlements provided group members and the
obligations attached to belonging. Similar to non-family members, non-U.S.
citizens are neither entitled to citizenship benefits nor responsible for national
duties.
In the United States where race is constructed via assumed blood ties, race
influences the differential distribution of citizenship rights and responsibilities.
Taxation policies illustrate how ideas about family and race reinforce differ-
ences in entitlements and obligations. Despite the 1954 Brown vs. Board of
Education decision outlawing racial segregation in public schools, large num-
bers of African-American children remain warehoused in poorly funded,
deteriorating, racially segregated inner city schools. These children are seen as
lacking merit and therefore unworthy of public support. Contrasting their lot
with the often lavish school facilities and services provided to children attend-
ing overwhelmingly White suburban schools, especially in affluent districts,
reveals substantial racial differences. Even though many of these suburban
children lack merit, the location of their homes entitles them to superior
public services. It is important to remember that these patterns of racial
segregation and differential obligations and entitlements experienced by all
U.S. children are far from random. Governmental policies helped create these
patterns of racially segregated spaces that reproduce social inequalities (Massey
and Denton 1993; Oliver and Shapiro 1995).
In a situation of naturalized hierarchy, conceptualizing U.S. national iden-
tity as composed of racial groups that collectively comprise a U.S. national
family fosters differential patterns of enforcement of the rights and obligations
of citizenship. Members of some racial families receive full benefits of member-
ship while others encounter inferior treatment. Gender hierarchies add addi-
tional complexity. African-American women's experiences with entitlement
criteria for 1930s Social Security programs, for example, illustrate how institu-
tionalized racism and gender-specific ideology public policies shaped national
public policy. Race was a factor in deciding which occupations would be
covered by Social Security. Two occupational categories were expressly
excluded from coverage: agricultural and domestic workers, the two categories
that included most African-American women. Also, by providing differential
benefits to men and women through worker's compensation (for which Black
women did not qualify) and mothers's aid, from its inception, Social Security
encompassed ideas about gender. Eligibility rules rewarded women who
remained in marriages and were supported by their husbands but penalized
women who became separated or divorced or who remained single and earned
their own way. Black women who were not in stable marriages lacked access
to spousal and widows benefits that routinely subsidized White women. In this
case, the combination of race-targeted polices concerning occupational cate-
gory and gender-targeted policies concerning applicants' marital status worked
to exclude Black women from benefits (Gordon 1994). On paper, Black

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women may have been first-class U.S. citizens, but their experiences reveal
their second-class treatment.
FAMILY GENEALOGY:
INHERITANCE AND THE FAMILY WAGE
Naturalized hierarchies embedded in the traditional family ideal articulate

not only with hierarchies of race and nation but also with hierarchies of
economic or social class (Collins 1998, chapter 6). The traditional family ideal
may be more heavily implicated in social class organization in the United
States than previously imagined. Using the individual as the unit of analysis,
social class analyses have traditionally examined men's incomes as central to
family organization. However, moving from individuals to families as the basic
unit of social class analysis, and from income to wealth as a measure of class,
illustrate yet another way that family serves as a privileged exemplar for
intersectionality. Shifting to wealth as a measure of social class status suggests
that families serve as important social units for wealth's intergenerational
transmission. As Oliver and Shapiro observe, "private wealth thus captures
inequality that is the product of the past, often passed down from generation
to generation" (Oliver and Shapiro 1995, 2).
Focusing on wealth not only references contemporary economic inequality
but also incorporates the historical origins and reproduction of class differences
over time. Despite ideas that social mobility is widespread, U.S. children
routinely enjoy or suffer the economic status of their parents. Families consti-
tute important sites for inheritance, not solely of cultural values, but of
property. Families use wealth to create opportunities, secure a desired standard
of living, and pass their social class status to their children. In this process, the
family home becomes more than a private respite from the demands of the
public sphere. When "family values" and "property values" become inter-
twined, homes in racially segregated neighborhoods become important invest-
ments. The traditional family ideal shows the family not only occupying a
home, but owning it. Ensconced in tax policies that provide lucrative benefits
for homeowners, for many Americans, the single-family home as a tangible
symbol of wealth remains central to the American dream (Coontz 1992).
Wealth matters because, if one adheres to rules of marriage and childbearing,
it is directly transferable from generation to generation.
It would be a mistake to view the intergenerational transmission of property
as primarily a phenomenon affecting middle-class and affluent families. Cer-
tainly property-owning families at the founding of the United States enjoyed
an immense advantage that many were able to broker into persistent economic
and political power. The wealth of these families stood in stark contrast to the
situation of Native Americans who lost land and livelihood in wars of con-
quest, or to that of African-Americans whose enslavement rendered them the

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74 Hypatia
property that was inherited. Despite the historical concentration of wealth

among a small percentage of families, the intergenerational transmission of
wealth through family also operates among working-class families. Traditional
analyses view working-class families in purely wage-earning terms. Such fami-
lies are thought to have no property to pass on to their children, and are seen
as mere employees of other more wealthy families. However, the notion of
working-class men being entitled to a "family wage" emerges at the intersec-
tion of expectations of family inheritance and a naturalized gender hierarchy.
In this situation, working-class men inherit opportunities to earn a wage and
are expected to use that wage to support their families. According to this logic,
women's and children's social class status derives from that of men.
When these relationships regulating intergenerational property transmis-
sion are racialized, as they are in the United States, another level of complexity
emerges. In her analysis of how racism undermined the War on Poverty
program, Jill Quadagno describes the resistance that craft unions put forth
when pressured to change entrenched patterns of racial discrimination. As
Quadagno points out, the right of unions to select their own members was seen
as a "property right of the working class. This was a most compelling argument
for nepotism-the tradition of passing on the craft from fathers to sons"
(Quadagno 1994, 65). Among Philadelphia plumbers, 40 percent of the
apprentices were sons of members. Fathers wanted their sons to be trained as
plumbers and to continue in the business. Practices such as these virtually
ensured that African-Americans and other groups were excluded from lucra-
tive positions. Quadagno quotes one construction worker who explains the
concept of property rights and property transmission in White working-class
families:
Some men leave their sons money, some large investments,

some business connections and some a profession. I have none
of these to bequeath to my sons. I have only one worthwhile
thing to give: my trade.... For this simple father's wish it is said
that I discriminate against Negroes. Don't all of us discrimi-
nate? Which of us when it comes to choice will not choose a
son over all others? (quoted in Quadagno 1994, 65)
In effect, racial discrimination in education, employment, and housing

historically reflected White working-class understandings of these social loca-
tions as "private property" to be disposed of as inherited wealth. While such
attitudes certainly may reflect personal prejudice, racial discrimination thus
may be more closely attached to property rights and concerns about the value
of inheritable property than actual attitudes toward African-Americans.

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FAMILY PLANNING
The significance of the family as an exemplar of intersectionality can also

be seen in one final dimension of family rhetoric. Family planning comprises
a constellation of options, ranging from coercion to choice, from permanence
to reversibility regarding reproduction of actual populations. In the case of
individual families, decision-making lies with family members; they decide
whether to have children, how many children to have, and how those children
will be spaced. Feminist scholars in particular have identified how male
control over women's sexual and reproductive capacities has been central to
women's oppression (see, for example, Raymond 1993). However, just as
women's bodies produce children who are part of a socially constructed family
grounded in notions of biological kinship, women's bodies produce the popu-
lation for the national "family" or nation-state, conceptualized as having some
sort of biological oneness. In this sense, family planning becomes important in
regulating population groups identified by race, social class, and national status
(Heng and Devan 1992; Kuumba 1993).
Social policies designed to foster the health of the United States conceptu-
alized as a national family follow a family planning logic, as demonstrated via
eugenic thinking. Early twentieth century "racial hygiene" or eugenic move-
ments compellingly illustrate the thinking that underlies population policies
designed to control the motherhood of different groups of women for reasons
of nationality and race (Haller 1984; Proctor 1988). Eugenic philosophies and
the population policies they supported emerged in political economies with
distinctive needs, and in societies with particular social class relations. Com-
mon to eugenic movements throughout the world was the view that biology
was central to solving social problems. Societies that embraced eugenic phi-
losophies typically aimed to transform social problems into technical problems
amenable to biological solutions effected via social engineering. Eugenic
approaches thus combined a "philosophy of biological determinism with a
belief that science might provide a technical fix for social problems" (Proctor
1988, 286).
Three elements of eugenic thinking seem remarkably similar to themes in
American public policy. Those embracing eugenic thinking saw "race and
heredity-the birth rates of the fit and the unfit-as the forces that
shape[d] . . . political and social developments" (Haller 1984, 78). First,
eugenic thinking racializes segments of a given population by classifying
people into mutually exclusive racial groups. Because the United States has
operated as a racialized state since its inception, race remains a fundamental
principle of U.S. social organization. While racial meanings change in
response to political and economic conditions, the fundamental belief in race
as a guiding principle of U.S. society remains remarkably hardy. Associating
diverse racial groups with perceived national interests, a second element of

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76 Hypatia
eugenic thinking, also has a long history in the United States. The third
feature of eugenic thinking, the direct control of different racial groups
through various measures also is present in U.S. politics. So-called positive
eugenic-efforts to increase reproduction among the better groups who alleg-
edly carried the outstanding qualities of their group in their genes-and
negative eugenic-efforts to prevent the propagation by less desirable
groups-also have affected U.S. public policy.
While now seen as an embarrassment, past ideas concering eugenic gained
considerable influence in the United States. As Haller points out, Francis
Galton, the founder of the eugenic movement in England, believed that
"Anglo-Saxons far outranked the Negroes of Africa, who in turn outranked
the Australian aborigines, who outranked nobody. Because he believed that
large innate differences between races existed, Galton felt that a program to
raise the inherent abilities of mankind involved the replacement of inferior
races by the superior" (Haller 1984, 11). Galton's ideas proved popular in the
racially segregated United States. U.S. eugenic laws preceded by twenty years
the sterilization laws of other countries, and were seen as pioneering ventures
by eugenicists abroad. The U.S. Supreme Court's 1927 Buck vs. Bell decision
held that sterilization fell within the police power of the state. Reflecting the
majority opinion, Oliver Wendell Holmes wrote,
It would be strange if it could not call upon those who already

sap the strength of the state for these lesser sacrifices, often not
felt to be such by those concerned, in order to prevent our being
swamped by incompetence. It is better for all the world, if
instead of waiting for their imbecility, society can prevent those
who are manifestly unfit from continuing their kind. The prin-
ciple that sustains compulsory vaccination is broad enough to
cover cutting the Fallopian tubes.... Three generations of
imbeciles is enough. (Haller 1984, 139)
Given this intellectual context, differential population policies developed

for different segments of the U.S. population emerge in direct relation to any
group's perceived value within the nation-state.7 In periods of profound social
change, such as the massive European migration that preceded the Buck vs.
Bell decision, eugenic philosophies can reemerge. With the civil rights,
women's, anti-war, and other social movements of the 1950s and 1960s, as well
as the growing nonwhite immigrant population of the 1970s and 1980s, the
United States experienced profound change. Omi and Winant (1994) inter-
pret the expanding conservative social projects that emerged during this
period as a direct response to the perceived gains of Blacks and women. One
core feature characterizing the rhetoric of social projects of the Right was a
return to the family values of the traditional U.S. family. By associating the
ideal family with U.S. national interests, these movements linked those inter-

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ests to their own political agendas concerning race and gender. Returning to
"family values" not only invoked racial and gendered meanings, it set the stage
for reviving a logic of eugenic that could be applied to adolescent pregnancy,
women's poverty, street crime, and other social issues.
In this context, contemporary American social policies from the 1960s
through the "family values" debate of the 1990s become more comprehensible.
When attached to state policy in a racialized nation-state, questions of con-
trolling the sexuality and fertility of women from diverse race, social class, and
citizenship groups become highly politicized. For example, White women,
especially those of the middle class, are encouraged to reproduce. In contrast,
women of color, especially those lacking economic resources or not in state
sanctioned marriages, are routinely discouraged from having children (Ray-
mond 1993). Population policies such as providing lavish services to combat
infertility for White, middle class women, while offering a limited range of
Norplant, Depo Provera, and sterilization to poor African-American women
constitute contemporary reflections of the logic of eugenic thinking (Davis
1981; Nsiah-Jefferson 1989).
In the logic of the family as a privileged exemplar of intersectionality,
viewing race- and gender-based policies as regulating different forms of social
relations is fallacious. Current assumptions see African-Americans as having
race, White women as having gender, Black women as experiencing both race
and gender, and White men experiencing neither. These assumptions dissipate
when confronted with actual population policies designed to regulate the
childbearing patterns of different racial and ethnic groups generally, and the
mothering experiences of different groups of women in particular.
RECLAIMING FAMILY
Family occupies such a prominent place in the language of public discourse

in the United States that rejecting it outright might be counterproductive for
groups aiming to challenge hierarchies. Because the family functions as a
privileged exemplar of intersectionality in structuring hierarchy, it potentially
can serve a similar function in challenging that hierarchy. Just as the tradi-
tional family ideal provides a rich site for understanding intersectional ine-
qualities, reclaiming notions of family that reject hierarchical thinking may
provide an intriguing and important site of resistance.
Many groups aim to dismantle social hierarchy, yet use unexamined ideas
about family in crafting their political programs. Consider how Black nation-
alist-influenced projects within African-American civil society invoke family
rhetoric. Sociologist Paul Gilroy (1993) notes that the "trope of kinship"
permeates Black understandings of culture and community to the point that
African-Americans largely accept the notion of race as family and work within
it. In Black-influenced projects, families are seen as building blocks of the

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78 Hypatia
nation. The Afrocentric yearning for a homeland for the Black racial family
and the construction of a mythical Africa to serve this purpose speaks to the
use of this construct. Family language also shapes everyday interactions: Afri-
can-American strangers often refer to one another as "brother" and "sister";
some Black men refer to each other as "bloods." In hip-hop culture, "homies"
are Black males from one's neighborhood, or home community. Within this
political framework, Whites remain the strangers, the outsiders who are casti-
gated in Black political thought. Ironically, though the popular press often
associates the traditional family ideal with conservative political projects, this
rhetoric finds a home in what many African-Americans consider to be the
most radical of Black political theories (Appiah 1992; Gilroy 1993).
Feminist politics can contain similar contradictions regarding family. U.S.
feminists have made important contributions in analyzing how the traditional
family ideal harms women. However, feminism's longing for a sisterhood
among women has proved difficult to sustain in the context of U.S. race and
class politics. Assumptions of an idealized sisterhood floundered because
women of color, among others, questioned their place in the feminist family.
Even more significant is the U.S. media's routine characterization of feminism
as anti-family. Although much of the backlash against feminism claims that
U.S. feminists are anti-family, many women who are not part of this backlash
probably remain suspicious of any political movement that questions such an
important social institution by appearing to dismiss it. This is unfortunate,
because family rhetoric often forms a powerful language to organize people for
a variety of ends.
Given the power of family as ideological construction and principle of social
organization, Black nationalist, feminist, and other political movements in the
United States dedicated to challenging social inequality might consider recast-
ing intersectional understandings of family in ways that do not reproduce
inequality. Instead of engaging in endless criticism, reclaiming the language of
family for democratic ends and transforming the very conception of family
itself might provide a more useful approach.
NOTES
I would like to thank the editors of this volume and four anonymous reviewers for
their helpful comments on an earlier draft of this essay. I also thank the students at the
University of Cincinnati in my graduate seminar "Gender and Intersectionality" for
their insightful ideas.
1. By dislodging beliefs in the naturalness or normality of any one family form,
feminist scholarship analyzes the significance of specific notions of family to gender
oppression (Thorne 1992). As Stephanie Coontz (1992) reports, this traditional family
ideal never existed, even during the 1950s, a decade that is often assumed to be the era
of its realization. Feminist anthropologists also challenge the traditional family ideal by

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demonstrating that the heterosexual, married couple form in the United States is
neither "natural," universal, nor cross-culturally normative (Collier et al. 1992).
Recent family scholarship suggests that large numbers of U.S. families never experi-
enced the traditional family ideal, and those who may have once achieved this form are
now abandoning it (Coontz 1992; Stacey 1992).
2. In the early 1980s, several African-American women scholar-activists called for
a new approach to analyzing Black women's lives. They claimed that African-American
women's experiences were shaped not just by race but also by gender, social class, and
sexuality. In this tradition, works such as Women, Race, and Class by Angela Davis
(1981), "A Black Feminist Statement" drafted by the Combahee River Collective
(1982), and Audre Lorde's (1984) classic volume Sister Outsider stand as groundbreak-
ing works that explore interconnections among systems of oppression. Subsequent work
aimed to name this interconnected relationship with terms such as matrix of domination
(Collins 1990), and intersectionality (Crenshaw 1991). Because Black lesbians were at
the forefront in raising the issue of intersectionality, sexuality was one of the emphases
in early work by African-American women. However, pervasive homophobia in Afri-
can-American communities, as evidenced by the reaction to the works of Alice Walker,
Ntosake Shange, Michele Wallace and other early modem Black feminists, diverted
attention from intersectional analyses that emphasized sexuality. The absence of a
developed tradition of queer theory in the academy also worked against more compre-
hensive intersectional analyses. For early intersectional analyses that included sexuality,
see the essays in Barbara Smith's (1983) edited volume Home Girls: A Black Feminist
Anthology.
3. A wide range of topics, such as the significance of primatology in framing
gendered, raced views of nature in modem science (Haraway 1989); the social construc-
tion of Whiteness among White women in the United States (Frankenberg 1993); race,
gender, and sexuality in the colonial conquest (McClintock 1995); and the interplay of
race, class, and gender in welfare state policies in the United States (Brewer 1994;
Quadagno 1994) have all received an intersectional treatment. Moreover, the initial
emphasis on race, social class, and gender has expanded to include intersections
involving sexuality, ethnicity, and nationalism (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1992; Parker
et al. 1992; Daniels 1997).
4. Theoretical and empirical work on women of color's location in work and family
not only challenges the traditional family ideal, but paves the way for the more general
question of family as a privileged site of intersectionality. For work in this tradition, see
Dill 1988, Zinn 1989, and Glenn 1992.
5. In this section, I emphasize land as literal space. However, symbolic space, or
the terrain of ideas, is organized via similar principles. Foucault's (1979) idea of
disciplinary power in which people are classified and located on a knowledge grid,
parallels my discussion of the mapping of symbolic space.
6. By tracing the changing meaning of race in the sixteenth-century Oxford English
Dictionary, David Goldberg identifies the foundational meanings that subsequently link
race with family. Goldberg notes, "in general, 'race' has been used to signify a 'breed or
stock of animals' (1580), a 'genus, species or kind of animal' (1605), or a 'variety of
plant' (1605). It refers at this time also to 'the great divisions of mankind' (1580) and
especially to 'a limited group of persons descended from a common ancestor' (1581),
while only slightly later to a 'tribe, nation or people considered of common stock' "
(1600) (Goldberg 1993, 63). Note the connections between animals, nature, family,
tribe, and nation.

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80 Hypatia
7. For extended discussions of this concept, see the essays in Bridenthal et al.
(1984) When Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany. This volume
contains one of the best discussions I have encountered of the links between gender,
social class, race, and nation, when policies were actually implemented in one nation-
state.
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It's All in the Family: Intersections of Gender, Race, and Nation

Author(s): Patricia Hill Collins

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/3810699

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PATRICIA HILL COLLINS

Intersectionality has attracted substantial scholarly attention in the 1990s. Rathe

Hypatia vol. 13, no. 3 (Summer 1998) ? by Patricia Hill Collins

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family. Defined as a natural or biological arrangement based on heterosexual

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While I provide a preliminary framework of how gender, race, and nation

MANUFACTURING NATURALIZED HIERARCHY

One dimension of family as a privileged exemplar of intersectionality lies in

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principle of social organization that connotes family ties. Thus, hierarchies of

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Subordinated groups often face difficult contradictions in responding to

LOOKING FOR A HOME: PLACE, SPACE, AND TERRITORY

The multiple meanings attached to the concept of "home"-home as family

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ON "BLOOD TIES": FAMILY, RACE, AND NATION

Presumptions of "blood ties" that permeate the traditional family ideal

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feeling is of divine origin. The extinction of race feeling is just as possible as

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MEMBERSHIP HAS ITS PRIVILEGES:

By suggesting an ideal relationship between the rights and responsibilities

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Naturalized hierarchies embedded in the traditional family ideal articulate

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property that was inherited. Despite the historical concentration of wealth

Some men leave their sons money, some large investments,

In effect, racial discrimination in education, employment, and housing

This content downloaded from

The significance of the family as an exemplar of intersectionality can also

This content downloaded from

It would be strange if it could not call upon those who already

Given this intellectual context, differential population policies developed

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Family occupies such a prominent place in the language of public discourse

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Takaki, Ronald. 1993. A differen

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