MASTER'S DEGREE THESIS

Between private and public

Transformation of the notion of common spaces in the city

of Cali.
  INDEX 1
 ABSTRACT 4
1. Background:
About Some conceptual considerations on the definition of public space 5
 Case study: Cali 6
 Public space from a normative perspective
 The public space as a historical project
 The public space as an urban project 6
 public space as a common good: common spaces 6

2. Lo tradicional y lo actual, la forma física de dos hechos urbanos de la ciudad de

Cali: Análisis morfológico urbano 5
 From traditional to modern a brief history of the growth of the city of Cali.
 The effective public space
 Comparison of urban fabrics data and history:
 Urban fabric Type 1, Barrio La Merced as an example of a traditional
configuration
 Urban fabric Type2, Barrio Valle del Lili is an example of a modern configuration
 Matrix of apple dimension.
 Urban fabric urban morphological matrix 1
 Urban fabric morphological matrix 2

3. Between the private and the public: the common good: socio-Space analysis.
 Public, common and private interfaces.
 Accesses, paths, and edges

4. Final conclusions
ABSTRACT
Urban transformations are processes that are part of the dynamics of urbanism. The
processes of progressive transformation of the different urban configurations expand the
ways of using urban spaces. However, these different interactions, phenomena, and
subsequent forms of appropriation of spaces by citizens, evidence various representations
where the current idea and generalized definition of the so-called public space, ignores
some characteristics, special social dynamics, and attributes of urban surfaces that goes
beyond the private or public.

Cali is a Colombian city, in which these urban processes are evidenced in each context, in
this way, the tradition of the city cannot be read under the same idea of public space in a
current context and the process of development. Faced with this issue, it is necessary to
question: What is meant by public space in Cali? What is meant by public space in the
traditional context and the context of expansion? Is the public space conceived in the
traditional context the same as the expanding context? is the idea or concept of public
space applied in the city adequate? This research answers these questions from various
contrasts and forms of definition in which the notion of the problem posed, taking into
account morphological and typological characteristics of a traditional urban cut and a
current urban cut of the city of Cali, are the axis for reflections.
INTRODUCTION

The city of Santiago de Cali, founded in 1536, is the third-largest city in Colombia and is
located in the southwest of the country, near the southwest coast of Colombia on the
Pacific Ocean. Its population is approximately 2 300 000 including populations in
adjacent urban and rural areas and the area of its area is 561.7 km2. In Cali, there is a
large number of urban phenomena, in which countless interactions originate and develop
as a characteristic of urban life, but at the same time conflict scenarios are generated that
derive from decisions and changes that suffer the social, cultural, economic, political,
urban facts, among others that build the city. From this point of view, the different
definitions of public space mention architectural, and functional aspects and, a focused on
its symbol part r t. ( Rincon et al., 2009)

Cali has been adapting to the challenges that have arisen over the years, the forms of
occupation and the dynamics of urban surfaces that occurred in a specific time and place,
have been modified. In this way, the so-called public space today must be understood as
an urban process that becomes a fundamental element for the development not only of
cities.

The public space of recent years has adhered to global processes and ideas that endanger
its identity and authenticity, homogenizing its dynamics, in addition to the privatization of
spaces that segregate and fragment the city. The regulations related to the urban surfaces
of the city are recent regulations that have aimed to collect and expose information
concerning the order of the dynamics of the territory and its distribution, where public
space is not exempted at the time of the implementation of policies for its operation. The
current regulations have gradually changed their scale, from national policies to the
implementation of plans at municipal levels. As the background is the constitution of 91
with which the approval of new laws begins: Law 9 of 1989 or Law of Urban Reform,
Law 388 or Organic Law of Territorial Planning at the national level, giving way to the
POT of 2000, and subsequent POT 2014 at the municipal level in the city of Cali,
allowing urban regulations to begin to decentralize.
In terms of public space, there are instructions for the consolidation of the ordering of
public space such as the MEP Manual of Public Space in 2003, MECEP Manual of design
and construction of Constitutive Elements of Public Space in 2010, MECoEP Manual of
Complementary Elements of Public Space, 2017 and the most recent Manual of public
space for early childhood MEPPI. Even so, when defining objectives, implementing
programs or strategies about the order and functioning of public surfaces, their effect is
lost as they are generalized norms and definitions for a city composed of a multiplicity of
urban scenarios. About the above and as the main topic that will be addressed in this
research, the contrast between the traditional city and the expanding city is urban
processes conceived in two different historical moments of the city, therefore, the public
surfaces (today called public space) of a traditional context should not be studied under a
regulation equal to that of a current context in expansion, where the public surfaces were
projected under recent regulations and concepts.

Because it is an investigation aimed at the study of a contrast between two urban

processes of the city of Cali, whereas the first instance the concepts of public space
indicated in the urban regulations of the city will be redefined taking into account each
context, to then describe and compare how these two ways of inhabiting the city of Cali
work in terms of their morphology, typology and operation, in such a way that the
attributes of each context can be demonstrated by understanding what it is and that it is
not public space according to the regulations established concerning each context and find
new dimensions in which public surfaces must be studied in the city of Cali.
Contextualizacion tematica y situacion problema:
El hecho de la transformaciond e las ciudadades, suponen tambien una modfificacion de sus
espacios urbanos, espacios que con el tiempo tambien se van condicionando bajo las
distintas regulaciones que llegan con el tiempo.Es evidente que es necesario organizar las
ciudades para su funcionamiento, para su desarrollo y crecimiento, pero el desarrollo de
normativas generalizadas, incluso descontextualizadas que pretenden estudiar y a la vez
organizar la ciudad, siendo son poco reflexivos a la hora de profundizar en las verdaderas
dinamicas que organizan la ciudad. las nuevas modificados apartir de estas reglas, generan
un falso progreso que esta fragmentando las ciudades y despojandolas de vitalidad.

La situacion anteriormente mencionada genera impactos y secuelas que son posteriormente

reflejadas en procesos de transformación evidenciados en las distintas formas de ocupación
y de distribución del espacio público, en ese sentido la propuesta de esta tesis va orientada
a:

-Evaluar en un rango temporal lo que hoy entiende por espacio publico en dos fragmentos
urbanos de la ciudad de Cali-Colombia.

-Un analisis comparativo fisico-espacial de los fragmentos urbanos a traves de sus

configuraciones morfo-tipológicas.

-Identificar y comparar las condiciones en terminos de calidad a partir de un analisis socio

espacial, identificando las formas en como se habita el espacio publico.

-Construir una idea de espacio publico a partir de lo encontrado en el desarrollo de la

investigacion.

Metodologia:

La metodologia comparativa sera el metodo principal de esta investigacion, ya que se

aborda un contraste entre dos barrios de la ciudad pertenecientes a epocas distintas.

Las tecnicas principales son matrices de comparacion morfologicas que describan en terminos
fisicos como es el espacio publico, el capitulo socio espacial , la entrevistas como soporte
complementacion de lo anterior y finalmente un analisis basado conceptos desarrollados por
Kevin Lynch y Jan Ghel para el analisis en terminos cualitativos.
1. Some conceptual considerations on the definition of public space

The public space from the regulations:

The urban growth of Cali is a set of scenarios where different sociocultural processes
converge and consequently, the search arises to regulate the urban planning of the
territory, this as a vision at the national level, as the first antecedent, the Law 9th of 1989
or Law of The Urban Reform "To achieve optimal conditions for the development of
cities and their areas of influence in the physical aspects, economic, social and
administrative, municipalities with a population greater than one hundred thousand
(100,000) inhabitants." By this time, this law together with the policies related to the
urbanism of the cities still maintained in the conception of centralist that came from the
constitution of 1886, (LAW 9a OF 1989 URBAN REFORM, 1989).the 9thLaww became
the expression of the political will aimed at ordering the development of the
municipalities. (Vergara Varela, 2009).

Law 9 of 1989 defines public space as the set of public buildings and the architectural and
natural elements of private buildings, destined by their nature, by their use or affectation,
to the satisfaction of collective urban needs that transcend, therefore, the limits of the
individual interests of the inhabitants. Thus, the public space of the city constitutes the
areas required for circulation, both pedestrian and vehicular, the areas for public
recreation, active or passive, for security and citizen tranquility, the strips of withdrawal
of buildings on the roads, water sources, parks, squares, green areas and the like, those
necessary for the installation and maintenance of basic public services, for the
installation and use of the constituent elements of urban furnishing in all its expressions
(...), in general, for all existing or duly projected areas in which the collective interest is
manifest and convenient and which constitute, therefore, areas for collective use or
enjoyment. (LAW 9TH OF 1989 URBAN REFORM, 1989)
With the constitution of 1991, the population of Colombia is recognized as diverse,
multiethnic, and multicultural, that is where each city builds its processes and contexts, of
course, diversity does not point to a hierarchy, it supposes that our cities must be that
space of encounter and recognition, therefore the update is made in the urban regulations
contained in Law 9 of 1989, to obtain a more comprehensive framework of action in
urban public policy this happens through the updating of this law through Law 388 of
1997 or also called the Organic Law of Territorial Planning, it is a legal instrument that
begins to understand and recognize that each city as a territory of the different process
where diverse contexts are established and where the economy at the national level begins
to create other economies at the regional level through an urban network that allows
integration into urban-regional systems. (Vergara Varela, 2009). With this law arise the
territorial planning plans (POT) which give way to decentralization in terms of the
planning of the municipalities, contextualizing a little more these norms, seeking to
integrate everything that makes up the urban complexity of the cities establishing an
administrative "order" focused on areas of expansion, metropolitan areas, public spaces,
land uses and management, centralities, mobility, coverage of public services order in
economic and environmental terms, where attempts are beginning to be glimpsed for the
development of cities with integral visions and about the search for sustainable territories.
In article 7 of Decree 1504 of 1998, public space in territorial planning plans is defined as
the fundamental articulating and structuring element of space in the city, as well as the
regulator of the environmental conditions of the same, and therefore constitutes one of
the main structural elements of the Territorial Planning Plans, It also establishes that
the measurement of the quantitative deficit will be based on a minimum index of
effective public space (EPE), that is, the permanent public space, made up of green
areas, parks, squares, and squares. (Congress of Colombia, 1998)
Currently, from the point of view of the national documents mentioned above, the POT
of Cali proposes to increase the index of effective public space According to the POT, the
current average index of public space is 2.6 square meters per inhabitant. For this
reason, the goals of the Territorial Planning Plan of Cali are to increase this index by
taking advantage of environmental elements such as eco-park banks and forest areas so
that they are used by the people of Cali as recreation spaces. (Cali, 2014). Finally, public
space at the national level has a fundamental role in the planning, articulation, and
development of the territory as mentioned above, public space functions as a
fundamental element that structures the territory, while, in the city of Cali, the element
that structures the city is its main ecological structure. In that sense, how the city is
structured and developed is directly linked to the natural conditions that the city enjoys.
 In summary, the regulations specify five points to highlight and that will be based on the
development of this research:

1. Public space is designed to meet collective urban needs in spaces where the collective
interest is manifest.
2. In Cali, the element that structures the city is the urban ecological structure, therefore,
the Public Space System is configured from the elements of the ecological structure.
3. According to the index of effective public space in Cali is in deficit since the current
average index of public space is 2.6 square meters per inhabitant.
4. The public space system is composed of public spaces of environmental value, meeting
and recreation, and mobility.
5. Public space in terms of quality, takes into account: accessibility, safety, and comfort.
c

Public space from urbanism.

There is a large number of urban phenomena in cities, which are linked to the
complexity of each territory in which countless interactions originate and develop, this is
a characteristic of the urban life of each city. Cities have been adapting to the challenges
that have arisen over the years, and the forms of occupation of the territory have gone
through modifications with which the city begins to gain or lose quality in terms of urban
life.
In the urban configuration of Cali, from its foundation in 1536 until 1920, the formal
urban spatial structure of Cali corresponds to that of a typical compact city of the
Hispanic function of the sixteenth century. (Universidad del Valle, 2012)

The urban layout of the city at that time

originated from the center with the Plaza Mayor,
and from there, little by little it grew with the
continuous expansion of the grid, the
checkerboard trace that was established as a
guideline for the implementation and
development of cities institutionalized in the
Laws of the Indies, where the first practices of
urbanism in the country were determined. As the
population grew, so did the growth pattern
through this urban layout, the central square
remained as an open and available space for what
the city decided to do with its most emblematic
space. (Universidad del Valle, 2012), little by little
the sense of the public, also moved to the use of
the interior spaces of some buildings
Until 1920 all the public surfaces were integrated by the traditional layout of the streets
and squares, then the street element also es fundamental element, in addition, within
the collective imaginary spaces are added as areas of the river for recreation and as
mentioned above, buildings that had functions aimed at the service of the community,
even so, in this same year the phenomenon of expansion began to have force, increasing
the decentralization of the city, going from a compact city to a dispersed city. The boom
in the expansion of cities is a global vision that, in effect, brings many changes, one of
them is the urban growth that has made evident its accelerated trend, with this, cities go
through new urban processes such as the decentralization of cities, in this way what
behaved compactly, of diverse dynamics in uses and activities, it has been transformed
giving way to cities of dispersed dynamics with urbanization processes that seek a
massive occupation of the territory, then the city is dispersed and with it, dysfunctions
appear. . (Barcelona Urban Ecology Agency, 2010)
In today's city models, there is excessive pressure on the natural resources provided by
the city and on the vital services it provides us, along with zz actions to preserve the well-
being of future generations, for which solutions are sought today. One of these solutions
is part of the examination of new models of cities that are more sustainable.

The city as a whole is composed of different systems that work in favor of the city, as
well as various dynamics that the city presents evidence of the responses of the
metabolism of the city that is represented as an organic being. The aforementioned
dynamics, together with ideological, social, al and other processes that we have
mentioned above, cause changes in use and activities, and even change some functions
and the spirit of the city, this implies partial transformations, and even total in its
morphology, in its urban and environmental structure, in this way the city is a physical
spatial process in continuous transformation.

Public space is one of the fundamental systems that make up the city and being the
representation of the physical form of the city, it is subjected to multiple
transformations: "It is the space of citizen coexistence and form, together with the
network of facilities and green spaces and stay, the main axes of social life and
relationship.
 promot
ed.

(Barcelona Urban Ecology

The quality of the space is not only an
indicator related to the concept of
compactness, but at the same time, it
is an indicator of stability." that is why
current urban models must be
questioned and examined in such a
way that as proposed by the urban
ecology agency, the city transforms its
current urban model to a sustainable
urban model with a systemic approach
where the city functions as a whole,
where a city-environment relationship
and the elements that compose it are

Cali went from having a compact model to being a dispersed city as the population
lacked and the peripheries began to be occupied, in this way, systems such as public
space were affected in terms of quality, cand eased to be integrating routes of the city,
to dispersed elements and voids of meaning to create links with citizens. The public
space in Cali as an infrastructure of the city sometimes loses the opportunity to
interrelate with other infrastructures of the different levels of urban plan to diversify the
exchanges between them and enhance their main characteristic structurespaces and
channelers of flows of the territory. (Abundance, 1993)
 A transformation of the current urban model of a city implies, then, a diversity of
challenges in the achievement of sustainable models, for example, the transformation of
public space in terms of habitability, valuing its own characteristics, redefining concepts,
methodologies, and strategies for the appreciation of the attributes of public space,
taking into account that it is a structural element of a more sustainable city model.
(Barcelona Urban Ecology Agency, 2010)

 The public space from the uism, is a system that is part of the functioning of the city, that
is, of its metabolism.

 Having a potential structuring of spaces and the channeling of flows, public space
functions as an infrastructure that must guarantee articulations with other infrastructures
of the city.

 The city moves from a compact city model to a dispersed system, thus transforming uses,
activities, and dynamics.
Public space as a historical project: Urban heritage

Public surfaces are those that are produced, used by societies, and are the reflection of
the social dynamics of a city in a given time and space, although specifically physical
coordinates are usually attributed to space, it is necessary to take into account that time
is an important characteristic when deepening its valuation. From this point of view,
these surfaces have history and express meanings that derive from collective ideas that
are conceived from the reality of f a society.
The public space and how it is conceived corresponds to how cities work and are
organized in a certain era, that is why it must be taken into account that these elements
of the past, keep their characteristics to the needs of how the citizens of that time
inhabited the spaces, in this way it would not be correct to generalize or attribute
current characteristics to surfaces that were thought differently.

The surfaces with specific functions and activities, today are not perceived in the same
way, even so, they are spaces conceived from a collective idea that at some time held
great importance, they become for the city in singular elements as an image of a city
that is no longer there but that remains immutable and are located in the collective
memory of a society. For Aldo Rossi in his text architecture of the city, he exposes that
urban development is correlative in a temporal sense, in other words, the city is
endowed with a before and after, and that does not want to suppose a rupture. This
urban development is composed of urban facts, and some of these surfaces are specific
urban facts with historical characteristics, from this perspective, the physical form of the
surfaces and public buildings of the ancient cities, is the representation made the
architecture of the urban facts of the moment.

Cali has been developing from a past of impositions in terms of architecture, even so,
this architecture had its logic that deserves a deepening in the recognition and analysis
of its values. In colonial times, the urban layout imposed by external urban models
defined how the city was ordered, the physical space was present but its value becomes
important from its forms of use and the dynamics that occur in them, The main square,
works as a multifunctional space where everyday life of society converges. It thus
becomes that fundamental element that begins to structure the city. "It is the
geometric, symbolic and vital center of the colonial city, and its streets are the image of
the flows of urban life of that time. These meeting spaces were a place of market, a
place of celebration: The markets were newspapers and outdoors, being held every
Saturday in the central square to which the production of the haciendas and family
gardens converged. In the market, the different social classes were confused. (Gómez V et al., 1986)
 , in this way, and with many other dynamics, these meeting places are the
expression of a meaning of a collective ideal of society, of a certain era, they become the
image of urban life of the moment. In other words, these collective spaces of the ancient
city are the physical expression of the way in whhowbited these spaces according to
their needs.

The center of Cali is the image of the colonial city that remains as a support for the
collective memory of citizens, it is one of the physical parts of the city that links today's
society to the old, and the architecture around it may have been replaced or modified
but these spaces have a vocation to maintain and leave a legacy.

So, the ancient city, full of history, is a place of teaching since through the spatial
configurations, from their authenticity, they become a reference of different systems,
through formal and spatial characteristics that persist in the city, in this way they are
part of the collective memory of the city.

 The urban and architectural heritage is the constant reflection of innumerable traditions
of each era, which nevertheless time produce identity and culture.
 The public surfaces of the ancient city are the physical presence of the urban life of that
time, coming to life from collective ideas.
 The urban heritage functions as a support for the collective memory, summarizing the
image of the city of each era.
Informe de avances del Proceso de Participación Ciudadana y Gestión Comunitaria
Public space as a social process.

The processes of transformation of the city, such as the modifications that the public
surfaces have had, are related to architectural, technical, and environmental areas, but
also aspects of a social nature. Just as society is modifying logistics and its ways of living,
are the different urban spaces of the city.

Speaking of the ancient city, the public surfaces conceived in the old city, are a
materialization that starts from social content, are the collective experiences and
memories of a territory, and then a social construction of the past that as already
mentioned above, is a fundamental part of the collective memory of a city.

As an important concept of this study, collective memory, in addition to being endowed

with historical character, is importantly related to urban transformations since these are
a consequence of the decisions or actions of the social content (they can be economic,
political, social) with which the identity, appropriation, and links with the territory are
built, fostering a sense of belonging. In times of the Colony in Cali, the collective surfaces
were defined by the same citizens who developed the different activities, the citizen
gave value to the space thus creating a life according to their needs. Over time, the value
of the surfaces was reduced to terms of money, and their progress and development
related to processes of commodification, cutting the social bond that builds the city. The
citizen left aside the sense of belonging to these spaces, spaces defined and managed by
the power of the state. According to Aldo Rossi, the activities that materialize in
different parts of the city are established by social content, thus forming an urban
structure.

The recognition of the territory and the environment is fundamental to create, renew or
maintain common goods either of the old city or the city of modernity and above all to
renew civic traditions aimed at aligning individual, collective needs together, "I am
because we are" and that collective mentality, which comes from the ancient city,
currently it is also built from state policies, governance, and local administration, in this
case of public space, where regulations, plan, and projects determine land uses, urban
form and as a consequence another way of transforming the city, and therefore the
transformation of public space.

This transformation that over time has faced great challenges has gradually broken the
link between the citizen and the city, in this way, the citizen es does not recognize that he
has the potential to make changes, be active and interesting in a process of transformation
of the territory in which he lives, but also to create awareness among other people of
something. (Bollier & Helfrich, 2019)

Currently, processes of collective collaboration of various projects related to the common

good, offer citizens the opportunity to express opinions and perspectives on the
organization and development of the territory in which they live, that sense citizens have
the possibility (either as a community or individuals), unlock a potential urban creator,
renewing links with the administration of the city, where the processes of transformation
are not understood as progress and development in terms of commodification or a value
that is defined by price and money, but understand that the social aspect of the
transformation of public surfaces from a collective language, is generative and value
creator that goes beyond the economic.

In different cities of the world, urban participation is more evident and necessary, cities
such as Turin- Italy the project Co-City - The collaborative management of urban
commons to counteract poverty and socio-spatial polarisation, and its main objective is
the regeneration of segregated neighborhoods located in different areas of the city is the
main challenge of the Co-City. Social exclusion is also clearly linked to the decline of
many public spaces in the urban context. One of the most visible signs of urban decline is
a large number of abandoned buildings (Europe Urban Lab, 2020)most of the heritage of
the city's industrial past, owned by the city are unused or underused, even if most of them
have a strong potential as possible drivers of urban regeneration and residents participate
in many deprived areas of the city, this is done from the regulation of urban commons
based on "collaboration pacts " between residents or associations and the local authority,
in most cases, these collaborations point to the reuse of urban spaces or abandoned
 structures. In Bologna in Italy, they have the REGULATION ON COLLABORATION
BETWEEN CITIZENS AND THE CITY FOR THE CARE AND REGENERATION OF
URBAN COMMONS where they understood that how to involve the citizen with the city
should be renewed, creating roles for the care of the common goods, thus managing to
break barriers between groups of informal citizens and the public administration, based
on mutual trust, transparency, the commitment of the parties, management of impacts and
follow-ups. (Bologna, 2014)

The scope of citizen participation thus became fundamental, that there is already a group
of people in charge of managing the implementation of the regulation and monitoring the
collaborative pacts achieved. The results are not only in urban terms but also in terms of
governance within the city (what Boiler would call peer governance), with participation,
citizens acquire a moral authority and ability to do things that could have a great impact
either on the community itself or with the state, where it is allowed to develop
infrastructures to communalize and balance the power of the state creating an
organizational culture that is inclusive with the community. (Bollier & Helfrich, 2019)

 The public surfaces of the old city are loaded with social content granted by the citizens
themselves.

 The collective memory, in addition to being endowed with a historical character, is the
link between current society and the past, with which identity, appropriation, and links
with the territory are built, promoting the sense of belonging.

 publicic space as a common good, proposes a link between the citizen and the city,
where the governance of these spaces is structured through a divided responsibility (co-
management), thus creating new democratic processes.
. The traditional and the current, are two urban facts of the city of Cali.
Old Cali, The colonial legacy and the compact city, XIX century – 1924

The layout of this sector and its architecture are born from some formulas of continuity
established in colonial times in the nineteenth century, until the beginning of the
twentieth century. Its orthogonal layout originates in the physical provisions of the Laws
of the Indies that as Aprile affirms, in this compilation you could find the origin of practices
or norms in force today, therefore, here the first rules of urbanism that Colombia had
were reflected. (April-Gniset, 1992).
These right angles "to rule and string" as defined by Aprile, result in an orthogonal grid
formed by the crossing of streets, these streets as a set of longitudinal bands (with a
certain width) forming the meeting spaces of the time, and the space between them (the
blocks), the private space that later becomes fractionated. Each block was divided into
four plots, each plot as a corner property belonging to a family. Each property had a
façade of 45 meters on each side, of this distribution of properties, is born in the country
the private property of latifundista type, it should be added that some of these properties
were mainly intended for housing, were designed for other types of complementary uses.
(April-Gniset, 1991)
This property fragmentation occurs for
reasons such as changes of owners for
inheritance or fiscal reasons. The houses of
the blocks begin to have different
characteristics according to the need for
housing, vary in volume, height and with a
façade of smaller dimension than others (in
the case of party houses). The increase in the
rate of construction in the city does not result
in an expansion to the outside but a much
more compact morphology accompanied by
the increase in densification, this being the
mode of growth of the "Indian city".
Economic processes such as the local crisis between the years 1810 and 1830, and in the
course of processes of pre-industrialization and recovery of the territory in economic terms,
the growth of the city was modest since there were no urbanization processes at encouraged
migration to Cali since the difference between the living conditions of the rural area was
not very different from that of the population centers. "In the case of Cali, the population of

"la traza", had a decrease in the rate of urbanization. " In the nineteenth century, the
population of the municipality of Cali increased 3.8 times, while in the twentieth century
increased 200 times… Population growth was due more to vegetative behavior than to
immigration."

GRAFICO
Towards the modernization of the expanded city, 1925 – 1949

Later in the period of the arrival of the tram and the takeoff through which the city crossed
1910-1930), the center that already had a mixture of uses and resided the elites of the city
began to have a high demand for land for commercial purposes, therefore, the land closest
to the center had higher prices and those of the "peripheries" with low prices. In this way,
an urbanizing phenomenon is manifested that starts from the eviction of the center and as a
consequence begins to observe urban fabrics that begin to specialize in uses, then on the
one hand we have those who live in the new neighborhoods near the center demonstrating
their purchasing power and their social status, and on the other hand, the low-income
people who come to the city in search of opportunities, located on the outskirts of the city
making even more visible the segregation of social classes.

In Cali a new spirit arises due to modernization that comes as an influence of everything
that happens in other parts of the world, a spirit nourished by the landscapes of modernity
in European cities and that influenced the construction of buildings with architectures to
present Cali as a modern city (Rincon et al., 2009) , buildings that today, are located in the
center of the city. new developments in terms of infrastructures of the city, allowed the
urban transformation of the moment to be modified to adapt it to what at the time was
something new, the automobile, which ultimately came to stay since 1913 causing the
urban profiles of the streets of the center and the rest of the city to be modified little by
little.
The expansion is evident in a north and south direction, leaving behind the logic of the
other compact city, now the extended city, even disconnected, insists on marking a logic
that positions the city nationally and internationally, through the construction of works as
collective facilities for education, religion, industry, and sports, that marked in the
collective imagination an urban image that differentiates the new city from that of colonial
legacy.
La aceleración y la expansión de ciudades colombianas, han suscitado una multiplicidad de
fenómenos produciendo secuelas reflejadas en procesos de transformación y nuevas formas de
construir ciudad, evidenciado en las distintas maneras del uso de las superficies como por ejemplo
las formas de ocupación y de distribución del espacio público.
En caso particular de Cali, su complejidad deriva de muchos motivos que la han convertido en la
ciudad que es actualmente, políticas públicas tardías, marcos normativos recientes, normas des
territorializadas y de carácter descriptivo más que planes de acción para el desarrollo de estrategias.
Se describe, se cuantifica la ciudad y su “orden” pero no se mide ni se habla de calidad, en donde el
espacio público no se exime de esta cuestión.
A pesar de la importancia que le dan al espacio público como elemento estructural de la ciudad
junto a la estructura ecológica de la ciudad, se presenta un déficit del espacio público en términos
cualitativos y cuantitativos. La Organización Mundial de la Salud (OMS) no recomienda menos de
10 a 15 m2 de zonas verdes por habitante, mitigando así los daños provocados por el crecimiento
acelerado de las ciudades y sus prácticas diarias que amenazan el consumo de recursos, poniendo en
riesgo la calidad de vida, las estructuras ambientales. Actualmente el déficit en Colombia es de 3,3
m2 por habitante, siendo más evidente en los centros urbanos densos y en donde ellos nuevos
asentamientos no hay dotación adecuada de espacio público. (Conpes 3718, 2012)
La falta de una adecuada interpretación y falta de precisión en las definiciones y todo lo que
compone el espacio público establecidas en las normas, son causas del déficit actual. Además de lo
mencionado anteriormente, también existen metodologías e instrumentos inadecuados para medir el
espacio público que de trasfondo se debe a que aún no se desarrollan metodologías o instrumentos
en términos cualitativos que puedan estudiar el espacio público a partir de condiciones contextuales,
y en consecuencia una escasez en disponibilidad de una formación en relación con el espacio
público.
Para efectos de garantizar la planeación y gestión del espacio público en los POT, y
fundamentalmente para monitorear el déficit cuantitativo y cualitativo del mismo en las ciudades,
el Artículo 14 del Decreto 1504 de 1998 (Congreso de Colombia, 1998) estableció la categoría de
Espacio Público Efectivo, que corresponde al espacio público de carácter permanente, conformado
por zonas verdes, parques, plazas y plazoletas. Para efectos de su medición, se estableció un
indicador de espacio público por habitante y un índice mínimo de EPE de 15 m2.
(Conpes 3718, 2012).
Según el índice de espacio público aplicado en la ciudad la comuna 3 en donde se encentra el Barrio
la merced, cuenta con índice de rango 3,011-6,00m2 por habitante, y el barrio valle del Lili en la
comuna 17 al sur de Cali, se encuentra en un rango de 6,01-9,00m2 por habitante.
m
The chosen study areas are urban
fragments of two urban fabrics
representative of two important
transformations of the city, are
representations of the ancient city and
the modern city, where their typological
and morphological configurations,
through time have undergone some
changes in their dynamics, uses and
activities. Urban fragment 1 is located in
the historic center of the city as part of
the founding fabric of the city and the
compact city model. The urban fragment
type 2, is located in the southern part of
the city, in the peripheries of the city
also with configurations typical of a
modern city and part of the dispersed
city model.
Urban fabric Type 1, Barrio La Merced is an example of a traditional configuration
Currently, in the provision of territorial planning, the neighborhood of La Merced is part of
commune 3 according to the Administrative Department of Planning of Cali with its
statistical yearbook Cali figures, 2016 it had a population of 34,452 and currently has a
population of 33,652. The housing estimate has gone from 12,476 in 2016 to 12,226 in
2021. It has a socio-economic level of 5
(Administrative Department of Planning of Cali, 2021)
. The polygon is located in commune 3 of the city and according to the POT of 2014
classifies as an area of mixed and endowment activity, it is the historic center of the city
and therefore with cultural real estate of national and municipal scope which leads it to
have urban conservation treatment.
Urban fabric Type 2, Barrio Valle del Lili is an example of the current configuration
Currently, in the provision of territorial planning, the neighborhood Valle del Lili is part of
commune 17 and is the largest in the city according to the Administrative Department of
Planning of Cali with its statistical yearbook, Cali figures, for 2016 it had a population of
154.032 and currently has a population of 168.002. The housing in this commune has the
participation of 52% of the licenses granted for real estate construction. It has a socio-
economic level of 5 (Administrative Department of Planning of Cali, 2021) . The polygon
is located in commune 17 of the city and according to the POT of 2014 classifies as an area
of expansion where the uses are predominant residences.
DATOS HISTORICOS :
BARRIO LA MERCED

Until the end of the nineteenth

century the public services did
not have a sufficient provision,
the lighting was precarious and
for the sewerage ditches that ran
through the center of the cobbled
streets were reduced as well as
the sewerage. The street was then
those surfaces that house the
flows of the city and where
multiple identifiable actions can
happen in relation to the image of
the city, in the same way it is an
important space for the constant
relationship between the interior
and the exterior, the dialogue
between the private and the
public. The street is an element
that builds its image, and its
function from cultural patterns,
the street can be flows,
circulation, routes, as well as
permanence’s, meeting, stay.
BARRIO VALLE DEL LILI:

Grandes lotes verdes de miles de

hectáreas, poco a poco fueron
urbanizándose, las empresas
constructoras a partir del año 50
han ido desarrollando este modelo
de ciudad que les ha dado una gran
rentabilidad a lo largo d ellos años,
en donde el tema de la seguridad es
factor crucial para la decisión de los
ciudadanos al viven en conjuntos
cerrados, además suponiendo una
gran cantidad de personas viviendo
e el mismo terreno, de alguna
manera el consumo de recursos del
suelo disminuye, pero el
cerramiento fomenta la
segregación,
Entre las décadas de los años 50 y
los años 70 fue cuando se
produjeron grandes y evidentes
transformaciones en donde se la
ciudad dispersa se hacía paso,
dejando atrás el modelo compacto
en consecuencia a grandes
decisiones de planificación urbana,
y con ella un nuevo modo
habitacional basado en
urbanizaciones multifamiliares
cerradas con la expansión hacia el
sur de Cali.
La inseguridad objetiva y subjetiva
que caracterizan a un contexto
social no son solo las razones que
han alimentado la proliferación de
esta nueva forma de hacer ciudad,
si no que es un nuevo modelo de
ciudad que se ha ido replicando
como un sello en distintas zonas de
la ciudad, amenazando con la vida
del espacio urbano y la escala
humana.
URBAN FRAGMENT STUDY AREA 1: OLD CITY
The polygon defined the urban cut type 1 for its description and subsequent evaluation is
delimited by the 5th road to the 9th road, and the 8th, and 6th streets. Within this polygon,
it is worth highlighting as important equipment the Municipal Theater
adjoins other facilities such as the Cultural Center of Cali and the Bank of
the Republic of Colombia. The Merced sector is part of the historic
complex of the city along with other neighborhoods such as San Nicolas,
San Pedro, Santa Rosa, San Antonio, and San Bosco. It has a condition of
antiquity a little higher than the other neighborhoods of the historical
sector where tradition holds that in La Merced the first mass was
celebrated, although there is no documentation to support this assertion.
(Municipal planning, 2007)
URBAN FRAGMENT STUDY AREA 2: Modern city
The polygon defined the urban cut type 1 for its description and subsequent evaluation is
delimited by the 5th race to the 9th race, and the 8th, and 6th streets. Within this polygon, it
is worth highlighting as important equipment the Municipal Theater adjoins other facilities
such as the Cultural Center of Cali and the Bank of the Republic of Colombia.
The Merced sector is part of the historic complex of the city along with other
neighborhoods such as San Nicolas, San Pedro, Santa Rosa, San Antonio, and San Bosco. It
has a condition of antiquity a little higher than the other neighborhoods of the historical
sector where tradition holds that in La Merced the first mass was celebrated, although there
is no documentation to support this assertion. (Municipal planning, 2007).
La morfología de los tejidos urbanos son elemento importante de estudio en términos del
espacio público. Es el estudio de la forma física que toma la ciudad, por lo tanto, las
dimensiones, formas, alturas influyes en las formas que toman los recorridos de las
personas, los recorridos visuales y las tipologías de la manzana de tal manera que en
conjunto componen la vida urbana de una ciudad.
La morfología del centro de Cali, como se ha mencionado anteriormente nace en la época
colonial y poco a poco se han modificado en consecuencia al crecimiento de la ciudad, el
siguiente estudio permite evaluar ese cambio en términos de su morfología que deriva de
las distintas normas y nuevas maneras de planificación territorial
MORPHOLOGY IS AN URBAN ASPECT THAT PRODUCES DIFFERENT EFFECTS IN THIS URBAN FABRIC
AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE PUBLIC SPACE IN CALI, THEREFORE THESE EFFECTS ARE
BASED ON THE DYNAMICS AND THE RELATION OR NON-RELATION BETWEEN URBAN ELEMENTS.

Relation between public space and architectural typology

Ambos tejidos urbanos comparten el mismo sistema de trazado urbano, con manzanas distintas
en términos morfológicos y tipológicos. Para cada recorte urbano se encontraron los principales
puntos a tener en cuenta entre la relación calle y tipología.

 Los accesos a las casas de la manzana se encontraban aproximadamente cada 6 mts.

 Hay una relación directa entre la casa y la calle, en donde el andén es el articulador entre
ellas.

Relation between public space and land uses

 El proceso de descentralización de la ciudad dio paso a que el centro en su mayoría fue de

actividad mixta, en la que la mayoría son establecimientos comerciales o de servicio.
 Al ser un sector comercial, los carros parqueados en la vía, invaden parte de la calle.
 Los predios de vivienda abandonadas o que han sido demolidos, tiene como función
solucionar un problema de parqueaderos en la zona al ser comercial.
 No hay un elemento físico como antejardines, rejas, que dividan las edificaciones y la calle.
 La continuidad de la calle se ve afectada por los vendedores ambulantes que se
encuentran en el andén.

Public space according to scale.

 Al ser un sector histórico en su arquitectura, las viviendas al interior del barrio no

sobrepasan los dos pisos de altura.
 Para el centro los andenes oscilan entre los 80cm y 1,10 mts de ancho y las vías máximo de
6 mts de ancho.
 La continuidad de la calle se ve afectada por elementos de señalización para el vehículo, lo
cual se hace difícil el tránsito en las dimensiones del andén.
MORPHOLOGY IS AN URBAN ASPECT THAT PRODUCES DIFFERENT EFFECTS IN THIS URBAN FABRIC
AND THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE PUBLIC SPACE IN CALI, THEREFORE THESE EFFECTS ARE
BASED ON THE DYNAMICS AND THE RELATION OR NON-RELATION BETWEEN URBAN ELEMENTS.

Relation between public space and architectural typology

Ambos tejidos urbanos comparten el mismo sistema de trazado urbano, con manzanas distintas
en términos morfológicos y tipológicos. Para cada recorte urbano se encontraron los principales
puntos a tener en cuenta entre la relación calle y tipología.

 Los accesos a las casas de la manzana se encontraban aproximadamente cada 6 mts.

 Hay una relación directa entre la casa y la calle, en donde el andén es el articulador entre
ellas.

Relation between public space and land uses

 El proceso de descentralización de la ciudad dio paso a que el centro en su mayoría fue de

actividad mixta, en la que la mayoría son establecimientos comerciales o de servicio.
 Al ser un sector comercial, los carros parqueados en la vía, invaden parte de la calle.
 Los predios de vivienda abandonadas o que han sido demolidos, tiene como función
solucionar un problema de parqueaderos en la zona al ser comercial.
 No hay un elemento físico como antejardines, rejas, que dividan las edificaciones y la calle.
 La continuidad de la calle se ve afectada por los vendedores ambulantes que se
encuentran en el andén.

Public space according to scale.

 Al ser un sector histórico en su arquitectura, las viviendas al interior del barrio no

sobrepasan los dos pisos de altura.
 Para el centro los andenes oscilan entre los 80cm y 1,10 mts de ancho y las vías máximo de
6 mts de ancho.
 La continuidad de la calle se ve afectada por elementos de señalización para el vehículo, lo
cual se hace difícil el transito en las dimensiones del andén.
Usually, cities and their spaces are characterized by being public or private, independent of use
and activity, but what’s between this dichotomy present in urban space that composes the city?
How should be that space that mediates between the two spheres? (Sometimes very marked and
separated from each other).

The common, then, would be the middle point where no matter which is the character of the
space, the purpose the common use for the citizens and not exclusive use for those who frequent
it most. This common interface may be loaded with meaning that will give by the same community
depending on the context where is located, in other words, there will be spaces that although
private or public are loaded with collective memory, or sometimes the same collective memory
gives the sense of the common to the spaces, in others they will be loaded with an environmental
value, all with different approaches, but based on a real collective interest.

Even so, the growth of the cities, the arrival of modernization along with the vehicle, and the new
planning regularizations have erased that indispensable threshold for the vitality of the cities, then
the city has become saturated with barriers, that generate limits, barriers that divide, being these
physical and non-physical, then the sense of ownership is marked reaching spaces that become
exclusive for the use of a few by encouraging segregation " The exclusive (and exclusive) right of
property mutates the very meaning of equality: equality in possession becomes the decisive factor
in overcoming disparity. Inequality is thus constitutionalized. Citizenship is concentrated on the
property (Rodotà, 2018).
“La ciudad vital es una ciudad que invita a ser recorrida.”

"The vital city is a city that invites to be toured."

As mentioned above, one of the major problems concerning public space is the lack of
methodologies and tools that allow a study in qualitative terms, which allows more territorialized
investigations and solutions related to each context in which the public space is located. For this
reason, this chapter will specialize in the study of the socio-spatial structure of urban interfaces, its
urban elements, and patterns that allow evidencing the current conditions of public spaces of the
neighborhood la Merced and the neighborhood Valle del Lili, taking some notes from the text:
CLOSE ENCOUNTERS WITH BUILDINGS by Jan Gehl.
Socio-spatial structure:

Public- common and private interfaces:

The interface as a technical language, is the zone of communication of action of one system on
another, in architecture translates into a crucial dimension for the urban design and the achievement
of vital cities, and is key to the social, commercial, and dynamic exchange through "Active edges”
(Bentley, McGlynn, Smith, Alcock, & Murrain, 1985), where relations between the interior-exterior,
public-private take on great importance for the construction of consolidated urban fabrics. In the
last few years, many cities have used this survey tool to measure the attractiveness of a ground floor
as part of their initiatives to create and develop good quality public space, allowing to compare
cities or districts and also be starting points to establish proactive policies that ensure the presence
of attractions that contribute relations between the private and the public. (Gehl et al., 2006)

1. The interviews with the inhabitants of the two urban tissues are key tools that allow us to
visualize the real radiography of the socio-spatial structure of the interfaces and how they
work, understanding what the space called private and public is like, and where common
interfaces can be found between them, in relation to how people live and inhabit it.

2. The information collected is also support for this next step related to the reading of the
accesses, where their classification and their study is made from the condition of their
position:) Their position:

1) Faced (accesses located on the same street)

2) Displaced (access in the same street, but not faced)
3) In pairs: access next to each other.
4) Isolated: a single-street access

3. Subsequently, the accesses are also determinants of the different paths that the
inhabitants usually trace when touring the neighborhoods, having said that, a mapping of
the different routes taken by the inhabitants of each sector of the case studies is made, also
supported with the information obtained. with the interviews.

4. Finally, to qualify how are the edges that the pedestrians of each urban fragment find when
making the paths.
Accesses, paths, and edges:
The journey and the visual experience are opportunities of the improvement of quality of a city
about the achievement of more vital cities, the relationship between interior and exterior while
touring the city are key components in the construction of the urban fabric, therefore, the study of
these allows to recognize the current conditions of urban tissues about routes and visual experiences

The categorization of these edges will be from :

A) Their position:

1) Faced (accesses located on the same street)

2) Displaced (access in the same street, but not faced)
3) In pairs: access next to each other.
4) Isolated: a single-street access

B) Their permeability:

1) Permeable
2) Partially permeable
3) Airtight

CATEGORIES OF
EDGES:
:
FINAL
CONCLUSIONS:
The disarticulation that comes from decisions that are finally translated and represented in physical
elements in the city are reflected for example, in the center of Cali: the forced introduction of
dynamics that respond to the growth of the city such as decentralization and to make the physical
space made at the pedestrian scale, adapted according to the car, without relevant normative that
allow to regulate it, the same happens in the south of the city, a physical barrier between the private
and the public, bounded by a norm that allows it. Then the ownership over the spaces, begins to
destroy the fabric of the city, where there is no room for the common and blurs the collective
interest for which supposedly are made such spaces to the enjoyment of citizenship.

The lack of common sense has taken away the urban life in the cities, in addition to the loss of
identity, as an example, in Cali there is no urban collective memory, the buildings are the symbols
of a memory of the city works as points of reference, but it is forgotten that urban spaces such as the
street and the sidewalks are valuable elements of the collective memory that were born as a
common good and that the title of public space has been deteriorating them little by little, then the
historical buildings are admired and cared for, but not the street.

The ways of studying public interfaces, abandon the fact that in addition to the quantity condition,
the study in terms of quality composes and revitalizes the city, because there are no historical
aspects, dynamics and scales that explain why the space was conceived in such a way that it allows
us to evaluate its attributes.

So, in conclusion the current definition is defined as a public space, it is a definition that in addition
to generic it's not coherent with what actually exists. Then the current regulations in terms of
construction and urban planning should be reformulated, so that the public space of the city takes a
real sense and coincide in an urban articulation of the private with the public. Where the
municipality creates regulations in order with the articulation and revitalization of the public space
and in this way, the city will structure in a coherent way, in such a way that citizens create a link
with all those spaces increasing the citizen’s interest in making decisions, before putting in place
mechanisms of participation, and also to improve the birth of links between the citizen and the
public space designed for them.

In such a way, then more than public space, should be understood as common spaces: spaces
studied, designed and built from and for the interest and collective enjoyment, comfortable and
accessible to all, loaded with environmental value, social value, in such a way that it creates bonds
not only between social groups, but also between citizens and the call for the collective
appropriation of the common good.

La radiografía realizada al espacio urbano a través de los acceso, caminos y bordes junto
con la información obtenida en las entrevistas, permitieron comprender la necesidad de
transformar estos espacios urbanos, no solo en términos físicos, sino también la
caracterización de los espacios y su potencialidad para conectar la ciudad y fomentar
practicas basadas en en una extensión de la interfaz común como canal articulador entre
lo privado y lo público.

En términos generales, vemos que el centro cuenta con unas condiciones menos
favorables en términos de calidad para generar una vida urbana, a pesar de su dinámica
activa, los problemas que encontramos antes como el desalojo del centro y la consecutiva
homogeneización de actividades se ven reflejados en como los habitantes deciden
visitarlo y recórrelo. En el sur de la ciudad, las condiciones de calidad son más favorables,
según los habitantes la infraestructura de parques y zonas verdes son un factor principal
para concebir como vital un barrio. Aun así, estos lugares hacen parte de lo desconocido
para ellos, puesto que se encuentra por fuera de sus comunidades cerradas, entonces al
estar fuera de ellas la percepción de seguridad disminuye.

Por otro lado, es necesario mencionar, que los resultados en términos de calidad tienen
un trasfondo mas profundo, pues el desequilibrio entre las interfaces publicas y privadas,
no permiten que surja otro tipo dinámicas basadas en el bien común, de tal manera que
los ciudadanos se vinculen a espacios en el que se pacten compromisos que les permitan
asumir roles y responsabilidades reduciendo un poco la autoridad de la administración
publica sobre los espacios urbanos de la ciudad.

En el centro:

-Las nuevas normas y definiciones para la planificación de la ciudad han afectado las
dinámicas propias del tejido urbano, deteriorándolo en términos de vitalidad urbana, una
vitalidad que se proporciona a través de diversos factores en los cuales el centro no tiene
unas buenas condiciones.

-Es difícil la lectura de espacios que en el que haya una buena relación entre las interfaces
públicas, privadas para producir una tercera interfaz basada en el bien común que se
pueda oponer tanto a la propiedad como a la soberanía, emergiendo una nueva racionalidad
basada en los vínculos sociales que existen sobre los bienes. (Rodotà, 2016, p. 115),

-La condición histórica y cultural del centro ha sido desplazada por la proliferación de
actividades comerciales, lo que produce que las personas tengan designados puntos de
destino dentro del centro ya sean servicios de bancos, de salud o comercio, alejando el
interés por conocerlo, recorrerlo y crear vínculos que perciban su valor.

-Los bienes comunes del centro, por su condición históricos deberían ser producidos en
pro a la construcción de una memoria colectiva que le de valor no solo al patrimonio
arquitectónico de los edificios, sino también espacios que evoquen las dinámicas del
pasado, de tal manera que las personas creen buenas experiencias a la hora de recorrer el
centro.

-El centro ha sido uno de los tantos tejidos urbanos de la ciudad afectados por la llegada
y la prioridad dada a los carros y a la motos, entonces la movilidad peatonal se hace
difícil, ya que la dimensión de sus andenes que hacen parte de un perfil urbano trazado
bajo dinámicas propias de una época, actualmente se encuentre con muchos obstáculos
y elementos poco agradables para su transito peatonal e incluso para el mismo vehículo.

-Cuando las condiciones del entorno no son buenas, es difícil que las personas recorran
el lugar, lo disfruten y se apropien de el, entonces, la imagen de la ciudad que alguna vez
fue, se disipa por las nuevas formas de producir los espacios, reduciendo así la memoria
colectiva a la presencia de unos cuantos edificios y casas, pero la esencia del patrimonio
urbano y sus dinámicas se desvanece a medida que la ciudad crece.

En realidad la reja no es la que brinda la sensación de seguridad , lo que aporta la el

sentirse seguro, es la sensación de confinamiento y protección de lo diferente o lo
desconocido, si esta delimitación se transforma por algo mas permeable o activo, el
tema del confinamiento y la sensación de seguridad no cambian.

En barrios como valle del lili, que son el reflejo del crecimiento de la ciudad, y que en
este tejido urbano, la rja no solo afecta a quienes viven dentro de ella sino también a los
de afuera. Es un elemento que delimita y como consecuencia segrega comunidades.

Al segregar comunidades, no se evidencian espacios que sean utilizados por miembros

de distintas comunidades, ya que no sienten la necesidad hacerlo, además la sensación
de confinamiento y protección que sienten dentro de sus comunidades cerradas hacen
que lo que esta al otro lado de las rejas sea lo desconocido y poco seguro para ellos.

Esa sensación de seguridad además aporta una exclusividad en los espacios, en los que
la gente se siente segura, además de lo anterior mencionado, que es que se supone que
las personas que habitan en el mismo conjunto cerrado tienen el mismo poder
económico, por lo tanto, no sienten amenazas frente a la protección de sus bienes. Les
brinda una sensación de creer conocer a quienes tienen de vecinos.

Dentro de estas comunidades cerradas existen espacios comunes, pero NO basados en

un bien común, puesto que no son accesibles a todos y quienes toman roles y
responsabilidades son residentes de la misma comunidad. Son espacios que por su
condición de encerramiento no propician un bien común a escala ciudad. (Rodotà, 2016)
 La idea básica es que la gestión del uso urbano cívico y colectivo
debe ser una gestión compartida: el gobierno debe ser el administrador de la propiedad, proporcionando así
mantenimiento y creando las condiciones para una sociedad y cultural donde la comunidad pueda ejercer sus
derechos colectivos autorregulados para el uso de la propiedad que, en muchos casos, contribuyeron a traer de
vuelta al disfrute público. DE TAL MANERA QUE LAS OTRAS PRACTUCAS DE URBANISMO
REFERENTES A LA PROP Y SE A PRIV A PUBLICA CONTRIBUYAN A TRAER DE VUELTA ESE
DISFRUTE PUBLICO . (Rodotà, 2018)

Agencia de Ecología Urbana Barcelona, B. (2010). PLAN DE INDICADORES DE SOSTENIBILIDAD URBANA

DE VITORIA-GASTEIZ.

Aprile-Gniset, J. (1991). La Ciudad Colombiana Prehispanica, de conquista e indiana: Vol. Tomo I

(Talleres gráficos Banco Popular, Ed.).

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La necesidad de poner en cuestión las definiciones actuales relacionadas con el espacio
publico de la ciudad de Cali hace imprescindible un análisis que permita entender que se
entiende por espacio público, cuáles son sus características, como ha sido su
transformación no solo morfológica, si no también en sus dinámicas sociales, a través de
dos tejidos urbanos temporalmente distintos, para finalmente observar las consecuencias
de la llegada de la normativa.

Si bien esta normativa, es necesaria para saber una parte de cómo funciona la ciudad,
pero evidentemente no es suficiente para abarcar todos los procesos urbanos que
componen la ciudad, además de esto, es importante saber cómo se les llaman a las
cosas en cada momento. El Espacio público nace como definición a partir del decreto
1504 de 1998 y se consolida con el plan de ordenamiento territorial del 2000 y el 2014,
de esta manera es necesario mencionar y entender que hay un antes y un después que
suponen la transformación de las superficies urbanas de los dos tejidos urbanos. La
retrospectiva a las dinámicas de la ciudad colonial permitió entender que no había una
noción que funcione desde el llamado espacio público como se conoce actualmente y
que la representación física de estas dinámicas sigue vigente pero modificadas gracias a
lo normativamente estipulado.

En retrospectiva con la metodología realizada a través de la comparación físico espacial

y socio- espacial se pudo concluir que:

- Las actuales herramientas y los mecanismos para medir o estudiar la ciudad en relación
con el espacio público, se reducen a términos cuantitativos: se define que hay un déficit
y la tarea es entonces disminuir ese déficit, pero los espacios actuales y los proyectados,
carecen de un carácter cualitativo que permita profundizar valorando los atributos de
los espacios actuales, entendiendo las lógicas propias en las que fueron concebidos o
donde van a tener lugar.

-La necesidad de entender cómo funcionan estos espacios actualmente implica analizar
la forma física de los tejidos urbanos, puesto que estos elementos permiten visualizar las
trasformaciones que la ciudad ha tenido. Con las nuevas formas de ocupar los espacios,
la clasificación de los usos del suelo, han modificado de forma evidente las dinámicas del
centro histórico, lo que conllevo uno de los momentos históricos claves del crecimiento
de la ciudad como lo es la gradual descentralización y una posterior expansión hacia el
sur.

- CON EL ESTUDIO MORFOLOGICO realizado, fue evidente que el centro ha sido uno de
los tantos tejidos urbanos de la ciudad afectados por la llegada y la prioridad dada a los
carros y a la motos, entonces la movilidad peatonal se hace difícil, ya que la dimensión
de sus andenes que hacen parte de un perfil urbano trazado bajo dinámicas propias de
una época, actualmente se encuentre con muchos obstáculos y elementos poco
agradables para su tránsito peatonal e incluso para el mismo vehículo, a lo anterior se
suma la modificación de las alturas, la homogenización de usos y actividades han traído
condiciones no favorables a este tejido urbano. En la ciudad actual, formada después del
POT, se puede hablar de un ESPACIO PUBLICO COMO PROYECTO URBANO.

-Se encuentra la “reja” como barrera y elemento delimitador producido por los conjuntos
cerrados y la vivienda como uso predominante, limitando la diversidad de
portadores de información en todas las partes del sistema urbano.
(Rueda & Departament de Medi Ambient de la Generalitat, 1999)

-Las regulaciones para organizar la ciudad han acentuado los limites entre las interfaces
públicas y privadas privándolas de un dialogo entre ellas mas sutil y amigable de tal
manera que permita la construcción de una ciudad con tejido más sólido, de ahí, es
necesario que la ciudad sea accesible, permeable de tal manera que la ciudad se
convierta en una red de puntos en donde sucede el encuentro con el otro diferente a las
esferas privadas, entendiendo que el encuentro con lo desconocido no es sinónimo de
inseguridad.

-La distinción entre lo privado y lo publico a dejado a un lado el valor del bien común que
va más allá de estas dos interfaces, Los bienes comunes en palabras de Rodotá pertenecen a
nadie, son accesibles a todos, ninguno puede apoderarse de derechos exclusivos, su titularidad es
difusa

-Las formas en que las personas habitan y recorren los espacios dependen mucho de la
permeabilidad de los bordes de las manzanas que son condicionadas por la cantidad de
accesos, visibilidad y nivel de relación entre el interior y el exterior, de esta manera, la
percepción de seguridad también aumenta o disminuye.

La CIUDAD ANTIGUA NO PUDE SER UN PRODUCTO DE LA CIUDAD ACTUAL:

Finalmente, el sistema anden-calle no debería ser el mismo para los dos tejidos urbanos,
de esta manera se están obviando lógicas propias de cada tejido, y una pretensión de
que la ciudad deba funcionar igual y en función al vehículo. La generalización de la idea
de espacio público definida por la normativa no ha generado una condición favorable en
términos de desarrollo urbano. En la ciudad antigua no puedo medir ni entender lo que
se le llama espacio público con los instrumentos actuales.
 A partir de lo definido como espacio público, en donde exponen que son
Espacios que se proyectan en pro de la satisfacción de necesidades urbanas
colectivas en los espacios en los que el interés colectivo sea manifiesto,
compuesto por los espacios públicos de valor ambiental, encuentro y recreación y
movilidad, que cuenten con calidad en términos de accesibilidad, seguridad y
confort.

Encontramos que en el centro no es evidente Espacios que se proyectan en pro de la

satisfacción de necesidades urbanas colectivas y que además no existe espacios
en los que el interés colectivo se manifiesten más allá del encuentro con otro. No
hay espacios públicos de valor ambiental, recreación ni de buena movilidad además
de que se excluye totalmente la idea espacio temporal que supone un carácter
histórico y por ende un potencial en reforzar la memoria colectiva de los
ciudadanos, esta memoria se reduce a los edificios de patrimonio arquitectónico
como puntos de referencia, pero se olvida que los espacios urbanos como la calle
y el andén son elementos valiosos como imagen física de lo que alguna vez fue la
ciudad, se admiran y se cuidan los edificios, pero la condición calle-anden no. Y
finalmente, el poco esfuerzo de la ciudad por querer preservar el espacio urbano
histórico como un todo y no solo edificios, hace que las condiciones de
accesibilidad, seguridad y confort no sean las mejores.

La definición entonces, no es coherente con la realidad de la ciudad tradicional, puesto

que en ningún lado expone el interés en entender que hay espacios urbanos en el que su
condición espacio temporal los emplazan en un tiempo histórico de lógicas propias, la
normativa lo que hace es adaptar esa condición histórica a lo que sucede actualmente,
siendo este un error grave.

Lo interesante de la investigación, es que además de encontrar que no es adecuado el

concepto de espacio público aplicado en la ciudad histórica, TAMPOCO lo es en la ciudad
planificada bajo sus regulaciones:

El espacio público del barrio valle del Lili, esta bien dotado de espacios amplios de fácil
accesibilidad y confort, tienen valor ambiental, recreación y movilidad como bien lo dice
el concepto. El problema está en que NO HAY PEROSNAS QUE SIENTAN LA NECESIDAD
DE UTILIZAR ESTOS ESPACIOS, no existe un interés por querer propiciar encuentro con el
otro, y relacionarse con lo desconocido, pues las barreras impuestas por los conjuntos
cerrados y la exclusividad, produce una segregación entre comunidades, que se debaten
entre lo que es seguro e inseguro, en otras palabras, otra vez aquí vemos que no son
espacios proyectados en pro de la satisfacción de necesidades urbanas colectivas y que
además no hay interés colectivo.

Se hace imperativo retomar el sentido profundo de la época de la colonia de la ciudad, donde los
espacios urbanos funcionaban desde el carácter común debido a que no habían titularidades sobre
los espacios, y estos espacios estaban abiertos a diversidad de actividades (donde se rezaba, se
festejaba, se hacían mercados), y la calle era ese elemento básico de uso colectivo en donde también
la vida urbana continuaba, era también punto de encuentro, de celebración, de flujos y no habían
obstáculos por las imposiciones que hoy vemos debidas al crecimiento de las ciudades.

A diferencia del ahora denominado "hoy espacio público" (definición a la que le daremos otra
idea) en donde actualmente carece de un carácter común, porque si bien está a la disposición de
todos, todos podemos acceder a él, pero es necesario comprender en qué momento estos
espacios van más allá de la interfaz de lo público, en qué momento propician situaciones en donde
la comunidad asuma roles y distribuyan la responsabilidad y el manejo entre ellos y la
administración municipal.

es decir, que el manejo del espacio público en la ciudad va más allá de los términos cuantitativos,
porque puede haber mucho espacio público, lo cual es muy favorable, pero en términos de
calidad, ¿qué le ofrece al ciudadano para que este pueda tener un sentido de pertenencia? (por
ejemplo, en el caso de los espacios alrededores de los conjuntos cerrados) y como hacer esos
espacios urbanos reaviven el sentido de pertenencia, revitalizando la memoria colectiva (en el
caso de la ciudad antigua en el centro de Cali).

Entonces para que el sentido de pertenencia y el reavivo por la memoria colectiva pueda
incrementar, es necesario que desarrollen espacios basados en lo común y no solo los espacios
mismos. Las edificaciones en el contexto urbano, las formas de planificar la ciudad, los usos del
suelo, deben ser canales que propicien el desarrollo de estos espacios.

Finalmente lo que me doy cuenta al buscar estos espacios en los dos fragmentos urbanos que
estoy analizando, es difícil leer espacios basados en el caracter común, y los que he resaltado
hasta ahora son espacios públicos en donde lo común solo se queda en el que pueden acceder
todos pero no son espacios que promuevan el desarrollo de roles y la consecución de regla y
compromisos para el manejo y cuidado de estos, “De esta forma, la comunidad de referencia no
es sólo a cargo de «lo que en otros tiempos se habría descrito como la capacidad de autogestión
[...], sino también la oportunidad mucho más importante de definir de manera independiente las
reglas básicas de uso-apropiación del bien común» (Capone, 2017)

No obstante, para darle respuesta al objetivo de dar una idea relacionada al espacio
público que no está, es necesario aclarar que las superficies urbanas publicas de las
ciudades son espacios que tienen unas coordenadas, que además están ligadas a la
dimensión temporal, siendo esta una característica crucial y que la continua
transformación de la ciudad supone entonces una reformulación continua en la
definición de estos espacios, pues cada ves surgen nuevas situaciones o se descubren
elementos que antes no se habían percibido. En este caso expongo la importancia del
caracter histórico del paso de los espacios comunes de la colonia a espacios públicos de
la modernidad y como estos deben ser manejados basados en el bien común para su
buen funcionamiento, en donde al pisar estos espacios antiguos, se cree la conciencia
que estos lugares son los que nos liga a la ciudad del pasado, en algunos puntos la
arquitectura se pudo haber sustituido o modificado pero el espacio urbano de carácter
público tiene la vocación de perseverar, de tener un legado y finalmente recoger
memoria.

Dicho esto, la idea del espacio público se debería tomar en cuenta como: superficies de
carácter público que se proyectan basados en el bien común en pro de la satisfacción de
las necesidades urbanas colectivas para que el interés colectivo sea manifiesto,
estableciendo vínculos con los ciudadanos y por ende contribuyan a la construcción de
una identidad colectiva a partir del sentido de pertenencia , así mismo, asimilando la
condición espacio temporal que implica lógicas propias que propicien el encuentro del
ciudadano y la historia como soporte a la consolidación de una memoria colectiva.

Por último, para que todo esto pueda funcionar es necesario formular dos grandes
situaciones:

1. La idea básica es que la gestión del uso urbano cívico y colectivo

debe ser una gestión compartida: el gobierno debe ser el administrador de la propiedad,
proporcionando así mantenimiento y creando las condiciones para una sociedad y cultural
donde la comunidad pueda ejercer sus derechos colectivos autorregulados para el uso de
la propiedad que, en muchos casos, contribuyeron a traer de vuelta al disfrute público.
(Capone, 2017), es necesaria la distribución de responsabilidades entre la administración
municipal y los ciudadanos, de tal manera que haya una participación activa en pro a la
construcción de pactos basados en la democracia participativa que fijen los roles de cada
actor bajo la idea del co-management.
2. Re formular los modelos de planificar la ciudad: Es importante regular de una mejor
manera las decisiones proyectuales de quienes están encargados de construir en la ciudad,
de modo que sea imperativo reforzar la vida urbana hasta el punto que la gente pueda
circular, pueda caminar y pasar tiempo en los parques, plazas, zonas verdes y de esta
manera la seguridad real o en términos de percepción, mejorará. En adición a lo anterior, un
factor importante dentro de este tema es el diseño y disposición de la planta baja de un
edificio, pues este tiene un impacto de gran escala en términos del desarrollo de la vida
urbana, con gestos como este es posible lograr que nuestro papel dentro del desarrollo de la
ciudad sea notable en el momento de la toma de decisiones de política pública y
construcción de la ciudad apuntando al interés general de la población en donde la vida
urbana desplace la ciudad fraccionada.