Deviance Exam
Deviance Exam
Deviance Exam
This short book, written by the author, reflects on their working-class South London life and how it shaped
their perspective on deviant behavior. They credit University of Kent Professor Steve Box for awakening
their deviant imagination and recognizing the value of their experiences. The book also follows the daily life
of American student Megan Nesbeth as she discovers deviance through sociology classes. It explores the
concept of deviance as a social construct and its impact on individuals' lives. The author argues that studying
deviance is essential for understanding social norms, control, and individual agency. Overall, the book
provides insights into the complex world of deviance and its role in society.
This text explores the concept of social deviance, emphasizing that what’s considered deviant is often
determined by societal norms and values. It questions the boundaries of normality, examining behaviors,
appearances, and thoughts that can be labeled as deviant when they deviate from established norms. The text
also highlights the influence of historical and social context on perceptions of deviance, with examples from
different time periods. It underscores that deviance is not solely about difference but about socially
constructed boundaries, often linked to moral judgments or perceived threats. The text ultimately aligns with
the sociological perspective of “social constructionism,” which recognizes the role of societal interpretation
in defining deviance. The introduction of Erich Goode’s question about when “difference” becomes
“deviance” adds depth to the discussion by addressing the subjective nature of deviance and how societal
judgments play a crucial role.
This text offers a comprehensive exploration of the multifaceted nature of social deviance and the various
factors that contribute to its definition and perception in society. It begins by examining different approaches
to defining deviance, including statistical deviance and norm violation, before delving into the idea of
positive deviance, which challenges conventional expectations in honorable ways.
The text emphasizes the importance of consensus in defining deviance, whether it's based on public
agreement or disagreement about the offensiveness of a behavior. John Hagan's three-dimensional approach
to assessing deviance, based on consensus, penalties, and harm caused, adds depth to the discussion. It
illustrates how the seriousness of an act and the extent of harm it inflicts on individuals or society influence
whether it's labeled as deviant or criminal. Furthermore, the text acknowledges the role of various social
actors, including government agencies, law enforcers, moral interest groups, media, and academic
commentators, in shaping norms and standards related to deviance. In conclusion, the text provides a
nuanced understanding of social deviance as a complex and socially constructed concept. It highlights that
the designation of behaviors as deviant is influenced by a series of shared decision-making processes among
social audiences and actors, ultimately reflecting the values and standards of those with the power to define
what is offensive and
This text discusses the concept of "deviance" and how it is a socially constructed phenomenon. It
emphasizes that what is considered deviant can vary depending on historical periods, contexts, societal
consensus, and penalties. The text also highlights the role of different audiences in defining and interpreting
deviance, from small groups to whole societies, and how their values and norms play a crucial role in this
process. It delves into examples of deviance, both within and between cultures, illustrating how cultural
conflicts can lead to conflicting definitions of deviant behavior. The text also touches upon how individual
behavior can be considered deviant within certain groups, even if it aligns with societal norms. Furthermore,
it discusses how the historical and social context influences the labeling of behavior as deviant, citing
examples like smoking and group involvement in subcultures or activist movements. It also touches on the
internal dynamics of groups, where members might label each other as deviant for not conforming to group
norms.
The process of social construction
This passage discusses the concept of social construction in relation to deviance. It highlights several key
points:
1. Multiple Realities: It suggests that there isn't just one objective reality, but rather multiple realities that
people perceive.
2. Illusion of Dominant Reality: It challenges the idea that there is a single dominating reality, often
portrayed as universal, despite claims of universal values.
3. Diverse Moralities: It implies that these multiple realities lead to diverse moralities, as different groups
may have distinct views of what is right and wrong.
4. Stereotypes as Control: The passage suggests that groups construct stereotypes as a means of controlling
and containing behaviors that threaten their own view of reality.
5. Creation of Deviance: Finally, it asserts that deviance isn't a random occurrence but is instead created by
individuals who make distinctions and then act upon those distinctions as if they are real.
Overall, this passage emphasizes the role of social construction in shaping our understanding of deviance
and morality, highlighting the subjectivity and diversity of human perspectives.
This passage discusses the concepts of banning behavior, moral entrepreneurs, and moral panics from a
sociological perspective. It highlights how moral entrepreneurs are individuals within a community who
rally support for banning certain behaviors, often citing harm or health risks, and use traditional and social
media to create moral panics - exaggerated concerns about a specific group being a threat to society. The
example of the satanic ritual abuse cult fear in the 1980s is cited as an instance of a moral panic leading to
legislation. Furthermore, the passage emphasizes that behaviors can also be banned to promote certain
values or lifestyles. Laws, rules, and norms are influenced by personal backgrounds, group dynamics, and
societal contexts. What one group considers acceptable may be seen as deviant by another, illustrating how
social construction shapes these standards. In summary, the passage explores the interconnectedness of
deviance and convention, showing how they are socially constructed and related to broader societal
structures and norms.
This passage discusses the social construction of deviants and stereotypes, emphasizing how individuals are
often reduced to stigmatized labels based on their behaviors or attributes. It highlights the human tendency
to simplify complex social interactions by categorizing people into preexisting stereotypes, which can lead
to fear and anxiety when encountering those with perceived deviant behavior. The passage gives an example
of restaurant servers using stereotypes to classify customers as "tippers" or "stiffers" based on various cues,
including dress, demeanor, and race. This classification is done to maximize tips but can result in unfair
treatment of customers. Furthermore, it introduces the concept of the "theory of office," which suggests that
deviants can be created when attempting to manage normal behavior to prevent problems.
This passage explores the concepts of social constructionism and moral relativity in the context of how
different societies define and perceive deviance. The author addresses concerns about whether accepting
alternate moral perspectives means that all standards are equal or that harmful actions should be tolerated.
The author's stance, as presented by Dr. Henry, is that sociologists aim to help individuals understand
alternate moral universes as equally valid to those who inhabit them, but this doesn't imply agreement with
their actions. The distinction is made that behavior causing pain and suffering to others is considered wrong,
regardless of its origin. The passage also touches on the idea of "defining deviance down" and how repeated
exposure to rule violations can lead to normalization, lowering societal expectations. They mention the
concept of "cultural universals," suggesting that some values are shared across cultures, but societies vary in
their imposition of other rules. In conclusion, the passage advocates for a middle ground between extreme
relativism and absolutism, emphasizing the importance of understanding how social construction shapes
different moral perspectives while also recognizing and condemning actions that cause harm.
In this chapter, we've explored the intricate process of social deviance, emphasizing the crucial role of
various factors. We've delved into how audiences contribute to defining deviance and examined why certain
individuals are more inclined towards deviant behavior. Our study has prompted us to investigate six key
aspects: (1) the creation of rules; (2) the reasons behind rule-breaking; (3) the compromise of moral
inhibitions and the liberation of motivation; (4) the transformation of behavior from deviant acts to part of
one's identity; (5) how individuals respond to deviant labels from others, whether through rejection,
avoidance, resistance, management, or acceptance; and (6) how they forge new paths in their lives, either by
incorporating or transcending societal expectations. These themes will be explored further in subsequent
chapters. It's evident that without rules and audience reactions, social deviance would lack meaning and
substance. Our journey begins by addressing the process of rule-making and the prohibition of certain
behaviors.
The provided summaries offer insights into various perspectives on the social construction of deviance:
1. "Constructions of Deviance: Social Power, Context and Interaction" (Adler & Adler, 2016) is a
comprehensive collection of classic and contemporary articles exploring the social construction,
organization, and management of deviance.
2. "Deviance: Social Constructions and Blurred Boundaries" (Anderson, 2017) takes a symbolic
interactionist approach, comparing research findings to cultural conceptions and applying this perspective to
various forms of deviant behavior.
3. "The Relativity of Deviance" (Curra, 2017) delves into the relative meanings of deviance, emphasizing
socio-cultural factors and societal reactions in the construction of deviance, especially in the context of
crimes of the powerful.
4. "Creating Deviance: An Interactionist Approach" (Dotter, 2004) offers a postmodernist perspective, using
a layered-reflexive historical-contextual approach to examine the meaning-making process in deviance,
including gender inequality, youth subcultures, race, and media representations.
5. "Social construction of crime" (Henry, 2009a) is an article summarizing major theoretical foundations in
the social constructivist explanation of crime and deviance, highlighting different strands of constructionism
and applying them to these concepts.
6. "The Deviance Process" (Pfuhl & Henry, 1993) explores deviance and normality as socially constructed
outcomes of human interaction, integrating elements of interactionism and phenomenology.
Each source provides a unique perspective on the topic of deviance, making them valuable resources for
understanding how society constructs and reacts to deviant behavior.
CHAPTER 2
This chapter, "Why People Ban Behavior," builds upon our previous exploration of deviance and its
relationship with the audience. The chapter focuses on the intricate social process of designating specific
behaviors as deviant, a process inherently political in nature. It involves publicly signaling individuals'
behavior or condition as different, negatively assessing it, and deeming it deserving of condemnation and
control (Pfuhl and Henry, 1993: 85). Moreover, this chapter delves into the concept of "banning," which
encompasses both defining certain behaviors as deviant and categorizing individuals as deviants who must
be subject to control. Much of this process stems from the perception of differences that are negatively
evaluated, whether those differences relate to behavior, ideas, or appearance. BHoward S. Becker, a
renowned jazz musician and sociologist, aptly observed that social groups create deviance by crafting the
rules that outline deviant acts and applying these rules to specific individuals, labeling them as outsiders.
From this perspective, deviance is not an inherent quality of an individual's actions but rather a consequence
of others applying rules and sanctions to an offender. The term "deviant" is successfully applied to those
who receive this label, making deviant behavior what society collectively deems it to be (Becker, 1963: 9).
This passage discusses the scope of banned behaviors, which extends beyond just unacceptable or offensive
actions to also include ideas, ideologies, appearance, and lifestyle. It sets the stage for a deeper exploration
of these aspects and their relation to social control.
This passage explores the banning of ideas, thoughts, and beliefs, highlighting examples such as
communism, fascism, Satanism, and cult worship. It emphasizes how even within academia, dissenting
views can be censured, illustrated through the case of Harley Sanchez, who faced significant challenges in
expressing her different ideas about institutionalized racism.
Banning appearances
This text delves into the banning and stigmatization of appearances, highlighting instances where people
with disabilities or unconventional clothing choices face censure. It emphasizes the communicative nature of
appearance and its role in shaping perceptions. The text discusses how societal norms, particularly those
related to gender, can control and judge individuals based on their appearance. It provides examples of how
unconventional appearances, like the goth style, can lead to conflicts and even arrests. The text also explores
the idea that appearances can have behavioral effects and proposes the notion of banning certain
appearances, such as obesity, in public spaces to influence behavior. It mentions instances where public
figures have suggested banning overweight individuals from certain places or activities. Ultimately, the text
underscores that judgments about appearance, behavior, or ideas are subjective and context-dependent, and
the decision to ban them is influenced by societal values and social processes.
This text discusses the concept of banning as a form of informal social control, emphasizing that it often
begins informally within communities or groups. It highlights how powerful individuals or groups, often
those with privilege and social status, play a pivotal role in policing and setting the boundaries of what is
considered acceptable behavior, appearance, or ideas. The text provides an example of high school social
hierarchies and how certain social types, like jocks and cheerleaders, shape the values and behaviors that are
valued among students. Additionally, the text hints at the influence of prevailing socio-cultural norms,
particularly related to masculinity, in shaping these norms and behaviors. It suggests that powerful groups
control these norms and enforce them by attacking and disparaging those who deviate from them.
Banning behavior as a social process
This text explores the concept of banning behavior as a social process, highlighting its proactive and reactive
nature. It notes that banning can serve a positive purpose, such as protecting people from health hazards or
harmful consequences. However, it primarily focuses on the more common reactive aspect of banning,
where it responds to perceived threats or deviant behavior, often in combination with proactive measures.
The text discusses how banning actions are taken by various audiences, which can range from unorganized
groups like high-school students to organized advocacy groups and associations. These audiences perceive
harm, offense, or a sense of threat in certain behaviors and see banning as a solution to their concerns. The
text also mentions organizations like COYOTE and NORML, which aim to decriminalize behaviors they
deem acceptable, particularly regarding drug use. Furthermore, the text explores the process of banning and
rule-making, starting with fear and evolving into a shared belief that the problematic behavior can be
controlled through the creation or reinforcement of rules. It introduces the concept of "moral entrepreneurs"
who play a role in creating rules and "moral panics" to signify the behavior they seek to ban. The text hints
at the influence of mass and social media in this rule-creating process.
Moral entrepreneurs
This text discusses the concept of "moral entrepreneurs" as described by Howard Becker. These individuals
or groups play a role in shaping and changing rules and norms within society. The summary provides an
example of the "beach booze ban" campaign in San Diego, California, where moral entrepreneurs
successfully advocated for banning alcohol consumption on public beaches. The campaign's success was
driven by moral entrepreneurs who used various strategies, including media attention, pressure groups, and
exaggeration of negative behaviors associated with alcohol consumption on beaches. The text also mentions
the opposition to the ban, with drinking advocates arguing against it. Despite their arguments, the moral
entrepreneurs ultimately succeeded in persuading local councils to support the ban, leading to its passage.
Overall, this text discusses the role of moral entrepreneurs in shaping rules and norms within society, using a
specific example of a successful campaign to ban alcohol consumption on public beaches in San Diego.
This text explores the symbolic motives behind the banning of certain behaviors and how these bans can
reflect status conflicts within society. The author highlights that bans often serve as symbols of which
groups are in control of the moral order of a society. For example, the text discusses the historical case of
Prohibition in the United States, which was passed not only as a measure to address alcohol-related issues
but also as a status marker for middle-class Protestant Americans to assert their dominance over Irish
Catholic immigrants. The text further examines a contemporary example of a smoking ban in Shasta
County, California. This ban became a symbolic battleground between moral entrepreneurs advocating for
public health and status quo defenders, including small business owners concerned about their economic
interests. Additionally, the text notes that similar strategies can be used to advocate for "un-banning" or
decriminalization, as seen in the case of marijuana legalization. Advocates for and against such bans often
associate their positions with positive or negative values and seek support from respected figures in society.
In summary, this text examines the symbolic aspects of behavior bans and how they reflect status conflicts
in society, using historical and contemporary examples to illustrate these dynamics. It also touches on the
various strategies employed by moral entrepreneurs and the role of media and public figures in shaping the
discourse around behavior bans.
This text explores the concept of moral panics, which are societal reactions to perceived threats. It highlights
the characteristics of moral panics, including their sudden appearance in the media, rapid spread, and
subsequent decline. It provides an example of the 1980s panic surrounding alleged satanic ritual child abuse
in US day-care centers. The text also delves into the process of "claims making," where interest groups and
moral entrepreneurs shape public perception of what constitutes deviant behavior. It emphasizes the role of
claims-makers in framing social problems and connecting them to other issues of concern. Furthermore, the
text discusses how moral panics lead to public hostility towards the accused, often resulting in persecution
and convictions. It highlights the disproportional fear relative to actual harm caused and the role of
authorities and experts in legitimizing accusations. Overall, it underscores the political nature of moral
entrepreneurs creating moral panics, relying on their ability to make credible claims, often with significant
involvement from mass media.
This text discusses the reciprocal relationship between mass media and social culture, emphasizing how
each influences the other. It notes that crime and deviance are significant components of television and
popular culture, often used for both news and entertainment purposes.
The text highlights the competitive nature of news media, where competing interest groups vie for attention,
and sensational stories tend to take precedence. It also discusses how organizations must develop public
relations expertise to interact with the media effectively, shaping the narrative surrounding their issues.
Furthermore, the text underscores the manipulation of media by powerful interest groups, facilitated by spin-
doctors, to shape public policy in line with their views. It suggests that media influence is strongest in
raising the fear of crime and shaping criminal justice policy.
The three key areas of media influence mentioned are "agenda setting" (raising the significance of crime as a
public issue), "agenda building" (shaping public beliefs and attitudes about crime), and influencing criminal
justice policy.
The text also mentions the shift in news and entertainment toward digital content through social media,
highlighting the continued reliance on reporters and influential experts to shape public opinion and policy.
Additionally, it discusses how the internet itself has become a subject of moral panic, with some advocating
for its control to protect against various risks, such as children accessing inappropriate content and phishing
attacks.
In summary, the text provides insights into the multifaceted relationship between mass media, public
opinion, and public policy, with a focus on the role of moral entrepreneurs and interest groups in shaping
these dynamics.
The provided text discusses the process of banning behaviors through the enactment of laws. It highlights
that the success of banning a behavior depends on the ability of interest groups to influence the state and
pass legislation criminalizing the behavior. The text also mentions an example where a proposed law in
Mississippi aimed to ban restaurants from serving individuals with a high BMI, ultimately defeated. It then
contrasts this with Japan's "Metabo law" aimed at addressing health concerns related to obesity.
Additionally, the text underscores that even when a law is not the outcome, the influence of various
institutions and agencies in shaping public opinion and perceptions of deviance is a significant
accomplishment. However, these institutions may have their own interests and may not always align with
the proposed bans, leading to compromise positions. The text concludes by suggesting that resistance to
bans is more likely when those engaging in the behavior or advocating for freedom actively engage in a
counter political campaign, turning the law into a resource in the battle between competing interest groups.
This chapter delves into the process of rule creation aimed at banning behavior, driven by the audience's
perception of what they consider different or offensive. It underscores that these audiences can range from
informal social cliques to more organized interest or advocacy groups, both of which exert influence to
define what is acceptable or unacceptable. Informal groups may employ hierarchies of domination and
exclusion, while organized groups engage in a political process of escalation, transforming private issues
into public concerns.
The chapter also discusses the role of moral entrepreneurs who utilize mass media and public officials to
generate public interest in their claims, often through moral panic and fear of harm, ultimately seeking to
ban the behavior, ideally through legal means. Importantly, it notes that the reverse process, involving un-
banning, decriminalization, or legalization, follows a similar political trajectory, as exemplified by the
legalization of marijuana in the USA.
In the upcoming chapter, the text will explore the underlying causes of offensive behavior and how these
factors contribute to the initial impulse for banning behaviors.
1. Becker, Howard (1963) "Outsiders": Becker's classic work introduces labeling theory by highlighting the
relativity of deviance. While his study of marijuana use by jazz musicians provides valuable insights, it's
worth noting that the context may limit the generalizability of his findings.
2. Chriss, James J. (2013) "Social Control: An Introduction": Chriss offers a comprehensive view of social
control, extending beyond law and criminal justice. His exploration of various forms of control, from
psychiatry to education, is enlightening and relevant to understanding the broader context of deviance.
3. Erikson, Kai T. (1966) "Wayward Puritans": Erikson's use of the Salem witchcraft trials as a backdrop
effectively illustrates how moral boundaries and the designation of deviance can shape societal functions.
However, it's important to consider the historical context of his analysis.
4. Goode, Erich, and Norman Ben-Yehuda (2009) "Moral Panics": This work builds on Cohen's ideas and
explores the role of public fear, moral entrepreneurs, and media in constructing deviance. The contemporary
examples provided enhance the understanding of moral panics, although an updated edition may have
included more recent cases.
5. Henry, Stuart (2014) "Deviance": Henry's brief overview in the Encyclopedia of Criminal Justice Ethics
offers a concise exploration of how deviance is defined and constructed, with a focus on ethical issues.
However, it may benefit from more in-depth analysis.
6. Henry, Stuart, and Mark M. Lanier, eds (2001) "What is Crime?": This book provides an extensive
examination of various approaches to defining crime. While it covers a broad spectrum, readers should be
aware that it presents multiple perspectives without necessarily resolving the ongoing debates.
7. Holstein, James A. (2009) "Defining deviance: John Kitsuse's modest agenda": Holstein's exploration of
Kitsuse's contributions to the social constructionist analysis of social problems is insightful. Still, readers
should note that Kitsuse's work, though foundational, evolved over time and differed from that of other
scholars like Becker and Lemert.
8. Lanier, Mark M., and Stuart Henry (2007) "Crime, theories of the definition of": This article offers a
condensed version of the authors' arguments regarding the multifaceted nature of defining crime. It provides
a useful overview of different dimensions of crime but may not delve deeply into each aspect.
Overall, these readings collectively contribute to an understanding of how deviance is socially constructed
from various perspectives, offering valuable insights and diverse viewpoints. However, readers should
consider the context, historical relevance, and potential limitations of each source when applying these
concepts to contemporary issues.
CHAPTER 3
What cause people to Deviate? Theories of Deviant Behavior.
In this chapter, the author adopts a critical social constructionist perspective to analyze various explanations
for why individuals engage in rule-breaking behavior. The examination is conducted through three distinct
lenses:
1. Individual Lens (Micro-perspective): The first lens considers rule-breaking as a result of individual
choices or the actions of individuals with underlying biological or psychological issues. This perspective
focuses on the personal agency of rule breakers.
3. Social Process Lens (Micro-Macro Perspective): The third lens perceives rule-breaking as a social process
shaped by both individual and structural factors. It recognizes the interplay between social interactions and
cognitive processes influenced by the wider cultural and structural context.
Overall, the chapter critically evaluates these perspectives to gain a deeper understanding of the causes of
deviant behavior, emphasizing the intricate interplay between individual agency and broader societal
influences
The text explores the concept of deviance through an individual lens. It presents two contrasting viewpoints:
one emphasizing deviance as a result of personal choice, and the other attributing it to biological or
psychological factors. Both perspectives view deviance as an individual action rather than a social one.
The text introduces the concept of deviance as a rational choice made by individuals, rooted in the rational
choice theory. This theory posits that most people, except for children and those with mental illness, are
rational actors driven by self-interest and will choose behaviors that maximize their personal gains while
minimizing potential negative consequences. In summary, the text discusses the rational choice theory's
perspective on deviance and highlights the limitations of this approach from a social constructionist
standpoint, emphasizing the role of social contexts and shared meanings in understanding deviant behavior.
This summary discusses the concept of deviance being influenced by biological factors. It begins with the
example of Charles Whitman's brain tumor and its possible role in his violent actions. It explores the idea
that some individuals may have biological traits or defects that contribute to their deviant behavior,
contrasting this viewpoint with the concept of free choice. The summary highlights that the biological
explanation for deviance is based on the assumption that rule-breakers differ significantly from those who
conform to societal norms. These differences may include impulsive tendencies, psychopathy, and a lack of
empathy. The summary also mentions historical figures like Cesare Lombroso and his colleagues, who
believed in applying scientific methods to identify physical differences between deviants and non-deviants,
eventually expanding their focus to environmental factors.
This critique challenges biological explanations of deviance by highlighting several key points. First, it
argues that social constructionists reject the uncritical acceptance of "normality" in biology, emphasizing
that social norms are the result of socio-political processes rather than inherent biological traits. Deviance,
according to this perspective, is a result of a political process of rule-making rather than biological
predispositions.
Furthermore, the critique raises the issue of why some individuals with the same biological conditions may
not deviate while others without these conditions do. It also questions the explanation for positive deviants
and why certain individuals engaging in risk-taking behaviors are celebrated rather than stigmatized. Social
constructionists argue that even when biological differences are identified and associated with deviant
behaviors, the response of society to these individuals can amplify their deviance, creating self-fulfilling
prophecies through labeling.
This article discusses the role of psychiatric and psychological explanations in understanding deviant
behavior, particularly focusing on the case of Adam Lanza, who committed the Sandy Hook school shooting
in 2012. The author explores how psychological theories, rooted in Sigmund Freud's work, explain deviance
as a result of mental processes and personality development. They discuss how personality disorders can
emerge from abnormal developmental processes or traumatic events if not appropriately addressed. The
article also highlights the significance of socialization in personality development and how behavior can be
learned through rewards, punishments, and social influences. The article emphasizes that not all individuals
with psychological disturbances engage in criminal acts, and it underscores the importance of early
intervention and treatment for individuals with mental health issues.
The case of Adam Lanza is discussed to illustrate how untreated mental illness can be a predisposing factor
in deviant behavior. The failure to provide him with necessary treatment and the easy access to firearms in
his home are highlighted as contributing factors to the tragic mass shooting.
In summary, the article explores the complex relationship between mental health, personality development,
and deviant behavior, using the case of Adam Lanza as a real-world example to emphasize the importance of
early intervention and appropriate treatment in preventing such tragedies.
This text discusses the social constructionist critique of psychiatric and personality explanations of mental
illness. Social constructionists challenge the idea that mental illnesses are objective diagnostic entities,
suggesting that they are socially constructed labels used to control behavior. Some argue that these labels
stigmatize individuals, while others acknowledge the real consequences of extreme mental states. An
evolutionary-based version of social constructionism called harmful dysfunction attempts to integrate
naturalistic and constructionist views but faces challenges in explaining why some individuals violate rules
only some of the time.
The social-structure lens offers an explanation for deviance that focuses on societal factors rather than
individual pathology. It suggests that deviance can be attributed to factors such as the environment,
neighborhoods, or organizational structures, as well as social forces like status, race, or gender in an unequal
society. In this perspective, the root causes of deviance are found in aspects of society's culture and social
structure, rather than within the individual.
This text discusses the concept of deviance in relation to geographical places and social ecology theories. It
suggests that deviance tends to be associated with specific neighborhoods or environments rather than
individual characteristics. These deviant places are often characterized by factors like economic
disadvantage, high population density, social disorganization, and conflicting cultures or subcultures. The
text also highlights how migration and cultural differences can contribute to deviance.
The critique presented in the text argues that the distribution of crime and deviance in these places is not
arbitrary but a result of social processes influenced by powerful investors, media coverage, and political
decisions. It emphasizes that perceptions of neighborhood disorder play a significant role in shaping actions
and decisions, leading to the concentration of deteriorating neighborhoods and higher rates of crime. In
summary, the text explores the relationship between deviance and geographical places, emphasizing the role
of social processes and perceptions in shaping deviant behavior. It also raises important questions about the
selective application of these explanations and the influence of cultural stereotypes on perceptions of deviant
places. Additionally, it advocates for a broader consideration of deviance in various contexts, including
workplaces and corporate settings.
This text discusses the concept of deviance in the context of societal misalignment, particularly focusing on
anomie and strain theories. It begins by highlighting the prevalence of cheating and plagiarism among
students, driven by the pressures to achieve success in a competitive educational environment. These
actions, where individuals seek socially approved goals through illegitimate means, are explained through
anomie and strain theory, which suggest that something is "sick" or "strained" in society's arrangements that
lead some individuals to deviate. Anomie theory, rooted in the work of Emile Durkheim and Robert Merton,
argues that periods of rapid social and economic change can undermine the moral fabric of society, leading
to unlimited aspirations and some pursuing them through deviant behavior. Merton's adaptation modes to
perceived relative deprivation are discussed, which include ritualism, retreatism, rebellion, and innovation as
responses to the strain between societal goals and means.
The critique of these explanations is presented through a social constructionist lens, challenging the
assumption that society has a dominant mainstream value of materialism and that individuals react to
structural elements in a rational manner. It argues that these theories oversimplify the diversity of human
agents and ignore the ongoing change in societal groups and interactive social processes that shape meaning.
In summary, the text explores how anomie and strain theories explain deviance arising from societal
misalignment and then critiques these theories for oversimplifying the complexity of human agency and the
dynamic nature of social structures.
This text explores the concept of deviance in the context of structural inequalities, particularly focusing on
race, class, and gender explanations. It begins by providing an example of racial profiling and police
harassment, highlighting the role of conflict over race and the stigmatization of African American men in
society. The text introduces conflict and radical theories, which are rooted in the works of Karl Marx, Max
Weber, and more recent sociologists like George Vold, Steven Spitzer, and others. These theories emphasize
that external forces from societal divisions and inequalities shape institutions and human behavior, leading
to deviance. They view individuals as potentially creative entities but suggest that they are often repressed
and manipulated for the benefit of dominant interests.
According to conflict and radical theories, deviance is a product of societies characterized by divisions and
inequalities, fueled by systems of domination and injustice. Deviance arises from differences in power, with
dominant groups defining the behavior of subordinate segments as threatening or disruptive to the social
order. Deviance is also seen as a form of resistance by subordinated segments against their oppression.
The "conflict" version of these theories argues that social inequalities result from groups competing for
limited resources, power, status, and prestige, leading to deviance stemming from economic differences,
cultural clashes, or struggles over various aspects of society. Dominant groups label the behavior of those
deviating from their cultural norms as deviant.
In contrast, "radical" theory suggests that deviance is a consequence of deeper economic conflicts rooted in
economic power and the concentration of wealth by a dominant minority in class-divided societies.
Capitalism, with its private ownership of property, generates and concentrates vast wealth, providing
conditions for deviance. Social control mechanisms are seen as either directly controlled by the economic
elite or serving to legitimize the capitalist system by mitigating its worst excesses. In this analysis, humans
are impoverished by economic inequalities, and social institutions and the state often maintain existing
power relations.
This passage discusses feminist and gender theories in relation to acts of defiance, resistance, and social
change, particularly within the context of deviance and criminology. It highlights various perspectives
within feminist theory, including liberal feminism, radical feminism, and the more recent concept of
intersectionality, which considers the interplay of gender with other factors like race and class. It questions
whether actions that challenge traditional gender norms and standards of beauty, such as ORLAN's plastic
surgery, can be seen as acts of resistance against male domination and attempts to redefine societal norms.
The passage also emphasizes how patriarchal power structures are seen as the root cause of crime and
deviance by feminist criminologists. Different feminist theories are outlined, with liberal feminists focusing
on gender inequalities and discrimination, advocating for social changes to empower women. In contrast,
radical feminists attribute deviance and aggression to biological differences between men and women and
propose replacing men in power with women. The passage also introduces the concept of intersectionality,
which recognizes that gender is just one dimension of oppression, alongside class, race, and ethnicity. This
perspective aims to incorporate the experiences of women of color and acknowledges the limitations of
previous feminist theories in addressing their concerns.
This critique highlights the limitations of various sociological theories in explaining class, race, and gender
as factors in deviance. It argues that while conflict and critical theories recognize the influence of social
structures, they tend to emphasize the dominance of certain coercive forces, marginalizing the agency of
individuals in resisting oppression. Furthermore, it points out that the pure Marxist view of class exploitation
is flawed, with "left realists" describing radicals as "left idealists." The complexity of class divisions in
contemporary capitalist societies is emphasized, where factors like race, religion, and gender intersect to
create a more nuanced understanding of social dynamics, known as "intersectionality." The feminist
perspective is also introduced, highlighting how male dominance and the construction of gender roles
contribute to deviance, framing it as an expression of masculinity. In summary, this critique argues that
existing sociological theories either prioritize individual agency over structural factors or vice versa, and it
sets the stage for examining deviance through a social process lens, which considers the interplay between
human agency and social structures.
The social process lens offers a perspective that recognizes the interplay between individuals and social
structures, emphasizing that these two elements are co-produced through ongoing social interactions.
Initially, early social process theories tended to overlook the influence of social structure on human actions.
However, contemporary social constructionists take a more nuanced stance, viewing social structures,
including class, race, gender, and spatial factors, as outcomes of micro-level processes that both reproduce
and influence them. Importantly, these processes shape and guide individual human actions but do not
entirely determine them. This approach is characterized as a micro-macro integrative explanation, which is
the overarching framework adopted in this book.
Social learning theories offer an explanation for deviant behavior by positing that deviance, like any other
behavior, is acquired through social interactions with significant individuals, such as family, friends, and
peers. This theory, rooted in the work of Ronald Akers and Albert Bandura, argues that individuals learn
scripts about values, motives, and behavior, and they adjust their actions based on the reactions of others.
People may also model their behavior after what they observe in others, whether real individuals or media
representations.
Social learning theorists assert that humans, initially blank slates, acquire both conventional and deviant
behaviors. The key difference between conformists and deviants lies in what they learn. Conformists absorb
the norms of mainstream society, while deviants adopt the norms of a delinquent subculture that opposes the
larger society. Deviants learn specific knowledge, skills, motives, and rationalizations that justify their
behavior.
Recent constructivist versions of social learning theory, inspired by Albert Bandura's "agentic" perspective,
emphasize that individuals are not passive learners but purposeful actors who interact dynamically with their
experiences and the situational context. This approach highlights the interplay of personal and situational
influences, where behavior is a product of this dynamic interaction rather than a mere reaction to the
environment. In summary, social learning theories suggest that deviant behavior is learned through social
interactions, and individuals actively engage with their experiences and surroundings in a dynamic and
reciprocal manner, contributing to their own motivation, behavior, and development.
This passage discusses the concept of neutralization theories in the context of deviant behavior.
Neutralization is described as a social process that weakens established bonds to conventional norms,
allowing individuals to deviate from these norms. The text mentions sociologist David Matza and his work
on neutralization, emphasizing how learned words and phrases can be used to neutralize moral and legal
inhibitions against deviant behavior. It also highlights the idea that deviance is not separate from mainstream
culture but rather exists as a subterranean part of it. Furthermore, the passage connects neutralization to
concepts like cognitive dissonance and moral disengagement, suggesting that it explains how individuals use
excuses and justifications to free themselves from guilt and inhibition when contemplating deviant actions.
It also notes that neutralization theory involves aspects of social learning, group dynamics, cognitive
behavior, and learning, making it a social psychological theory.
This text discusses social control theories and their perspective on deviance. It highlights that social control
theorists believe that everyone has the potential to engage in deviant behavior unless there are disincentives
in place to prevent it. The text emphasizes the importance of building bonds to conventional behavior
through associations with social actors like parents, schools, friends, and employers to prevent deviance. It
also mentions that failure to establish these bonds can result from factors such as disengaged parents or the
absence of internal and external controls. The text introduces "self-control theory," which explores the
failure of some individuals to resist immediate gratification. Additionally, it discusses the concept of
"deviance desistence," where individuals can change their deviant patterns through cognitive transformation
and positive relational bonding to convention. The text suggests that the social control process plays a
significant role in explaining deviance.
This text discusses labeling and social constructionist theories of deviance. Labeling theory shifts the focus
from why people deviate to how society reacts to deviant behavior. It emphasizes that deviance is partly
about the fears and concerns of those labeling individuals as deviant. Labeling theory draws from symbolic
interactionism and highlights the self-fulfilling prophecy, where labeling can lead individuals to embrace
their deviant identity, leading to secondary deviance. It also mentions the creation of deviant social
organizations and subcultures due to marginalization.
Social constructionism, as applied to deviance, suggests that humans act within social frameworks and are
influenced by socially constructed meanings. It explores how society identifies and judges differences in
behavior, appearance, ideas, or lifestyles. The text emphasizes that social reality is shaped by human
interaction and the continuous creation and reproduction of meaning.
This chapter provides a comprehensive overview of theoretical explanations for deviant behavior, exploring
three key frameworks utilized by sociologists and criminologists. The analysis delves into the limitations of
individual and social structural perspectives from a social constructionist standpoint and introduces insights
from the social process lens. While this chapter serves as a foundation, the subsequent chapters in the book
promise to delve deeper into the social constructionist approach within the social process lens, drawing from
theories of neutralization, human agency, and social control to enrich the overall perspective on deviant
behavior.
1. "The Handbook of Deviance" (Goode, 2015): This comprehensive compilation of original articles by
leading thinkers on deviance offers a broad overview of the subject. It covers various aspects of deviance,
including definitions, social control, subcultures, and positive deviance. The book explores different
theoretical perspectives and applies them to individual and institutional deviance. While it provides valuable
depth and insight, its encyclopedic nature may make it challenging for readers seeking a concise overview.
2. "Deviance and Social Control: A Sociological Perspective" (Inderbitzin, Bates, & Gainey, 2017): This
book combines sociological theories of deviance with selected readings to illustrate each theory. It focuses
on concepts and theories rather than specific types of deviance, providing a comprehensive understanding of
the field. While it offers a valuable resource, its length and text-reader design might be overwhelming for
some readers.
3. "Essential Criminology" (Lanier, Henry, & Anastasia, 2015): This text provides a concise overview of
major theoretical perspectives in criminology and deviance. It covers a wide range of theories, from classical
to critical, and includes real-world examples and study tools. The book's brevity is an advantage for those
seeking a quick understanding of the subject, but it may lack the depth found in more extensive texts.
4. "Images of Deviance and Social Control" (Pfohl, 1994): Pfohl's work offers a postmodernist critique of
traditional theories of deviance and social control. It assesses the strengths and weaknesses of these theories
and uses photomontages and introductory narratives to connect them to contemporary social issues. While
this perspective is valuable for those interested in postmodernist critiques, the book's publication date may
limit its coverage of more recent developments in the field.
Overall, these readings provide diverse approaches to the study of deviance, from encyclopedic resources to
focused critiques of traditional theories. Readers should choose texts based on their specific interests and the
level of depth and detail they require for their study of deviance and social control.