Unidad 3
Unidad 3
Unidad 3
2. The hearer must be given sufficient means to identify the object from the
speaker’s utterance of the expression.
Since the hearer can be given any number of means to identify the intended object,
the reference of a term in a particular context depends on the speaker (and also of
course, if it is successful, on the hearer), not on the term itself. Codes are perhaps
the most obvious example of the fact that it is the speaker, not the expression itself,
which refers.
- A code is a speech-style in which speaker and hearer have agreed to
reassign conventional referents (and senses).
Imagine a kitchen in which rubbish was placed in a plastic bag hanging on hooks
behind the door of a cupboard under the sink. We can easily imagine that this might
be referred to as the bin, even though the sense of the noun bin is in no way simply
that of a plastic bag. (Of course, if the sense of bin is “receptacle of any kind of
rubbish”, then bin will be used here in a way compatible with its sense.)
The variability of reference is even more deep-seated in language than these
examples suggest. If we reflect on real discourse, which along with “literal” uses of
language also contains metaphors, ironical statements, exaggerations and many
other types of non-standard reference, it will soon become obvious that the
referential scope of words is extremely large.
Given the right conditions, any word can be used to refer to any referent.
This poses a considerable challenge to the theory of sense. If a word’s reference is
determined by its sense, then the range of reference that any word may have is
extremely wide. As a result, the characterisation of sense will have to be broad
enough to accommodate all the referential possibilities.
If a given word can refer to any referent, we need to distinguish its typical, expected
referents from its atypical, unexpected ones. More importantly, we need to
distinguish between successful and correct acts of reference.
- If an act of reference is successful, it succeeds in identifying the referent to the
hearer.
- Discourse deixis, which refers to other elements of the discourse in which the
deictic expression occurs (A: You stole the cash. B: That’s a lie).
All languages have at least two deictically contrastive demonstratives:
- The this demonstrative is usually called a proximal.
- The that demonstrative is called a distal.
3.3 DICTIONARY AND ENCYCLOPAEDIA
Many linguists have wanted to distinguish the knowledge that we have of a word’s
meaning (sense) from the knowledge we might have about its denotation (the set of
things it refers to).
This is a pretheoretically-intuitive distinction: all of us know many things about frogs,
but something seems wrong about regarding this information as part of the meaning
of frog (frogs as enchanted princes or frogs often offensively associated by English
speakers with French people…)
There are many English speakers who do not know these things about frogs, but
who can correctly refer to frogs. This contrasts with speakers of other languages, or
with learners of English who have not yet learned the word frog, who may know
these things about frogs, but do not yet know what the English word frog means.
It would seem, then, that there is a firm line between knowledge of a word’s meaning
and knowledge of the factual information about the word’s denotation.
3.3.1 KNOWLEDGE OF MEANING AND KNOWLEDGE OF FACTS
Dictionary vs. encyclopaedia aspects of meaning: the distinction between:
- The knowledge of a word’s meaning (dictionary knowledge), which would be
conceived of as something fairly concise, perhaps like a dictionary definition.
- Encyclopaedic knowledge of facts about the objects to which the word refers.
Dictionary knowledge is knowledge of the essential meaning of a word that all
speakers must possess, and which dictionaries must accurately represent.
Encyclopaedic knowledge, by contrast, is not essential to the meaning of the word
and will vary significantly from speaker to speaker.
Encyclopaedic knowledge is not linguistic in nature: it does not determine any of a
word’s linguistic behaviour. The question of which elements of this type of
information associated with a given word are relevant to any situation is decided by
general pragmatics principles.
Encyclopaedic knowledge seems to be quite independent of dictionary knowledge:
thus, I need not know anything about fairy tales or the Australian water-holding frog
in order to be able to use the word frog.
Furthermore, it has been assumed that such distinction must be psychologically
realistic. If all of the encyclopaedic information associated with a word were part of
its meaning, this would surely be too much for the brain to process.
3.3.2 PROBLEMS WITH THE DICTIONARY-ENCYCLOPAEDIA DISTINCTION
The dictionary-encyclopaedia distinction is not accepted by many linguists. This is
largely because the boundary between the two seems to be highly permeable, even
non-existent.
It is very hard to determine where information stops being part of a word’s dictionary
meaning and becomes part of the encyclopaedic knowledge we have of its
denotation.
TIME FOR SOME PRACTICE!
Which of the following pieces of information, for example, should be
considered dictionary information about the meaning of the word cow, and
which as facts about cows which form part of the encyclopaedic knowledge
we have about them?
They are mammals.
They moo.
They eat grass.
They are four-legged.
They have large eyes.
They live in fields and dairies.
They sometimes wear cowbells.
They are often farmed for their milk.
They have several stomachs.
Their young are called calves in English.
They incubate Mad Cow Disease for three to five years if infected.
They chew their food slowly.
For example, some people do not know that tomatoes are, strictly speaking, fruit and
not vegetables. Someone may say:
(20) Get me some tomatoes and other fruit.
Cognitive linguists, such as Langaker, claim that not all facets of our knowledge of an
entity have equal status: the multitude of specifications that figure in our
encyclopaedic conception of an entity forms a gradation in terms of centrality.
Some bits of information are central, and some are peripheral. But it is impossible to
choose a specific point along with this gradation to draw a line between central
(linguistic) information and the rest.
This sort of position has some significant methodological and theoretical
consequences: it problematises the notion of the meaning of a word.
Since any fact known about a referent may become linguistically significant, the
traditional linguistic semantic project of describing the lexical entry associated with
each lexeme becomes an unending task, each lexical entry being, in principle,
infinite.