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Todd Litman
Victoria Transport Policy Institute
Abstract
Traffic congestion tends to maintain equilibrium; traffic volumes increase until congestion
delays discourage additional peak-period trips. If road capacity expands, peak-period
trips increase until congestion again limits further traffic growth. The additional travel is
called “generated traffic.” Generated traffic consists of diverted traffic (trips shifted in
time, route and destination), and induced vehicle travel (shifts from other modes, longer
trips and new vehicle trips). Generated traffic often fills a significant portion of capacity
added to congested urban road.
Generated traffic has three implications for transport planning. First, it reduces the
congestion reduction benefits of road capacity expansion. Second, it increases many
external costs. Third, it provides relatively small user benefits because it consists of
vehicle travel that consumers are most willing to forego when their costs increase. It is
important to account for these factors in analysis. This paper defines types of generated
traffic, discusses generated traffic impacts, recommends ways to incorporate generated
traffic into evaluation, and describes alternatives to roadway capacity expansion.
A version of this paper was published in the ITE Journal, Vol. 71, No. 4, Institute of Transportation
Engineers (www.ite.org), April 2001, pp. 38-47.
Contents
Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 2
Defining Generated Traffic and Induced Vehicle Travel ................................................................. 3
Measuring Generated Traffic and Induced Vehicle Travel .............................................................. 6
Modeling Generated Traffic and Induced Travel .......................................................................... 11
Land Use Impacts .......................................................................................................................... 13
Costs of Induced Travel ................................................................................................................. 14
Calculating Consumer Benefits...................................................................................................... 17
Emission Impacts ........................................................................................................................... 19
Example ......................................................................................................................................... 20
Counter Arguments ....................................................................................................................... 24
Alternative Transport Improvement Strategies ............................................................................ 26
Legal Issues .................................................................................................................................... 27
Conclusions.................................................................................................................................... 28
References and Information Resources ........................................................................................ 29
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Generated Traffic and Induced Travel: Implications for Transport Planning
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Introduction
Traffic engineers often treat traffic as a liquid that must flow through the road system, but
urban traffic often behaves more like a gas that expands to fill available space (Jacobsen 1997).
Traffic congestion tends to maintain equilibrium: traffic volumes increase to the point that
congestion delays discourage additional peak-period vehicle trips. Expanding congested roads
attracts latent demand, trips from other routes, times and modes, and encourages longer and
more frequent travel. This is called generated traffic, referring to additional peak-period vehicle
traffic on a particular road. This consists in part of induced vehicle travel, which refers to
absolute increases in vehicle miles travel (VMT) compared with what would otherwise occur
(Hills 1996; Schneider 2018).
Generated traffic reflects the “law of demand,” which states that a good’s consumption
generally increases as its price declines. Roadway improvements that reduce the user costs (i.e.,
the price) of driving encourage more vehicle travel. In the short-run generated traffic represents
a shift along the demand curve; reduced congestion reduces travel time and vehicle operating
costs. Over the long run it represents an outward shift in the demand curve as transport systems
and land use patterns become more automobile dependent, so people must drive more to
maintain a given level of accessibility to goods, services and activities (Deakin, et al. 2020).
This is not to ignore roadway expansion benefits, but generated traffic affects their nature.
Accurate transport planning and project appraisal considers these three effects:
1. Generated traffic reduces the predicted congestion reduction benefits of road capacity expansion (a
type of rebound effect).
2. Induced travel increases many costs, including user expenses, downstream congestion, crashes,
parking costs, pollution, and other environmental impacts. Many of these costs are external and
therefore inefficient and unfair.
3. The additional vehicle traffic provide relatively modest user benefits since it consists of marginal
value vehicle-miles that consumers are most willing to forego if their costs slightly increase.
Ignoring these factors distorts planning decisions (Goodwin and Hopkinson (2023). Experts
conclude, “…the economic value of a scheme can be overestimated by the omission of even a
small amount of induced traffic. We consider this matter of profound importance to the value-
for-money assessment of the road programme” (SACTRA 1994). “…quite small absolute changes
in traffic volumes have a significant impact on the benefit measures…the proportional effect on
scheme Net Present Value will be greater still” (Mackie, 1996), and “The induced travel effects of
changes in land use and trip distribution may be critical to accurate evaluation of transit and
highway alternatives” (Johnston, et al. 2001). Metz (2021) found that, expanding London’s M25
motorway increased traffic volumes up to 23% two to three years after opening, but contrary to
projections, failed to increase traffic speeds, reducing expected economic benefits.
This report describes how generated traffic can be incorporated into transport planning. It
defines different types of generated traffic, discusses their impacts, and describes ways to
incorporate generated traffic into transport modeling and planning, and provides information
on strategies for using existing roadway capacity more efficiently.
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Extensive research indicates that people tend to have fixed travel time budgets, called
Marchetti’s constant (Levinson and Kumar 1997; Litman 2021; Marchetti 1994). Regardless of
conditions people devote about 75 daily minutes to personal (Ahmed and Stopher 2014). As a
result, when travel speeds increase, so do their travel distances. Roadway improvements that
increase traffic speeds tend to induce additional vehicle travel over the long run (Krol 2020). It is
therefore inappropriate to assume that roadway improvements provide travel time savings;
instead their benefits tend to result from the ability to travel to more distant destinations, for
example, to accept a longer distance commute or travel to a more distant holiday destination.
Definitions
Generated Traffic: Additional peak-period vehicle trips on a particular roadway that occur when capacity is
increased. This may consist of shifts in travel time, route, mode, destination and frequency.
Induced travel: An increase in total vehicle mileage due to roadway improvements that increase vehicle trip
frequency and distance, but exclude travel shifted from other times and routes.
Latent demand: Additional trips that would be made if travel conditions improved (less congested, higher
design speeds, lower vehicle costs or tolls).
Triple Convergence: Increased peak-period vehicle traffic volumes that result when roadway capacity
increases, due to shifts from other routes, times and modes.
This is true of roadway expansions intended to reduce traffic congestion. Traffic congestion
tends to maintain equilibrium: it increases to the point that delays discourage additional peak-
period trips. If congested roads are expanded, motorists will make additional peak-period trips
that they would otherwise forego, driving additional vehicle-miles.
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Figure 1 illustrates this pattern. Traffic volumes grow until congestion develops, then the growth
rate declines and achieves equilibrium, indicated by the curve becoming horizontal. A demand
projection made during this growth period will indicate that more capacity is needed, ignoring
the tendency of traffic volumes to eventually level off. If additional lanes are added there will be
another period of traffic growth as predicted.
Traffic Volume With Added Capacity Traffic grows when roads are
Traffic Volume Without Added Capacity uncongested, but the growth
rate declines as congestion
Traffic Lanes and Volume
2
develops, reaching a self-limiting
equilibrium (indicated by the
Projected curve becoming horizontal). If
Traffic
Generated capacity increases, traffic grows
Growth
Traffic until it reaches a new
1 equilibrium. This additional
peak-period vehicle travel is
called “generated traffic.” The
portion that consists of absolute
increases in vehicle travel (as
opposed to shifts in time and
0 route) is called “induced travel.”
Roadway
Time ----> Capacity
Added
Generated traffic can be considered from two perspectives. Highway planners are primarily
concerned with the traffic generated on the expanded road segment, since this affects the
project’s congestion reduction benefits. A broader perspective is concerned with changes in
total vehicle travel (induced travel) that affect overall benefits and costs. Table 1 describes
various types of generated traffic. In the short term, most generated traffic consists of trips
diverted from other routes, times and modes, called Triple Convergence (Downs 1992). Over the
long term an increasing portion is induced travel. In some situations, adding roadway capacity
can reduce overall network efficiency, called Braess’s Paradox (Youn, Jeong and Gastner 2008).
Highway capacity expansion can induce additional vehicle travel on adjacent roads by
stimulating more dispersed, automobile-dependent development (Hansen, et al. 1993).
Although these indirect impacts are difficult to quantify they are potentially large and should be
considered in transport policy and planning analysis (Byun, Park and Jang 2017).
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What constitutes short- and long-term impacts can vary. Some short term effects, such as mode
shifts, may accumulate over several years, and some long term effects, such as changes in
development patterns, can begin almost immediately after a project is announced if market
conditions are suitable. Roadway expansion impacts tend to include:
First order. Reduced congestion delay, increased traffic speeds.
Second order. Changes in time, route, destination and mode.
Third order. Land use changes. More dispersed, automobile-oriented development.
Fourth order. Overall increase in automobile dependency. Degraded walking and cycling
conditions (due to wider roads and increased traffic volumes), reduced public transit service
(due to reduced demand and associated scale economies, sometimes called the Downs-Thomson
paradox), and social stigma associated with alternative modes (Noland and Hanson 2013, p. 75).
Such impacts can also occur in reverse: reducing urban roadway capacity often reduces total
vehicle travel (Cairns, Hass-Klau and Goodwin 1998; CNU 2011; ITDP 2012; ITF 2021) which is
sometimes called traffic evaporation (EC 2004).
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The National Center for Sustainable Transportation’s Induced Travel Calculator (NCST 2019)
estimates the incremental vehicle travel induced by adding general-purpose or high-occupancy-
vehicle (HOV) lane miles to roadways. It is calibrated for California’s urbanized counties, but the
methodology is transferable to other geographic areas.
Sophisticated analyses of 545 European cities indicates that urban highway expansion tends to
increase vehicle traffic and so fails to solve congestion (Garcia-López, Pasidis, and Viladecans-
Marsal 2020). The study indicates that each 1% increase in highway lane-kilometers typically
increases total vehicle kilometers by 1.2%. The analysis found significantly less congestion
(indicated by vehicle-kms relative to the log of lane-kms) in cities with road pricing and high
quality rail transit. A 1% increase in lane kilometers increases congestion by 1.9% in cities
without highway tolls but only 0.3% in cities with tolls. A 1% increase in railroad network length
decreases congestion by 0.6% in a city without subways, 0.8% in a city with the average share of
subways, and 1.3% in a city where the majority of the railroad network consists of subways.
The report, The Congestion Con: How More Lanes and More Money Equals More Traffic (TfA
2020) analyzed how roadway expansions affected per capita congestion delay in the 100 largest
urbanized areas in the U.S. between 1993 and 2017. During that period governments spent
more than $500 billion on highway projects but congestion grew 144%, far more than
population, and the regions that expanded roads the most tended to have more congestion
growth than those that expanded less. The authors concluded that this resulted from generated
traffic which filled the added capacity. plus the long-term effects of increased sprawl and
increased per capita vehicle travel induced by the additional roadway capacity.
Detailed analysis by Hymel (2019) found that U.S. vehicle miles traveled increase in proportion
with lane-mileage, and capacity expansion congestion relief generally vanishes within five years.
A Statistical Model of Regional Traffic Congestion in the United States (Marshall 2016) used real-
time traffic data to analyze factors that affected congestion in 74 U.S. urban regions. It found
that more arterial capacity is related to less congestion but more freeway capacity is not. It
found that congestion increases with incomes indicating that economic productivity attracts
population growth, which also increases congestion. The study concludes that in congested
urban areas, arterial expansion may reduce congestion but freeway expansions do not.
Graham, McCoy and Stephens (2014) quantify roadway capacity expansion effects on aggregate
urban traffic volume and density in U.S. cities using a mixed model propensity score estimator
which accounts for confounding unobserved characteristics. They found that a 10% increase in
lane miles increases average VMT 9% beyond ‘natural growth.’ They conclude that even major
urban highway expansions can provide little or no long-term congestion reductions.
A review by Handy and Boarnet (2014) found that short-run highway expansion elasticities
generally range from 0.3 to 0.6, and long-run effects typically range from 0.6 to just over 1.0,
meaning that each 10% increase in road capacity increases traffic volumes by 3-6% within two
years, and 6-10% after about five years. They found that more recent studies using more
sophisticated methodologies tend to find higher elasticities. They conclude that expanding
congested urban highways is unlikely to reduce long run congestion or associated GHGs.
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Duranton and Turner (2008) found that in U.S. urban regions, vehicle travel increases
proportionately to highway capacity due to four effects: increased driving by current residents,
an inflow of new residents, and more transport intensive production activity. They conclude
that, without congestion pricing, increasing road or public transit supply is unlikely to relieve
congestion, and current roadway supply exceeds optimums.
Cervero (2003a & 2003b) used data on freeway capacity, traffic volumes, demographic and
geographic factors in California between 1980 and 1994. He estimated a 0.64 long-term elasticity
of VMT with respect to traffic speed, meaning that a 10% speed increases VMT 6.4%, about a
quarter of which results from land use changes (e.g., additional urban fringe development). He
estimated that about 80% of additional roadway capacity is filled with additional peak-period
travel, about half of which (39%) can be considered the direct result of the added capacity.
Noland (2001) and (Noland and Lem 2002) used time-series travel data for various roadway
types to evaluate induced travel. They found an elasticity of vehicle travel with respect to lane
miles of 0.5 in the short run, and 0.8 in the long run. This means that half of increased roadway
capacity is filled with added travel within about 5 years, and that 80% of the increased roadway
capacity will be filled eventually.
Leading U.K. transportation economists concludes that the elasticity of travel volume with
respect to travel time is -0.5 in the short term and -1.0 over the long term (SACTRA 1994). This
means that reducing travel time on a roadway by 20% typically increases traffic volumes by 10%
in the short term and 20% over the long term. The following are elasticity values for vehicle
travel with respect to travel time: urban roads, short-term -0.27, long term –0.57; rural roads,
short term –0.67, long term –1.33 (Goodwin 1996).
Noland and Quddus (2006) found that increases in road space or traffic signal control systems that
smooth traffic flow tend to induce additional vehicle traffic which quickly diminish any initial
emission reduction benefits.
Tennøy, Tønnesen and Gundersen (2019) found that Norwegian highway expansions provide
only short-term congestion relief, and by increasing sprawled development, increase total traffic
growth. They find that road authorities generally overlooked these effects.
Cervero and Hanson (2000) found the elasticity of VMT with respect to lane-miles to be 0.56,
and an elasticity of lane-miles with respect to VMT of 0.33, indicating that roadway capacity
expansion results in part from anticipated traffic growth.
A comprehensive study found that in the U.S., a 10% increase in urban road density (lane-miles
per square mile) increases per capita annual VMT by 0.7% (Barr 2000).
Yao and Morikawa (2005) analyzed the travel induced by high speed rail improvements between
major Japanese cities. They calculate elasticities of induced travel (trips and VMT) with respect
to fares, travel time, access time and service frequency for business and nonbusiness travel.
Odgers (2009) found that Melbourne, Australia freeway traffic speeds did not increase as
predicted following highway construction, apparently due to induced traffic. He concludes that,
“major road infrastructure initiatives and the consequent economic investments have not yet
delivered a net economic benefit to either Melbourne’s motorists or the Victorian community.”
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Burt and Hoover (2006) found that each 1% increase in road lane-kilometres per driving-age
person increases per capita light truck travel 0.49% and car travel 0.27%, although they report
that these relationships are not statistically significant, falling just outside the 80% confidence
interval for cars and the 90% confidence interval for light trucks.
Hymel, Small and Van Dender (2010) used 1966-2004 U.S. state-level cross-sectional time series
data to evaluate how income, fuel price, road supply and traffic congestion affect vehicle miles
travel (VMT). They find the elasticity of VMT with respect to statewide road density is 0.019 in
the short run and 0.093 in the long run (a 10% increase in total lane-miles per square mile
increases state vehicle mileage by 0.19% in the short run and 0.93% in the long run); with
respect to total road miles is 0.037 in the short run and 0.186 in the long run (a 10% increase in
lane-miles causes state VMT to increase 0.37% in the short run and 1.86% over the long run);
and vehicle use with respect to congestion is -0.045 (a 10% increase in total regional congestion
reduces regional VMT 0.45% over the long run), but this increases with income, assumedly
because the opportunity cost of time increases with wealth. Their analysis indicates that long-
run travel elasticities are typically 3.4–9.4 times short-run elasticities.
Using sophisticated statistical analysis of traffic flow in 24 cities, Anupriya, Bansal and Graham
(2023) found that increasing road network capacity does not substantially increase average travel
speeds, and by increasing total traffic volumes can increase overall traffic disbenefits.
The Handbook of Transportation Engineering finds that urban highway capacity expansion often
fails to significantly increase travel speeds due to latent demand (Kockelman 2010). They conclude
that the long-run elasticities of VMT with respect to roadspace is generally 0.5 to 1.0 after
controlling for population growth and income, with values of almost 1.0, suggesting that new
roadspace is totally filled by generated traffic where congestion is relatively severe.
A meta-analysis by Schiffer, Steinvorth and Milam (2005) reached the following conclusions:
o Induced travel effects exist – The elasticity of VMT with respect to added lane-miles or
reductions in travel time is generally greater than zero and the effects increase over time.
Figure 3 summarizes their results.
o Short-term induced travel effects are smaller than long-term effects – As measured by the
increase in VMT with respect to an increase in lane-miles, short-term effects have an
elasticity range from near zero to about 0.40, while long-term elasticities range from about
0.50 to 1.00. This means that a 10% increase in lane-miles can cause up to a 4% increase in
VMT in the short term and a 10% increase in the long term.
o Induced travel effects generally decrease with the size of the unit of study – Larger effects are
measured for single facilities while smaller effects are measured for regions and subareas.
This is mainly due to diverted trips (drivers changing routes) causing more of the change on a
single facility, whereas, at the regional level, diverted trips between routes within the region
are not considered induced travel unless the trips become longer as a result.
o Traditional four-step travel demand models do not fully address induced travel or induced
growth – Land use allocation methods overlook accessibility effects, trip generation often
fails to account for latent trips (potential trips constrained by congestion), many models
overlook time-of-day shifts, and static traffic assignment algorithms may not account for
queuing impacts on route shifts; all of which underestimate generated traffic effects.
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Figure 3 VMT With Respect to Road Capacity (Schiffer, Steinvorth and Milam 2005)
This figure
summarizes long term
vehicle travel
elasticities with
respect to roadway
capacity.
Melo, Graham and Canavan (2012) found a positive relationship between urban highway
expansion and vehicle travel in the U.S. between 1982 and 2009.
Rahmana, Bakerb and Rahmanc (2020) found that in Dhaka, Bangladesh, urban intersection
flyovers typically provide a one-minute time savings, which increased affected vehicle trip
generation by 35%.
Özuysal and Tanyel (2008) found the elasticity of travel per vehicle relative to Turkish state
highway supply is 2.0 for private vehicles and 3.5 for commercial vehicles over 3-5 year periods.
Analysis by Professor Ismail Sahin of Turkey’s Yildiz Technical University shows that after new
bridges were built in Istanbul, traffic volumes increased, representing induced vehicle trips,
resulting in a new, higher level of congestion equilibrium.
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The amount of traffic generated by a road project varies depending on conditions. It is not
capacity expansion itself that generates travel, it is the reduction in delay and therefore per-mile
travel costs (Milam, et al. 2017). Expanding uncongested roads generates no traffic, although
paving a dirt road or significantly raising roadway design speeds may induce more vehicle travel.
In general, the more congested a road, the more traffic is generated by expansions. Increased
capacity on highly congested roads often generates considerable traffic. Older studies of the
elasticity of VMT growth with respect to increased roadway lane-miles performed during the
early years of highway building (during the 1950s through 1970s) have little relevance for
evaluating current urban highway capacity expansion. In developed countries, where most
highway expansion now occurs on congested links, such projects are likely to generate
considerable amounts of traffic, providing only temporary congestion reduction benefits.
Gridlock?
People sometimes warn of roadway gridlock without some recommended action, such as roadway expansion. Such
claims are usually exaggerated because they ignore traffic congestion’s tendency toward equilibrium. Gridlock is a
specific condition that occurs when backups in a street network block intersections, stopping traffic flow. Gridlock
can be avoided with proper intersection design and traffic law enforcement. Increasing regional highway capacity
can increase this risk by adding more traffic to surface streets where gridlock occurs.
Generated traffic usually accumulates over several years. Under typical urban conditions, more
than half of added capacity is filled within five years of project completion by additional vehicle
trips that would not otherwise occur, with continued but slower growth in later years (Goodwin
1998). Figure 5 shows typical generated traffic growth based on various studies. Techniques for
modeling these impacts are described in the next section.
This illustrates traffic growth on a road after its capacity increases. About half of added capacity
is typically filled with new traffic within a decade of construction. (Based on cited studies)
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Generated Traffic and Induced Travel: Implications for Transport Planning
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All current traffic models can predict route and mode shifts, and some can predict changes in
trip frequency, scheduling and destination, but few incorporate feedback on long-term effects
such as the tendency of highway expansions to increase automobile-dependent urban fringe
development where households own more vehicles and drive more annual miles than they
would if located in more central, multimodal areas (Milam, et al. 2017; Næss, Nicolaisen and
Strand 2012). As a result, current models overestimate highway expansion costs and
underestimate long-term induced vehicle travel, and associated costs, including downstream
traffic and parking congestion, crashes and pollution emissions (Deakin, et al. 2020).
Volker, Lee, and Handy (2020) examined the evaluation methods used in five recent highway
project. They found that conventional analyses frequently fail to account for induced travel
effects, which exaggerated their benefits and underestimated their environmental costs. The
authors used this information to develop the National Center for Sustainable Transportation’s
Induced Travel Calculator, which estimates the incremental vehicle travel induced by adding
general-purpose or high-occupancy-vehicle (HOV) lane miles to roadways. The Rocky Mountain
Institute used this methodology to develop the SHIFT Calculator which predicts induced vehicle
travel and emissions from capacity expansions of large roadways for U.S. urban regions.
Ramsey (2005) found that a suburban highway expansion project’s net benefits declined 50% if
the project caused just 2% of the regional population to move from urban to suburban
locations. Similarly, Næss, Nicolaisen and Strand (2012) found that ignoring some induced traffic
effects significantly affected the estimated value of a proposed Copenhagen, Denmark highway
expansion. When induced travel was considered the results show lower travel time savings and
more adverse environmental impacts, resulting in significantly lower benefit-cost ratio. They
conclude that, “By exaggerating the economic benefits of road capacity increase and
underestimating its negative effects, omission of induced traffic can result in over-allocation of
public money on road construction and correspondingly less focus on other ways of dealing with
congestion and environmental problems in urban areas.” Analysis of urban highway expansion
impacts on total emissions by Williams-Derry (2007) indicates that construction and induced
vehicle travel emission quickly exceed any emission reductions from less congestion.
A study, Climate Emissions Analysis: Metro’s Indirect Impact on Greenhouse Gas Emissions
(METRO 2022) found that the emissions reduced by public transit and active transportation
improvements in Los Angeles are more than offset by planned freeway expansions, particularly
over the long run.
Transportation modelers have developed techniques for incorporating full feedback (SACTRA
1994; Loudon, Parameswaran and Gardner 1997; Schiffer, Steinvorth and Milam 2005). This
recognizes that expanding the capacity of congested roads increases the number and length of
trips in a corridor (DeCorla-Souza and Cohen 1999). Federal clean air rules require that these
techniques be used in metropolitan transportation models to evaluate the effects transport
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system changes have on vehicle emissions, but many metropolitan planning organizations have
yet to comply, and few models used in medium and small cities have full feedback. Full feedback
is necessary to accurately predict future congestion and traffic speeds, and the incremental
costs and benefits of alternatives. Models that lack feedback tend to overestimate future
congestion problems and overestimate capacity expansion benefits.
Models that fail to consider generated traffic were found to overvalue roadway capacity
expansion benefits by 50% or more (Williams and Yamashita 1992). Another study found that
the ranking of preferred projects changed significantly when feedback is incorporated into
project assessment (Johnston and Ceerla 1996). Ignoring generated traffic tends to skew
planning decisions toward highway projects and away from No Build and transportation demand
management alternatives such as road pricing, transit improvements and commute trip
reduction programs. UK Department for Transport’s Transport Analysis Guidance (DfT 2007),
includes a section on Variable Demand Modelling
(www.dft.gov.uk/webtag/documents/expert/unit3.10.1.php) which describes methods for
incorporating induced travel demand into project appraisal.
The easiest way to incorporate induced demand into conventional traffic models is to apply an overall
demand elasticity to forecasted changes in travel speed, calculated either:
Elasticities applied to generalized costs (travel time and financial costs) using a price elasticity (about -
0.3 for equilibrium, less for short term), with monetized travel time costs. The time elasticity is
generally about -0.5 to -0.8 or so, though this is highly dependent on context. Where to apply it
depends on the model used. With a fixed trip matrix altered only by reassignment, apply elasticities to
each separate cell, or the row and column totals, or the overall control total - depending on how short
the short cut has to be. Or add a separate test at the end.
or
Direct application of a ‘capacity elasticity,’ i.e. percent change in vehicle miles resulting from a 1%
change in highway capacity, for which lane miles is sometimes used as a proxy, the elasticity in that
case usually coming out at about -0.1. This will tend to underestimate the effect if the capacity
increase is concentrating on bottlenecks.
Care is needed if the basic model has cost-sensitive distribution and mode split, as this will already
account for some induced traffic. Induced traffic consists of several types of travel changes that make
vehicle miles “with” a scheme different from “without,” including re-assignment to longer routes and
increased trip generation. Although time-shifting is not induced traffic, it has similar effects on congestion
reduction benefits and is often a large response. Ideally you iterate on speed and allow for the effect from
retiming of journeys, and separate the various behavioural responses which make up induced traffic.
These short cuts are subject to bias, but less than the bias introduced by assuming zero induced traffic.
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Urban economists have long realized that transportation can have a major impact on land use
development patterns, and in many situations improved accessibility can stimulate development
location and type. Different types of transportation improvements tend to cause different types
of land use development patters: highway improvements tend to encourage lower-density,
automobile-oriented development at the urban fringe, while transit improvements tend to
encourage higher-density, multi-modal, urban redevelopment, although the exact types of
impacts vary depending on specific conditions and the type of transportation improvements
implemented (Rodier, Abraham, Johnston and Hunt 2001; Boarnet and Chalermpong 2002).
Some researchers claim that investing in road construction does not lead to the sprawl (Hartgen
2003), although the evidence indicates otherwise. Even in relatively slow-growth regions with
modest congestion problems, highway expansions increase suburban development by 15-25%.
These effects are likely to be much greater in large cities with significant congestion, where
peak-period traffic congestion limits commute trip distances, and increased roadway capacity
would significantly improve automobile access to urban fringe locations. This is particularly true
if the alternative is to implement Smart Growth development policies and improved walking,
cycling and transit transportation.
There has been considerable debate over the benefits and costs of sprawl and Smart Growth.
Table 2 summarizes some benefits that tend to result from reduced sprawl.
Table 2 Smart Growth Benefits (Ewing and Hamidi 2014; Litman 2016)
Economic Social Environmental
Reduced development and public Greenspace and wildlife habitat
service costs. preservation.
Consumer transportation cost Improved transportation choice, Reduced air pollution.
savings. particularly for nondrivers. Reduce resource consumption.
Economies of agglomeration. Improved housing choices. Reduced water pollution.
More efficient transportation. Community cohesion. Reduced “heat island” effect.
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Any incremental external costs of generated traffic should be included in project evaluations,
“incremental” meaning the difference between the external costs of the generated travel and
the external costs of alternative activities. For diverted traffic this is the difference in external
costs between the two trips. For induced travel this is the difference in external costs between
the trip and any non-travel activity it replaces, which tends to be large since driving has greater
external costs than most other common activities. Most generated traffic occurs under urban-
peak travel conditions, when motor vehicle external costs are greatest, so incremental external
costs tend to be high.
Incremental external costs depend on road system conditions and the type of generated traffic.
Generated traffic often increases downstream congestion (for example, increasing capacity on a
highway can add congestion on surface streets, particularly near on- and off-ramps). In some
conditions adding capacity actually increases congestion by concentrating traffic on a few links
in the network and by reducing travel alternatives, such as public transit (Arnott and Small
1994). Air emission and accident rates per vehicle-mile may decline if traffic flows more freely,
but these benefits decline over time and are usually offset as generated traffic leads to renewed
congestion and increased vehicle travel (TRB 1995; Cassady, Dutzik and Figdor 2004).
Table 4 compares how different types of generated traffic affect costs. All types reduce user
travel time and vehicle costs. Diverted trips have minimal incremental costs. Longer trips have
moderate incremental costs. Shifts from public transit to driving may also have moderate
incremental costs, since transit service has significant externalities but also experiences
economies of scale and positive land use impacts that are lost if demand declines. Induced trips
have the largest incremental costs, since they increase virtually all external costs. Longer and
induced vehicle trips can lead to more automobile dependent transportation and land use over
the long term. These costs are difficult to quantify but are probably significant (Ewing and
Hamidi 2014).
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Downstream congestion
Travel Time
Road facilities
Vehicle Operating
Costs Parking facilities
The incremental external costs of road capacity expansion tend to increase over time as the
total amount of generated traffic grows and an increasing portion consists of induced motor
vehicle travel and trips.
Table 5 proposes default estimates of the incremental external costs of different types of
generated traffic. These values can be adjusted to reflect specific conditions and analysis needs.
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There is considerable debate concerning the emission impacts of roadway expansion (TRB
1995). Although expanding congested roadways may sometimes reduce per-kilometer emission
rates, it generally increases total emissions, particularly over the long run by increasing high
traffic speeds (more than 80 kms/hr), and by inducing more vehicle travel. According to a study
by the Norwegian Centre for Transport Research (TØI 2009):
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Demand Curve
A B
Vehicle Travel
Reduced user costs (downward shift on Y axis) increases vehicle travel (rightward shift on X axis).
Rectangle A shows savings to existing trips. Triangle B shows generated travel benefits.
Let’s say that by purchasing a hybrid or electric car, your vehicle operating costs decline from 20₵ to 10₵ per
mile, in response you increase 10,000 to 11,000 annual vehicle-miles. The added vehicle-miles have small
incremental value to you, between 0¢ and 10¢. If you consider the additional mile worth less than 0¢ (i.e., it
has no value), you would not take it. If you considered it worth more than 10¢ per mile, you would have driven
that mile without the price reduction. Of the 1,000 miles added we can assume that the average net benefit to
users (called the consumer surplus) is the mid-point of this range, that is, 5¢ per vehicle mile. Thus, we can
calculate the value of the added miles as 5¢ times 1,000 added miles. Conversely, a 10₵ per mile price increase
that reduces vehicle travel by 1,000 miles imposes a net cost to consumers of $50.
Some people complicate this analysis by trying to track individual changes in consumer travel time,
convenience and vehicle operating costs, but that is unnecessary information. All we need to know to value
the net consumer surplus is the perceived change in price, either positive or negative, and the resulting
change in consumption. This incorporates all of the complex trade-offs that consumers make between money,
time, convenience and the value off mobility.
Because induced travel provides relatively small user benefits, and imposes external costs such
as downstream congestion, parking costs, accident risk imposed on other road users, pollution
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emissions, sprawl and other environmental costs, the ratio of benefits to costs, and therefore
total net benefits of travel, tend to decline as more travel is induced.
Failing to account for the full impacts of generated and induced travel tends to exaggerate the
benefits of highway capacity expansion and undervalue alternatives such as transit
improvements and pricing reforms (Romilly 2004). Some newer project evaluation models, such
as the FHWA’s SMITE and STEAM sketch plan programs, incorporate generated traffic effects
including the Rule of Half and some externalities (FHWA 1998; Wang, Zhong and Hunt 2019).
The benefits of increased mobility are often capitalized into land values. For example, a highway
improvement can increase urban periphery real estate prices, or a highway offramp can increase
nearby commercial land values. Because this increase in land values is an economic transfer
(land sellers gain at the expense of land buyers), it is inappropriate to add increased real estate
values and transport benefits, such as travel time savings (which represent true resource
savings). This would double count benefits.
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Emission Impacts
Highway expansion advocates sometimes claim that by reducing traffic congestion, such
projects will reduce air pollution emissions, but research indicates that this is generally untrue
(Noland and Quddus 2006). Per-mile emission rates are generally minimized at 20-50 miles per
hour, as indicated in Figures 7 and 8. As a result, reducing extreme congestion (LOS E or F), so
traffic speeds rise above 30 mph may reduce emission rates, but reducing mild congestion (LOS
C or D), so traffic speeds increase above 50 mph are likely to increase emission rates, and if
roadway expansions induce additional vehicle travel they are likely to increase total emissions.
As a result, roadway expansions that reduce extreme congestion may reduce emission rates in
the short run, but these impacts are generally small and more than offset over the long run by
more high-speed driving and induced vehicle travel. In contrast, other congestion reduction
strategies, such as high quality public transit, High Occupancy Vehicle (HOV) lanes, efficient road
pricing, and commute trip reduction programs, provide much greater emission reductions
(Litman 2019).
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Example
A four-lane, 10-kilometer highway connects a city with nearby suburbs. The highway is
congested 1,000 hours per year in each direction. Regional travel demand is predicated to grow
at 2% per year. A proposal is made to expand the highway to six lanes, costing $25 million in
capital expenses and adding $1 million in annual highway operating expenses.
Figure 9 illustrates predicted traffic volumes. Without the project peak-hour traffic is limited to
4,000 vehicles in each direction, the maximum capacity of the two-lane highway. If generated
traffic is ignored the model predicts that traffic volumes will grow at a steady 2% per year if the
project is implemented. If generated traffic is considered the model predicts faster growth,
including the basic 2% growth plus additional growth due to generated traffic, until volumes
levels off at 6,000 vehicles per hour, the maximum capacity of three lanes.
5,000
Trips Per Peak Hour
4,000
2 Lanes
1,000
0
0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
Years ==>
If generated traffic is ignored the model predicts that traffic volumes will grow at a steady 2%
per year if the project is implemented. If generated traffic is considered the model predicts a
higher initial growth rate, which eventually declines when the road once again reaches capacity
and becomes congested. (Based on the “Moderate Latent Demand” curve from Figure 3)
The model divides generated traffic into diverted trips (changes in trip time, route and mode)
and induced travel (increased trips and trip length), using the assumption that the first year’s
generated traffic represents diverted trips and later generated traffic represents induced travel.
This simplification appears reasonable since diverted trips tend to occur in the short-term, while
induced travel is associated with longer-term changes in consumer behavior and land use
patterns.
Roadway volume to capacity ratios are used to calculate peak-period traffic speeds, which are
then used to calculate travel time and vehicle operating cost savings. Congestion reduction
benefits are predicted to be significantly greater if generated traffic is ignored, as illustrated in
Figure 10.
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60
40
Ignoring Generated Traffic
0
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
Years ==>
Ignoring generated traffic exaggerates future traffic speeds and congestion reduction benefits.
Incremental external costs are assumed to average 10¢ per vehicle-km for diverted trips (shifts
in time, route and mode) and 30¢ per vehicle-km for induced travel (longer and increased trips).
User benefits of generated traffic are calculated using the Rule-of-Half.
Three cases where considered for sensitivity analysis. Most Favorable uses assumptions most
favorable to the project, Medium uses values considered most likely, and Least Favorable uses
values least favorable to the project. Table 7 summarizes the analysis.
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The most favorable assumptions result in a positive B/C even when generated traffic is
considered. The medium assumptions result in a positive B/C if generated traffic is ignored but a
negative NPV if generated traffic is considered. The least favorable assumptions result in a
negative B/C even when generated traffic is ignored. In each case, considering generated traffic
has significant impacts on the results.
Figure 11 illustrates project benefits and costs based on “Medium” assumptions, ignoring
generated traffic. This results in a positive NPV of $45.2 million, implying that the project is
economically worthwhile.
Project Costs
Years ==>
This figure illustrates annual benefits and costs when generated traffic is ignored, using
“Medium” assumptions. Benefits are bars above the baseline, costs are bars below the baseline.
Project expenses are the only cost category.
This figure illustrates benefits and costs when generated traffic is considered, using medium
assumptions. Benefits are bars above the baseline, costs are bars below the baseline. It includes
consumer benefits and external costs associated with generated traffic. Travel time and vehicle
operating cost savings end after about 10 years, when traffic volumes per lane return to pre-
project levels, resulting in no congestion reduction benefits after that time.
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This analysis indicates how generated traffic can have significant impacts on project assessment.
Ignoring generated traffic exaggerates the benefits of highway capacity expansion by
overestimating congestion reduction benefits and ignoring incremental external costs from
generated traffic. This tends to undervalue alternatives such as road pricing, TDM programs,
other modes, and “do nothing” options.
For example, Figure 11 compares three possible responses to congestion on a corridor with
increasing traffic demand. Do nothing causes traffic congestion costs to increase over time.
Expanding general traffic lanes imposes large initial costs due to construction delays, but
provides large short-term congestion reduction benefits. However, these decline over time, due
to induced traffic, and the additional vehicle travel imposes additional external costs including
downstream congestion, increased parking demand, accident risk and pollution emissions.
Building grade-separated public transit (either a bus lane or rail line) also imposes short-run
congestion delays, and the congestion reduction benefits are relatively small in the short term
but increase over time as transit ridership grows, networks expand, and development becomes
more transit-oriented.
C onstructi on
Years = =>
A Do Nothing causes congestion costs to increase in the future. Highway expansion imposes
short term construction delays, then large congestion reduction benefits, but these decline over
time due to generated traffic. Grade-separated public transit provides smaller benefits in the
short-term but these increase over time as public transit ridership grows.
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Counter Arguments
“Widening roads to ease congestion is like trying to cure obesity by loosening your belt” Roy
Kienitz, executive director of the Surface Transportation Policy Project
“Increasing highway capacity is equivalent to giving bigger shoes to growing children” Robert
Dunphy of the Urban Land Institute
Some highway expansion advocates claim that generated traffic has minor implications for
transport planning decisions. They argue that increased highway capacity contributes little to
overall growth in vehicle travel compared with other factors such as increased population,
employment and income (Heanue 1998; Burt and Hoover 2006), that although new highways
generate traffic, they still provide net economic benefits (ULI 1989), and that increasing roadway
capacity does reduce congestion (TRIP 1999; Bayliss 2008).
These arguments ignore critical issues, and are often based on outdated data and inaccurate
analysis. Overall travel trends indicate little about the cost effectiveness of particular policies
and projects. For example, studies which indicate that, in the past, increased lane-miles caused
minimal growth in vehicle travel (Burt and Hoover 2006), provide little guidance for future
planning, since, in the past, much of the added highway lane-miles occurred on uncongested
rural highways while most future highway expansion occurs on congested urban highways.
Strategies that encourage more efficient use of existing capacity, such as commute trip
reduction programs and road pricing, may provide greater social benefits, particularly
considering all costs (Goodwin 1997).
Highway expansion advocates generally ignore or severely understate generated traffic and
induced travel impacts. For example, Cox and Pisarski (2004) use a model that accounts for
diverted traffic (trips shifted in time or route) but ignores shifts in mode, destination and trip
frequency. Hartgen and Fields (2006) assume that generated traffic would fill just 15% of added
roadway capacity, based on generated traffic rates during the 1960s and 1970s, which is
unrealistically low when extremely congested roads are expanded. They ignore the incremental
costs that result from induced vehicle travel, such as increased downstream traffic congestion,
road and parking costs, accidents and pollution emissions. They claim that roadway capacity
expansion reduces fuel consumption, pollution emissions and accidents, because they measure
impacts per vehicle-mile and ignore increased vehicle miles. As a result they significantly
exaggerate roadway expansion benefits and understate total costs.
Debates over generated traffic and its implications often reflect ideological perspectives
concerning whether automobile travel (and therefore road capacity expansion) is “good” or
“bad”. To an economist, such arguments are silly. Some automobile travel provides large net
benefits (high user value, poor alternatives, low external costs), and some provides negative net
benefits (low user value, good alternatives, and large external costs). The efficient solution to
congestion is to use pricing or other incentives to test consumers’ willingness to pay for road
space and capacity expansion.
If consumers only demand roadway improvements when they are shielded from the true costs,
such projects are likely to be economically inefficient. Only if users are willing to pay the full
incremental costs their vehicle use imposes can society be sure that increased road capacity and
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the additional vehicle travel that results provides net benefits. Travel demand predictions based
on underpriced roads overestimate the economically optimal level of roadway investments and
capacity expansion. Increasing capacity in such cases is more equivalent to loosening a belt than
giving a growing child larger shoes (see quotes above), since the additional vehicle travel is a
luxury and economically inefficient.
Some highway advocates suggest there are equity reasons to subsidize roadway capacity
expansion, to allow lower-income households access to more desirable locations, but most
benefits from increased roadway capacity are captured by middle- and upper-income
households (Deakin, et al. 2020). Improving travel choices for non-drivers tends to have greater
equity benefits than subsidizing additional highway capacity since physically and economically
disadvantaged people often rely on alternative modes.
Although highway projects are often justified for the sake of economic development, highway
capacity expansion now provides little net economic benefit (Boarnet 1997). An expert review
concluded, “The available evidence does not support arguments that new transport investment
in general has a major impact on economic growth in a country with an already well-developed
infrastructure” (SACTRA 1997). Melo, Graham and Canavan (2012) found a positive relationship
between U.S. urban highway expansion and economic output between 1982 and 2009, but no
reduction in long-term congestion. They conclude that other types of transportation system
improvements could provide greater economic development benefits.
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Legal Issues
Environmental groups successfully sued the Illinois transportation agencies for failing to
consider land use impacts and generated traffic in the Environmental Impact Statement (EIS) for
I-355, a proposed highway extension outside the city of Chicago (Sierra Club 1997). The federal
court concluded that the EIS was based on the “implausible” assumption that population in the
rural areas would grow by the same amount with and without the tollroad, even though project
was promoted as a way to stimulate growth. The court concluded that this circular reasoning
afflicted the document’s core findings. The judge required the agencies to prepare studies
identifying the amount of development the tollroad would cause, and compare this with
alternatives. The Court’s order states:
Plaintiffs’ argument is persuasive. Highways create demand for travel and expansion by their
very existence…Environmental laws are not arbitrary hoops through which government
agencies must jump. The environmental regulations at issue in this case are designed to
ensure that the public and government agencies are well informed about the environmental
consequences of proposed actions. The environmental impact statements in this case fail in
several significant respects to serve this purpose. (ELCP)
In 2008 the California Attorney General recognized that regional transportation plans must
consider induced travel impacts when evaluating the climate change impacts of individual
projects to meet California Environmental Quality Act (CEQA) requirements (Brown 2008). CEQA
requires that “[e]ach public agency shall mitigate or avoid the significant effects on the
environment of projects that it carries out or approves whenever it is feasible to do so.” The
state Attorney General recognizes that transportation planning decisions, such as highway
expansion projects, can have significant emission impacts due to induced vehicle travel.
Some new laws and regulations, such as California Senate Bill 743 (S.B. 743), prohibit the use of
vehicle level of service (LOS) and similar measures as the sole basis for evaluating transportation
improvement options; instead, policies and project are evaluated based on their ability to
reduce vehicle miles traveled (VMT). This will require consideration of induced travel effects in
analysis of roadway projects (Milam, et al. 2017).
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Conclusions
Urban traffic congestion tends to maintain equilibrium. Congestion reaches a point at which it
discourages additional peak-period trips. Increasing road capacity allows more vehicle travel to
occur. In the short term this consists primarily of generated traffic: vehicle travel diverted from
other times, modes, routes and destinations. Over the long run an increasing portion consists of
induced vehicle travel, resulting in a total increase in regional VMT. This has several implications
for transport planning:
Ignoring generated traffic underestimates the magnitude of future traffic congestion problems,
overestimates the congestion reduction benefits of increasing roadway capacity, and
underestimates the benefits of alternative solutions to transportation problems.
Induced travel increases many external costs. Over the long term it helps create more
automobile dependent transportation systems and land use patterns.
The mobility benefits of generated traffic are relatively small since they consist of marginal value
trips. Much of the benefits are often capitalized into land values.
Ignoring generated traffic results in self-fulfilling predict and provide planning: Planners
extrapolate traffic growth rates to predict that congestion will reach gridlock unless capacity
expands. Adding capacity generates traffic, which leads to renewed congestion with higher
traffic volumes, and more automobile oriented transport and land use patterns. This cycle
continues until road capacity expansion costs become unacceptable.
The amount of traffic generated depends on specific conditions. Expanding highly congested
roads with considerable latent demand tends to generate significant amounts of traffic,
providing only temporary congestion reductions.
Generated traffic does not mean that roadway expansion provides no benefits and should never
be implemented. However, ignoring generated traffic results in inaccurate forecasts of impacts
and benefits. Road projects considered cost effective by conventional analysis may actually
provide little long-term benefit to motorists and make society overall worse off due to induced
travel external costs. Other strategies may be better overall. Another implication is that highway
capacity expansion projects should incorporate strategies to avoid increasing external costs,
such as more stringent vehicle emission regulations to avoid increasing pollution and land use
regulations to limit sprawl.
But if you present the choices more realistically by asking, “Would you rather spend a lot of money to
increase road capacity to achieve moderate and temporary congestion reductions and bear higher future
costs from increased motor vehicle traffic, or implement other types of transportation improvements?” the
preference for road building is likely to decline.
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